¦¦' ::¦¦¦'¦ •' ¦¦:¦ ' ¦¦ : . ' 1. ' ,1 >¦ »!>•:'.'., \; ¦¦,¦;¦ ¦ o^ 1*2 THE BAMPTON LECTURES FOR M.DCCC.LXIX. PROPHECY A PREPARATION FOR CHRIST EIGHT LECTURES PEBACHED BEFOEE THE UNIVEESITY OP OXFORD m THE YEAE 1869 ON THE FOUNDATION OF THE LATE EEV. JOHN BAMPTON, M.A. CANON OF SALISBURY BY R. PAYNE SMITH, D.D. REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY AND CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD MACMILLAN AND CO. 1869 [All rights reserved] OXFOED: BY T. COMBE, M.A., B. B. GARDNER, E. P. HALL, AND H. LATHAM, M.A., PRINTERS TO THB UNIVEESITY. EXTRACT FROM THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF THE LATE REV. JOHN BAMPTON, CANON OF SALISBUEY. " I give and bequeath my Lands and Estates to the " Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University of " Oxford for ever, to have and to hold all and singular the " said Lands or Estates upon trust, and to the intents and " purposes hereinafter mentioned; that is to say, I will and " appoint that the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ox- " ford for the time being shall take and receive all the rents, " issues, and profits thereof, and (after all taxes, reparations, " and necessary deductions made) that he pay all the re- " mainder to the endowment of eight Divinity Lecture Ser- " mons, to be established for ever in the said University, and " to be performed in the manner following : " I direct and appoint, that, upon the first Tuesday in " Easter Term, a Lecturer be yearly chosen by the Heads " of Colleges only, and by no others, in the room adjoining " to the Printing-House, between the hours of ten in the " morning and two in the afternoon, to preach eight Divinity " Lecture Sermons, the year following, at St. Mary's in " Oxford, between the commencement of the last month in " Lent Term, and the end of the third week in Act Term. vi EXTRACT FE.OM CANON BAMPTON S WILL. " Also I direct and appoint, that the eight Divinity Lecture " Sermons shall be preached upon either of the following Sub- " jects — to confirm and establish the Christian Faith, and to " confute all heretics and schismatics — upon the divine au- " thority of the holy Scriptures — upon the authority of the " writings of the primitive Fathers, as to the fjaith and prac- " tice of the primitive Church — upon the Divinity of our Lord " and Saviour Jesus Christ — upon the Divinity of the Holy " Ghost — upon the Articles of the Christian Faith, as compre- " hended in the Apostles' and Nicene Creeds. " Also I direct, that thirty copies of the eight Divinity Lec- " ture Sermons shall be always printed, within two months " after they are preached ; and one copy shall be given to the " Chancellor of the University, and one copy to the Head of " every College, and one copy to the Mayor of the city of " Oxford, and one copy to be put into the Bodleian Library ; " and the expense of printing them shall be paid out of the " revenue of the Land or Estates given for establishing the " Divinity Lecture Sermons ; and the Preacher shall not be " paid, nor be entitled to the revenue, before they are " printed. " Also I direct and appoint, that no person shall be quali- " fied to preach the Divinity Lecture Sermons, unless he hath " taken the degree of Master of Arts at least, in one of the " two Universities of Oxford or Cambridge ; and that the " same person shall never preach the Divinity Lecture Ser- " mons twice." PREFACE. IT has been my object in the following course of Lectures to show that there exists in the Old Testament an element, which no criticism on natural istic principles can either account for or explain away. That element is Prophecy : and I have endeavoured to prove that its force does not consist merely in its predictions. These are numerous, special, precise, and have been fulfilled with mar vellous exactness, and yet not in such a way as any one, Jew or Gentile, had expected before the fulfilment came. But prophecy means more than this. There is throughout the Old Testament a special presence of God preparing for the fulfil ment of a gracious purpose on His part to restore man to a higher state of perfection and happiness than that from which he fell. The Bible begins by describing man as standing in a nearer relation to God than any other created being on this earth. It describes his first estate of innocency, his fall, and the promise given by God of his restoration. viii PREFACE. We assert that throughout the Old Testament there is an express and manifest working of the Deity for the accomplishment of this promise. Virtually the promise meant that God would give man a true religion : and a true religion implies such a knowledge of God, and of His purposes towards us, and of our relation to Him, as will suffice for the wants of the soul. It implies, too, the bestowal of sufficient aid to enable us to fulfil our obligations to God, and of some means for the purification of the conscience from the stain of sin, and for the raising of the soul from its present degradation to a fitness for the reception of God's mercies. We assert that Christianity is the sole religion upon earth which fulfils these necessary conditions : and farther, that God has given us the sole satisfactory proof that it is the true religion by pledging His own attributes in its behalf. This pledge He has given in miracle and pro phecy, and without it the proof would fall short of our needs. For no religion could claim authority over the conscience which had no higher evidence to offer than the probabilities of human reasoning. There may be such a thing as a merely natural religion, and for such no supernatural proof would be required. But if we are to be brought into nearer contact with God, and find our peace and happiness in union with Him, we want all that Christianity offers us ; all that we seem to find in it. But the whole scheme of Christianity is super- PREFACE. natural, and for such a religion a preparation like that in the Old Testament — a preparation commen surate in its greatness with the Christian faith — ¦ was necessary. Men could not have believed in a doctrine so marvellous as that of the Divinity of Christ unless the way had been prepared for it by a dispensation in which God's presence was manifested in a supernatural way. -v One portion of this proof was discussed with great ability in the Bampton Lectures of 1865 s: I have endeavoured to show the reality of the other portion, prophecy. But prophecy must not be nar rowed down too closely to words. The prophets were God's representatives on earth, and the media tors between Him and man. And thus in the comparison between our Lord and Moses, it seems to me that our Lord is the prophet like unto Moses, more in being the true Mediator between God and man, than even in being the giver of a new dis pensation. All the prophets were mediators, but none held so high a place as Moses among God's representatives under the first covenant : in the second covenant Christ is the one Mediator in Whom God and man are made one (John xvii. 21). Pro phets, then, we have none now, because we need no other mediator. In the preparatory dispensa tion it was the business of the prophet to appear for God whenever any step was to be taken forward in the accomplishment of God's purpose. No doubt » Eight Lectures on Miracles, by J. B. Mozley, B.D., Vicar of Old Shoreham, London, 1865. PREFACE. the very highest duty and glory of the prophet was to declare some new truth, or explain some old truth. He was then directly 'the speaker for God/ the bearer of God's message : but God might and did use the prophets for other purposes. They laboured for the preservation of Israel's political existence, for morality, for education, for everything that tended to raise the social condition of God's people. Finally, they laboured for all mankind, in giving us a record of Israel's history, and written memorials of the truths revealed to them. In these memorials they ever led the minds of the people onward to the time when the preparation would be complete, and God's promise fulfilled in the Advent of the Christ. It is especially in this por tion of their labours that we affirm that God's Spirit was with them in a higher way than in His ordinary and natural workings. Whatever new truth they taught, was revealed to them directly by God, and not attained to by the unaided work ings of their mental powers : in recording or explain- j ing old truths we feel sure that they had such aid given them as at least preserved them from error ; that even in writing history, where the higher gift of revelation was not needed, yet they were inspired. Now it is plain from this that such of us as believe in inspiration can never consent to treat the Bible as an ordinary book. In one sense, indeed, it is a matter of painful necessity that it must be so treated. It must be subjected to exactly the PREFACE. same tests as any other document. Its claims are a matter of such incalculable importance to every one of us, that they must be closely and critically examined : every possible argument for and against the authenticity and genuineness of every book of the Bible must be closely studied : history, chro nology, philology, must all be made to contribute their aid to the enquiry. Subjective criticism, too, has a right to be heard. The style of these various writings, their inner accord or disagreement, their relation to their supposed date, the knowledge evinced by the writer, the nature of his ideas, his character as incidentally shown by what he says, and his object in writing : all these and many more such things have their weight in the proof. The examination ought to be made seriously, earnestly, impartially, but even where made with hostile view, we yet may be glad that it has been made. For if the Bible be the Word of God, our duty is to bow our wills humbly and obediently before it. But a being made in God's image has no right to abandon his self-mastery except upon the clearest evidence. We may be glad, then, that the examina tion has been made, and the claims of the Bible closely scrutinized, even if our own reverence for it forbids our entering upon the task. If, indeed, we were placed in such a position, as that our minds could be a tabula rasa, utterly devoid of all pre possessions and ideas one way or another, it would be our duty at once to enter dispassionately upon the enquiry, whether there be a true religion upon PREFACE. earth, and if so, which of the various religions here below is the true one, and what is the extent of its claims upon us. We none of us can possibly be in this position, and those of us who have long since arrived at the conclusion that Christianity is God's one religion, may reasonably decline, as far as our own faith is concerned, to re-open a question upon which we have years ago come, upon sufiicient evidence, to a definite conclusion. But there are those who have arrived at an oppo site conclusion, and those who are still undecided as to their own duty, and the side which they ought to take. New arguments have been brought forward against the credibility of Holy Scripture, and they do not know what weight ought to be given them. It is necessary, therefore, to examine these arguments, and to state what seem to be valid reasons for adhering to the conclusion that the Bible is, unlike all other books, a book of miracle and prophecy. There are, indeed, critics who deny the use of argument alto gether. With them the conclusion is foregone. They assert that miracle and prophecy are absolutely im possible. It is of no use suggesting that the giving of a true religion may be an adequate cause for such an interference — or apparent interference — with the ordinary laws of nature as would give man the requisite proof that God was speaking to him. No cause, they .say, is adequate. The soul cannot be of such value as to justify any interference with the laws of nature. Those laws 'are found to be, in things material, unchanging. They must there- PREFACE. fore be so in things spiritual. The laws that are good enough for the body are good enough for the soul. I do not mean that they use just these words ; but that, arguing solely from their experience in things material, they do deny the possibility of God's acting in any higher way in the things which belong to an entirely different sphere. Into this argument it is not necessary for me to enter farther than as it concerns prophecy. Of course prophecy is a miracle ; the very thing for which we argue is a supernatural presence of God in the words and actions of certain persons who claimed to speak in God's name. Such a claim must be supported by a supernatural proof, and the proof could take no simpler or more cogent form than prediction. The negative critics do not examine this proof ; they start with the denial of the possibility of God speaking to man at all. By their own principles, then, they are bound to affirm that every precise prophecy is either an imposture or an artifice. It may take the form of a prediction, but really must be subsequent to the event which it pro fesses to foretell. Isaiah, in the very ^place where he predicts the capture of Babylon by Cyrus (xii. 23, 25, xliv. 25, 26), stakes his whole argument for God's unity and the vanity of idols upon the fact that the predictions of Jehovah's messengers were confirmed by the event, and that those of the worshippers of idols proved false. According to the negative critics, that appeal was a specious hypocrisy, and the pretended prophecy of the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus, and of Jerusalem rebuilt by his decree, is proof enough PREFACE. that the last twenty-seven chapters of Isaiah are a forgery, palmed upon the too credulous Jews by some one who wrote at Babylon at the end of the exile. If the principle were true, critics, having thus dis covered the key to settle the date of each portion of Holy Scripture, would in time arrive at some settled conclusions. There would be a consensus among them, or an approach to one, and absolute results would be obtained. If they could not always tell exactly when a book was forged, scholars would at least be certain that it was a forgery. No reasonable man doubts that the Epistles of Phalaris are a forgery ; no one doubts that the history of Susannah, and of Bel and the Dragon, are forgeries tacked on to the Book of Daniel at Alexandria ; no one doubts that the Gospel of the Infancy, or the Assumption of the Virgin, are for geries. Fortunately, forgeries are always very easy of detection, and those of ancient date especially so ; for men then had neither the means nor the idea of imitating the style and language of other days. But the negative critics agree in nothing else except in denying the authority and inspiration of the Bible. When you ask for any positive results you find a Babel of Ihmaels. Every man's tongue is against every other. If Ewald ascribes Psalm ex. to the time of Solomon, Hitzig, a critic of almost equal reputa tion, ascribes it to the time of the Maccabee Jonathan. Hitzig says that the last six chapters of Zechariah were written by one and the same author in the days of King Uzziah ; Ewald divides them between two different authors, who lived separated from one PREFACE. another by a period of one hundred and forty years. Ewald ascribes to the age of Jeremiah portions of Isaiah which Hitzig says are some of the most ancient writings of that prophet himself. The Prophecy of Obadiah, according to Ewald, was written during the Babylonian captivity ; Hitzig says it belongs to the time of Antigonus b. If the results arrived at by the negative critics are thus unsatisfactory, we are justified in inferring that their method is in fault. In spite of the great ability and patient labour of a host of critics, no such conclusions have been obtained as justify their assumption that prophecy is antecedently impossible. It is still a duty, then, to examine the other hypo thesis, that God has spoken to man in the Scriptures, and sift carefully the evidence offered in its behalf. And here we affirm that the prophecies contained in the Old Testament are so numerous, so entirely in woven with its innermost substance, so consentient with one another, and yet so contrary to the whole b See Hofmann, Weissagung, i. 63. He further shows how the same critics arrive at different conclusions in each edition of their works. De Wette began by ascribing numerous Psalms to the Maccabsean age ; subsequently he summarily rejected such a con clusion. Psalm xiv. at first he said was written in the time of the Persians, afterwards he ascribed it to the age of Solomon. The second half of Zechariah he once thought was written some of it in Josiah's days, and the rest under Ahaz ; soon he modified his views, and could see no reason for a divided authorship. Nor, as he observes, are the critics more successful on the ground of philo sophy than on that of history. Conradi and Bauer see in the Book of Proverbs a genuine work of Solomon's time ; while Vatke places it and the Book of Job in the fifth century before our Lord. PREFACE. tenour of Jewish thought, so marvellously fulfilled in Christianity, and yet in a way so different from every anticipated fulfilment, that while it is unscien tific to refuse to listen to the proof of their reality because of any a priori supposition, it is even worse folly to speak of them as mere forecasts and anticipa tions. The argument for prophecy does not rest upon a small number of special predictions, but upon a vast preparation for an equally vast result. That pre paration claimed to be divine, and offered miracle and prediction as its proof. Farther, it ever asserted that it was but a preparation for something better, and described the nature of the dispensation which was to take its place. Let the critics, then, disprove the real inner unity between tlie two Testaments ; let them show that the Christian Church does not answer to, and complete and perfect the earlier dis pensation. Till they do this, it is in vain to put forward the negative criticism as fairly commensurate with the greatness of the thesis which it undertakes to prove. The Bible, it says, is an ordinary book ; its miracles are contrary to science ; its prophecies the record of facts that had already happened. But they assume all this ; they do not attempt to prove it. Surely a criticism of the Bible upon these assumptions is not real criticism. The Bible claims to be not a common book. That is the very point in dispute. A fair judgment can be arrived at only by an examination of the evidence which it offers in support of its claims, and this enquiry should be carried on in a judicial frame of mind. The negative PREFACE. xvii critics begin by denying every one of the claims of the Bible, and affirm that they are so impossible that all argument is worthless. Still, if criticism carried on upon this assumption led to satisfactory results, it would be some indica tion that the assumption was not absolutely false. Hence the importance of the discussion as to the genuineness of the last twenty-seven chapters of Isaiah. The prophecy about Cyrus is not a matter that very directly concerns us ; but the question whether every prediction was subsequent to the event is of vital consequence. The prophecies about the Messiah would be as remarkable at Babylon as at the end of Hezekiah's reign, but what would be the value of them if no prophecy is more than a mere human forecast. The question, besides, is one satis factory to discuss for another reason. The negative critics boast, or did boast, of the dichotomy of Isaiah as their greatest feat. It used to be constantly put forward as a positive and certain result of nineteenth- century criticism. If, however, you boldly face the question, and look at what the German critics say, you will find that no positive result whatsoever has been arrived at. The sole thing in which they agree is the assertion, that as Cyrus is mentioned by name, therefore he must have been living and threatening Babylon, if he had not already conquered it, at the time the prophecy was penned. Now let us first of all listen to what Ewald, undoubtedly in many respects the first critic in Germany, says of the real Isaiah. ' We cannot b PREFACE. but recognize in Isaiah, as the first condition of his peculiar historical greatness, an originality and a vivacity of spirit rare even among the prophets. What is seldom united in the same genius, the deepest prophetic excitement and purest sensibility, the most unwearied and successful activity exert ing itself evenly midst all the turmoil and vicissi tudes of life, and the truest poetical versatility and beauty joined with vigour and rushing _ might of description, this triple band we find realized in Isaiah as in no other prophet, and from the evident traces of the constantly combined action of these three powers we draw our conclusions as to the measure of the original greatness of his genius.' (Proph. d. A. B. i. 272, ed. sec.) You have, then, in Isaiah no common writer. His cha racteristic is the union in due proportion of three very high and remarkable qualities. Wait a little, and you will find that the Book of Isaiah is a miscellany of fugitive pieces, ' flying leaves,' as Ewald terms one part of it, and that twenty name less writers all possessed this rare combination of unrivalled power tempered by the most exquisite judgment. Let me give the various stages by which this monstrous conclusion was reached. , Less, then, than a hundred years ago the suggestion was first made by Koppe, and soon afterwards repeated by Doderlein, that the last twenty-seven chapters of Isaiah are not genuine. The theory was at first very simple, namely, that the true Isaiah wrote PREFACE. the first half, and a false Isaiah, his equal in native genius, wrote the other. Tbe more toned- down style of the latter half, resulting, as I believe, from its being, first, written in Isaiah's extreme old age, and secondly, composed not for public delivery, but for study in the prophetic colleges, gave some faint colour to the assumption of a different authorship. But it was soon found that this dichotomy could not endure a close and accurate examination. The words used, the pecu liarities of style, the metaphors, the sentiments, were in the main identical in the two portions. It soon became plain, that unless large portions of the first thirty-nine chapters were taken away from Isaiah, the whole must be restored to him ; moreover, there are parts of the last twenty- seven chapters plainly written before the exile, parts written in a mountainous country, parts which speak of the city and temple as still stand ing. These must be taken away from the Pseudo- Isaiah. Hence the present state of German thought is as follows : — The book is a mere collection of fragments, of all dates, written by a confused horde of nameless person ages, many of them mere imitators, whose effusions have been patched together upon no other principle than that of filling up the skins of parchment. And yet this olla podrida, this hotch-potch, in which are jumbled together the fragments of writers of every age, from Jonah to Ezra, is the book in which Hebrew genius reaches the summit alike b 2 xx PREFACE. of strength and beauty : never elsewhere is the union so clear of the rarest native gifts and the most consummate skill. Never is the line of beauty overstepped, never does the writer fail in reaching it. As Ewald from time to time cuts it into tiny pieces, he is never weary of lament ing that these noble fragments are all that we possess of a writer so vigorous and yet so polished, so strong and yet so beautiful. This, then, is the first trial of your credulity. The subjective criti cism requires you to beheve that a union of native force and perfect judgment peculiar to Isaiah, and found in no other prophet, is maintained through out a long miscellany of fugitive pieces put together upon absolutely no principle. Let us next proceed to the details. The first twelve chapters are genuine, and un doubtedly written by Isaiah (Knobel, Bleek), but disfigured by glosses, transpositions, interpolations, &c. &c, so that every critic is justified in rejecting anything in the way of his pet theory. Thus Roorda says that chs. i-v. were written by Micah,. Gesenius denies the authenticity of ch. vii. 1-16, Koppe, Vater, Rosenmuller reject chs." xi., xii., and Ewald ch. xii. The next section, chs. xiii-xxvii., are mere ' flying leaves ' (Ewald), put together without regard to date or matter, of which ch. xiii. and the first twenty-three verses of ch. xiv. were written by the 'great unknown' at Babylon (Knobel), or at all events by a nameless prophet just about the time PREFACE. when Cyrus took that city (Rosenm., Justi, Bleek). As for the next four verses (ch. xiv. 24-27), they are a fragment of a long prophecy of Isaiah against Assyria (Ewald, Gesenius). The two next chap ters (chs. xv., xvi.) were written by Jonah (Hitzig), or if not, then Jeremiah wrote them (Koppe, Au- gusti, Bertholdt), or if not, then perhaps Isaiah borrowed them, but added the epilogue, ch. xvi. 13, 14 (Ewald), which is absurd, for the epilogue was written during the Babylonian exile (Bleek). As Jonah lived long before Isaiah, and Jeremiah long afterwards, and as their style and manner are totally distinct, it is hard to invent the reasons which justify so diverse a judgment. No one at present has interfered with the two next chapters, but ch. xix., of which Egypt is the subject, was written by Onias, who built the temple at Leontopolis in that country (Hitzig). It mentions that men fished in the Nile both with hooks and nets, and that papyrus reeds grew there ; facts which plainly could be known only by one who had resided a long time in the immediate neighbourhood of that river ! The first ten verses of ch. xxi. were written by the ' great unknown ' (Bleek) ; the rest, to the end of ch. xxii., are probably Isaiah's. The twenty-third chapter was written by Jere miah (Movers), or by a scholar of Isaiah (Ewald), but at all events in the time of Jeremiah (Bleek). The twenty-fourth and three following chapters — chapters of the most exquisite beauty- — were PREFACE. written by an exiled Ephraimite living in Assyria after Nineveh had fallen, and when the Egyptians had begun to be troublesome (Hitzig), though it is hard to see how they could be troublesome to an Ephraimite living at Nineveh. Therefore Ge senius, Dmbreit, Knobel, deny that it refers to Nineveh, and say that it is a prophecy of the fall of Babylon, written at the time when Judah went into captivity. But Ewald places it in the time of Cambyses' expedition against Egypt, whilst Vatke prefers the era of the Maccabees. Other discre pancies might be added : I will mention but one more. As these chapters contain a repetition of the prophecy found in ch. ii., namely, 'in this mountain shall Jehovah of hosts make unto all people a feast of fat things/ and as that mountain can properly be only Jerusalem, Bleek ascribes the three chapters to a Jew who lived at Jerusalem in Josiah's time. The next six chapters (chs. xxviii-xxxiii.) are probably genuine (Knobel) ; but Koppe doubts about ch. xxx. 1-26, and Ewald ascribes ch. xxxiii. to a scholar of Isaiah's. The next two chapters (chs. xxxiv., xxxv.), were written early in the exile (Bleek) ; they were written in the middle of the exile (Knobel) ; they were written at the end of the exile by the 'great un known ' (Gesenius, Hitzig) ; they were written during the exile by a distinct author from the ' great unknown' (Ewald, Umbreit). The last four chapters of the first portion of Isaiah PREFACE. (chs. xxxvi-xxxix.) are a mere historical annex (Knobel), but abbreviated probably from a genuine historical work of Isaiah (Bleek) : no, they are entirely spurious (Hendewerk, Hitzig). They were written by a late chronicler, when legend had taken the place of history. Thus, then, subjective criticism, in order to wrest the last twenty-seven chapters from the true Isaiah, has been compelled, by the searching examina tion which its simpler theory has undergone, to mangle the prophet's matchless work into a series of fragments, all singularly beautiful, all bearing the impress of a master mind, all instinct with the presence of rare genius. I see in this nothing that needs serious refutation, but only that Nemesis, that just retribution, which necessarily overtakes those who argue not for truth but for such a foregone conclusion as that every prediction was necessarily subsequent to the date of the event foretold. Let us proceed to the last twenty-seven chapters. These form too decidedly a whole for them to be easily capable of similar dismemberment, yet only the first sixteen chapters are now confidently ascribed to the Pseudo-Isaiah. Excepting the prophecy of the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, these chapters contain nothing particularly indicative of their date. Directly you come to anything distinctive, it is impossible to hold any longer that it was all writ ten at one time at Babylon. Gesenius and Hitzig still argue for the unity of the authorship, but then they are forced to grant that much of it was xxiv PREFACE. written in Palestine, and thus Knobel0 says that the work can have been put into its present form only at a time considerably later than the return of the Jews from exile. He honestly owns, too, that he cannot explain how it came to pass that a work composed at such a time could ever have been ascribed to the true Isaiah. But Ewald denies the oneness of its authorship, as I have shown at length in the note attached to page 320. So Bertholdt says that chs. Iii. 1 3— Iiii. 12, Ivi. 9-lvii. 2r, fix., lxiii. 7-lxiv. 12, lxv., Ixvi., belong to a date anterior to the attack of the Persians upon Babylon ; chs. xl-xlvi., 1-lii. 12, to a time subsequent to it; chs. xlvii., xlviii. were written during the siege of Babylon, and chs. liv-lvi. 8, Iviii., lx-lxii. after the capture of the city. Knobel, who seems to hold the oneness of the authorship, yet argues that chs. xl-xlviii. were written during the first siege of Babylon, chs. xlix-lxii. during the period when Cyrus was making war upon Croesus, and the last four chapters after his victory. Gesenius, on the contrary, thinks that the later chapters were written first : while De Wette stands alone in holding that these last twenty- seven chapters were written by one man at one time, namely, the first time of Cyrus, whenever that may have been. As for the chapters plainly written in a moun tainous country (chs. Ivi. 9-lvii. 11), some hold with c Knobel's work on Prophecy, ' Der Prophetismus der Hebraer,' Breslau, 1837, contains much valuable matter, of which I have occasionally made use. PREFACE. Bleek that Isaiah wrote them, some that it was an ancient prophet who lived in Manasseh's reign, some that the ' great unknown ' was their author, after the return from exile. This theory requires the monstrous supposition, opposed to every tittle of historical evidence, that the Jews under Ezra and Nehemiah offered human sacrifices to Moloch. Yet without this supposition it is impossible to see how De Wette, Gesenius, Hitzig, can still maintain that these chapters were the work of one author, unless he were the true Isaiah. Plainly, therefore, the subjective criticism has no thing to offer us, on the very ground where it boasts its greatest triumph, but a farrago of disjointed conjectures. And the same is true of it every where. Instances beyond number could be brought forward showing its entire want of cohesiveness. I will content myself with mentioning but one more. Ask it for another of its strong points, and it would tell you that it had wrested Deuteronomy from Moses as thoroughly as it has robbed Isaiah of all but some twelve chapters. You learn from it most extraordinary information about Deuteronomy. It is a very late book, never quoted till the time of Jeremiah, probably a pious fraud palmed off by him and the good -high priest Hilkiah upon the too credulous Josiah, and so on. Ewald, however, holds a theory that soon after Samuel's time there was a period of extraordinary literary activity, when, upon the basis of certain Books of Origins and Books of Covenants, a series of apocryphal narratives were xxvi PREFACE. put forth, of which the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, the Books of Samuel, and parts of Kings remain to this day. Having, then, no particular bias against Deuteronomy, he finds in his History of the Jews eight references to this book in Joshua, more than twelve in Judges, several in Samuel, in the early Psalms, and so on. Never was judgment more opposed to all that the mass of the negative critics say upon the subject. Plainly, therefore, the attack made upon the Bible has had no such measure of success as to justify its assumption that prophecy has no supernatural ele ment. Still, I can scarcely hope that the negative critics will pay any attention to the arguments which I have endeavoured to offer, in proof that the Old Testament is no human utterance but a message from God. My object will have been fully gained if I have been able to confirm the faith of any who beHeve, and to remove difficulties out of the way of any who doubt. The prophets are, I know, often regarded as very difficult to understand; I shall not have laboured in vain if I have aided any in seeing how their work led up to and was a prepa ration for Christ. Chbist Church, Oxford, Oct. 1869. CONTENTS. LECTURE I. PROPHECY A PREPARATION FOR CHRIST. Romans xv. 4. Whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the Scrip tures might have hope. LECTUBE II. THE PROPER IDEA AND MEANING OF PROPHECY. Hebkews 1. 1, a. God, Who at sundry times and in divers manners spake in time jiast unto the fathers by the prophets, hath in these last days spoken unto us ly.Mh Son. LECTUKE III. samuel, the restorer of prophecy. Acts iii. 24. Yea, and all the prophets from Samuel and those that follow after, as many as have spoken, have likewise foretold of these days. CONTENTS. LECT UKE IV. PAET I. THE SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHETS. i Samuel xix. i 9, ao. It was told Saul, saying, Behold, David is at Naioth in Bamah. And Saul sent messengers to take David: and when they saw the company of the prophets prophesying , and Samuel standing as appointed over them, the Spirit of God was upon the messen gers of Saul, and they also prophesied. LECTURE IV. PAET II. THE ORDINARY LIFE AND DUTIES OF THE PROPHETS. Hebrews xi. 37. They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword: they wandered about in sheepskins and goatskins ; being destitute, afflicted, tormented. LECTURE. V. THE COMMENCEMENT OF WRITTEN PROPHECY. Ephesians ii. 20. Built upon the foundation ofthe apostles and prophets. CONTENTS. LECTURE VI. THE FOUNDATION OF TRUTH LAID BY THE PRO PHETS JONAH, JOEL, AND HOSEA. Acts xxvi. aa, 23. Saying none other things than those which the prophets and Moses did say should come : that Christ should suffer, and that He should be the first that should rise from the dead, and should shew light unto the people, and to the Gentiles. LECTURE VII. SPECIFIC PROPHECIES OF CHRIST IN HOSEA, AMOS, ISAIAH, AND MICAH. Acts x. 43. To Him give all the prophets witness, that through His Name whosoever believeth in Him shall receive remission-of sins. LECTURE VIII. THE PROPHECIES OF ISAIAH. Acts viii. 34, 35. I pray thee, of whom speaketh the prophet this? of himself , or of some other man ? Then Philip opened his mouth, and began at the same scripture, and preached unto him Jesus. CONTENTS. LECTURE IX. THE JEWISH INTERPRETATION OF PROPHECY AT VARIANCE WITH THAT TAUGHT BY CHRIST AND HIS APOSTLES. Matthew xxii. 43. What think ye of Christ ? ERRATUM. Page 36, line 6, note, for eVapyfc read eWpyfc. LECTURES. LECTUKE I. PROPHECY A PREPARATION FOR CHRIST. Whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the Scrip tures might liave hope. — Rom. xv. 4. feT. PAUL claims in these words for the Scriptures of the Old Testament a special quality distinct from those possessed by ordinary books. They were written, he says, not for temporary use ; not for one age and one people, but for all time : and yet for a limited purpose. Their object is not to divert and amuse ; not even to instruct or give information upon any of the thousand and one things which concern our temporal state. Incidentally they may give us most valuable information, and the purest enjoyment : but they were written ' that we might have hope.' Even this again is limited. In the origmal Greek it is not hope generally ; not the bright anticipation of joy in life, nor even an in definite expectation of peace in death. St. Paul's words are, might have the hope, ty\v eXwiSa e^cefiev"-. » The Vatican Codex reads, ' that we through the patience and the consolation of the Scriptures might have the hope of the conso lation,' rr/v i\moa rijs napaK\r)o-ea>s. The added words are probably an explanatory gloss, but they give the right sense. ' The conso lation of Israel ' emphatically was the Advent of the Messiah : and B THE BIBLE [Lect. It is definitely some special expectation, to which those Jewish Scriptures have encoviraged men to look forward : some special promise given in them, by virtue of which they thus instruct and encourage all mankind. Now this claim, to be the instructors not of one people only, nor at one time only, but of all people at all times, is no ordinary matter. We, most of us, are so used to the proposition affirmed by St. Paul, that probably it does not strike us with the force which so remarkable a phenomenon would exert upon us, if we were brought face to face with it for the first time. Por the assertion is this, that in a considerable number of short treatises, several of them themselves compiled from more ancient documents0, written by the men of one nation, but what St. Paul affirms of the Old Testament Scriptures generally — oa-a wpoeypafprj — is, that directly or indirectly they were all pro phetic, all looked forward to and prepared for Christ. Similarly, all believers now look forward. St. Paul's words are applicable to the Christian Scriptures quite as thoroughly as to the Jewish : for they also are for our learning, that we by the exercise of that patience, necessarily implied in the fact that we have not as yet the full pos session of the promise, and by the comfort given us by the strong conviction of our faith that Christ will come again, may have hope — ' the hope, — -that as Christ has come once to open the way of salva tion for man, so He will come again to perfect His work. b It is certain that the books of Chronicles were thus compiled, and probably most of the Historical books. Many scholars have also held that Moses made use of the primitive records of the House of Abraham in composing Genesis. The Book of Psalms too, though not a compilation, is a collection of national poetry from the time of Israel's greatest glory down to the return of the exiles from Babylon. I.] A UNIVERSAL TEACHER. 3 at distant intervals, under very different states of outward circumstance and inward development, there is a unity of purpose, common in a greater or less degree to them all ; and that this purpose was not anything national, not anything contempo raneous with the writers, nor even fully understood by them, but was something future, and for the weal or woe of all mankind. The hope of the whole world — the way of universal restoration — is set before us in the writings of a people, of no great power or influence, but few in number, pos sessed of many high qualities, but narrow-minded, prejudiced against foreigners, devoid of all cosmo politan tendencies, not versatile enough to win any general favour, as a matter of fact generally dis liked, held usually in subjection by some of the neighbouring powers, but restless and intractable as subjects, and not to be depended upon as friends and allies. These writings possess vigour and beauty, but in so moderate a degree, that few even of those who believe them to be inspired will take the trouble of studying them in the original lan guage : and that language though profound and sublime is intractable : it adds no fresh beauty to the thoughts, though it expresses those thoughts with a fulness and depth which no translation can entirely convey. Now, had the Greeks with their versatile talents, their dialectic skill, and their flexible, copious, and exact language, had writers like Plato been the teachers of all mankind, truth's universal exponents, we could have understood it. B 2 4 EXTRAORDINARY INFLUENCE [Lect. But no ! The fact agrees with what St. Paul affirmed eighteen centuries ago : these Jewish writers are the great teachers of the world. Add to their works the writings of a few more Jews ; some fishermen, a tax-gatherer, a physician of Antioch0, and a citizen of Tarsus, and you have a book with few external charms, which does not allure its readers by its beauty, of one part of which the language is so alien to our studies that even of the clergy few know the letters of its alphabet, while of the other part the Greek d is so unpolished that your fastidious student, who prefers his style to his soul, shuns its perusal ; yet this book is in every house, is read daily by countless multitudes, is said by these multitudes to give them strength for the struggle of life, and comfort under its sorrows. It is translated into all languages, and poured forth from the press by millions e, is the subject of daily c Luke by birth was of a family of Antioch, and by profession a physician. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iii. 4. d Nevertheless, the hand of Providence is very clearly seen in the production of a language so peculiarly fitted for the conveyance of the truths of revelation, and for translation into other languages, as the Greek of the New Testament. Dr. Pusey has pointed this out with his usual force. ' The Septuagint, the dialect which, uniting the depth of Hebrew with tlie intellectual precision of the Greek language, was to be the vehicle of the revelation of the Gospel, the Greek of Alexandria modified by the Old Testament, were produc tions of the peculiar character of the third empire in Alexander and his successors.' Daniel the Prophet, p. 148. « The British and Foreign Bible Society alone circulates copies of the Scriptures in 169 languages, and 172 versions: since its foundation no less than fifty millions of Bibles or portions of Bibles have been printed for its use. The Society for the Promotion of I.] OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 5 debate and controversy, and divides nations into hostile parties according as they take one view or another of its meaning, so that even the gender f of a pronoun becomes in it a matter of earnest debate. A bad translation of this book exercises a depressing influence upon a nation's advance in civilization : a good translation is one of the great levers in a nation's rise. By translating this book Luther moulded the German language into shape and con sistency, and made it a fit vehicle for expressing the thoughts of those great writers whose names are now everywhere as household words. Our own Christian Knowledge also annually circulates a vast number of Bibles and Testaments, and has had several translations of the Scriptures made into other languages. f It is one of the many archaisms of the language of the Penta teuch that it has only one pronoun for the third person sing, in all genders, namely, N1H, hu = Iis, she, it. The Massorites, in the same ignorant way in which they have everywhere endeavoured to reduce the grammar and pronunciation of the Hebrew to the standard of one particular time, give this pronoun a different sound according as it is masculine or feminine. The unhappy result of their labours, in many respects so valuable, has been that they have succeeded only too well in obliterating the traces of change and growth in Hebrew, and given colour to the notion that the lan guage of Abraham and Moses remained without alteration or development till the days of Ezra. As a matter of fact the conso nants alone are genuine, and the work of the Massorites, between the sixth and tenth centuries after Christ, was simply a modern izing of the Hebrew text, though a modernizing of it according to a fixed standard handed down by tradition in the Jewish schools. The pronoun then in Gen. iii. 15 proves nothing, nor is it of much weight that the Massorites vocalize it as masculine : the matter is really settled by the verb, which is masculine, and can be nothing else. It is probable, moreover, that the ipsa conteret of the Vulgate is itself a mistake, not supported by the best manuscripts. 6 ITS INFLUENCE ESSENTIAL [Lect. translation so elevated and noble, however deficient it may be in exactness, is the mainstay of our lan guage, the means whereby its purity is maintained at home and abroad, and the bond which unites our colonists to their mother-land. Nor is this all. In proportion as men study this book and act upon it, they become more just, more temperate, more self-denying, more willing to labour for the good of others : while its neglect leads to luxury, to self- indulgence, to the loosening of the reins of our passions, to national weakness and private infamy. Destroy this book with its 'enthusiasm for humanity,' and no one can even suggest any other influence capable of counterbalancing the materialism of life, and of checking the tendency of increased wealth, and larger command over the powers of nature s, to pleasure and an effeminate luxury. Destroy this book, and the poverty which grows more deep and dark and desperate as the wealth of the nation in the aggregate increases, will have nothing to give it consolation ; nothing to alleviate it with lessons of patience; nothing to ennoble and strengthen it by faith in a future world, where the cruel inequali ties of our present social state will exist no more (Luke xvi. 25). Destroy this book, and the bond between rich and poor is gone. There is nothing henceforward to speak to both alike of a God Who e The rapid advance of physical science in the present day by the increased power it has given us over nature, has opened to us a thousand sources of pleasure and convenience unknown even in the last century. A man of ordinary means has no longer to do battle with life, but finds nature well-nigh subdued to his service. I.] TO HUMAN PROGRESS. 7 is no respecter of persons; Whom rich and poor must both obey, and Who will surely succour the poor who trust in Him. The suffering Christ, the Man of Sorrows, the cross meekly borne leading onwards to the immortal crown, there will be nought of this to comfort the afflicted. The glorified Christ, coming with all power as Judge of quick and dead, and in that judgment putting the poor into His own place (Matt. xxv. 40, 45), there will be nought of this to bid the rich man seek out the poor, and minister to him. To eat and drink and die, that will be man's all. Among the mass of mankind, — and we must remember that the object of religion is to find a motive power that will influence not one or two extraordinary minds, but the great mass of ordinary people ; — among the mass of mankind, a man is in the main just, sober, industrious, temperate, chaste, in exact proportion as he studies and values his Bible. So general, in short, is its influence, that the very student of physical science takes more interest in his facts and theories in proportion as they seem to bear upon some statement of Holy Scripture, or upon some gloss currently put upon its words ; and many a so-called scientific treatise is in reality a theological argument. Spoken then primarily of the Old Testament, St. Paul's words have proved true of the whole body of the sacred Scriptures. ' They were written for our learning:' and the whole atmosphere of EngHsh thought still in the middle of this nineteenth century, is saturated with their teaching. The very 8 OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIANITY [Lect. bitterness with which they are attacked is an un conscious testimony to their importance. If they were powerless, without influence ; if men coiild even shake themselves personally free from their influence, they would then be regarded with philo sophic indifference ; with that calmness with which thinking men profess to study the problems of human Hfe. Now it would be contrarv to the whole tenor of the Bible to expect such a state of calm : to expect a time in which there would not be strong opposition to Christianity : in which it would not have an up hill fight, and men be compelled to win their way to its peace and blessedness by a severe struggle (Matt. xi. 12). It would be contrary too to the whole tenor of the Bibleh to expect that even in the Church the fierce contest of passion will cease ; that it wiU not be rent by opposing parties, and weakened in doing its Master's work far more by schisms within than by any and aU opposition from without (Matt. x. 21, 22 ; xiii. 25, 47). But that sword of which our Lord spake is still wielded as trenchantly as ever. With unabated earnestness we stiU contend against one another and against the world. Our religious opinions or our irreligious, our faith or our scepticism, hold the foremost, the dearest place in our minds. None but the tame and feeble and irresolute are indifferent in the strife. Christianity is not dead nor dying. It is not yet h Such a state of blessedness is promised (Isa. xi. 9), but only as the result of the universal propagation of Christianity, and its final triumph over all mankind. I.] INEVITABLE. a stagnant pool of moribund and worn-out theories ; the spirit of life stiU broods over its waters, and quickens it with energy, with activity, with power. Strange that it should be so ! Strange, humanly speaking ! Strange, unless there be in the Bible something more than human, some direct speaking and utterance of God ! How could the words of a Galilsean peasant, and the few fishermen with whom He consorted, thus for eighteen centuries be a law to the civilized world, if they were merely human % And why should scientific men, in this advanced and advancing age, care to look so constantly behind them, and busy themselves with the enquiry whether every statement in a Jewish cosmogony written many thousand years ago, agrees exactly and Hter- aHy with their theories, if that cosmogony was a mere speculation 1 We do not quarrel over the egg, in which Brahm created himself, and then floated majestically over the waters during a period of countless ages, till finally growing tired of his narrow quarters, he parted it asunder, and formed the sky and the earth from its divided portions1'. We have no counter theories with which to explain, defend, or attack that egg. Nothing in the world depends upon it. In India itself no one cares for it. But a great deal does depend upon the first chapter of Genesis ; and it is a note of the value of Holy Scripture that, written as that record was for an en tirely different purpose i, it should yet excite so great > Hindu Institutes, or Laws of Manu, Book i. 9-13. i See Appendix, Note A. 10 THE OLD TESTAMENT [Lect. and sustained an interest in a matter completely subsidiary to its main object. My business however lies with St. Paul's words in their primary sense. With the New Testament, — with the influence of the Bible as a whole, — I am only so far concerned as it justifies the Apostle's assertion, that the scriptures of the Old Testament had collectively and individually a higher, a nobler, and a more permanent purpose than the instruction of those to whom they were originally addressed. If the preparation in the Old Testament had led on to nothing, if Christianity had been no whit greater than Judaism, if after temporary successes it had proved incompatible with continued and abiding progress in morahty and true civiHzation, if Christian nations had stagnated, and fallen behind others in good government, in laws, in industry, in power, in the love of truth, in the pure and ardent quest of knowledge, and in whatsoever else ennobles our nature, if progress in all that is just and true and lovely and of good report became possible only as men broke away from Christianity, and if its corrupt forms tended to human excellence and human happiness more than an exacter conformity to what is taught in Scripture, and was held in primitive times, if this were so, then the argu ment from prophecy would faU powerless upon our ears. The more extraordinary the preparation, the greater evidently must the result be to justify that preparation. If the result be a failure, we could not beHeve that the Divine Providence had ushered I.] A PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 11 it into the world with more than ordinary care and forethought. Man's works constantly do thus fail. That which is begun with arrogance and ostenta tion generaUy results in a mean and disastrous issue. For the most part, great things with men arise out of modest and small beginnings. It cannot be so with God. He is the perfect Worker, and aU that He works must be in harmony and proportion. It must however be borne in mind that the Holy Scriptures themselves declare that sin, misery, po verty, death, and with them irreligion, profanity, unbelief, are not to cease till Christ's second advent. It is possible to claim of Christianity that which it expressly refuses to give. What it does profess to give is the one true probation of the soul, the one true means by which sins may be forgiven, and man regenerate and renewed be made capable of eternal happiness. Why there should be this pro bation for man, I cannot tell, nor why it should be so difficult. But I know as a fact that it is dif ficult ; difficult for myself, difficult for others : and the teaching of our Lord agrees with what we know and feel to be the case. He too teUs us not why there is a probation : the Bible never teUs us what are our relations to other inteHigent beings, nor what the exact place which this our world holds in the vast plan of the universe. It tens us only how in this state of things in which we do actually find ourselves we may so live as not to miss the object for which God placed us here. And it never leads us to expect that in attaining to 12 REVELATION [Lect. this object we are to have a comfortable, easy course. Rather if we are to win the everlasting life, it warns us that in this life we must be content to strive, and labour, and forego. The favour of numbers, the popular acclaim — these are not the notes which Christ gave of success. He spake of a narrow way, whose entrance but few find. He spake of many caUed, and but few chosen. He even spake despond- ingly, as if there were doubt even of the permanence of religion. ' When the Son of Man comes wiU He still find the faith on earth V a pa eupqo-ei ryv -n-la-Ttv; (Luke xviii. 8). Why this is so, God only knows. In the Manichseism of my heart I would that it were otherwise ; the entrance wider, the way easier, and more frequented. But doubtless God doeth all things well, and our difficulties arise from our igno rance, because we see the present only, and that but dimly, while the past and the future are con cealed from our view. But the Bible must be judged according to its own principles and assertions, and with reference to the state of things in which as a matter of fact we find ourselves. Philosophers may conceive of a world without sin and sorrow and unbehef, of man as a virtuous, gentle, intellectual being, of a religion that involves no probation, where all, without struggle and without failure, attain to the highest perfection of which their nature is capable ; and there by all means let them have their ideal Bible, and their ideal Church. But we inhabit no Utopia, and if in this world, such as it is, the Church has !•! NOT A FAILURE. 13 succeeded in doing the work marked out for it by the prophets in the Old Testament, and by Christ and His apostles in the New ; and if this work be in close relation to the actual constitution of things as they now exist ; then Christianity does justify the extraordinary preparation made for it. And who can deny its success ? It has been, I grant, far more limited than one could have wished. It has but a limited influence even in Christian nations, and Christian nations are but Hmited in extent. Unbelief, like sin and sorrow, exists every where around us ; is more universal, more prevalent than faith. But all that this means is, that religion is in exact analogy with and relation to the general state of things upon earth. It is not a special dif ficulty with Christianity, but belongs to the province of natural religion, and to the enquiry, Why the state of all things upon earth is just what it is \ The solution of this difficulty belongs, I beHeve, to that time, and to that time only, when we shall no longer see as in a riddle, but face to face, and know as also we are known. Till that time I grant that it is faith only which can make us feel that God doeth all things well : and to faith I am content to leave it, because reason also tells me that it is a childish and ridiculous folly to endea vour to explain a proposition of which we know not the data. Till we learn the past and the future, we cannot understand the present. But while I grant the existence of the awful mystery which shrouds life, still, judging of Christianity in relation 14 CHRIST'S CHURCH ENDOWED [Lect. both to the actual state of things in which we find ourselves, and to what the Bible itself says of the difficulties in the way of attaining to, and holding the truth, I ask again, Who can deny its success 1 Attacks upon it from without there will be, and, what is far worse, corruptions within. These corruptions weaken its influence, prevent its increase, and shock our moral sense far more than any attacks from withoutk. There have been times when the k Mr. Gladstone, ' A Chapter of Autobiography,' pp. 50-55, gives a most interesting picture of the great movement which we have witnessed in the Church of England, and of the disappointment wliich seems to attend its issue. He thinks it would have required either ' a deeply saturnine or a marvellously prophetic mind' to have fore told this issue (p. 54). This may be true as to the particular form which the disappointment has taken, but unless the Oxford move ment was to be utterly unlike every other movement, it was to be expected that it would have a chequered course, and be a mingled source of good and evil, ending in much that would be painful to those who first originated it. The Oxford movement was itself a result of the general ferment which preceded the Reform Bill of 1831-2. Like everything else, the Church of England had gone to sleep during the previous century, and needed reform as much as the State did. She was bitterly attacked, her corruptions in disci pline had raised np against her hosts of enemies, and men believed that her fall was near. But there was life in her yet,- and of this the Oxford movement was a result. With much of the Oxford movement I disagree, but there is very much in it that is good and true, and any one who judges of it by its later developments will judge of it unfairly. If an enemy sowed tares in Christ's own field, why should it be surprising if tliere have been tares as well as wheat in the Oxford movement? Every earthly institution and tendency seems to have one settled course. It begins well and brightly : as it advances onwards evils begin to mingle with it : it has a dark as well as a fair side ; and its ultimate acceptance by God or rejection depends in the main upon this, whether these evils I.] WITH A SELF-RESTORATIVE POWER. 15 immorality and the doctrinal corruptions of the pro fessors of Christianity have degraded the Church to so great an extent that its speedy fall seemed inevitable. But God has ever again infused life into its decaying members. Its last stage of decay has ever been also the time of a new birth ; refor mation has followed close upon the heels of doctrinal corruption ; and Christianity still lives, is strong, and fruitful in holy deeds. It alone possesses the power of influencing men largely and generally. It stiU speaks mightily to the conscience. After every period of decay, it revives to fresh power. After every attack, it springs up with renewed energy. The very blows aimed against it serve but to quicken and animate it. ' Troubled on every side, it is not distressed : perplexed, it is not in despair : persecuted, it is not forsaken : cast down, it is not destroyed.' Its one assurance of life is that it bears about in the body the dying of the Lord Jesus : that it teaches a suffering Christ, and is content to suffer with Him (2 Cor. iv. 8-10). Nor must it be forgotten that the power of Christi- be checked or fostered. If the Oxford movement finally ends dis creditably, it will be because men have loved its evil rather than its good ; and have not cared to test by God's Holy Word, as the sole ultimate rule of faith, the nature of its teachings. And it is this tendency of all human things to evil, which makes the responsibility of the leaders of every great movement of thought so serious and weighty. A movement that goes forward unchecked, will inevitably end in error. This law has held good of Christianity, but when the truth seemed all but lost, there has ever come an awakening, a reform, and men have gone back to the Bible, and started afresh. 16 CHRISTIANITY MORE INFLUENTIAL [Lect. anity ever increases in proportion as nations advance in aH that most ennobles our nature. Where people are ignorant, immoral, coarse, dull, degraded ; where bad government and false doctrine unite in depressing the moral state of the people ; where not religion but superstition sways the public mind, there the con science being darkened, the influence of Christianity is but nominal. But give them good government, good laws ; let them freely search and examine God's word for themselves ; let knowledge of every kind be diffused ; let truth be more loved ; and with in creasing purity of life and greater freedom of mental action, that nation wiU also steadily advance towards a more spiritual and more earnest faith. Faith is strongest where the light is brightest, and where life is the purest. The man who believes that the Bible is God's word ought not to fear for it the most searching examination. It is a sickly faith that would seek evasion and concealment. But there is also a sickly utopianism that cannot bear difficulties, and runs away from instead of facing the problems of life. Of neither of these did our Lord speak when He declared that the kingdom of heaven suffereth vio lence, and must be seized by force. The preparation then made for the Gospel in the Old Testament has not failed in having a result worthy of it ; and therefore we may fairly require that the evidence which prophecy offers in support of the claims of our Lord to be God incarnate in the flesh for man's salvation, should be examined impar tially. The existence, the nature, the power of I] IN CIVILIZED NATIONS. 17 Christianity are aU phenomena which cannot be Hghtly passed over. To reject its claims without examining the evidence it produces in their behalf is, in view of these phenomena, unscientific. At the same time, I am aware that the very magnitude of the thesis to be proved alarms many. The Bible claims no less than to be a message from God to the soul. It claims to speak to all men everywhere with authority, only indeed upon one subject, but that the one great and momentous subject which most deeply concerns us all. In the text, St. Paul teUs us that it was given to teach us the Christian hope, the hope of a Saviour. Our Lord more exactly defines its object as our ' eternal Hfe,' Xwh ala>viov, and active, evapyrjs,' capable of doing work, as living bodies alone are capable. Men may ridicule our respect for the Bible, may call it bibliolatry and book -worship ; but the question really is whether what is said in Heb. iv. 1 2 is true. If the Bible possess a living energy such as no other book possesses, does not reason require us to treat it differently from mere ordinary books ? b In the Hebrew text there is considerable diversity of expression in the manner in which the prophets refer all that is spoken to Jehovah. Thus Isaiah, while constantly saying that it is Jehovah who speaks (Isa. i. 2, 10, 18, &c), yet does not use an introductory formula in the regular way in which Jeremiah and Ezekiel prefix one to their several prophecies. Once or twice he speaks of a vision, or a word which he saw, a phrase peculiar to himself, to II.] OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 37 mark how thoroughly they both stand upon the same footing, the Apostle does not hesitate to use language from which perhaps we might have shrunk. We should have said, perhaps, that Christ spake of Him self, of His own fulness : that being God as weU as man, He spake as God. The Apostle, of set purpose, says, 'God spake in the prophets, and in the Son.' We must not then draw distinctions between the Old Testament and the New, as though they differed in authority, or in the nature and extent of their inspi ration. Where God speaks, man's business is to obey. The distinction which the Apostle draws is in the manner of the revelation, the different way in which it was given, not in the degree of it. In the Old Testament it was partial, gradual, progressive ; in the New, it is fuU, perfect, final, complete. We Obadiah, and Habakkuk, though evidently in popular use long afterwards (Ez. xii. 2*7 ; xiii. 6-8, Zech. x. 2). His usual title to his prophecies is massd, an ambiguous word signifying a sentence, decision, authoritative decree, in which sense Isaiah used it, and also a burden. This ambiguity led to ridicule and profanity on the part of the wits of Jerusalem (Jer. xxiii. 33-38), but nevertheless the word continued in use in its proper sense of a sentence passed by God, especially upon Gentile nations (Nah. i. 1, Hah. i. 1, Zech. ix. 1), though not confined to them (Zech. xii. 1, Mal. i. 1). Isaiah also says that Jehovah spake by him (Isa. xx. 2). Jeremiah con stantly uses two formulae, the first, ' The word of Jehovah was unto me' (c. ii. 1 , &c), and a stronger form, ' The word that was upon Jeremiah' (c. xxv. 1, &c), implying the duty on his part to speak it, and suggesting also the reluctance with which he had so often to struggle (c. xv. 18 ; xx. 7, 8, 9). Ezekiel's constant phrase is, 'The word of Jehovah was unto me,' and this is the usual formula with the rest (Hos. i. 1, Joel i. 1, &c). It must be noticed that it is always Jehovah, the covenant God, not Elohim, God simply, who speaks. It is the God of grace, not of nature. 38 REVELATION IN THE OLD TESTAMENT [Lect. look forward to no further revelation. Not that we possess all truth. 'We shall know as fully as we are known' only in the beatific vision; but we possess aU that necessary knowledge of our relations to God in Christ, and of our hopes in a future world, wliich was the proper object-matter of a revelation ; all, namely, which the conditions of our probation in this world involved, if that indispensable probation was to be also merciful and just. Revelation, then, in the Old Testament was, first, in many parts or portions, -woXv/mepws, not ' at sundry times ' only ; that is but a small part of the meaning. What the Apostle says is that it was an imperfect revelation, given in bits ; now a little, and then a little, with long intervals during which no addition was made to the heritage of truth. The attitude of the saints of old was that of expectation ; ' they searched, and searched diUgently what time, or what manner of time the Spirit of Christ that was in them did signify, when testifying to them of Christ's sufferings.' (i Pet. i. n.) And thus they themselves constantly spake of ' latter days,' and of a ' new covenant;' whereas in the New Testament we read of the ' fulness of time,' and of a ' faith once for all delivered to the saints.' Ours, too, is an attitude of expectation. 'We wait for the second coming of the Lord Jesus Christ.' But we wait for no new truth : we believe in no development of old truths. The truths of Holy Scripture, by its very faculty of life (Heb. iv. 12), adapt themselves to each succeeding age, and II-] PROGRESSIVE. 39 portions long neglected, or but partially understood, break forth often with new energy when circum stances caU for their application. Of others it is only by careful study and diHgent and oft-repeated examination, that the Church at length attains to their fuU meaning, and due relation to other truths. But a new article of the faith, by its very novelty, stands self-condemned. The Church's duty is, not to invent, but to defend and maintain in its integrity the whole truth entrusted to its charge. Our duty is to study the inspired records, so carefuUy and with prayer, that by the Holy Spirit's aid we may comprehend, as adequately as our Hmited powers will permit, the unsearchable riches of the truth as revealed in Jesus Christ our Lord. And next the truth was given ' in divers manners ;' there is a varied ministry in the Old Testament, both of angels0 and of men. And to men God spake vari ously, to Moses face to face, to others in dreams and visions ; to some it may have seemed as the welling up of their own hearts, while to others it was an express message, which they delivered in God's name. When Moses gave his two histories of creation, he must have been recording absolute revelations, made to some of the patriarchs, in the first of which (Gen. i-ii. 3) man appears as the final crown simply of creation, its lord and master, whereas in the second (Gen. n. 4-iH. 24) he appears as a being in covenant with God, using his freedom for his ruin, yet with that promise of restoration made him, which aH the 0 Especially in the time of the Judges. 40 DIVERSIFIED MANNER [Lect. rest of the Bible is occupied in fulfiUing. But in the account of the flood he gives the narrative of an eye-witness (see for instance Gen. vii. 19); and so also the history of Joseph (Gen. xxxvii-1, omitting Gen. xxxvni, inserted to keep the history of Judah, to whom now belonged the birthright, synchronolo- gical with that of Joseph), bears many internal proofs of having been compiled from contemporary records, or even from a narrative composed by Joseph himself. Subsequently Moses recorded revelations made to himself, facts of history witnessed by himself, and predictions of the future, for Israel's warning and guidance. So too of others. There is a rich diversity of manner in which the truth is given : and con stantly words, called forth by some temporary occur rence, rise up to an eternal significance. When David was celebrating the glories of Solomon's wide-spread dominion, his language, not perhaps altogether un beknown to himself, sweUed onwards to the universal reign of Christ. When in other Psalms, and in the prophets, the saints poured out their sorrows, God's hand mysteriously rested upon them, and caused them to foreshow the deeper mystery of Christ's passion : so to foreshow it, that those who read felt that the words meant more than mere private grief. And then there were the types and shadows and figures of the law: and many symbolical acts both in the ritual and in the history of the nation, and typical personages, of aU of which we know that the Jews regarded them as intended to convey doctrinal truths. It is no peculiarity of St. Paul that he finds II.] OF ITS BESTOWAL. 41 Christian verities in Sarah and Hagar, and in the passage ofthe Red Sea, and in the smitten Rock. But we never interpret the New Testament in this way. The apostles are examples often for our imitation, but their teaching is explicit, definite, and complete. For they and we have in Christ ' the brightness of God's glory/ the airavyao-ixa, the pure Hght, that is, of God, unveUed, shining in absolute clearness, limited not in itself, but in us, by our narrowness, held but in part by us, because infinitely larger than we can hold. And thus, surrounded by the clear daylight, our business now is to endeavour thoroughly to understand what is revealed, and not to be searching in twUight and gloom, as the fathers of old searched, if haply they could learn somewhat more of God's future purposes of grace. But though thus the revelation of Christ in the Old Testament was first, partial, and secondly, be stowed in many different ways, yet absolutely the prophet was one in whom God spake. He was God's representative, whose business it was chiefly to speak, but often also to act for God. And plainly this is something far wider than the mere foreteUing of future events. Prediction is part of prophecy : for as the past and the future are both -present to God, one in whom God spake would be raised above the limits of time, provided that this elevation were needed by that particular portion of God's truth which he was commissioned to dehver. But if, as often was the case with the prophets, their office related to the present state of God's Church, no 42 PREDICTION A NECESSARY [Lect. prediction would be spoken by them. Prediction, Hke miracle, was rare : nevertheless Isaiah declares that on fit and proper occasions prediction is an essential element of prophecy. In those noble chapters in which he so utterly overthrew idolatry, and proved the necessary unity of God's nature, he speaks thus ; ' TeU ye and bring them near (that set up the wood of their graven image, and pray unto a god that cannot save) : Who hath declared this from ancient time 1 Who hath told it from that time % Have not I, Jehovah % and there is no God else beside Me ! A just God and a Saviour : there is none beside Me !' (ch. xiv. 21.) And again; 'I am God, and there is none like Me, declaring the end from the be ginning, and from ancient times the things that are not yet done ! saying, My counsel shall stand, and I wiU do aU My pleasure.' (ch. xlvi. 9, 10.) For plainly as God's knowledge is not limited Hke man's knowledge, so His words cannot be Hmited Hke man's words. Nor does the difficulty really lie in the possession by the prophets of this super human element. It lies farther back in the existence of the supernatural at aU. If there be a God ; if that God be more than a blind force ; if He can will and do ; if being thus a personal God He deign to have relations with man, His chief creature here on earth ; if these relations involve His bestowal upon man of such knowledge as, being necessary for man's restoration, he yet could in no other way obtain except by a message from God, the bearers of that message must have some proof II.] ELEMENT OF PROPHECY. 43 to give that they reaUy are God's messengers ; and no proof can be sufficient except it be supernatural. The two supernatural proofs offered in the Bible are miracle and prediction. Any proofs but these would faU infinitely below the exigencies of the case. For you would have men, who professed to bring words from God, words upon which man's ever lasting salvation depended, and yet these words would be limited as ordinary words are, destitute of divine attributes, and with no qualities but mere human qualities. And then, without miracle, these men would have absolutely no proof to give that those common-place words of theirs were anything more than hopes and aspirations dictated by their own hearts. Nay more : Christ spake as never man spake. He says too that for those who are of God His words would be enough : for ' he that is of God heareth God's words.' (John vni. 47.) He says too, that if God had not spoken d, if there had d In God's speaking we must nevertheless include the light of nature. God speaks in the conscience, and the fact that man possesses the faculty of distinguishing between right and wrong involves the duty of choosing what is right. A being set between right and wrong, and endowed with the power of distinguishing between them, is bound to do so. Bound to whom ] What follows if he choose evil 1 If he resist conscience 1 Bound, I answer, to Him Who gave him a conscience, and Who enabled him to distin guish between good and evil. A being so endowed must be liable to a future judgment. If not, man is a blunder, a mistake in creation : he has the false semblance of qualities which serve for no useful purpose. As for happiness, instincts would not merely have sufficed, but have better provided for human happiness than con science does. 44 NAMES APPLIED TO THE PROPHET [Lect. been no revelation, as there would have beep no covenant of grace, no possibUity of salvation, so also there would have been no such thing as sin. Man would have been in the same state as the cattle (John xv. 22). Yet, in spite of this, unless Christ had performed miracles, there would have been, He teUs us, no obHgation to examine into His claims, and no sin in rejecting Him. 'If I had not done among them the works which none other man did, they had not had sin.' (Ib. xv. 24.) God spake then in the prophets : and necessarily His speaking in man must be something more perfect than mere human speaking ; and being itself a miracle, it requires the supernatural proofs of prediction and miracle. And yet it is possible that the wonderful series of absolute predictions respect ing the person and offices of the Saviour may have led in many minds to too complete an identification of prophecy with the" foretelling of future events. Let us then examine what the Bible says of the prophet's office : for this too exclusive consideration of fulfilled prediction, whUe it rightly appreciates the great value of the Old Testament in bear ing witness to us of Christ, yet makes us perhaps put too much out of sight the influence exerted by prophecy upon the Jews, its preparation for Christ's spiritual teaching, and the testimony it bears to many cardinal truths both of Christianity and also of natural religion. Let us begin then with the names applied to the prophet in the Hebrew Scriptures. Of these the IE] IN THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. 45 first is Roeh, a Seer. With two exceptions this name is applied only to Samuel ; of these the first is in 2 Sam. xv. 27, where David asks the high priest Zadok, whether he is not a seer : while the second is found in the Book of Chronicles (2 Chr. xvi. 7, 10), a work compiled at a date subsequent to the return from Babylon, and when the language was no longer spoken or written in its original exactness and purity. Isaiah also uses the term in the plural : ' This is a rebellious people, which say to the seers6, See not, and to the prophets, Prophesy not unto us right things.' (ch. xxx. 10.) Nowhere else does the word occur except with reference to Samuel. From the narrative in Samuel we learn that the people were in the habit of consulting the prophets upon occasions of difficulty, and according to the reading in the Septuagint the term Seer was the popular name1 assigned to them when so consulted. e The meaning of Isaiah is, that neither in their worldly matters nor in things spiritual would they listen to upright advice. The seers to whom they went on matters of business, the prophets to whom they went on matters of conscience, were both to combine in flattering and cajoling them. Still many of the seers may have been impostors, and false claimants to supernatural powers. People who want to be deceived naturally go, by instinct as it were, to the false, to those who will take their money, and give them what -they want for it, falsehood. f The LXX read Dyn for DVn, the difference being simply the junction of the two central letters. The sense however is much altered, namely, ' for the people formerly used to call the prophet the seer.' The difference however would be much greater in the ancient or Samaritan method of writing, and thus the diversity of reading is probably subsequent to the Babylonian captivity. 46 MEANING [Lect. The Hebrew text makes the term Seer an archaic name for the prophet : the more probable reading of the Septuagint makes it not merely archaic, but also coUoquial. In any case the term has nothing to do with prophecy in its proper sense. Even the large majority of those who, as belonging to the prophetic order, were caUed Nabhis, prophets, were not inspired S; and though the term inspiration, or its equivalents, is used in a far wider sense in the Old Testament than we might have expected h, yet there is no reason for supposing that the Seers had any special Divine help whatsoever in resolving the difficulties of the people. Samuel, when con sulted by Saul, did give him a divinely -inspired answer, but it was because the occasion was a great one ; for the raw youth, who came with his half-shekel to enquire about his father's lost asses, was to be Israel's first king. Undisciplined as he was, unbroken to the yoke, and, as it proved, des tined to fail in his probation, he yet possessed alike great personal and great mental endowments, and by his soldierlike conduct he did much in raising Israel to the dignity of an independent nation. But we have no reason for supposing that the seer Zadok was inspired, or that generally, as a class, they were inspired. Even Hanani, who is mentioned in Chron icles as a seer, though undoubtedly also a prophet1, e See Lecture III. h See Appendix, Note C. * He was a prophet, because his reproval of Asa, and the sen tence passed upon him, are recorded as true prophetic acts. But it would not follow from 2 Chr. xix. 2, as unwary readers might sup- IL] OF THE WORD 'SEER.' 47 may have reaUy been a seer in the proper sense of the term, and Asa's rough treatment of him may have arisen from his venturing to transgress his usual office. It may be doubted whether Asa would have dared to imprison one generaUy regarded as a prophet. But though not inspired, the seers were men of acute understanding, and probably often of better education than the mass of the people. By the exercise of a practised inteUigence they solved difficulties which passed the comprehension of the rude countrymen around them. Their advice pos sibly was usuaUy good in itself: but its success was due even more perhaps to the renewed energy which it breathed into the enquirer. Many even of these seers may have been impostors, if not con sciously, yet unconsciously, and have claimed for themselves more than was their due. Even among us in Christian England there are aU sorts of pre tenders to spirituahstic powers, aU sorts of books pub lished which profess to divine the future. And, what is more extraordinary, there are even people who believe in them. But such pretensions can never endure the test of time. And so as regards these seers, the fact that the very name so entirely dis appears suggests the idea that it became discredit- pose. Seer (in Hebrew Chozeh) belongs there to Jehu, who is thus described as above his father in dignity. He was a Chozeh, his father a Boeh. In Hebrew, people are described by their own name, and that of their father, and commentators not remembering this, some times ascribe to the father what undoubtedly belongs to the son ; for though our version is ambiguous, the Hebrew is not. Thus, then, Jehu Hananison is the Chozeh, and not Hanani. 48 GRADUAL DISUSE [Lect. ablek. Seers in Samuel's days there were probably plenty : but the word of the Lord was rare, ' It was precious in those days : there was no open vision.' (i Sam. iii. i.) If seers had been equaUy rare, there would have been no popular name for them ; nor would Saul's man-servant have known so exactly what was the method of consulting them. In fact we may be sure, that if there were plenty of people ready to go with presents of food and half-shekels, there would be plenty of others ready to receive their gifts. StiU at best we can only conjecture what the functions of the seers were. Like so much in Holy Scripture, we learn about them only incidentaUy, by reason of the providential occurrence which brought Saul to Samuel. No account is given of them, nor was intended to be given : but we may perhap< infer, from the manner in which the name is applied to Samuel, that he was often thus con sulted. Every real prophet would be thus beset. k Like most appellations it was an honourable one at first. For if Boeh does not occur till Samuel's days, other words from the same root do. Thus mar 'eh, a vision, is found in Gen. xlvi. 2, ' God spake to Israel in the visions of the night,' and Num. xii. 6, ' If there be a Nabhi among you, I Jehovah will make myself known unto him in a vision.' Here then it is spoken of as the usual form of revelation, yet as something infinitely lower than that which Moses enjoyed. The verb also is of frequent occurrence, as in Gen. xii. 7. One to whom a mar' eh was vouchsafed, would rightly he called roeh. Visions do not however appear to have been the ordinary way in which God revealed Himself to the greater pro phets, Elijah, Elisha, Isaiah, Jeremiah, &c, though Ezekiel's vision of the dry bones is the most instructive of that great writer's lessons. IL] OF THE TERM SEER. 49 Instead of taking the trouble of deliberating for themselves, and doing their best, all feeble, slothful, and superstitious people would try to get the pro phets to help them out of their difficulties. But in Samuel's time there was some excuse for it. The miserable state of the land after the utter defeat of Israel at Ebenezer (i Sam. iv. i, io), made the people need, not the advice only but the encourage ment, of the wise and thoughtful man who raised up the nation once again from its utter prostration to a renewed life. As he travelled on circuit year by year round the land, not merely judicial matters, but difficulties of every kind were probably laid before him. But again, we have no reason to sup pose that either his answers as a Roeh, or his de cisions as a Judge, were inspired1. As one estab hshed to be Jehovah's prophet he was by Divine right the temporal ruler of the country. He ruled weU and firmly : he was a just, upright, able, and 1 The gift of inspiration rested permanently on Moses, yet not for all and every, but only for fitting purposes. We find him even thankfully accepting the advice of his father-in-law, Jethro, upon a matter of the highest but only of temporal consequence (Ex. xviii. 13-26). We are not to suppose, therefore, that in judg ing the people even he had any supernatural aid. So of the Apostles, St. Paul wrote at least three epistles to the Corinthians, one of which is not in our canon, being probably lost, because it was not inspired (1 Cor. v. 9). So again, it is by no means cer tain that he was right in going up to Jerusalem after the many warnings he had of what awaited him (Acts xx. 23, xxi. 11): the warnings seem to me to have been given to prevent the great loss which the Church sustained by his imprisonment. But he was an intrepid, determined man : was he also obedient 1 E 50 MEANING OF THE TWO WORDS [Lect. active man : he was more. God's gifts of grace were largely possessed and used by him. One so holy, so pure in word and deed, was well worthy that under the extraordinary circumstances of the Jewish dispensation, the higher gift of Divine knowledge should rest upon him, to be used on all fitting and proper occasions. But miracle and prophecy were ever too sparingly given to justify us in supposing that the Roeh, the seer, possessed anything more than ordinary but practised acuteness. He must not be confounded with the prophet m. In the authorized version the term seer repeatedly occurs elsewhere, but it is the translation of an entirely different word. When we read in the m The Bible never does confound these entirely different gifts in Samuel. When Saul goes to consult him about his asses, it is incidentally mentioned that the vulgar view of the prophet was that he was a person to be consulted in the ordinary difficulties of life. It is quite possible that Samuel may have been even called Seer from this one occurrence. For the appointment of Saul as king, and the valiant achievement (i Sam. xi.) which made all Israel feel that he was king in very deed, must have made the whole land ring with every incident in his appointment. I incline however to the other view, that Samuel did give the people advice in their troubles. But this was a very different thing from those weighty matters in which ' Jehovah was with him,' and for which ' Jehovah appeared to him in Shiloh.' As Moses was the founder, so was Samuel the restorer of Israel ; and it was in this grand work that 'all Israel from Dan -even to Beersheba knew that Samuel was established to be Jehovah's prophet.' (i Sam. iii. 19-21.) Even the heathen could see that the two things were essentially distinct ; for so we read of Oedipus, avbpaw ere nparov ev re fTV^.(popais j3/ov Kpivovres, ev t( baip.6vav avvaWayais. Oed. Tyr. 33, 34. II-] TRANSLATED 'SEER.' 51 same verse (i Chron. xxix. 29) of 'Samuel the seer, and Nathan the prophet, and Gad the seer,' it would not suggest itself to an English reader, that the three terms are essentially dissimUar". Samuel is the Roeh, the man who can see, whose eyes are open, and who therefore is consulted in aU the more important circumstances of human life. Gad is Chozeh, the gazer, one who sees visions, not the acute intelligent man, possessed of insight in matters of worldly business, but the tranced man who gazes with dazed eyes upon the verities of the spiritual world. This term is as distinctly modern, as that of Roeh is archaic. The usual term for a prophecy was Massa0, a sentence, but also meaning a burden, and so usually rendered in our version. ' Remember how that when I and thou rode together after Ahab, Jehovah burdened this burden upon him,' but more correctly passed this n Ewald (History of Israel, vol. i. 189 note, ed. Martineau) affirms that these words are not intended to convey different ideas, as is clear from 2 Chron. xii. 15, xiii. 22. I believe on the contrary that every word has its own proper idea, and its several history. Still, I grant that the word Chozeh, applied to Gad, came in popular language to be used as almost identical with Nabhi prophet, though its idea and origin are distinct. But how a professor of Hebrew can translate Chozeh, viewer, passes my comprehension. To view implies careful, exact examination. To view a vision is impossible. The real equivalent of Chozeh is gazer. Ewald's references do not touch the word Roeh. In his Propheten d. A. Bundes i. 27 note, ed. 2, however, he regards the three names Boeh, Nabhi, and Chozeh as distinct in idea, and as marking three progressive stages in the development of Hebrew prophecy. 0 See note to page 36. E 2 52 'NABHI' THE PROPER TERM [Lect. sentence (2 Kings ix. 25). Subsequently a prophecy was caUed a vision, a term apparently brought into general use by Isaiah P, and probably having in his writings a distinct reference to the glorious spec tacle (in ch. vi.) by which he was inaugurated into his office. By the simpler visions of the almond rod and the seething caldron Jeremiah (ch. i. 11, 13) was summoned to be Jehovah's prophet, and Eze kiel (ch. i. 4-28) by the chariot of the cherubim, and the four living creatures. And thus the thought of a vision became inseparably connected with the prophetic office. By a vision the prophet was appointed : and the word was appUed coUec- tively to the whole body or mass of a prophet's writings (Isa. i. 1, Obad. 1, Nah. i. 1, and 2 Chron. xxxii. 32), because in that inaugural vision aU the rest, all God's subsequent revelations to him, vir- tuaUy were contained. This term, then, Chozeh, the seer, however dif ferent in derivation, became in time equivalent to the word 'prophet.' It means the man who has been summoned to speak for God by a vision such as those of Isaiah, and Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. It does not foUow that Gad had seen such a vision ; it was simply a title first applied to the prophet p Before Isaiah's time it occurs only once, in the 'open vision/ literally, 'the vision bursting forth' of 1 Sam. iii. 1, unless Hos. xii. 10 be also earlier than Isaiah. It was however in b. c. 74^, the last year of King Uzziah, that Isaiah saw his vision, and from that year the technical use of Chazon, a vision, must be dated. Hosea xii. 10 is probably twenty -five years later than the visj^B. of the seraphim. II.] IN HEBREW FOR PROPHET. 53 in Isaiah's time because of the magnificent spectacle which he had witnessed, and which subsequently lost its special meaning, and was used of aU the prophets indiscriminately i. And then, lastly, there is the one proper term for the prophet, Nabhi. Its derivation is from a root signifying 'to bubble up like a fountain r.' But this overflowing fulness is not the prophet's own. The verb never occurs either in the Hebrew, the Syriac, or the Chaldee in the active voice. Like vaticinor in Latin, and /navrevofiat in Greek, it is properly a passive, and as a passive8 it is constantly used in the Scrip tures both of the writings and of the oral teachings of the prophets. It was by compulsion that the i This indiscriminate use of it however is confined to the Books of Chronicles. By his contemporaries I do not doubt but that Gad was called Nabhi. r Ewald, Proph. d. A. B. i. 7, ed. 2, explains Nabhi as meaning a loud clear speaker. But he draws his explanation from the Arabic. This use of Arabic I have long rejected as utterly unscientific, and as having done more to corrupt Hebrew and to confuse Hebrew scholars than anything besides. Who would dream of settling the meaning of an Anglo-Saxon word by its present signification in English, or interpret the laws of the ten tables by French or Italian ? There is a connection between Himyaritic Arabic and Hebrew sufficiently near to be of use : between the Arabic dialect which Mohammed adopted and Hebrew there is just such a false show of semblance as suffices to lead all those who use it utterly wrong. 8 The passive in Hebrew is called Nifal. As an instance of the use of the verb in Nifal we may quote Amos iii. 8 : — ' The lion hath roared : who will not fear 1 The Lord Jehovah hath spoken : who will not prophesy V i. e. who will not be compelled to pour forth. Our version, as usual, translates the vowels of the name of God, and leaves the consonants, which alone are genuine, untranslated. 54 REAL AND FALSE PROPHECY [Lect. message burst forth from their Hps. So the word teaches ; and Jeremiah declares that such was Hterally the case with him. In deep distress at the supposed failure of his efforts, disappointed of his hopes, with wounded feehngs at the mockery and derision which daUy attended his preaching, surrounded by false prophets to whom the people willingly gave ear, he wickedly rebeUed against God, and deter mined to cast his high office from him. ' Then I said, I wUl not make mention of Him, nor speak any more in His name.' But Jeremiah's rebellion was as vain as Jonah's flight. ' His word,' he says, ' was in my heart, shut up in my bones : and I was weary with forbearing, and I could not stay.' (Jer. xx. 9.) The prophet therefore neither regarded himself, nor was regarded by others as entirely a free agent. His freedom was not absolutely overpowered ; but there was a bit in his mouth, and to be restive and struggle against it only brought grief and suffering upon himself. The verb is also used in the reflective* voice, he acted the prophet. In this way it is spoken of the seventy elders, and of Eldad and Medad in the camp (Num. xi. 25-27); of the music and dancing of the sons of the prophets (1 Sam. x. 5); of Saul's partici pation in their rehgious exercises (1 Sam. x. 6, 10, 13); of the excited cries and contortions of the prophets of Baal (1 Kings xvin. 29); of the prophets who prophesied lies at Jerusalem (Jer. xiv. 14); and of 4 This is called in Hebrew the Hithpahel. It means, to give one's self out as, or profess one's self, a prophet, to play the prophet. IL] NEVER CONFOUNDED IN THE HEBREW. 55 those at Samaria who professed to be inspired by Baal (Jer. xxni. 13). So, too, it is the word employed by Ahab, who probably regarded with something like contempt the wish of Jehoshaphat to know Jehovah's will (1 Kings xxii. 8, 18). Oc casionally therefore it is used in a good sense, though scarcely ever of real prophecy. The seventy elders were regularly appointed to their high office of being deputies for Moses in the administration of justice, by having a share of the spirit that rested upon him communicated to themu (Num. xi. 17). It was God's gift, but it was the gift of govern ment; just as it was God's spirit that rested upon Bezaleel, but it was the gift of artistic skiU. Twice however it approaches the character of real prophecy. Thus it is said that Eliezer acted the prophet as to the wrecking of Jehoshaphat's navy (2 Chron. xx. 37)*; but the use of the verb suggests that Eliezer brought a prophetic message merely to Jehoshaphat ; that he came in the character of a prophet, and was not him self inspired. And finally, in the vision of the dry « When first communicated there was evidently however a certain amount of excitement and agitation on their part, showing itself in unpremeditated and perhaps partially incoherent utterances, chiefly probably of praise. x The Books of Chronicles however, th'e latest in date of the Hebrew Scriptures, being composed when Chaldee and not Hebrew was the vulgar tongue, are not so exact in language as any of the rest, and therefore if any one considers that Eliezer was himself a prophet, all I can say is that he may have been, but he may not. If he was an independent prophet, then the use of the Hithpahel is a Chaldaism : for the Chaldee, having no Nifal, uses the Hithpahel as a simple passive. 56 EXAMPLES [Lect. bones (Ezek. xxxvn. 4, 9, 10, 12), Ezekiel is com manded — not to prophesy to the dry bones, and to the wind, as our version renders it, but — to act as a prophet. It was a vision, not a real occurrence. The vision was a revelation, and though Ezekiel seemed to himself to take part in it, and to give commands in the character of a prophet, this reaUy was part of the vision, and not an actual fact. And the Hebrew, with that wonderful accuracy which marks every part alike of the Old and New Testa ments in the original tongues, notes the distinction. It says that Ezekiel seemed to himself to take part in this vision, to be summoned to act in a prophetic capacity, and as such to utter God's commands. Everywhere else the distinction between the real prophetic gift (Nifal), and the mere acting the prophet (Hithpahel) is so clearly marked that none can mis take it. The music and dancing of the sons of the prophets formed part of their regular education, and very probably they were carried on, as dancing is in the East now, with an intense and enthusiastic ex citement, such as seemed to pass the bounds of nature, while reaUy it did not. But as a general rule, everywhere except in the four places y I have mentioned, the word is used absolutely in a bad sense, of a false and wicked sham, a blasphemous pretence. The distinction is so plain that it is noticed at least once in our version — ' Every man that maketh v These four are (1) The seventy elders; (2) The sons of the prophets ; (3) Eliezer's mission to Jehoshaphat ; (4) Ezekiel's vision of the dry bones. II.] OF FALSE PROPHECY. 57 himself a prophet.' (Jer. xxix. 26.) The Hebrew teUs us that the prophets who prophesied Hes at Jerusalem, and the Baal prophets at Samaria, and those who leaped on Baal's altar, while Elijah derided their folly, were not prophets made by God, but men who made themselves prophets. So, too, in Ahab's mouth the word was a confession of his unbelief. Neither the four hundred Jehovah-prophets, who bade him go and prosper, nor Micaiah, who warned him that he would go and die, were in his view men instinct with a higher power, but men who practised an art for their own gain. But the word is even used in a worse sense. When. Saul had failed in his probation, and fallen from God, and hardened himself in crime, it is said that ' an evU spirit of God came upon Saul, and he prophesied in the midst of the house.' (1 Sam. xvui. 10.) Really the word means that he imitated the prophetic ex citement, and raved, and roamed about in a moody frantic state, miserable no doubt as bad men are; but instead of repenting he let jealousy take possession of him, and twice in his phrenzy cast his javelin at David. There was no doubt, a certain degree of madness in his state : and to this day the Orientals regard madness as something divine. Even in the ¦ true prophets there was occasionally this labouring and excitement of spirit, such as made Elisha caU for a minstrel to soothe his troubled feehngs before he would prophesy in the presence of a son of Ahab. And so when a son— a disciple— of the prophets came as Elisha's messenger to anoint Jehu, the 58 EXTREME ACCURACY [Lect. captains, struck by his strangely abrupt and hasty man ner, describe him to Jehu as a madman: — 'Wherefore came this mad fellow to thee"?' (2 Kings ix. 1 1.) And so in the Book of Jeremiah, madness and this acting the prophet are coupled together in the contemptuous letter of the false prophet Shemaiah, wherein, writing from Babylon, he urges the deputy high priest (Pakid) Zephaniah to punish and imprison Jeremiah. ' Je hovah,' he says, 'has made thee priest, that thou shouldest put in prison and into the stocks every man that is mad and maketh himself a prophet.' (Jer. xxix. 26.) By this use of the word he asserted that Jeremiah's claims to be a prophet were untrue z. z Ewald, Proph. d. A. B. i. 1 3, describes madness as the melan choly side of prophecy, resulting from the prophet not being able to control the strong emotions arising from the violence with which the Divine truth urges itself upon him, and hurries his whole nature along. Having thus lost his balance, he becomes either a fanatic or a dreamer. In proof of this he refers to Hos. ix. 7, where ' the inspired man' is described as ' mad,' or rather as going back wards and forwards, in a state of great excitement. But such excitement would imply no madness. The prophet is speaking of the days of Israel's visitation, when the Assyrian host' was crushing the ten tribes with the sword. The Nabhi, who had long preached repentance and foretold the coming ruin, would now be a 'fool,' have no more counsel to give, no more words of wisdom, no more salutary advice to utter. And ' the inspired man ' might well roam about, horror-stricken at the miserable end of his country. There is in fact a plain allusion in the word to Deut. xxviii. 34, where it is said that the sight of the horrors committed by an invading army would produce this feeling in the minds of the conquered Israelites. The word does not imply the loss of reason, but only a frantic state of excitement. See 1 Sam. xxi. 14, ig, 2 Kings ix. n, Jer. xxix. 26. Even if David's terror had made him temporarily deranged, the word itself does not prove it. IL] OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE BIBLE. 59 And thus, then, there is no looseness or inaccuracy in the Bible itself as to this great gift of Divine in spiration. The seventy elders, and Eldad and Medad, had a gift, but not that of prophecy. The sons of the prophets had no supernatural aid in their music and dancing. Said, the false prophets at Jerusalem, the Baal priests of Samaria, raved no doubt ; but of prophecy not a word. So exact is the Scripture, that Moses does not wish that the Lord's people had even such a gift as that of Eldad and Medad. He does not wish them to claim what they did not possess, nor even to be all appointed officers and rulers in Israel. There would not have been room for all to be rulers. What he wishes is, that they were aU true, genuine prophets, such as he was himself. ' Would God that all Jehovah's people were Nabhis !' As regards this word Nabhi, the first place where it occurs is Gen. xx. 7, where Abimelech is warned in a dream to restore Sarah to Abraham, ' for he is a prophet, and he shall pray for thee.' The word in this ancient booka is thus used in a distinct sense a Owing possibly to the Massorites having done their best to carry out a uniform system of grammar and pronunciation through out the Bible, people entertain the vague idea that the language of the Pentateuch differs but slightly from that of Isaiah and other later writers. The exact opposite is the case. Not only is there an absence of several distinctions of gender which came into use afterwards, but as a usual rule the words employed are different. I became gradually more and more aware of this in writing my Syriac Thesaurus. I have found that the Syriac word is con stantly represented by one word in the Pentateuch, and by another in later books. Ewald, whose view is that the historical books of the Old Testament have been recast an indefinite number of times, 60 ABRAHAM AND THE PATRIARCHS [Lect. from any that it ever had in later times0. It means one under God's special protection, one holding a closer than ordinary relation with God, and whose prayers therefore are acceptable. It may suggest that Abraham bore a sort of sacred character; but his paying tithes to Melchizedek shows that such was not the case to any large extent. And certainly the history never sets him before us as one who had any message from God to the Canaanites0. He yet fully grants this fact so destructive of his theories. Speaking of ' the great book of the primitive history,' and of ' the great book of the kings (Judges, Buth, Samuel, Kings)' he says : 'Although both are equally made up of passages by the most diverse writers, yet on the whole each is distinguished by a peculiar cast of lan guage. Many fresh words and expressions become favourites here, and supplant their equivalents in the primitive history ; others that are thoroughly in vogue here are designedly avoided in the primitive history, and evidently from a historical consciousness that they were not in use in the earliest times ; but the most remarkable and pervading characteristic is that words of common life, which never occur to the pen of any single relator of the primitive history, find an unquestioned reception here.' — Hist. Israel, i. 133. In the face of this he affirms that the basis ofthe Pentateuch is in the main two historical works (helped out by a multitude of others), the first the book of Covenants, written in Samuel's time, and parts of which are incorporated in Judges; and ihe book of Origins, which covers the whole space from Gen. i. to the building of Solomon's temple, and of which parts are incor porated in 1 Kings. Both works, then, had a common basis : how could the language be kept distinct ? b The passage quoted from Ps. cv. 15, is a remarkable corrobo ration of this. Tradition had evidently preserved the fact that the patriarchs had been called prophets, while such a meaning of the term had long disappeared from the ordinary language. c Abraham, taking with him a powerful clan (Gen. xiv. 14), left the probably more thickly peopled Ur of the Chaldees, and subse- IL] IN WHAT SENSE PROPHETS. 61 taught his own household rehgiously, as every up right head of a family would now, but he had no commission to speak in God's name, and reveal His wiU. Once, and once only besides, is there a simUar use of the word in Holy Scripture. ' Touch not my anointed, and do my prophets no harm/ (Ps. cv. 15.) The prophets here referred to are the twelve patri archs, men not inspired, but living in closer than ordinary relations to God, as admitted into covenant with Him. The next place in which the word Nabhi occurs is one that throws singular light upon its meaning, and which wiU sufficiently settle its true sense. 'Jehovah said unto Moses, Sae, I have made thee a God, Elohim, to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet.' (Ex. vii. 1.) Now Aaron had no message of his own to deliver. He was not even a man fit to be trusted apart from Moses (Ex. xxxii. 1-6). His duty was to find words quently Haran, to wander in the southern districts of Palestine, a region by no means of great fertility, and where the population was sparse. We find the Amorites there confederate with him, and a priest-king blessing him in the name of ' the most high God/ and receiving tithes of him (Gen. xiv. 13, 19, 20). We gather from this that though the Canaanites in many of the more fertile parts were grossly voluptuous, yet that they still possessed some knowledge of the true God, and were not tainted in the country districts with the sins which brought down chastisement on the cities ofthe plain (Gen. xv. 16). Abraham then wandered in the wildernesses of southern Palestine to preserve his clan from corrup tion, just as afterwards Israel was shut up in Goshen that it might remain pure. The time for the regeneration of the world had not yet come, and Israel was only being trained for effecting it. 62 THE PROPHET [Lect. with which to explain to the people the will of Moses, accordmg to what we read in the paraUel place, 'Aaron shall be thy spokesman unto the people (Hterally, shall speak for thee to the people) : and he shaU be to thee instead of a mouth, and thou shalt be to him instead of God.' (Ex. iv. 16.) Now God and man are so infinitely remote in their own proper natures, that without a mediator or interpreter it would not be possible for them to hold any communication with one another. God's wUl, and whatever knowledge He may be pleased to give us of heavenly things, must be brought down to human ideas and narrowed to the small- ness of human words, before we can possibly under stand them. To suppose that human words and human ideas can be adequate exponents of divine truths in their full perfectness is simply absurd. As certainly as a vessel can hold no more than its own measure, so certainly no being can under stand anything higher than itself. The animals have no power of understanding those qualities in which man transcends the limits of their nature : man has no power of understanding those qualities in which angels excel us d : the very angels and arch- d We must suppose that St. Paul himself understood the revela tions made to him in 2 Cor. xii. Now as there could be no secrets between St. Paul and the angels, there could have been nothing unlawful or unfit to communicate to other saints in the things of which they conversed with him. But if St. Paul understood those revelations only by supernatural help, that law which prevented his communicating them to others (2 Cor. xii. 4) must have been the law of man's nature. The revelations probably did relate to H.] A MEDIATOR. 63 angels have no power of comprehending God's infinities. For the finite, however large, can never comprehend the Infinite. If then any knowledge of heavenly things was to be given to man, there must be a mediator between God and man. The very centre of Christianity is that there was such a Mediator. One in Whom the infinite, incompre hensible, unapproachable God became one with finite man. In this God-man, the Emmanuel, of Whom the prophets spake, there was this meeting of heaven and earth, by means of which the truths of heaven could be communicated to man. ' God spake in the Son :' it became possible to express in human ideas and human words, not perfect knowledge, but such knowledge of divine things as was necessary for man's salvation. And such as Christ was in His ful ness, such were the prophets in their degree. I bade you before remark that the Apostle uses the same word of them as of our blessed Lord. And now I ask you to observe how, in the very first place in which the word 'prophet' is used in its proper sense, we have just the same truths set before us. those things into which men often so earnestly try to penetrate — the mysteries of Christ's future kingdom and of the world to come. Now if St. Paul had endeavoured to bring down these paradisiacal ideas to the level of human language, he would necessarily have been misunderstood, and the Church would have been injured and not benefited by having revelations made to it beyond the bounds of its present capacities. Hence it is a note of the Canonical Scriptures that they are silent upon these mysteries. The nearest approach to an exposition of them is in Bev. xx, and early councils very strongly condemned what looks like a not unreasonable expo sition of St. John's words. 64 REVELATION NOT PERFECT [Lect. We should shrink from the language twice used, that any one man should be a God to another. But it is God Who speaks it. And how deep the mystery ! Moses as God, Pharaoh as sinful man, cannot approach one another. There must be a mediator. The prophet is that mediator. Till the true Mediator came, the prophet was His repre sentative. When the true Mediator had come there were prophets no more. There are no mediators now between heaven and earth. Christ is the one point of junction, the one bridge which makes a pathway over the abyss, and unites the Infinite and the finite. The last representative prophet was John the Baptist. The -n-pocpnT^ of St. Paul's epistles, the 7rpocp4r>]i of the early Church, was some thing quite different. His business was to preach, to speak for God by urging upon the consciences of the people acknowledged truths. He had no new truth to declare ; bore no message from God but that once for aU entrusted to the Church's keeping. Under the Old Testament, then, the prophet was the mediator, whose business it was in his measure to do that which Christ did fuUy and finally for His Church. For the whole theory of the Bible is that man needs a certain amount of information as to his soul, its relations to God, and to eternity. This knowledge must be con veyed to man through some such medium as will enable him to understand it. It cannot be perfect knowledge, because man is incapable of under standing such knowledge. It would be no use H-] BUT SUFFICIENT. 65 giving man even angelic knowledge : for man is not merely 'an earthen vessel' (2 Cor. iv. 7), but a very smaU vessel ; the utmost knowledge there fore of which he is capable is but little, and that little must be in relation to himself, must be such as suits his feeble powers. God then chose men as the mediators to convey to man in a human way, as being the only way in which he could possibly understand it, such knowledge as was both necessary and sufficient. Sufficient it must be, or it were no good giving it at all. But the amount of truth given was limited by man's needs. There is aU that he requires, but nothing more : nothing given to satisfy our curiosity, or even our thirst after knowledge. Yet God of His mercy has given us this Hmited measure of truth in such a way that we seem never to reach the bottom of it. The more we read, the more full of meaning the Bible seems to be to us : and as men grow in grace it does unfold to them more and more of God's ways, and they do see more clearly in it God's mysteries of love, and read it with deeper awe and reverence, as it speaks to them with more power, and becomes day by day more thoroughly the law by which they Hve, and the comfort which sustains them in this troubled world. Still, we are not to read it for knowledge' sake, but for use. It has been given to us simply to enable us to walk in that narrow pathway whereby we may attain to those mansions of perfection where knowledge wUl be ours, for ' we shall know even as also we are known.' (1 Cor. xiii. 12.) F 66 TRUTHS OF REVELATION NOT [Lect. I know that by many these mansions are regarded as but an unsubstantial hope; and each advance in science, each growth in knowledge, as it reveals to us more and more of those perfect laws by which the Creator works, is supposed to remove that Creator from us, and to leave us laws only without a law giver, and earth only without a heaven. But how ever perfect the knowledge of our bodies may become0, there is ever something beyond, something which physical science cannot grasp, because it Hes not within its province ; and stiU do the secret cravings of our nature prompt the question, Has this earthly body, constructed so curiously and admirably, any unearthly inhabitant 1 Is Hfe mere chymical action and nothing more 1 Are these so-called mental workings within it simply the result of organization, and there fore not mental but corporeal % Are there truths that lie safe within the heart of man, because placed there e There are especially two recent physical theories supposed by some reasoners to disprove the conclusions of those thinkers whose studies have been in things mental and not material. The first is the theory which explains the growth of habits by supposing an aggregation of molecular cells ; the second is that which makes the physical basis of life consist of three compounds, carbonic acid ( = oxygen and carbon), water ( = oxygen and hydrogen), and am monia ( = hydrogen and nitrogen). Both theories seem to me remarkably innocent and very interesting. The odd thing is that men of ability should ground metaphysical arguments upon physical data. It is just the old confusion which made the physical philo sophers of antiquity deduce all sorts of conclusions about material things from metaphysical considerations. Verily, in spite of the Baconian philosophy, the aggregate of human wisdom remains a very stationary quantity. IL] COGNIZABLE BY PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 67 by God 1 or are they, not truths, but unsubstantial mockeries % The answer to these questions cannot be given by physical science ; it belongs to other studies, studies such as those in which Plato of old excelled, who, by the examination of the workings of the human mind, deduced the conclusion that there was in man something immortal. The very first lesson about man in the Bible is that he was made out of the dust of the ground. We start with this ; every part of man's bodily organization is physical : and science, by giving a more exact meaning to the language of Scripture, does but enable us with deeper reason to join in the Psalmist's words, ' I will praise Thee, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made.' (Ps. cxxxix. 14.) But it gives no answer to the question, Is the universal belief of mankind in the existence of a God the result of a Divine impress upon the human mind 1 Is it a breach of my nature to deny that God exists, and that He has relations with me ? Are those other words of the Bible true which speak of man as made in God's image and likeness'? (Gen. i. 26.) Now verities such as these the Bible never attempts to prove. It never strays off into phUosophy or metaphysical science, any more than it does into physical science. Wherever any aUusion is made to these branches of knowledge, it is for some moral purpose. The existence of a God, His unity and perfectness ; the existence of a soul, its immortality and spiritual nature, — these cardinal truths are taught by the very constitution of the human mind, and by its irresistible promptings. The Bible does but state F 2 68 THE THEOCRATIC GOVERNMENT [Lect. them clearly, purely, adequately : it does not prove, but asserts them. It asserts them as self-evident truths. Apart from religion they may be but prob abilities ; yet as the probabUities of our nature, they are therefore the law of our nature — the law of our higher and spiritual, though not of our physical nature. The groundwork of the Bible is the tacit assumption that there is a difference between right and wrong, that answering to this difference there is in man a conscience, above man a God, and before man a judgment. It assumes this, and the prophet's message related simply to man's duty to God ; it told him of his present probation, of his future hopes, of God's love, of an opened way of mercy, of sins for given, of man reconciled to his Maker and admitted to an eternal happiness. The prophet in these things was God's spokesman. Now there are two things in the Mosaic record entirely in accordance with what I have here said, and which wiU both themselves be better understood if viewed in connection with the prophet's office, and also throw much light upon it. The one is the nature of the government of the Jews as established by Moses, the other is his celebrated prediction of God raising up unto them a prophet Hke unto himself. The idea of the government estabhshed by Moses was that of Jehovah's direct autocracy. The Jews were fenced off from aU other people, and were to Hve under a special providence, with Jehovah as their king. The actual administrator of the govern- II.] IMPLIED THE EXISTENCE OF THE PROPHET. 69 ment was to be chosen by Him, and was to have His direct aid and counsel. The ordinary means provided for this by Moses was the Urim and Thummim ; and the priest was the appointed person by whom Je hovah's wUl was to be made known. But Moses himself made no use of the Urim and Thummim. It was intended for use only when there was no prophet : and thus when, after Samuel's days, God was pleased to bestow the gift of prophecy more abundantly, we read of it no more. David is the last person mentioned as thus consulting God, and Abiathar the last priest who spake in God's name by means of the ephodf. The priest therefore with the Urim and Thummim was confessedly something f Thus David ' enquired of Jehovah' not only when fleeing from Saul (i Sam. xxiii. 9), but in his wars with the Philistines after he was made king (2 Sam. v. 19, 23, 1 Chron. xiv. 10, 14). From 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, however, it appears that we must not infer that the term 'enquired of Jehovah' necessarily implies making use of the ephod, so that it is quite possible that Nathan, or some other prophet, may have given David the instructions recorded in 2 Sam. v. 19, 23. Passages certainly referring to the Urim and Thummim are Judges xx. 27, 1 Sam. xxii. 10, 15, xxviii. 6, 2 Sam. ii. 1, xvi. 23, 1 Chron. x. 14, xiii. 3. We observe in these passages that it is accounted as a sin to Saul that he made no use of the Urim and Thummim ; that is, being the first king, he deliberately rejected that means whereby the will of Jehovah as their civil ruler had been previously made known. David's restoration of the ark to its place, and his frequent use of it and of the ephod, mark his deter mination to rule as Jehovah's representative. Nevertheless gradually he abandoned the use of it, and in the rebellion of Absalom he abso lutely declined the presence, not only of the ark, but of Zadok and Abiathar (2 Sam. xv. 24-29). Whatever his reason may have been, he refused to make use of the Urim and Thummim in that unnatural war. 70 THE PROPHET HIGHER [Lect. inferior to the prophet. Probably nothing more could be learned by it than Yea and Nay. And while it is quite possible that Moses may have expected that the priests would perform many of those duties which as a matter of fact they neglected — I mean the spiri tual duties of their office, teaching, and preaching, and instructing the people, and warning them of their sins, and urging upon them the necessity of a godly Hfe ; — while the priests seem to have attached themselves too much to their ritual duties, and to have neglected the weightier matters of their office, stiU, even from the first, the prophet stood on a far higher elevation than the priest. Moses was as high above Aaron as Isaiah was above Azariah, the high priest of the house of Zadok (2 Chron. xxxi. 10) in Hezekiah's days ; as high above Aaron as Jeremiah was above Seraiah and Zephaniah, the high priests in Zedekiah's days (Jer. Hi. 24) ; as high above Aaron as the spiritual must ever be above ritual. And the prophets, with their earnest preaching and teaching, their incessant admonition of the people, their stern and unwavering denunciations of sin, their attacks upon idolatry, their warnings that sacrifices and sabbaths, fastings and festivals, might be an abomin ation, and to trust in the temple — to trust in any thing but in a cleansed heart and a contrite spirit — might be to trust in lying words (Jer. vii. 4) ; — they in aU this were the worthy foUowers of Moses. They had not necessarUy civil power. Samuel possessed it ; and we read that in his days the possession of the spiritual Ulumination of the Nabhi carried with it II.] THAN THE PRIEST WITH THE URIM. 71 the right to the government of the states. But when the people determined to have a king, they separated the two things for ever, and Samuel long protested against the change, because he saw that henceforward the true representative of Jehovah, the true adminis trator of the theocratic government, would be deprived of his right place. But even then the prophets had the right, and usually the power, to dethrone kings, and bestow the crown upon others, (i Kings xi. 31, &c.) And though shorn, from the days of Saul, of the civil power, yet in all other respects they were the successors of Moses; only so far from exceUing that great spokesman for God, Holy Scripture clearly points out the particulars in which the rest of the prophets fell short of the full powers possessed by the first and greatest of their order (Num. xii. 6-8, Heb. in. 5). The prophet then was the representative of God under the theocratic government, the vizier, or deputy, whose business it was to speak in God's name. And in the Book of Judges, the civil governors, God's representatives too, hold a sort of prophetic position. Deborah judged Israel because she was a prophetess, e This is implied in 1 Sam. iii. 20. It seems, from the example of Eli, that, when there was no prophet, the high priest was invested with the temporal power, possibly because he alone could consult Jehovah by means of the Urim. As the ark is often associated with the Urim, the people probably took it and Eli's sons with them to battle for the purpose of obtaining auguries (1 Sam. iv. 4); but when they knew that the higher inspiration rested upon Samuel, the priests with the Urim retired into their proper office, and Samuel, as Nabhi, became also Shophet or Judge. 72 THE JUDGES DIVINELY INSPIRED [Lect. and the warrior Barak obeyed her. Her successors were men chosen, as we should say, providentiaUy, yet some by direct commission, by the agency of angels, as Gideon and Samson. But their gift was in the main that of government and military skiU. And thus, as not having the highest gift, that of speaking God's truth, they are not called prophets, and we read of angels, spiritual messengers from Jehovah, more frequently than of prophets in the interval between Moses and Samuel h. Yet neither Joshua, nor Othniel, nor Gideon, not Jephtliah, nor Samson seem to have used the Urim and Thummim : apparently it was used only when God had no repre sentative, no one who had the right either to speak or to act in his name (cf. Judges xx. 18, 23, 28). ' The Spirit of Jehovah,' we read, ' came upon Othniel, and he judged Israel ;' (Judges iu. 10 ;) ' The Spirit of Je hovah came upon Gideon, and he gathered the people for battle ;' (Ib. vi. 34 ;) ' The Spirit of Jehovah came upon Jephthah.' (Ib. xi.29.) And four times the same phrase is used of Samson1 (Ib. xni. 25, xiv. 6, 19, h The only prophet mentioned in the Book of Judges besides Deborah was the nameless man who preached repentance just before Gideon was summoned to Israel's rescue (Judges vi. 8-10). Here then the higher and spiritual duty of preaching was separated from that of government, even more completely than in the case of Barak ; for Deborah chose him as her deputy, and gave him directions what to do. 5 A difficulty may perhaps have often been felt rather than expressed with reference to the heroes of the Book of Judges, wliich may be resolved probably by bearing in mind two considerations. The first, that God's Spirit, resting upon men like Jephthah and Samson, did not remove them out of the level of their own age. II.] FOR GOVERNMENT. 73 xv. 14). The impulse to perform those actions neces sary for the preservation of Israel's nationahty came upon them from without, from God, quite as much as the impulse which compelled the prophets to pro claim certain truths. And this was an essential part of the theocracy. It was God's direct government : and for that government it was necessary that certain acts should be done, or it could not have been car ried on. But those who spake for God held a still higher place than the civU governors. For though certain even of their acts might have a typical meaning, yet primarUy the Judges had their commis sion for temporal and present purposes for the good government of the Israelites and the preservation of their national existence. The prophets had further to prepare for Christ, and to raise the nation to a higher state of morality, of knowledge, and of fitness for the spiritual truths of the Gospel. And thus, then, we come to the second point, the They are both freely numbered with God's saints in Heb. xi. 32, and were doubtless worthy of the high rank given them, and yet may have attained to a far lower degree of holiness absolutely than the saints of the New Testament or of Christian times. They must be judged relatively to their own times, for God's Spirit is never revolutionary : the settled order of things goes on in what seems a natural sequence of cause and effect, and the saints are liable to all the prejudices and common errors of their own age, nor can they advance more than a certain limit beyond it. And secondly, the gift of the Spirit, either for government or for declaring the truth, did not interfere with a man's individual probation. God's gifts do not take away our responsibility, hut only increase it. In Jere miah we have a deeply interesting account of the struggle that went on in his mind before finally grace was triumphant. But see Note C in the Appendix. 74 MOSES GREATER [Lect. prediction namely of Moses, twice referred to in the Acts (iii. 22, vn. 37) : 'The Lord thy God wUl raise up unto thee a Prophet from the midst of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me ; unto Him ye shaU hearken J.' (Deut. xviii. 15.) Now we have already seen that the prophet was, generaUy, the mediator j Ewald (Hist. Israel, i. 125, note 3) denies that this passage was originally Messianic, and asserts that it became so only through the influence of Deut. xxxiv. 10-12. But this latter place asserts, what is undeniable, that no prophet ever did rise up in Israel like unto Moses, and if, as probably was the case, it was added by Ezra, it gives his deliberate judgment, that during the whole era of pro phecy the promise of Moses had not been fulfilled. Still, I do not deny that every prophet was aliqaatenus, to some small extent, a mediator between God and man, and therefore a representative of Christ, the sole sufficient and true Mediator. The odd thing is, that what Ewald denies in one place he virtually grants in another. Thus he says, that 'the eternal truths were no where so clearly and firmly held as in Israel, and consequently the strong conscious ness could not but prevail there that their community must advance to some more perfect state, to something nearer the ideal of human striving. But these Messianic hopes were no invention of the prophets : they inherited them as an old and settled pro perty' (Proph. d. A. B. i. 29, ed. 2). But from whom did they inherit them? How did Israel get hold of these eternal verities? Whence this certainty that Israel was to bestow upon all mankind this perfect blessedness? and itself enjoy an imperishable existence? Well ! the great part which Moses had in endowing Israel with these high hopes — hopes destined to be fulfilled — is undeniable, and Ewald does not deny it. The whole is granted, but the parts must be denied. The Jews always did look forward for some one to come, though their ideas were often modified by present circum stances. It was Moses who made them thus look forward. Granted. But Moses must not be allowed to say anything special. Explain everything special away, and the haze that remains will do no harm. It is not enough for faith, and therefore may be per mitted to remain for the present. But is such an argument sound and reasonable? IL] THAN A PROPHET. 75 between God and man ; and specificaUy, that under the theocracy he was God's deputy, and endowed even with the civU power untU the people, by the appointment of a king, separated their state govern ment from the direct control of Jehovah. Now both these powers, the power of speaking for God, and the power of acting for "Godk, existed in Moses in a far fuller manner than in any of his successors. The distinction is declared by Jehovah Himself. We read in the Book of Numbers (xii. 5-8), that when Aaron and Miriam reproached Moses for having married a Cushite wife, and Moses meekly bore their reproaches, Jehovah came suddenly down in the pUlar of the cloud, and summoning the offenders into His presence, reproved them thus : ' Hear now my words : If there k I ought rather to have said ' for Jehovah.' In His covenant relations to Israel the name of the Deity is Jehovah. Not Elohim, the God of nature, but Jehovah, the God of grace, was the king of the covenant people ; and doubtless by this name is meant our Lord Jesus Christ. So in the Te Deum, addressing Christ, we say, ' We acknowledge Thee to be the Lord,' i. e. Jehovah. And thus, while the ' Word of God' is a phrase constantly used in the New Testa ment, where God's mercies are coextensive with all nature (Mark xvi. 1 5), it is not used more than half-a-dozen times in the Old Testa ment ; nor do the prophets speak in the name of God, but of Jehovah. As for the real pronunciation of this name, while Jehovah is certainly wrong, I am fully convinced that Jahveh is not right. Its use is to me a mere affectation of an unattainable exactness. The true sound of the name was pronounced only once a year while the temple stood, on the great day when the High Priest entered the Holy of Holies. Had it been recoverable, it would have been found out before the nineteenth century. All the arguments for the name being Jahveh start with an assumption which almost takes one's breath away; namely, that the vocalization of the Massorites represents the original pronunciation. It is very useful, very clever, very systematic, but that it was the pronunciation used by Moses is a little too much to believe. 76 POSITION OF THE SLAVE [Lect. be a prophet among you, I Jehovah wiU make Myself known unto him in a vision, and will speak unto him in a dream. My servant Moses is not so, who is faithful in all My house. With him wUl I speak mouth to mouth, even apparently, and not in dark speeches ; and the similitude of Jehovah shall he behold.' Now, not only does it foUow from this that inspiration was a permanent and abiding influence upon Moses, an occasional and temporary gift to the rest, but it shows us why Moses had this higher gift. He held a position such as no one besides ever held. In all God's house — in His Church — it was his to order and command as he would, though only as the steward, the servant, and Christ as the Son1. That which Moses did by appointment, by a delegated authority, that Christ did by right of His nature ; and in His own house, for^'the Church is Christ's body,' (Eph. i 23,) in which His wUl, as being the wUl of the Head, reaches to and controls every part. But the Jewish Church stood in no such relation to Moses. It belonged to Jehovah, and Moses was His slave. The changed institutions of our time make us lose much of the force of this comparison between Christ and Moses. Used to the idea of predial slavery, and to the degraded condition of the slave as set before us l Even the Son is not absolute master. He is heir of all, and His rights come to Him by nature, not by gift. Yet as Son He can neither do nor say anything as of Himself. For the former, see Christ's words in John v. 19 ; for the latter, John xii. 49. Yet in this there is a mystery, though not past solving, when we reflect that the Son is the xaPaKTVP (Heb. i. 3), in Whom the Father's ineffable will finds outward form and expression. II.] UNDER THE LAW OF MOSES. 77 by the political economists of Greece, who in their inhuman materialism regarded him only as e/x^rvyov opyavov, an implement endowed with life, differing from the plough or mattock in much the same way as the ox differed from them ; — used to see this detest able idea pushed to its base but legitimate conse quences by the trading avarice of Christian nations, aided no doubt by the fact that the slave in modern days is one of a different race and colour, marked off by physical inferiorities from his master, and not therefore appealing to his sympathies in the same way as if he had been in the main his master's like and equal ; — used thus to negro and predial slavery, we carry our horrible notions into the Bible, and imagine that the Hebrew slave held an analogous condition. When we turn to oriental commentaries, we find altogether a different feehng. We read, for instance, in an Exposition of the Prodigal Son™, that in the household there are three grades of depend ence, first the son, next the slave, last of all the hired freeman, 'the mean white' of modern days; and they note it, as a mark of humility in the repentant prodi gal, that he asked only for the lowest place. How ever this may be, we certainly find two things in the Bible ; first, the entire recognition of the rehgious equality of the slave. He was to be admitted to the covenant (Gen. xvii. 12, 13), the Sabbath (Ex. xx. 10), the passover (Ib. xii. 44), the feast of weeks (Deut. xvi. n), and tabernacles (Ib. xvi. 14), on just the same footing as his master. And further we find, m Cod. Bodl. Or. 624, fol. 670. See also Ex. xii. 45. 78 MOSES THE SLAVE [Lect. that if there was no son, then the slave stood next. He was heir to the property ; on him devolved the tribal chieftainship11 ; and if there were daughters, husbands were chosen for them from the slaves0. In the clan the head slave stood in all respects next in rank to the chief and to his sons. The same thing happens in oriental countries now. The great officers of state, its prime ministers and treasurers, begin life often as slaves. And thus we can understand the meaning of that peculiar title given in so remarkable a manner to Moses, by virtue of which he holds a place in revelation inferior only to that held by our Lord. He is Jehovah's servant ; Hterally translated, Jehovah's slave; translated accord ing to the sense, Jehovah's prime minister, His vice gerent and vizier. Now Moses never appropriates this honourable distinction to himselfP. It is first found in the narrative of his death, by whomsoever n Thus Eliezer of Damascus, a slave born in his house, was Abraham's steward during his life, the next in rank to him in the tribe till a son was born, and heir at his death to all his wealth and power. This office of steward is exactly parallel to that held by Moses in Israel towards Jehovah, Israel's king. o Thus Sheshan gives his daughter to wife to an Egyptian slave named Jarha (i Chron. ii. 34). Unless he had done this, his landed possessions and chieftainship would have been sunk in those of some other princely house. p Moses records in the place quoted above (Num. xii. 7), that Jehovah called him My servant Moses ; but so he records that Jehovah spake in similar terms of Caleb, My servant Caleb (Num. xiv. 24). It seems, therefore, that the name was not given to Moses because of God thus addressing him, for then it would have equally been applied to Caleb. It was given to him because he did as a fact hold a peculiar place in God's dealings with mankind. Unless this, too, is borne in mind, ^md the relation in IL] OF JEHOVAH. 79 written, and whensoever added to the history. ' So Moses the servant of Jehovah died in the land of Moab.' (Deut. xxxiv. 5.) It is subsequently given him in the Books of Joshua (seven times), of Kings (1 Kings viii. 53, 56), of Chronicles (2 Chron. i. 3, xxiv. 6), in the Psalms (cv. 26), and in Malachi (iv. 4). He is called the servant of Elohim in Chronicles ( i Chron. vi. 49, 2 Chron. xxiv. 9), in Nehemiah (x. 29), in Daniel (ix. 11), and finally in Revelation (xv. 3), the substitution of the term Elohim being probably occasioned by that superstitious reverence for the name Jehovah, which graduaUy grew up among the Jews, which made them unwiUing to utter it, which has further led to its being translated usuaUy Lord in our version, and which makes us at this day pronounce it with vowels belonging to another word. Jehovah is a name made up of the consonants of one word, and the vowels of another Though Jacob was afraid of the consequences of this deed (Gen. xxxiv. 30), and justly condemned the violence and cruelty with which Simeon and Levi had acted (Ib. xlix. 5-7), he never theless felt considerable pride in the exploit itself (Ib. xlviii. 22). c Barak probably belonged to the tribe of Naphtali, though acting under the orders of Deborah, who dwelt in Mount Ephraim. What is more important is that we find Ephraim claiming supre macy over even the Manassites, Gideon (Judges viii. 1) and Jephthah (Ib. xii. 1). 88 NUMEROUS RETAINERS [Lect. all the Israelites who came out of Egypt were descended from Jacob is so contrary to every text of Holy Writ, that it passes comprehension how it could ever have arisen : even though the truth is obscured in our version by the translation 'little ones' for a wordd which the Septuagint correctly renders household and clan {phia and o-vyyiveia). For we have already seen that the fundamental law of circumcision was that every slave, whether born in the house or bought with money, was to be circumcised (Gen. xvii. 12, 13) : he became a mem- d The word, in Hebrew *|t3 taph correctly answers to the word household; thus, in 2 Chron. xxxi. 18, the taphs of the priests are said to consist of their wives, their sons, and their daughters : and so when, Ib. xx. 13, the men of Judah brought their taphs to pray in the temple, it is explained as meaning their wives and children. But elsewhere it plainly includes the slaves and dependants. Thus ' Joseph nourished his father, and his brethren, and the whole house of his father according to the taph,' i. e. according to the number of the whole household, Gen. xlvii. 12. So Pharaoh was willing to let the Israelites go, but they must leave their taphs, their house holds, behind, Ex. x. 10, 11. So when the Gadites and Beubenites built cities for their taphs, Num. xxxii. 16, 24, 26, it does not mean for small children, but for their households. While forty thousand of the men numbered in Num. xxvi went over Jordan to the con quest of Canaan, more than sixty thousand stayed behind ; but though doubtless most of these were but armed retainers, still the taph did not strictly include them, but only the domestic slaves : see Ex. xii. 37, where the taphs are not numbered among the six hundred thousand men who left Egypt. In Num. xxxi. 17, 18 the taphs are described as consisting partly of males, who were all to be put to death, and partly of women, some married and some virgins. The translation ' women children' is erroneous. In other places a dis tinction is made between the women and the taph; see Deut. xx. 14, xxix. 1 1, Josh. i. 14, &c. In such places the children and domestic slaves are meant. III.] OF THE PATRIARCHS. 89 ber of the covenant just as fully as his master. But Abraham could equip 318 trained servants born in his house, and take them with him to battle. He must have left other servants at home to guard the women and chUdren, the flocks and cattle. You would scarcely find three hundred active young men in a clan of three thousand souls, and yet Abraham grew far more great and powerful than he was at the early period here described (viz. Gen. xiv). So too of Isaac. Not only did he inherit all that Abraham possessed, except the probably large gifts bestowed upon Ishmael and the sons of Keturah (Gen. xxv. 5, 6), but we read that he so grew in wealth, that Abimelech the Phihstine king of Gerar bade -him depart : ' for,' said he, ' thou art much mightier than wee.' (Ib. xxvi. 16.) To this again e This verse seems to me to solve the difficulty which some have felt as to the presence of Philistines in Canaan at this early period. Caphtor, i. e. Crete, was their original home (Amos ix. 7 ) , and an early body of immigrants had founded this kingdom of Gerar in the south of Palestine. They were however comparatively few, and finally were conquered or absorbed by the Canaanites. When, centuries afterwards, Israel entered Canaan, we read at first nothing about Philistines, and Judah conquered Gaza, Askelon, and Ekron without trouble. But either the opportunity afforded by the troubles consequent upon the invasion of Palestine by Israel, or internal agita tions in Crete, induced large numbers of Philistines to seek once again a land well known to them by tradition as once occupied by their countrymen, and thus as early as Judges iii. 3 we read of the five lords of the Philistines. From three of these cities they must have expelled the men of Judah, and powerful by sea and land they became Israel's most dangerous enemies, till they were finally conquered by David, who so respected their valour as to form of them his body guard (2 Sam. viii. 18). To what exact date Judges iii. 3 belongs is uncertain. 90 THE HOUSEHOLDS OF THE PATRIARCHS [Lect. must be added the numerous retainers brought back by Jacob from Mesopotamia. Though unable to cope with Esau, who came against him with four hundred men, it was perhaps not so much because of inferiority of numbers, as because his men were untrained, while Esau had with him the hardy mountaineers of Seir. His present to Esau was that of a mighty prince, and proves the greatness of his wealth. But besides we read of Jacob being accompanied from Padan-Aram by his brethren. They it was who pUed up the hill of Galeed (Gen. xxxi. 46, 54). Now strictly speaking, brother he had none but Esau, and these can scarcely have been aught else than confederates, who had migrated with him from Mesopotamia, and who were doubt less absorbed into the twelve tribes. But indepen dently of this, we read that after Isaac's death, when Esau and Jacob had divided his wealth between them, 'their riches were more than -that they might dwell together; and the land wherein they were strangers could not bear them because of their cattle.' (Gen. xxxvi. 7.) And so Esau seized upon Mount Seir, and reduced the Horites there to sub jection (Deut. ii. 12), while Jacob abode in Canaan. Now ' the gifts and caUing of God are without re pentance;' (Rom. xi. 29 ;) and I have yet to find the place in Holy Scripture which deprives these men, admitted by express command to the covenant, of their covenant-rights. Equally, I have still to find the place where we are told that the ground opened and swal lowed them up ; or that they perished by fire, or pes- III.] MEMBERS OF THE COVENANT. 91 tilence, or famine f. I am quite sure that the great chiefs would not have put them to death, because in them consisted their power. I should as soon ex pect to find the 'patres majorum gentium' at Eome putting their clients to death, or the captain of a Scottish clan putting his clan to death, as any of the chiefs mentioned in the first chapter of Num bers putting their households to deaths. What f All those commentators who make elaborate calculations to prove the possibility of the six hundred thousand men at the Exodus being Jacob's lineal descendants, do by some sleight-of-hand manage to exclude all these men from the covenant, to which, both by the original law of circumcision and by subsequent enactments, they were expressly admitted. But fairness requires that we should know by what process they were excluded, at what date it took place, and what became of them. e The history of Joseph may seem at first sight to militate against what is so absolutely certain from every other part of Genesis, namely, that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were the chiefs of powerful clans. But in so very brief a narrative, the silence of Holy Scripture is not so significant as the pregnant hints which from time to time it drops, and by which we are able to catch some ideas of the patriarchs in their worldly aspect. They are not set before us as human history would delineate them, but as men of God, the founders of the Jewish Church, and the forefathers of Christ. Now Joseph's history is full of religious instruction. He is the very model of suffering meekly borne for conscience' sake : he is the visible example of that working of God which brings good out of evil : he is the proof of God's goodness, Who though He long try His people will yet surely visit and save : he is the sign of God's providence, so overruling men's good and evil, as to bring about His great designs. Intent upon this, the history puts out of view all those particulars upon which worldly history would descant at large. Of course twelve sacks of corn would not do much to main tain a numerous tribe, but probably the great mass of the servants were dispersed seeking pasturage for the cattle. Most probably too Jacob's sons went down only to open trade, and make arrange- 92 LARGE TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS [Lect. good would the vast territories which Caleb gave to his daughter Achsah, her southland, and her upper and nether springs, have done her, if neither she nor Othniel had had dependants to till them ? What good would Hebron have been to Caleb, if he had had to till it with his own hands \ The lineal descendants of the patriarchs always strike me in reading the Bible as remarkably few. These clans, then, formed the great strength of Israel, both in Goshen and in the Holy Land. At the head of some such body of retainers the sons of Ephraim made that expedition into the land of Palestine which ended so disastrously in their slaughter (i Chron. vii. 21, viii. 13). 'No less powerful was the other son of Joseph ; for we find that Jair, accounted to belong to Manasseh (Num. xxxii. 41), because his grandfather Hezron, a son of Judah, had married a daughter of Machir, the son of Manasseh,— ments for the future. There was thus ground for Joseph treating them as spies. There is no reason to doubt but that when they were settled in so vast a region as Goshen, their numbers must have stood in some relation to the country assigned them. Even the great chiefs were not all born of Jacob. How could Othniel the son of Kenaz be the younger brother of Caleb the son of Jephunneh in any other way than by adoption % Caleb however himself is called a Kenezite in Josh. xiv. 14, and, from the manner in which he is spoken of in Josh. xv. 13, it is plain that he himself did not belong to the tribe of Judah by birth. Apparently the Kenezites were in corporated with Israel at the Exodus, and Caleb and Othniel, the chiefs of two several portions of the tribe, were reckoned as descend ants of Judah, and as brothers ; but in the genealogy (1 Chron. iv. i3> 15) no attempt is made to connect them either with Judah or with one another by actual relationship. They were brothers only in the sense in which Jacob's confederates were his brothers. HE] OF THE CHIEFS. 93 we find that this Jair possessed in Gilead, as the representative of Machir's daughter, no less than twenty-three vUlages (i Chron. n. 22), and himself extended his rule over thirty-seven more (ver. 23). No wonder that another Jair of the same house judged Israel for twenty-two years, and that men long remembered his wealth and his magnificence, and talked of his thirty sons riding upon thirty ass colts, and Hving in feudal style each in his own cityh (Judges x. 3, 4). Now these retainers grew graduaUy out of the taph, or household. As I have shown, the position of a slave was not accounted dishonourable, and in course of time those born in the house attained ap parently to a certain amount of independence, and regarded their lord rather as their chief than as their owner. When Abraham and the patriarchs bought slaves (Gen. xvii. 12), they would probably be employed at first in domestic service, or in tending the cattle, but their children would enjoy greater freedom ; and, finally," in a land so large as Goshen, would acquire a higher position and greater rights. The liberal spirit which had secured for the pur chased slave admission to the covenant and equality in reUgious matters, could not stop there. Civil rights must in time follow, and personal freedom. But the connection between them and the great h In Judges xii. there are several other instances of this sort of barbaric grandeur, coupled with polygamy upon a large scale; a thing which is always sure in the long run to lead to the decay of those families which indulge in it. 94 ISRAEL ACCOMPANIED AT THE EXODUS [Lect. chiefs apparently was never dissolved ; and the lineal descendants of the patriarchs, whose genealogies are so carefully given in the Books of Numbers and of Chronicles, depended for their power and influence upon the number of the men who formed their clan, or family >, as it is called in Num. xxvi. 5 sqq. 1 The word rendered family, mishpachah, means one of the larger divisions into which the tribe was distributed, and which bore the name of one of the sons or grandsons of the patriarch after whom the whole tribe was called. Thus the 43,730 men of the tribe of Beuben formed only four families, which were subdivided into houses (Num. i. 2). The chiefs of these houses were important men, and are called ' chief fathers' in Num. xxxi. 26, and ' heads of the fathers' in Josh. xiv. 1, which latter is the more exact trans lation of the Hebrew words. From 2 Chron. v. 2 we gather that while each tribe and each house had its chief, the family had none, possibly because the sons of the patriarchs had maintained an equality among themselves. The same also follows from Num. xxxvi. 1, where the spokesmen for the family (not the families, as in our version) of the Gileadites are the chiefs of its houses. In Josh. vii. 17, 18, in the history of Achan, we find the tribe of Judah thus divided into families, houses, and individuals. Now as the tribe of Judah consisted of 76,500 men, divided into four or at most five families, the whole number of each house must have been large, but by the individuals plainly are meant, not the retainers, but only those of pure blood — the chiefs actually descended from Jacob, and who would be few. It is necessary to remember this meaning of family. When Saul speaks of his family as the least of all the families of Benjamin (1 Sam. ix. 21), it does not follow that Kish was not a powerful chieftain — Gibeah apparently belonged to him, — but that as Benjamin was but a small tribe, so the division of it to which Saul belonged was not that which held the foremost rank. No doubt each house looked to its Mishpachah for aid, and the Mishpachah to the whole tribe: in which probably some one family bore the preponderance, possibly because the tribal chief usually belonged to it. In Saul's history we find an undesigned corroboration of the narrative in Judges xx. xxi. Benjamin, accord- III.] BY A MIXED MULTITUDE. 95 But besides these armed retainers, the glory and strength of the great houses, there was also a mixed multitude (Ex. xn. 38, Num. xi. 4), a plebs as it was caHed in Latin, but in Hebrew Ereb. In Goshen these had formed the lowest class, and probably had consisted of Arabs chiefly, who had been forced in times of famine or trouble to leave the wilderness J of Sinai, and seek refuge in the Egyptian border-land, and had been compelled there to own the superior power of Israel. But at the Exodus there must have been Egyptians, too, who threw in their lot with Moses. For Moses had mighty truths to preach, such as God's unity, His spiritual nature, His holi- ing to Num. xxvi. 38-40, was divided into six or seven families — probably the latter number. But Saul's family, that of Matri, is not one of them. Doubtless when the tribe was reduced to six hundred men, several of the old families were obliterated, and in course of time new ones took their place. J There could not be a greater mistake than to judge of the fertility of the wilderness of Sinai in the time of Moses by its present barrenness, the result, partly of the large mining operations once carried on there, when the wood was consumed for smelting the ore, and partly of the ravages of the Arabs since the days of Mohammed. In the Bible we always read of it as a populous region, inhabited chiefly by the powerful tribe of Amalek, but also by the Madianites, with whose chief Moses sought refuge. But just as famines had caused Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob to go down into Egypt, so probably the same cause led to many small Semitic tribes seeking a refuge there with the more powerful Israelites, who had been settled in Goshen by the Pha raohs, and fostered and protected by Joseph, Pharaoh's vicegerent. So, in the march through the wilderness, the Kenites and Kenez- ites joined Israel. Mr. Tristram and the Bev. F. W. Holland have abundantly proved that the wilderness of Sinai was once a thickly- wooded and well-watered region. 96 THE MIXED MULTITUDE FINALLY [Lect. ness. Brief as is the narrative, it teUs of Egyptians who feared the word of Jehovah (Ex. ix. 20). Such would not have been content to remain behind ; for religion is too powerful a motive for men to endure having their conscientious convictions trampled under foot : and as certainly as it was a struggle for rehgion between Moses and Pharaoh, so certainly would aU those who hated the debased worship of animals in Egypt, and the grovelling superstitions prevalent there, ally themselves to one who pro claimed truths of such marvellous purity as those for which Moses and Israel strove. OccasionaUy the chief of an Arab tribe, or an Egyptian of noble rank, may have been adopted into the princely houses ; but the great mass of the Ereb were men of inferior rank. What were their pre cise position and legal rights we cannot exactly tell, but certainly they had no landed property assigned them. You never find a small landed proprietor in the early history of Israel. You find men like Micah in Mount Ephraim with his house of gods, and hiring a Levite to be his domestic priest. You find Nabal in Carmel, owning sheep and goats by thousands. You find Barzillai providing a king and his army with sustenance whUe he lay at Mahanaim. Even Ziba, a servant of the house of Saul, has his fifteen sons and his twenty servants. Still more significant is the picture of Boaz, a mighty man of wealth, surrounded by his retainers, and living in rustic opulence at Bethlehem. The idea that the Israelites were, by the terms of the Mosaic law, a III.] INCORPORATED WITH ISRAEL. 97 nation of small proprietors k, is opposed to everything that we read of in the Bible. The Mosaic divisions were into tribes, famUies, and houses. But, further, we are not to suppose that this plebs or Ereb had any share in the covenant1. In Goshen ,c Certainly what the daughters of Zelophehad were so anxious about was not a miserable acre or two apiece, but some such princely territory as their cousin carried as dower to Hezron (Num. xxvii. i, i Chron. ii. 21, 22). The whole thing is made clear by the instructive genealogy in 1 Chron. ii. 50-55, where cities and clans are reckoned as sons. Compare also 1 .Chron. viii. 29 with ix. 35. It is quite plain that Gibeon in these two places was the property of Jehiel. Beally, too, it follows from the law as given in Num. xxvi. 53-56. The land was to be divided among the 601,730 men mentioned there, 'according to the number of names. To many thou shalt make his inheritance much, and to few thou shalt make his inheritance small : to each shall his inheritance be given according to those that were numbered of him.' Surely these words must mean that it was the chiefs who had the land, and that their share was greater or less according to the number of their retainers. Of course they would hold it for their clan, and would make allotments to them, but on what terms is uncertain. In the reign of Solomon the power of the great houses seems to have been crushed, and the land sub divided into smaller portions. As much is implied in the phrase 'dwelling every man under his vine and under his fig-tree.' (1 Kings iv. 25.) By what steps this change was brought about we are not told, but the fact is certain. Though we still read of the princes (1 Kings xx. 14, 2 Chron. xxx. 24), their power and wealth had greatly declined since the days of David. They had become rather the great officers of the court (Jer. xxxvi. 12), than chieftains living among their own people. 1 It was simply by confounding these three entirely distinct classes of people, of which the first and second only were members of the covenant, the first by their own right, the second by the fundamental law of the rite of circumcision, that those ingenious arithmetical puzzles were constructed which some short time H 98 CONDITION OF THE EREB [Lect. their connection with Israel was probably a very loose one, but at the Exodus they would be compelled by the need of protection to attach themselves to one or other of the tribes, and with this closer amalgama tion a higher position would also gradually be won by them. But it would not be till the conquest of Canaan that they would fully rank as Israelites™. For by that conquest a still lower class was formed, consisting not merely of the Gibeonites, but also of large remains of the native inhabitants (Judges iii. 5) . And the Ereb, dignified by the share they had taken in Israel's wanderings in the wilderness, and in the conquest of Palestine, looked down it may be with contempt on the conquered Amorites, who had be come little better than serfs n ; and so in time they ago puzzled the unthinking. Those numbers, as of the first-born in the wilderness, really enable any one with a little historical insight to judge of the relative proportions of the three great classes who collectively formed the Israelite nation. m It is quite possible that when Joshua renewed the covenant of circumcision at Gilgal (Josh. v. 2-7), the Ereb were admitted into it. If so, they would then be attached to some tribe, and henceforth numbered with it. They were not so numbered at the Exodus (Exod. xii. 38), but possibly many of them were included in the census recorded in Num. xxvi. n Many native towns no doubt maintained their independence during the days of the Judges besides Jebus (2 Sam. v. 6-8). In fact, we learn from 2 Sam. xx. 15-22 that a walled town was a troublesome matter to conquer. Many such towns and large pro perties retained by Canaanites (thus Araunah is even called a king in 2 Sam. xxiv. 23) would probably be absorbed by marriages (Judges iii. 6), but while thus the nation was growing in internal unity, its moral state was being depressed to the level of the Ereb, and even of the Canaanites. III.] IN PALESTINE. 99 would be regarded even by the true Israelites as their worthy companions and friends. And thus they formed a very valuable portion of the community. Enjoying personal freedom, and residing principally in the towns as traders, though many of them no doubt would stUl roam about as nomads — for to the very last there were large tracts of open country where any could pasture their sheep0 — being above all things independent, they would temper and moderate the power of the large houses. But their moral condition was probably low, nor had they those grand and noble ideas of the Godhead which marked the true descendants of Abraham. Of these in the main, the Book of Judges speaks, telling us how in successive dangers they delivered Israel from the inroads of the neighbouring nations, and exercised a sort of sovereignty, now in one quarter of the land and now in another. How great was the preponder- o The Israelites had always been a people partly agricultural and partly pastoral. Great part of Palestine is a vast table land (the mountain of Matt. v. i), and much of this apparently was not appropriated, but only the fertile valleys by which it is constantly traversed. Yet even of this Mr. Tristram tells us that ' the whole country south of Hebron, which now is a series of rolling downs, bare, and covered only with turf, testifies every mile or two by its ruined heaps, its olive-presses, wine-vats, and wells, to the density of a past population;' and no doubt the large districts originally given to the chiefs (Josh. xix. 50, xxiv. 33, Judges i. 20, 1 Chron. ii. 23, &c.) were, as population increased, broken up into smaller sections. But a large mass of the people still subsisted by pasturing their flocks in the wilderness or table land. Thus the powerful house of Bechab could all take to a nomad life at the command of Jehonadab, and Jeremiah speaks as if living in tents was still common in his day (Jer. iv. 20). H 2 100 CONDITION OF THE ISRAELITES [Lect. ance of these houses we learn in Gideon's history. When Jehovah's angel came to him, his difficulty in undertaking the command in the war against Midian was the smaUness of his father's house. Yet the town of Ophrah belonged to his father Joash ; Gideon, ' the least in his father's house/ had himself ten men- servants whom he could take with him to throw down Baal's altar. He does it by night, because ' he feared his father's household' as weU as the men of the city ; and when they come to Joash to complain of his son's conduct, Joash puts them off with a bitter jibe at their having a god who could not help him self. The townspeople, then, had a sort of import ance, and yet could not cope with even the small proprietor to whom they appertained. And as con sisting chiefly of the Ereb, with an admixture of Canaanites, we find them given up to idolatry. It is ever the towns at this era which are the seats of false worship and immorality. It was only gra dually that the higher teaching of the pure Israel ites leavened them, and it never leavened them thoroughly. Probably few but pure IsraeHtes went into captivity with Jehoiachin, and returned to found the second temple. During the days, then, of the Judges, there was no settled form of government, but the rule only of a dominant class, of whom occasionaUy one here and one there emerged into more general power. Mean while the nation was growing in unity ; so far there was progress, but we cannot detect many signs of it in any other direction. The extraordinary elevation of III.] IN THE TIME OF THE JUDGES. 101 Moses' character, which had stamped so deeply upon the minds of his contemporaries such noble truths as that from Jehovah come both love and chastisement (Exod. xx. 5, 6, xxxiv. 6, 7), and that in God a nation finds at once its protection and its code of morality, and that therefore God must alone be king : this influence seemed to lose its hold upon the people as Joshua and the rest who had known Moses passed away. We find instead a race of men valiant, self- reliant, with many rough and youthful virtues, but whose moral state was low, and their capacity for spiritual thoughts limited. Even those to whom Moses must have chiefly looked for carrying on his work, left their religious duties unattended to. Neither priests nor Levites seem after the days of Eleazar and Phinehas to have devoted themselves to the teaching of the people ; and the gift of prophecy, though not absolutely withheld, yet exerted itself in no other way than in the preservation of Israel's national existence. Yet the people never abandoned their conviction that they were consecrated to Jehovah, and held a special relation to Him. When sin entangled them, and national calamity came as its result, they never doubted but that upon their true repentance Je hovah would come to their succour. They knew that it is sin which separates man from God, and that repentance is not the cry of the lips, but the change of the heart. And thus when they returned to God He accepted them, while the splendid reformations of Hezekiah and Josiah wrought no deliverance, because 102 RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF ISRAEL [Lect. the heart of the people remained unchanged. We find even some slight traces of Messianic hopes. Jephthah's daughter bewails not her death, but her virginity ; as though every Jewish mother hoped that from her might be born the promised Deliverer. They were not untrue then to their calling, and it is even possible that the higher views of the true Israel ites were gradually leavening both the mixed mul titude who came with them out of Egypt, and the large number of Canaanites who still remained in the land. At all events, when Samuel appears the whole nation is ready to join in the spiritual worship of the one true God. Now, whence came this deep conviction, even in those coarse times, that there is but one God, and that that God requires as His sole true service holi ness % If there be one constant tendency in the human heart, it is to make worship a matter of the senses ; to express truth by outward sign and symbol. Truths ever crystallize and harden into objective forms, and lose thereby their quickening and penetrating force. How came this one people ever to struggle after spiritual truth, and finally to win it and impart it to aU mankind 1 Whence gained Abraham that better knowledge which made him abandon those gods which Terah worshipped (Josh. xxiv. 2), to serve a God whom no image may re present ? Rachel brings with her Laban's teraphim, and yet no canker of idolatry is the result. Ex cepting Joseph, the patriarchs are not set before us as men free from very deep stains of sin, and when III.] IN ADVANCE OF ITS PRACTICE. 103 the nation settled in Egypt, they were brought into contact with a people whose idolatry was of the basest kind, who worshipped cats and crocodUes, and animals of every sort, and even vegetables, but who besides possessed a civilization — a culture, as it is the fashion now to caU it — very far superior to that of the Hebrews, and such as must have greatly in fluenced and impressed them. So debased in fact were they, that a forty years' sojourn among the mountains and wildernesses of Sinai was necessary to rid them from the demoralizing influences of Egypt. But, in spite of this, there was on their side a healthy love of truth, and the power of embracing it ; and, on the other side, there was Moses, the one man who faUs below the level only of Christ, the one man in whom human nature reached its highest glory, and who points . onward to Christ, as the per fection of that which Moses sought, but through human infirmity could not reach (Num. xx. 12, 24, xxvii. 14). After Moses we have the picture of a people impressed by his master-mind with indelible convictions, but convictions far higher than their own moral level. It is but too probable that Moses' own grandson p was ready to minister before a graven image, on the excuse, no doubt, that it was but a symbol of the true Deity (Judges xviii. 30). The ephod p Many scholars consider that the Jews, to save the credit of Moses' family, changed Moses into Manasseh in Judges xviii. 30 ; the change consisting in but one stroke, namely, altering ne>lD into ntWD. It is remarkable how entirely the family of Moses dis appears from Jewish history. 104 SUPERIORITY OF MOSES [Lect. made by Gideon, in remembrance of the defeat of the Midianites, became a snare both to his own house and to the people generally (Judges viii. 27) . Not one of the gods of the heathen round but found wor shippers in Israel (Judges x. 6). Plainly the nation was leading a double existence. Whence came their better knowledge % Read through the Book of Judges. You do not find there any men capable of winning .spiritual truths for themselves. You do not find men strugghng after new ideas, and gradually attaining to them. Measured by their times the Judges were men of whom the world was not worthy. For, mixed up with much that was low and bad, they had an unwavering trust in Jehovah, an honest manly love of truth, and a consciousness that God must be served in holiness, and that repentance means a reformation of life — ideas altogether superior to any thing in the times wherein they lived. But they stand upon an infinitely lower level than Moses. Even Samuel and Jeremiah, the two other most perfect characters of Judaism, reached not up to the standard of Moses. The wisdom of Moses was not the product of Jewish culture, nor was it of Egyptian growth. Trained as was Moses in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and admitted probably to the priesthood, as Egyptian tradition 1 affirmed, he learned their 1 Manetho's account, as quoted by Josephus, c. Apion. i. 26 sqq., though grossly distorted, contains much nevertheless in itself credible. Cf. Ewald, Hist. Israel, ii. 76. From it we gather that the Exodus was the result of a religious struggle, and that Moses, as he appears also in the Pentateuch, was the bitter opponent of the wisdom of the Egyptian priests. III.] TO THE JUDGES. 105 teaching only to hate and condemn it, and at Mount Sinai his purpose was to raise up an eternal barrier between the Israelites and the rehgion of the country wherein they had so long dwelt. There did this extraordinary man lay broad and deep the founda tions of the one true rehgion, which was in due time to become the right of all mankind (Mark xvi. 15). StiU in the Ten Commandments do we recognize the most perfect summary of our duty to God and man. Still do we worship 'Jehovah, a God merciful and gracious, long-suffering, abundant in goodness and truth, but that wUl by no means clear the guilty.' (Ex. xxxiv. 6, 7.) Still in the types and ceremonies of the law we see the outlines of truths since re vealed, and which were ordained of old not to hide and conceal the Hght already given, but to prepare and lead men on to more light, to new truths, but truths for which the world was not then ready. No jot or tittle of the law has passed away, but aU has either been fulfilled in Christ, or lives on in Chris tianity in more fuU and perfect significance. Moses was no mere product either of Egyptian wisdom, or of Israehtic striving after spiritual truth. Truth, in the way of nature, is gained by man only after long struggles, and its ultimate exponent is preceded by a long series of men who have ever been getting nearer and nearer to its reality. No doubt in Moses personaUy there had been a long striving after God ; but there was nothing in the times that went before or that followed him to account for the extraordinary purity and elevation of his views. No long line of 106 STATE OF ISRAEL [Lect. men had preceded him to lead him upwards to the truth. If, as we beHeve, he was one chosen by God to reveal to mankind the true nature of the Deity, and of the manner in which God must be served, all is easy. God by him did so implant in the chosen people the germs of true religion, that in spite of every difficulty and obstacle they grew and deepened and widened, tUl at length the time was full and the world ready, and Christ came. If Moses was the mere product of a struggle between Egyptian and IsraeHtic theology, he is a greater miracle than in spiration itself. The times of the Judges, then, enable us to form something of a judgment upon the greatness of Moses. Immeasurably do the heroes of those times fall below him. They were in proportion and rela tion to their times ; Moses rose high above them. His standard of truth was perfect, even though per sonally he once or twice fell below his own standard. And yet the Judges were seekers after God, and wrought too for that complete ascendancy of the Mosaic institutions and views which we find in the days of Samuel. When we think of the long years passed by Israel amid the debasing associations of Egypt, when we think of the vast mixed multitude, which lusted only after sensual pleasures (Num. xi. 4), and of the numerous Canaanitish idolaters, among whom the Israelites freely lived (Judges iii. 5-7), we can estimate the difficulties of the times of Barak, and Gideon, and Jephtha, and Samson, and our wonder is not that the nation fell so low, but that it ever rose again. III.] IN SAMUEL'S YOUTH 107 It was at a time of the deepest agony and despair that a new life came to it. For many years the Philistines had been gradually crushing Israel. Even in the days of Joshua the people had not been able to conquer the inhabitants of the plains and of the sea coast, and now, aided probably by new immigra tions from Crete, the Phihstines had gained a de cided superiority11, against which Samson vainly struggled by detached acts of heroism. At length, at the place subsequently called Ebenezer, the national ruin became complete, and church and state feU in one day. Since the days of Joshua the place where the ark was deposited, and which was there fore the centre of the national religion, had been ShUoh in Mount Ephraim ; and the Philistines de stroyed Shiloh with such hideous barbarity, that centuries afterwards the heart of the people shud dered at the very mention of the name s. They never restored the place. Even Jeroboam, though of the tribe of Ephraim, never ventured to use, as a rival to Jerusalem, a site consecrated by so many centuries of worship. In the Psalms you read many a bitter waU over its faU. So late as the time of Jeremiah, the threat of a similar fate hanging over Jerusalem so stirred the rage of the people that but for the princes they would have put Jeremiah to death. So utter was ShUoh's ruin, that its very site r Judges xiv. 4. a See Ps. lxxviii. 60-64, Jer. vii. 12, 14, xxvi. 6, 9. There is probably also an allusion to the return of the ark from captivity in Ps. xiv. 7. 108 SUPERSTITIOUS USE [Lect. was not known until the last few years *. It seems as if the people could not bear any aUusion to scenes and remembrances so inexpressibly painful. But from Shiloh's faU Israel dated its regeneration. There had been brought up there from his infancy a calm, wise, and thoughtful man. A Nazarite Hke Samson, he was cast nevertheless in a higher and nobler mould. Cut off from the affections of home, he was a daily witness of the supreme power being wielded by a weak and irresolute man, and of the religious sanctuary of the nation being defiled by the immoralities of that high priest's sons. Such a train ing would have ruined one not possessed of rare and unusual gifts. But he had that rarest gift of early yet not precocious piety : a youthful goodness that was a fit prelude for his religious manhood. But there was also at Shiloh something to make amends for this painful isolation. Eli was at least personaUy a good man : but of far more consequence for Samuel's mental and spiritual growth were those religious records stored up in the tabernacle. These doubtless were Samuel's study, and from them he learned that great truth which was the inner spring of aU his subsequent conduct, namely, that Israel's strength lay in its true religion — that Jehovah was Israel's sole stay and deliverance. Impressed with this truth, he gave his whole heart to teaching it ; and Jehovah accepted him as His spokesman. ' All Israel, from Dan even to Beer-sheba, knew that Samuel was t It was discovered by E. Bobinson : see his Palestine, vol. iii. 302 sqq. ; and Wilson, Lands of the Bible, ii. 293 sqq. III.] OF THE ARK. 109 established to be the prophet of Jehovah.' (i Sam. in. 20.) And up to this time God's spokesman was also God's representative. As prophet, Samuel was also the temporal ruler, the Judge, of the nation. We may be sure that it was against his advice that the ark was taken to battle. People of debased ideas may imagine that success depends upon some holy relic, some consecrated banner, some labarum or oriflamme carried out before a host waging it may be unholy war for lust of power or spoU, or to rob freemen of their rights. Such ideas are natural to man. Among the heathen you always find some ancile, or paUadium, or image of the great goddess Diana, upon which their safety depends, and which always plays them false at the hour of need : and heathenism is nothing more than man's selfish in stincts narrowed and hardened by contact with the material world tiU he loses aU perception of the truth that in union with God alone is Hfe and deliverance. Now this truth was Israel's real strength, and when the unchaste and unholy sons of EH took the ark to battle, they put superstition in the place of re ligion; and if the ark had not been captured, and the people utterly smitten, the spiritual teaching of Moses would have been so overborne that one does not see how it could have survived the shock. De graded then to so base a use, the ark not only did not save the people, but was itself taken in battle. And yet at such a crisis, if there had been no inter ference of God in the nation's behalf, so heavy a chastisement might have been more than the faith 110 ISRAEL'S EARLY HISTORY [Lect. of Israel could have borne. Even then in captivity the god of the PhiHstines falls prostrate and broken before the ark, and it is restored to Israel in such a way as proved Jehovah's power and the deep reverence with which He must be approached. And never afterwards was the ark put to any superstitious use. The people who broke even the brazen serpent to pieces were too spiritual in their views to regard the ark as anything more than a symbol of God's more immediate presence at that spot which He had chosen as the chief seat of His worship. But while this disastrous battle was being fought at Ebenezer, Samuel was probably busy in removing from Shiloh those precious records, of which after wards he so weU knew how to make use. Some possibly were laid up inside the arku, and were restored with it by the PhiHstines. But however saved, from these records Samuel would learn the great lesson that a nation's strength and prosperity come to it not from without but from within; not from what a people have, but from what a people are. Not active trade and victorious armies, but religion and moraHty are the safeguards of freedom. When faith is lost, virtue soon departs also, and corrupt at its very core, an unbelieving nation soon sinks tamely and meanly into decay. Samuel's great work was to bring about a reformation of the people themselves. The influences which in modern times raise or depress a nation are far more general and diffused than in times when books and reading scarcely ex- a See Deut. xxxi. 26. III.] CENTRES IN MOSES AND SAMUEL. Ill isted. Even now the virtues and mental strength of one man may do much for a nation's good, or by mistaken policy he may guide it into a course whence it may be difficult for it to retrace its steps, and escape ultimate ruin. Yet at every turn he wiU be checked by other influences, and the reaction x, which in the main consists of the combined resistance of units, themselves singly powerless, may prove in the end more powerful than the mightiest intellect of the day. But in old time the individual was well nigh everything. Nations rose and feU according to the characters of their leading men : and so, ancient history is mainly the history of these men, and of the effects which followed upon their working. Such men were Moses, the founder, and Samuel, the re storer, of Israel. Still, you must not suppose that the people went absolutely for nothing — that they bad no probation, no part in the nation's fortunes. The Bible sets before us the very opposite principle. God bestows His gifts, but they must be accepted (Deut. xxx. 19, Jer. xxi. 8). His people must be x Though reaction has only of late been acknowledged as one of the most powerful forces in public questions, yet it is the name, not the thing, that is new. Nemesis was but a poetical way of expressing in old time the fact, that power and prosperity evoke a retribution. But, as understood in modern days, reaction is not ultimately a blind, but a regulated, force ; for however little men's minds may be prepared for a particular line of conduct, yet, if it be founded on truth and justice, time will inevitably weaken a resistance which has no deeper root than prejudice. It is only when a policy is one-sided, and violates justice and equity, that the reaction in a well-ordered state will be overpowering. I use the word ultimately advisedly, because reaction has its origin often in a blind dislike of power and prosperity as such. 112 NATURE [Lect. willing in the day of His power (Ps. ex. 3). The nation did accept Moses and Samuel. When sub sequently the people feU away, God granted first a Hezekiah, with Isaiah to press home on their con sciences the necessity of reformation. He gave next a Josiah, with Jeremiah to aid his efforts. But aU was in vain (Jer. viii. 17-20). The influence of a nation's great men may be vastly more at one period than at another, but the issue rests with the nation at large. With us, in modern days, broad principles are at work ; and not one but many minds labour together for good or for evil. Of old, the result was more plainly connected with some one mind ; but then, as now, a nation's uprise or decay depended finaUy upon the nation's own choice. Samuel's lot fell upon times when the instincts of religion prevailed. The testimony of the Book of Judges shows that the people had not lost their conviction that Jehovah was their Deliverer. When then the national existence seemed crushed at Eben ezer, they came to Samuel, as Jehovah's prophet, for aid and comfort. As such all Israel had recognized him in the days of Eli, and now they turned to him as their sole hope. Brief as is the history of his doings we learn from it three things. The first, that he urged upon the people the necessity of putting away their idols (1 Sam. vn. 3). Now this had a moral, as well as a religious significance. Idol worship was but another form of wantonness. Turn where you wiU, the worship of fa]se gods is the worship of human passion. In honour of the gods men did that which III.] OF SAMUEL'S REFORMS. 113 they would have blushed to do as men, but yet what they wished to. The god served only as an excuse to silence conscience. The worship of Jehovah was not a sensuous but a spiritual worship. It meant tem perance, chastity, self-restraint, justice to others, holi ness. The heart must be prepared for Jehovah ; and this, at Samuel's exhortation, the people did by fast ing, by prayer, by the confession of sins. And God accepted their repentance because it was sincere ; and at Ebenezer, the very place where they had been so disastrously overthrown and the ark captured, the yoke of the PhiHstines was lightened. Though they had still garrisons in Israel (i Sam. xiii. 3), and pre vented the importation and manufacture of arms (ver. 19-22), yet aU marauding expeditions ceased in Samuel's days : whether or not they were tribu tary to the Philistines does not plainly appear. Samuel's first act, then, was to bring about a thorough reformation among the people ; his second was to provide for the maintenance of morahty and religion, by making provision for the regular ad ministration of justice. In profane history we find that Deioces by this means raised the Medes into a nation. But Samuel did more than Deioces. Not at one centre only, at Ramah, did he judge the people, but went yearly on circuit to three chief places, Bethel, GUgal, and Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16). Nor did justice with him subserve the purposes of personal ambition. True to the high theory of the theocracy, as Jehovah's representative he sought only Jehovah's honour. And by his just decisions, 114 THE PROPHETIC SPIRIT [Lect. and the example of his own unblemished purity, he taught the people themselves to be just, and also united the tribes together into something Hke one nation (i Sam. xii. 4). Now it was in this upright administration of the government that Samuel soon found the need of fit persons to act under him. The people were no doubt very ignorant, and reading and writing v were mys teries confined to the descendants of those great scribes, Eleazar and Phinehas. Samuel determined therefore, in the third place, to raise the nation inteUectually, as he had already raised it moraUy ; and for this purpose he gathered round him at Naioth, that is, the meadows or open pastures at Ramah, where his own house was situated, a number of young men, whom he trained in reading, writing, and music. As their education was in course of time entrusted to Nabhis, prophets, they were caUed the sons, that is, the disciples, of the prophets ; and from this modest beginning arose 'the schools of the prophets,' of wliich we read so much afterwards, y It is a mark of the intellectual superiority of the Semitic races that syllabic writing was known to them at a very early period, while the Egyptians, like the Chinese, never advanced beyond pic torial writing. Ewald, Hist. Israel, i. 51, shows that writing ex isted among the Semitic nations before we can historically trace it, and though it is uncertain to what Semitic people ' half the civil ized world owes this invaluable invention, so much is incontro vertible, that it appears in history as a possession of the Semitic nations long before Moses.' In opposition however to so great an authority I farther hold that the phraseology of Gen. xxiii. 17 be longs to a written document, and therefore that the art of writing existed in Abraham's days. III.] NOT ALWAYS SUPERNATURAL. 115 especially in the history of the northern kingdom. And thus prophecy now first became a regularly or ganized national institution. But let us consider who these Nabhis or prophets were, whom Samuel gathered round him at Ramah to aid him in the work of education. For it is ex pressly said that ' the word of Jehovah was rare in those days;' (i Sam. iii. i;) and after Deborah and the prop'iet who preached repentance throughout Israel before Gideon was summoned to the rescue, we read nothing of prophets tiU Samuel. But the Spirit of Jehovah was not withdrawn. 'When a young lion roared against Samson, the Spirit of Je hovah,' we read, 'came mightUy upon him, and he rent the Hon as he would have rent a kid ;' (Judges xiv. 6 ;) and can we suppose that that Spirit, at such a crisis in Israel's history, would be withheld from good and earnest men, thoroughly penetrated with the same truths as Samuel, and joining hand and heart with him in once again giving life to the Mosaic institutions 1 Had Samuel stood alone he could have effected but little But other holy men caught from him the pious enthusiasm, and spread it in a wider circle. Now the great characteristic of the prophet is that intense conviction of the truth and necessity of religion which compels him to proclaim its truths to others. On this account there is much in common between the prophet a d the preacher. Often the terms are synonymous. Yery fittingly, therefore, does our Church require the profession of an inward caU before she admits any one into her I 2 116 REVELATION NECESSARILY [Lect. ministry. ' Do you trust,' she asks, ' that you are in wardly moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon you this Office and Ministration2 V Now, as certainly as the Spirit of God rested upon Samson and Saul (i Sam. xi. 6), and did not make them prophets, but only heroes, so may even the prophetic spirit rest upon men, and yet they may rise no higher than earnest preachers. Who shall deny the gift of the pro phetic spirit to WycHf and Luther, to Wesley and Whitfield, to WUberforce and Clarkson 1 Who deny it of old to Augustine and Ambrose, to Basil and Bernard 1 ' The testimony of Jesus,' we are told, ' is the spirit of prophecy.' (Rev. xix. io.) Men bear that testimony now ; they bore it of old. But there were four a great periods at which this testimony rose to a higher and more directly supernatural level. At these periods God's purposes of mercy towards mankind made the higher gift necessary. Prophets then had not merely truths to preach, but truths to reveal. But because no revelation was made by them or to them, I do not therefore infer that the prophets whom Samuel gathered round him had not z The Ordering of Deacons, Question i . a These four periods are, (i) the Davidic period, when many Messianic Psalms were composed ; (2) the Assyrian period, of which the great glory was Isaiah ; (3) the Chaldee period, equally ennobled by Jeremiah ; (4) the post-exilic period, when the beautiful Psalms of Degrees were composed, and Zechariah, Haggai, and Malachi flourished. The Mosaic period I regard as something higher than ordinary prophecy. It corresponds to nothing but Christianity. The prophets wrought within the circle of the Mosaic truths ; Christ finally made those truths full and perfeot, and bestowed them upon all mankind. HI.] SUPERNATURAL. 117 the Spirit of Jehovah, and were not true prophets, even though the Divine Spirit wrought within strictly natural limits. So, in the Christian Church, I do not infer that Agabus was more a prophet0 than the rest, because he was endowed with prescience also. And believing, as I do, that there are even now men 'inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon them the work of the Ministry,' and yet that this influence does not surpass the bounds of human nature, I recognize in such God's presence, though fully aware of the great difficulty of exactly defining where the influences of the Spirit remain b The prophets in the early Church were men inspired by the Holy Ghost, not to foretell events, but to preach truths. They stood, therefore, next to the apostles, and higher than mere teachers (i Cor. xii. 28), with whom, however, they are constantly associated (Acts xiii. 1). It was the office of the apostles to rule, of the pro phets to preach, of the teachers to instruct and catechize. Upon the apostles the Holy Spirit rested supernaturally for certain special purposes. These were, (1) to bring back all Christ's teaching to their remembrance (John xiv. 26); (2) to guide them to the right understanding of that teaching (Ib. xvi. 13); (3) to tell them the things that were coming (lb.). St. Paul, moreover, ob tained his knowledge of Christ's life and preaching by revelation (Gal. i. 12). But these supernatural gifts were so regulated as not to interfere with their own probation (1 Cor. ix. 27). The faculty of prediction, as in the case of Agabus (Acts xi. 28, xxi. 10, 11), was not involved in the term npocpTjnjs, but belonged to that fulness of charismata which distinguished the early Church. We must further suppose that as the apostles were divinely aided in their own know ledge and understanding of Christ's teaching, so they were guided and assisted by inspiration in their communication of it to the Church. But the prophets of St. Paul's times had not necessarily any such inspiration, but that only which every real Christian has, and which is described in 1 Cor. ii. 10-16. 118 UPRISE AND GROWTH [Lect. entirely within the limits of man's natural, yet quick ened and elevated, powers, and where they rise en tirely above them. But when the Word of God so truly ascribes to His Spirit that mighty impulse which made Samson rend the lion, and which never theless, in another way, may be viewed as still only a natural impulse, we need feel no hesitation in believing that that same Spirit stirred mightily many hearts, and made them run over with earnest words, when Samuel caUed God's people to his aid. The error is in circumscribing too narrowly the office and duties of the prophet, when men fear to apply the name to those who, though moved by the Holy Ghost, had yet no commission to declare new truths in Jehovah's name0. At first, indeed, Samuel may have attempted to train his young men himself ; but soon I doubt not c I wish, in fact, to protest against two errors : the first, that the inspiration of the prophet was unlike anything that happens now. On the contrary, I believe that the Holy Ghost still impels and forces men to preach Christ. But the second seems to me the worse error ; namely, the denial of any spiritual gift higher than is vouchsafed now. On the contrary, I believe that on special occasions the great prophets of old were under the influence of a directly supernatural power. No preacher or teacher now is secure from error, but unless the- writers of the Holy Scrip tures had been thus secured, what reliance could we have placed upon their words 1 No preacher now has any new Divine truth to reveal ; but it was the very office of prophets and apostles to reveal new truths to the Church. While, then, God's gifts now do not surpass the bounds of our natural powers, however much they may quicken them, a further and supernatural gift was bestowed upon a certain small number of persons in old time, but strictly for one special purpose. HI.] OF SAMUEL'S SCHOOLS. 119 that he gathered round him as teachers many on whom Jehovah's Spirit rested, as it may rest on men now, and who were irresistibly urged thereby to proclaim the old Mosaic truths of God's unity and spirituahty, His justice and mercy, and of light and life and strength to be found alone in Him. And evidently Samuel was anxious that there should be many such men dispersed everywhere throughout the land ; and in his circuits he sought such men out, and, if young, he took them with him, and gave them fuller instruction. Probably he began with one or two youths who seemed more especially fitted for so high a calling ; and then his institution grew, and teachers had to be found as weU as scholars. But it is chiefly the results which the Bible sets before us. We find there nothing less than a new life rapidly beginning for the nation, so that com paratively but a few years separate the rough and untaught anarchy of the times of the Judges from the learning and order and piety of David's reign d. d One instance of this enormous change will suffice. There is much to be learned from the proper names in Holy Scripture. Compounded very frequently of some appellation or other of God, they show us what were the prevailing religious ideas of the time. Now, judged in this way, Saul is half a heathen. He names one son Jonathan = God's gift, in Greek, Theodore ; but another is Ish-baal = Baal's hero (i Chron. viii. 33). Jonathan's son is Merib- baal = Baal's striver. Soon after, feelings so changed that men would not even use the name of Baal, but said instead Bosheth = shame, or disgrace, and, in still later times, abomination (Is. xliv. 19, Dan. xi. 31, xii. 11, Mal. xxiv. 15). But what a world-wide difference a few years had made between the state of feeling which allowed Saul to call his son Baal's hero, and that which could not endure the name of Baal, and substituted for it Ish-bosheth = 120 ANALOGY BETWEEN [Lect. Now there can be little doubt but that Moses had intended the priests and Levites to be the instructors of the people. For this purpose he had raised them above the necessity of labouring for their bread, and had dispersed them among the people. But they proved but sorry teachers; and God, in Samuel's days, raised up others to take their place. God has not given to any body of men whatsoever a char tered right to lock up heaven, and let His people perish for lack of knowledge. If those who are regularly called, and who are the priests according to the true succession, neglect their duties, their place wiU very soon be supplied by those who have only the inward call. The prophets essentially were men whose sole claim to teach was this inward call. So entirely was this the case that the men trained in the prophetic colleges were themselves the first to acknowledge the higher gift which summoned EHsha from his farming at Abel-meholah to be their head (2 Kings ii. 15) ; and which urged Amos to leave his scanty subsistence, as a puncturer of sycamore fruit at Tekoah, to publish to the ten tribes a warning so weighty that, as the high priest testified, 'the land was not able to bear his words.' (Amos vn. 10.) From the days when Samuel first gathered the few youths round him at Bamah, the schools of the prophets never seem to have ceased in Israel. We Shame's hero ! It is very true that the Baal of Saul's time was a very different being from the Baal of Ahab and Jezebel ; but it was a term too directly connected with idolatry to admit of its use by any right-minded man. III.] THE PROPHETS AND THE CLERGY. 121 read of them afterwards as flourishing at numerous places, especiaUy among the ten tribes, and of the Nabhis, the prophets trained in them, as existing by hundreds— sometimes nobly dying as martyrs for the truth, Hke those whom Jezebel persecuted to death, but of whom Obadiah saved a hundred pro phets, hiding them by fifty in a cave (i Kings xvni. 4) ; at other times ready to lie and flatter, like the four hundred Jehovah-prophets, who bade Ahab go up to Bamoth-gilead and prosper (1 Kings xxii. 5, 6). Evidently they filled a position analo gous to that ofthe clergy in the Christian Church, except that their call was somewhat irregular. For neither did these schools form part of the Mosaic institutions, nor was education even in them neces sary before entering upon the prophetic office. They had been raised up to take the place of men who had faded in their duties ; but they had no regular charter, nothing to appeal to but an internal impulse ; and naturaUy therefore to the last we find a sharply- defined opposition between them and the priesthood. Of the two sides of the truth they press almost exclusively the need of real, deep, personal religion : of the necessity of external aids to our infirmity they say but little. I do not see how they could have done otherwise. The need of these aids is a deduc tion of the reason drawing its arguments from ex perience. The prophets spake from a fervent heart, eager for the end and not calmly examining the means. And so their text ever is, ' Behold, to obey is better than, sacrifice ;' and their teaching a fore- 122 THE PROPHETIC LIFE [Lect. shadowing of His Who taught that the true worship must be ' in spirit and in truth e.' Among the • men trained in these coUeges, there were, I doubt not, thousands who preached the pure spiritual doctrines of the Mosaic economy, and who formed the true core of the nation, and laboured earnestly for that great end for which the Mosaic institutions were given, and which we now enjoy in Christ. But we must not confound these preachers, true prophets though they were, with those few and divinely-gifted men who were speakers for God in a far higher sense, as being directly inspired either to explain old truths, or to proclaim some new portion of that heavenly knowledge which was to be made perfect in Christ. It is to these prophets in the largest sense that we owe the Bible. If the pre servation of the several books of the Bible was probably due to the prophetic coUeges, the writers themselves were men to whom prophecy was no mere calhng or profession. There were Jehovah-prophets by hundreds, doing in the main God's work, as our own clergy do, and who felt that they were inwardly moved to do this work ; and here and there we find men who falsely professed to be thus caUed, because of the dignity or emoluments to be gained by such a profession. And from time to time the Spirit of Jehovah rested upon some one man — not neces- e So in the New Testament, there is little direct teaching about institutions and ceremonies ; it was left to the Church, the great society of believers, to appoint such institutions and ritual as might best help in guarding the truth intrusted to its keeping, and in propagating it throughout the world. III.] ONE OF ENDURANCE. 123 sarily of greater natural gifts, but of a heart more intensely devoted to God. And this special call was tied down to no institution whatsoever, nor to any class. It might come to an Amos, gaining a scanty living by his own labour ; it might come to the young priest Jeremiah, dweUing on his own lands at the priests' town Anathoth ; it might come to Zephaniah, a prince of the blood royal, amid the splendours of a court. But it came by no initiation, by no training, by no ordinances of men, but directly from above, from God. And when the caU came, it summoned them to trouble, to sorrow, to disappoint ment. The book spread before them was written within and without ; and the writing was ever lamentations, and mourning, and woe (Ezek. ii. 10). They might be wanted for some special mission, as was Amos, and might afterwards return again to ordinary life. It might be a life-long service. Jere miah must daily be God's witness during the forty and two years which preceded the faU of Jerusalem. He must forego for ever aU share of domestic happi ness (Jer. xvi. 2); must abstain from all pleasant f company, and dwell lonely and apart (Ib. xv. 17) ; must take no share in the joys or the sorrows of Hfe (Ib. xvi. 5, 8) ; and this not to attain to honour, not to win those prizes which stir in men an honourable ambition, but to become 'a man of strife, a man of f There is nothing to justify the translation of the A. V. mockers. The word really means those who laugh and are cheerful. Our version entirely corrupts the sense. Jeremiah, as a prophet, had to abstain from what was right, or at least innocent, and not merely from what was wrong. 124 REASONS FOR THE TRIALS [Lect. contention ; one that every one did curse.' (Jer. xv. io.) 'Why,' said he, 'is my pain perpetual, and my wound incurable, which refuseth to be healed V (Ib. xv. 18.) Such was God's caU to him ; and such was it ever. The prophets were sent to a people whose heart was fat, and their ears heavy, and their eyes shut (Is. vi. io). Their cry ever is, 'Lord, who hath believed our report?' (Ib. lni. i.) For the false pro phet there was reward, honour, emolument ; for the true the word was, ' I hate that man. Put him into the prison, and feed him with the bread of affliction, and the water of affliction,' tiU his words be dis proved (i Kings xxii. 8, 27). And this was necessary for two reasons. First, as regards the prophet. He was summoned to his office by an internal caU. But men deceive themselves too greatly for such a caU to be trustworthy if it leads them to wealth and power. At first it did lead to power ; Moses and Samuel held their authority by virtue of their prophetic office : and in men of such extraordinary elevation of character no danger would ensue. But when we find that there were professed prophets who poUuted God among His people for such mean profits as ' handfuls of barley and pieces of bread,' (Ezek. xni. 19,) to what degradation might not the prophet's name have faUen, if wealth and honour had been its guerdon? The prophet was called to the highest and noblest of aU vocations : he was Jehovah's minister. But his earthly lot was scorn and the enmity of the world. He had his reward, but it was not one that allures worldly- III.] OF THE PROPHETIC LIFE. 125 minded men. It was a spiritual life hidden in God : and this none can enjoy but the pure in heart. But still more important was it for the people. The prophet brought them a message from heaven. Upon this message God's favour depended. How were they to know that it was God's message 1 Be- member that there were false prophets as well as true : men who made great professions of their pro phetic power. We read of Zedekiah making him horns of iron as a sign that Ahab should push the Syrians till he had consumed them (i Kings xxn. ii). We read of Hanamah taking the yoke off Jeremiah's neck and breaking it in token that Nebu chadnezzar's empire should be broken (Jer. xxvni. 10, ii). We read of Shemaiah writing from Babylon, and reproving the high priest for not punishing Jeremiah, and putting a stop to his predictions of woe (Lb. xxix. 24 sqq). In the last days of the monarchy the false prophets obtained a fearful as cendancy : and that chiefly because the people loved falsehood and hated truth, and therefore themselves corrupted the prophets. So says Isaiah, ' This is a rebeUious people, lying chUdren, that wiU not hear the law of Jehovah, which say to the seers, See not ; and to the prophets, Prophesy not unto us right things, speak unto us smooth things, prophesy de ceits.' (Is. xxx. 9, 10.) In severer terms Jeremiah speaks of a fearful aUiance of prophets, priests, and people in mutually deceiving and depraving one another (Jer. v. 30, 31). How then, in such a state of circumstances, could one who tridy sought God know who was indeed the bearer of God's message % 126 THE PROPHETIC CALL [Lect. He would know it chiefly by the message itself. There is no man who does not at some time or other feel that there is a message of God to his soul : and that that message bids him repent and be holy. He knows that God's message must be a reproof of all that is wicked in him, and a warning that for his wickedness there will be judgment. This is just the message which the true prophets always brought. Not a smooth message, but a rough message of rebuke and expostulation, and of promise only where there had been first repentance. But men deceive themselves. They have ever some excuse, some plea for themselves : and therefore the message must be brought by those who are not merely disinterested, but are actually sufferers by it. Such is stiU the case now. The highest caUs of duty are ever incom patible with worldly gain. And such certainly was the case with the prophets of old. They neither gained nor expected to gain from their labours any thing but opposition, abuse, and injury. Read their history through — search in their works for the motives which influenced their conduct; examme what they taught, and the principles which they urged upon others, and you will never find tha,t what they sought was either pleasure or profit, or any worldly, low, mean, unworthy object. They laboured for God, and found in Him their sole reward. And even this very labouring came not to them of their own choice. They sought not the office. ' As for me,' says Jeremiah, 'I have not hastened from being a pastors to follow Thee : neither have I desired s The word pastor, when not used in its primary sense of a III.] UNSOUGHT. 127 the woeful day; Thou knowest.' (Jer. xvn. 16.) The inspiration came from God, unsought, against their own wUls ; and they knew that earthly ease, happi ness, enjoyment must be foregone. Such were the criteria of the true prophet : a message which did not flatter man, but raised him from earth to God; himself an example of every earthly good resigned that duty might be done, and God obeyed and found. Such was the teaching and such the conduct of the men who wrote for us the Old Testament : but to show more clearly their extraordinary excellence I shaU in my next lecture explain what was the general nature of the prophetic institutions, the kind of instruction given in their colleges, their mode of life, their ordinary average standard of duty and reUgion. It is only by contrasting the inspired prophet with his uninspired brethren, that we can see how high he was raised above the usual level of his contemporaries. shepherd, means one who exercises civil power, a ruler, governor; but as Jeremiah was called to the prophetic office when but a lad, it is difficult to see how he could ever have been in possession of political power. Various other translations therefore have been proposed, and Naegelsbach takes it literally, thinking that before his call Jeremiah may have tended at Anathoth his father's sheep. During the long interval however between Jeremiah's call and his coming forward in a prominent position in Jehoiakim's days, Josiah may have employed him in some civil capacity, or as a priest he may in some way have exercised power, and have abandoned everything of the sort to devote himself exclusively to teaching when he found himself called by God to higher duties. But in spite of this diffi culty the general sense is clear. Could Jeremiah have overpowered his conscience, he would have been glad not to have been a prophet, and there was a long struggle on his part before he thoroughly gave himself up to the prophetic office. LECTUKE IV. PART I. THE SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHETS. It was told Saul, saying, Behold, David is at Naioth in Ramah. And Saul sent messengers to take David : aud when they saw the company of the prophets prophesying, and Samuel standing as appointed over them, the Spirit of God was upon the mes sengers of Saul, and they also prophesied. i Sam. xix. 19, ao. IN my last lecture I endeavoured to give a general -outline of the nature of Samuel's times, and of the work which he accomphshed. We find ourselves in his days transported into an entirely different state of things from anything that had existed before. It was the second great era of Judaism, inferior to the age of Moses, but yet one in which the truths taught by Moses first acquired that as cendancy over the Jewish mind which they never afterwards lost ; on the contrary, from Samuel's time they ever grew in strength and clearness, till finally the veil was withdrawn from them in Christ, and apostles and evangelists completed what Moses had begun. I showed somewhat of the difficulties with which Moses had to contend. Though round him he had the heads of the tribes, men impressed with THE ERA OF MOSES. 129 the same truths as himself, yet the mass of the people were not merely debased by a long sojourn in Egypt, but originally of inferior position, re tainers3 merely, who had been taught the nature a The number of first-born males, as given in Num. iii. 40-46, is 22,273. All the genealogies show that large families were the exception among the Israelites, and not the rule. An average of three or four sons in a family would be a high one, and thus we cannot be far wrong in estimating the number of lineal descend ants of Jacob at the Exodus as under eighty thousand. Now Jacob and all his kindred when they went down to Egypt amounted to 'threescore and fifteen souls;' (Acts vii. 14;) but adding together Jacob's ' brethren' and the menservants he brought with him from Mesopotamia, the captives taken at Shechem, and the half of Isaac's possessions, Jacob's whole household must have amounted to many thousand persons. In Egypt Joseph was ruler over the whole land, and his power is proved by the expeditions made by his grandsons into Palestine. By the time of his death the Israelites in Goshen were probably more than a hundred thousand strong, since for military reasons Joseph would do all he could to increase their numbers, so as to enable them to protect the north-eastern boundary of the kingdom, where they were posted. Many Semitic tribes may have been incorporated with them in Joseph's days, just as the Kenites and Kenezites were in the days of Moses. If their chiefs were adopted into the patriarchal families, as Caleb and Othniel were into that of Judah, even the eighty thousand spoken of above would not all be lineally descended from Jacob. Now, multiplied by four, the sixth generation would make these 75 souls into 76,800, but this implies an average of eight children, all arriving at full age and marrying. But, as a matter of fact, we find that Joshua was the twelfth generation from Joseph (1 Chron. vii. 20-27). It is a vexed question whether the 430 years mentioned in Ex. xii. 41 are to be reckoned from Abraham's vision, Gen. xv. 13, or from the descent into Egypt : but one complete genealogy like that of Joshua has more weight than the shorter genealogies like those of Moses, because it was the rule with the Hebrews to omit names. Names are omitted even in our Lord's genealogy in Matt. i. As K 130 HIGHER MORAL LEVEL [Lect. of God by their chiefs, but probably very imper fectly. And then there was that base mixed mul titude, who were half-heathenish in their views ; and, after the conquest of Canaan, there was added to all this a large admixture of the native popu lation, whose wanton nature-worships had a power ful attraction for at least aU the mferior portion of the mighty multitude who left Egypt. Even the princes did not always give Moses a hearty support. Aaron and Miriam, and Aaron's sons on more than one occasion faded him. The chiefs of Reuben, and Korah a prince of Levi, broke out once into open rebellion ; but the real difficulty, as is evident everywhere in the history of the wan derings in the wilderness, was with the mass of the people. When, at the end of a year, they reached the borders of Palestine, their cowardice was so great that they refused to enter upon the conquest of the land ; and it was not tiU after that whole generation was dead, and Moses at his head-quarters at Kadesh-barnea had trained up an entirely new generation, invigorated both by his teaching and by the healthy air of the desert, and the hardy mode of life they led there, it was then only that marching upon Canaan by an entirely new route he conquered in person the Amorites of Heshbon and Bashan, and the Midianites, and placed Joshua at the head of a band of hardy warriors, whom nothing could resist. Ewald observes, the names in the genealogy of Moses may repre sent each a century. In four centuries Jacob's lineal descendants might well amount to fourscore thousand men. IV.] OF THE ERA OF SAMUEL. 131 A vast moral and physical change D alike had passed over the people, but it was not complete. Perhaps a large proportion of the tribes were necessarily dis persed over the desert during Moses' days, seeking pasture for their flocks and herds, though incontest- ably the whole region then was vastly more fertile than it is at present. But however it be accounted for, evidently the Canaanitish rites had only too great an attraction for the mass of the people, and the times of the Judges are set before us as times of constant lapses into idolatry, and.of a by no means elevated moral tone. But in the days of Samuel we find the worship of Jehovah everywhere firmly established, and from their defeat at Ebenezer the people rise to a more vigorous, a nobler, and a higher life. As the con quest of Canaan by Joshua was really Moses' work, because he had formed and trained the men whom Joshua led, so the victories of Saul and the conquests of David were reaUy Samuel's work, because he had raised the nation to that moral level which made it fit and able to win first independence and then empire. Samuel by his reforms had endowed the nation with a vigorous inner energy, which showed itself outwardly in strong acts. Israel had, I grant, never lost that hardy valour with which it emerged from its thirty-eight years' training in the wilderness0; t> Compare Ex. xiv. ii, 12, xvi. 3, Num. xi. 4-6, xiv. 1-4, with the bravery displayed when Moses started the second time from Kadesh for the conquest of the land, Num. xxi. 24, 35, &c. c I am quite ready also to grant that David's strength was in part owing to the decisive way in which Judah now entered the confederacy. It had always been the most warlike of the tribes K 2 132 WARS FOR EMPIRE [Lect. but Samuel had revived in it its early enthu siasm, had filled it with fresh faith in Jehovah; with a renewed confidence that Israel was Jehovah's people, and that, if it served Him in truth and holiness, He would be its strength and sure defence. This new life not only won for Israel freedom, but dominion over the neighbouring states. It was but too natural for a warrior who had broken the yoke of foreign subjection from off the neck of his own people, to place it, if he could, upon the neck of others. I do not find, however, that the prophets approved of this. Bather they strongly condemned it. When David numbered the people, the prophet Gad reproved him, and bade him choose one of three ¦severe punishments. Why % We do not doubt but that it is absolutely right to number the people. Moses twice numbered the people. All civilized nations number the people. Yes ; but David mini- (Num. x. 14, Judges i. 2, xx. 18), but from the time that Othniel drove back the Mesopotamians (Judges iii. 10), we read nothing more of it, except the not very patriotic proceeding in Judges xv. 9-13. Apparently, however, it had enjoyed a period of unchequered prosperity; for when David numbered the people, there were in Judah 500,000 valiant men that drew the sword and only 800,000 in all the rest of the tribes. Now at the last numbering of the people, in Num. xxvi, the tribe of Judah had consisted of 76,500 men, and the other eleven tribes, omitting Levi, of 525,230 men. I think we may appeal to this as an undesigned coincidence. In the Book of Judges every other tribe js exposed to constant trouble, but Judah remains tranquil in its southern fastnesses. When it emerges from its obscurity, it has grown so strong that it is well-nigh a match for all the rest. The other tribes had increased in numbers, but not to any great extent, Judah had increased more than sixfold. IV.] CONDEMNED BY THE PROPHETS. 133 bered only 'the valiant men that drew the sword,' and he numbered them for a bad purpose — for foreign War and aggression ; and the punishments were aU of such a kind as to abate this fighting lust. And when David would have built a temple for Jehovah's ser vice, leave is refused him. A man who had ' made great wars, and shed much blood upon the earth,' must resign so pure and elevated a purpose to ' a man of rest.' (i Chron. xxii. 8, 9.) Now we saw in the last" lecture the three great means employed by Samuel in working this mar vellous change in Israel, of which David's empire, and the learning and culture prevalent in his days, his psalms too, and the service in the sanctuary at which they were sung, were truly results ; Samuel's three chief means for this were the reformation of the people's morals, the upright administration of justice, and the regular organization of the prophetic order d. Like aU true reformers, his object was to raise and elevate the people themselves ; aU the rest was sure to foUow. Now of aU his institutions, that which gave strength and Hfe to everything else was the grand development he gave to the energy of the d Of course I do not put these upon the same level. The first was the end sought also by the other two. I put them down in this order (illogical though it be), because Samuel brought about a national repentance first of all by his own exhortations (1 Sam. vii. 3-6), and then took means for making this revival of faith and morality firm and lasting by his other two measures. His annual circuits as judge would maintain a high standard of morality ; the preaching and activity of the prophets would quicken the nation's faith. 134 ORIGIN [Lect. prophets by means of the schools which he founded for them. He had in them men whose one business was earnestly to labour among the people for their spiritual good. As the priests and Levites laboured to preserve the Mosaic religion, its ceremonies and ritual, its types and sacrifices, its feasts and fasts and festivals, so the prophets laboured to preserve and impress upon the people's hearts all the great spiritual truths and ideas of the Mosaic teaching. After the return from Babylon, this great duty was performed by the synagogues, wherein the law, and psalms, and prophets were read every Sabbath day. Among us it is performed by the services of the Lord's house, wherein the teaching of the Church and of the Bible is enforced by the living voice of the preacher. As I have said, I doubt not but that under the Mosaic institutions the priests and Levites were dispersed throughout Israel on purpose that they might discharge this duty : they did not dis charge it, and Samuel now confided it to men trained by him for this one end. In the text we are introduced to the first and earliest of the prophetic colleges, with its arrange ments apparently complete and in full working order. We find prophets arranged in a regular company, duties about which they are engaged, and a duly appointed head presiding over them. Already in the tenth chapter we had read of a company of the prophets coming in solemn procession from some rehgious ceremony, preceded by instruments of music, whereas previously the name of prophet is most rare. IV.] OF THE PROPHETIC SCHOOLS. 135 And here we see them at their head-quarters, and subject to a settled discipline, with ' Samuel standing as appointed over them.' How appointed ? and by whom 1 and whence arose these schools of the pro phets, of which henceforward we read so much in the annals of the Jewish monarchy 1 Now, first, the college of which we here read is at Bamah, a town which pertained to Samuel. His father Elkanah had dwelt there (i Sam. i. 19, ii. 11), and at his death his possessions descended to Samuel, his first-born son. Thither at the end of each judicial circuit Samuel returned, ' for there was his house, and there he judged Israel, and there he built an altar unto Jehovah ; ' (Ib. vii. 17;) and there, finaUy, ' he died, and was buried.' (Ib. xxv. 1 .) And, as I have before said, Naioth is not the name of any town or village, but means pastures, places apparently that were common property, and where the shepherds loved to congregate and pitch their tents. In these pastures, then, near Ramah, Samuel's dwelling-place, there were young men congregated, to be trained, as it appears, not in martial exercises, but in the rudi ments of a higher education. It is quite incidentally that the mention of them is made. Probably the Books of Samuel were com piled from records which he had himself begun. Had Gad or Nathan written them, it seems incredible but that they would have told us more about the origin and disciphne of these schools. For they had by that time grown into important institutions, and prophets who had learned in them arts so important 136 RAPID ADVANCE OF LEARNING [Lect. as reading and writing, would have looked back with affection to their great founder, and told us more of his plans and ways. Not so Samuel. The prophetic coUeges had grown up round him as it were by chance. He had not consciously intended to alter the whole course of things, and found a new era : but he had felt a want, a need, and tried to supply it. And his plans by prudent management had pros pered. From smaU beginnings there had sprung up round him what virtuaUy was a University e. Men had graduaUy gathered to his teaching, and learning advanced with rapid strides. Though Deborah records that there came to her from Zebulun 'those that handle the pen of the writer,' (Judges v. 14,) this is the last indication of the existence among the Israel ites of that culture which they must have had in Egypt when Hving in close contact with a people so highly civilized. Nor can even this be depended upon, for the more probable translation is ' those that handle the staff or baton of the general.' In the sanctuary alone at Shiloh were the arts of reading and writing preserved. But now learning becomes common. The youthful David, son of the rich farmer at Bethlehem, standing there at Samuel's side when Saul's messengers came, was not only himself an educated man, but when he became king could gather e I will not enter into the vexed question whether Kirjath- sepher, Book-town, was a Canaanite University, but Bamah was plainly the first Hebrew University, and stands at the head of that long line of educational institutions which after the Saviour's time ended in the great schools of Tiberias, Sora, and Pumbeditha. IV] IN SAMUEL'S DAYS. 137 round him accompHshed scribes and competent his torians. His son was to be the wonder of the age for literary skill. AU this was Samuel's doing. I see not how David could have learned to read and write except in Samuel's schools. His skill in music may also have been acquired there. But be this as it may, from the days of Samuel till the repeated inva sions of the Assyrians wasted the land and destroyed its higher civilization, the Israelites f were a highly- educated and literary people. His own education then in the sanctuary was bearing fruit. Samuel's predecessors had been war riors, men who fought for freedom sword in hand, but who had little idea of anything more. Samuel was no warrior. Not but that at Ebenezer he put himself at the head of the Israelites, and won for them that great victory which gave them rest for so many years. But he had higher purposes. To give Israel permanent and enduring superiority he must raise the whole people mentally and moraUy, as well as religiously. If by his own teaching and example he could thus ennoble a few, they would be his instru ments for ennobling the rest. He gathers round him therefore rehgious men, deepens their own convictions, awakens their zeal, fills them with earnestness, kindles in them the true prophetic spirit, and by them calls f Like all energetic races they had an eager thirst for knowledge, and an aptness to learn and teach. ' The scholar and the teacher' are already mentioned in David's time (i Chron. xxv. 8) ; and among the three precepts ascribed to Ezra in the Talmud is this, ' Teach : make numerous scholars.' See Nicolas, Des Doctr. Rel. des Juifs, P- 3i- 138 THE PROPHETS TRAINED [Lect. forth again into fuU force and activity those pure and elevating Mosaic beliefs which had at first nerved the people to quit Egypt, and enabled them in the next generation to conquer Canaan. At first these young men probably dwelt in tents or booths on the open pasture land : for the ways of Hfe were still simple, and houses s rare, and possessed only by those of higher rank. But as their numbers increased, and a regular constitution was given them, and a settled discipline, it is probable that something more of a permanent character was given to their dwellings11. In the text they certainly appear as a regularly organized body : for we find ' Samuel standing as appointed over them.' Now these words may only refer to that religious service of song and chant in which they were engaged when Saul's messengers arrived. If so, they would show that they had arrived at that stage when the service of God was conducted according to a dignified and impressive ceremonial. But the words more probably signify that Samuel 'was chief over them.' Not appointed by any one : that is not the meaning of the Hebrew. As a prophet of the highest rank, he was by virtue s That the tent was the ordinary dwelling-place of the Israelites, except in the towns, is suggested by passages such as Is. liv. 2. So David is described as saying, 'I will not go into the tent of my house,' Ps. cxxxii. 3 ; and Isaiah, xvi. 5, calls David's house a tent. If such was the king's habitation, no wonder that all the people in Solomon's life still lived in tents, 1 Kings viii. 66, and long after wards, 2 Kings xiii. 5, Jer. iv. 20, x. 20. h At all events they would require something like a common hall, or place of meeting. IV] IN READING WRITING AND MUSIC. 139 of his office their chief. And thus the words suggest, what we should also gather from other things, that after the appointment of Saul to the kingdom, Samuel, for the remaining thirty years of his life, concentrated aU his energies upon these schools. Hence the deep root they struck in Israel, and the vast effects they produced. And, following Samuel's example, other inspired prophets devoted themselves to the same high purpose, and the sons of the prophets looked to them naturaUy as their chiefs. Thus when at Jericho they saw that ' the spirit of Ehjah rested upon Elisha/ they acknowledged him as their head by ' bowing themselves to the ground before him ;' (2 Kings ii. 15;) and subsequently we find him recognized as their ruler by aU the prophetic colleges among the ten tribes. The training of these young men was partly in reading and writing, the two sole foundations of all inteUectual culture, and the two greatest steps that men can take forward on the road from bar barism to civilization. But it was partly also, as we have seen, in music, with which was joined probably singing, such as subsequently formed the great charm of the temple services, as established there by David, Nathan, and Gad, all three, I doubt not, trained by Samuel himself. Now the introduc tion of psalms into the temple service was a great step towards an inteUectual and spiritual worship. The sacrifices were full of typical meaning, but the great attraction probably was the feast which fol lowed; The Psalms were 'a reasonable, an intel- 140 IMPORTANCE OF MUSIC [Lect. lectuai service,' and men's hearts rose up in them to God. The synagogues, after the return from Babylon, made this kind of service, with other similar additions of prayer and the reading of the scriptures, the ordinary service throughout the land. And we have inherited this service. The Christian Church was formed upon the model not of the temple but of the synagogue. Still we read the same law, and the same prophets as they read, and sing their psalms. To this day these Jewish Psalms are our best expression of praise and thanksgiving. When Samuel trained his young prophets in music, he introduced an innovation into Divine service which will continue and bear fruit as long as the Church shaU last1. But this training was necessary also for the times. In a coarse and violent age like that described in the Book of Judges, music and poetry, which in evitably go together, exercise a powerful influence in civilizing men, and giving the softer arts, and the pleasures of a milder and more refined Hfe, value in their eyes. We now are subject to innu merable softening influences. It was not so then. Music, the song, the religious chant, the solemn dance at holy festivals, these were the chief, and well-nigh the sole civilizing elements of early times k. ' Yet here as everywhere else the root is in Moses. He first wrote a Psalm which Miriam and the women sang with timbrels and dances (Ex. xv. 20), and therefore the Psalms are very signifi cantly ascribed to Moses in the Revelation, ' They sing the song of Moses, the servant of God, and the song of the Lamb;' (xv. 3.) k In a fighting age the bard stands in the same relation to Lv".]' IN BARBAROUS TIMES. 141 We must not, however, suppose that all the young men trained by Samuel at Ramah became prophets. Very probably at first he wanted men to aid him also in the civil administration of the realm : and besides, though the sons of the prophets occupied a lower position than that held by men so highly inspired as Samuel and Gad and Nathan, and Elijah and Elisha, yet before a man was admitted into the lower grades even of the prophetic order there must have been proof that Jehovah's spirit rested upon him ; proof that he had the inner caU to bear to men Jehovah's message. But men so called formed probably but a small proportion of those who frequented Samuel's schools. Certainly we find that David had returned to his ordinary duties at home when the war with the Philistines summoned him away from his obscurity. Yet we cannot be far wrong in concluding that he did not learn at Bethlehem either his extraordinary skill in writing or his mastery over the harp. We read of him too as dancing before the ark, and though not expressly mentioned, yet we cannot doubt but that civilization as the newspaper of the present day. He was the organ . of intelligence, the bearer of news, the representative of the ideas of his times. When men take to reading, the bard becomes a plaything. He may beguile the long hours of a winter evening, or increase the pleasures of a feast, but no more. In early times he was the edu cator also. His lays, as sung by himself, and repeated from mouth to mouth, formed the minds of his countrymen. The song, the ballad, — these were the intellectual food of the people. Of such ballads probably consisted the Book of Jashar, and the Book of the Wars of Jehovah, so often mentioned in the Bible. 142 CONNECTION OF SAUL [Lect. this formed part of the rehgious exercises of the sons of the prophets1. StiU more conclusive is the elevation of his views as shown in his contest with the giant, his self-devotion, and early piety. From all this I doubt not that after Samuel had anointed David as Israel's future king, he had him with him as much as possible, and carefuUy trained him for his high destiny m. We find a proverb twice referred to connecting even Saul with the prophetic schools (i Sam. x. ii, xix. 24). Two circumstances are mentioned, in both of which the ready wit of the people noticed that strange incongruity of character, which strikes us to this day in reading Saul's history. But we must not conclude from the proverb that Saul had ever had any such training. The history presents him to us as one who had no personal knowledge of Samuel (1 Sam. ix. 18) when God's providence brought him first to Ramah : and apparently he resided at Gibeah during the no very long period which in tervened between his designation to the crown, and the establishment of his authority by the defeat of Nahash. Saul was a man of great natural^ abUity, with many noble quaUties, who yet faUed miserably in his probation. But his whole history is that of 1 Compare Michal's reproach of David, 2 Sam. vi. 20, with what is said of Saul, 1 Sam. xix. 24. m According to the ordinary chronology, Saul's second and final rejection was in B.C. 1079, and David's combat with Goliath in B.C. 1063. There is thus an interval of sixteen years for David's anoint ing and subsequent training for the kingly office. IV.] WITH THE PROPHETIC SCHOOLS. 143 an untrained man, nor is there the slightest indi cation that he could read or write, or that he possessed any of the accomplishments taught in the prophetic schools. The national wit, then, contrasted the tall, ungainly, uncultivated, but still stalwart hero with the educated and accomphshed men whom Samuel was training for intellectual work. It did more. It contrasted the wilful, irreligious, way ward despot with the good and holy men whose conduct was regulated by settled religious prin ciples. Still the proverb shows that there was no impos- sibihty in Saul having been thus trained. The incongruity seized upon by the people was that of his personal character. The probabUity is, that of those trained by Samuel, some, like Gad and Nathan, became Nabhis, prophets, and as a learned and de voted order of men filled an important place in the national economy ; others returned to more ordinary duties, to the cultivation of their estates, or to a military life or office under the king ; while, lastly, a large majority were probably Levites, and from the time that David brought the ark to the tent which he had pitched for it in Zion, they had the charge of the services there. For we are expressly told that the music in the house of Jehovah was according ' to the commandment of Jehovah by the prophets.' (2 Chron. xxix. 25.) For Samuel was himself a Levite, and to the Levites he would naturally look for the men to aid him in his reforms. He recognized the high place 144 CONNECTION OF THE LEVITES [Lect. they were intended to fiU in the Jewish economy : he saw that they had not filled it : but while organ izing his new institution on a freer footing, so far from excluding the Levites from it, he would still chiefly turn to them. The opposition between the priest and the prophet has often been noticed by writers of every kind : but of the comparatively few prophets whose lineage has been told us, the ma jority are priests. And so when Samuel n added a more spiritual element to the services of the sanc tuary, it was entrusted entirely to the Levites; Though the priests and Levites had not done aU that Moses had expected, it yet is exceedingly n It is certain from i Chron. ix. 22 that Samuel commenced that reorganization of the Levites which David completed. From 1 Chron. xxv. we learn that all the great singers and musicians, -Heman, Asaph, Jeduthun, &c., were Levites, and Heman a Kohathite, like Samuel himself (1 Chron. vi. 22, 28, 33). From the part taken by Gad and Nathan in the arrangement of the temple service (2 Chron. xxix. 25), it is exceedingly probable that it was modelled upon the same plan as that originated by Samuel in the schools of the pro phets : and when in the text Saul's messengers found ' the company of the prophets prophesying, and Samuel standing as appointed over them,' there can be little doubt that they were engaged in a reli gious service, consisting of music and singing, like that subse quently instituted by David for the tabernacle, and performed by a chorus of 288 trained voices (1 Chron. xxv. 7). How impressive Samuel's service was we gather from the effect produced upon three successive sets of messengers sent by Saul, and subsequently upon Saul himself (1 Sam. xix. 20-24). From the last verse we learn that there were also solemn dances, in which Saul clad only in a linen ephod, or tunic, such as David danced in before the ark (2 Sam. vi. 14, 20), took part so enthusiastically, that he finally fell down completely exhausted, and for many hours afterwards lay motionless. IV.] WITH THE PROPHETIC ORDER. 145 probable that they had always maintained among themselves a higher standard both in morality and religion than the rest of the community. There was an opposition in the law itself between its spiritual truths and its burdensome ritual (Ezek. xx. ii, 25, Acts xv. 10), and yet the law contained and har monized both elements. And so, if the prophet seized the law in its inner, and therefore its higher and more spiritual, reality, but the priest in its lower and objective aspect, still the prophetic spirit was not denied to the priesthood ; and often, as in Ezekiel, the two modes of thought were happily combined in the same man. Such, then, was the new beginning of prophecy. The dismal state of things which preceded Samue], and his own far-seeing and thorough remedies, made him need a more highly-educated class of men than Israel had ever before possessed. But the prophets were no mere literary class ; I do not know that such a class has ever either merited or met with much respect ; and certainly that was not what Samuel wanted. The very root of his reforms was his desire to see Israel more virtuous and more religious. His instruments, therefore, must above all things be men who themselves were holy. He needed a clergy. For them education was something : the grace of God was more. Now the prophets had ever been men who pleaded for God. Rehgion with them was everything. And though we cannot sup pose that the Spirit of Jehovah rested in the_ way of direct inspiration on all the holy men trained by L 146 PROPHECY AN ADVANCE [Lect. Samuel, still they earned and deserved the name of prophet by their intense conviction both of the truth and of the need of God's message to man. They were men who felt an irresistible caU to work for God, and in whom God's Spirit wrought by a large outpouring of the ordinary gifts of grace. But there were also here and there among them men on whom extraordinary gifts were be stowed. Such men were Gad and Nathan in David's days. What they were endowed with was no mere intel lectual superiority ; no mere human wisdom ; but something directly supernatural. There were at David's court men of the highest worldly wisdom. Ahithophel was so wise that ' his counsel was as if a man had enquired at the oracle of God :' (2 Sam. xvi. 23 :) but men knew that there was nothing divine about it, and David left his friend Hushai the Archite to frustrate Ahithophel's advice. There was nothing wrong in so doing : for Ahithophel's was mere worldly wisdom ; his strong sense made him discern what were the best means for gaining his ends ; but the question of right and wrong formed no element in his counsel. But the prophet ever spake of right and wrong, and duty. And when he went inspired with a message from above, like Nathan to David, it was the conscience that was addressed, not the inteUect ; and man's duty was, not to understand it, and judge of it, but to obey. It was a command given by the highest and final authority, from which there was no appeal. IV.] UPON THE MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS. 147 But our business with the prophets at present is rather with their ordinary and every-day level. It is only by looking at them as they were in the large majority of cases that we shaU be able to judge of the extraordinary elevation of those wonderful men, who stand out from time to time in gigantic vastness among- the actors in the annals of Jewish history. Now first, as regards the time, we have already seen that this remodelling of the Mosaic institutions by Samuel took place just at the period when the old way of consulting Jehovah by the oracle and Urim went out of use. This was but an unsatisfactory way at best, but it lasted just to the time when real pro phecy, the real mediatorship between Jehovah and His people, such as that with which Moses had been him self invested, was set free from its connection with the priesthood, and founded again upon a wider and freer basis by Samuel. From this time forward Jehovah was no more considted according to the Mosaic enactments. His will could no longer be ascertained whenever the chief ruler wished. Hence forward the Urim probably answered no more. For Jehovah had now His own special servants, who declared His will not as and when men desired, but as He commanded. And this usuaUy was as men least desired. The prophets were unwelcome visitors. Elijah meeting Ahab in Naboth's vineyard was a most disagreeable intruder ; yet scarcely more so than Nathan with his ' Thou art the man' to David, or Gad with his three plagues, or Shemaiah bidding L 2 148 THE PROPHETS [Lect. Rehoboam dismiss his army. Seldom is God's mes sage received by man with joy. And next we must repeat that, unlike the priest hood, the prophetic order was open to all, without respect of birth or even of education. Samuel's schook were as free to all of every tribe, as are our own universities open to every one now. But we must not connect prophecy too closely even with them. Neither were all prophets trained in his schools, nor were all trained in his schools prophets. But just as now a higher education is the usual preparation for the calling of a clergyman, so it was then with the prophets. Samuel no doubt intended his scholars to be prophets, and urged them to it. But not only was the highest gift of aU absolutely untrammeUed by any and every earthly ordinance, but even the lower gift would depend upon the per sonal fitness of the recipient. And these schools caUed forth men who were fit. But as the usual rule they were prophets by education only and call ing. We find them in time graduaUy falling to a very low spiritual level ; but this corruption was long after Samuel's days. Even in their worst day they were stUl caUed prophets. No practical incon venience arises from the use of words in a higher and a lower sense. Neither the Nabhis whom Samuel set over his schools, nor the young Nabhis trained by them, supposed themselves, or were sup posed by others, to share the same gift as Samuel and Ehjah possessed. It was only in bad and de moralized times, like the reigns of Jehoiakim and IV.] A NUMEROUS CLASS. 149 Zedekiah, that we find false prophets claiming direct inspiration (Jer. xxix. 9) for their Hes, and denying it to the true prophet (Ib. 27). After Samuel's days these schools greatly multi plied. His foundation had been at Ramah in Ben jamin, but at the time when we read, most of them, namely, under Elisha, we find prophetic colleges existing at Bethel, at Jericho, and at Gilgal, places all of them, except Jericho, connected with Samuel's his tory0. But as they are mentioned only incidentally, it is very probable that similar institutions existed elsewhere. At all events prophets had become a very numerous class. For when, seven years after Elijah's great day of triumph at Carmel, Jehoshaphat wished Ahab to enquire at the word of Jehovah about the expedition to Bamoth-gilead, that king, in spite of Jezebel's cruel persecutions, was able to coUect in one town, Samaria, where, as far as we know, there was no prophetic college, no fewer than four hundred men. The whole narrative shows that these men were by profession Jehovah-prophets, and they all prophesied in Jehovah's name. But there was something unsatisfactory about them ; perhaps Jehoshaphat knew that God does not speak by people in crowds, and so he asked if there was not some one prophet of Jehovah besides, and the true prophet came unwelcome as usual. Now though we cannot 0 This makes it highly probable that in the long period of thirty years and more between the anointing of Saul and the death of Samuel, the latter had established prophetic colleges in many other places besides Ramah. 150 HIGHER EDUCATION [Lect. but condemn the four hundred as flatterers, and that of such a king as Ahab, stiU even they probably were in advance of the mass of the people both in religion and morals. It is at all events but fair to remember, that but a few years before, when Jezebel was persecuting the Jehovah-prophets, large numbers of them wilhngly suffered death rather than abjure God's true worship. No class of men ordinarily is very far in advance of the general state of feeling in the midst of which it lives ; and thus until the days of Jeremiah we never find the Jehovah-prophets in Judah sinking so low as their brethren in Samaria. But however dis creditable may be the behaviour of these men before Ahab, yet there are many particulars in which plainly there is a great advance made, which we cannot be far wrong in attributing to the prosperity of the pro phetic schools under the able management of Elisha. Thus, after the palmy days of David and Solomon, none apparently but the prophets were able to read and write tiU about this time. But now we are told of a writing addressed to Jehoram, king of Judah, in Eli jah's name, which we must suppose that king could read (2 Chron. xxi. 12). Jezebel sends letters to the elders of Jezreel, and seals them with Ahab's seal, a proof that such communications had now become common (1 Kings xxi. 8). Jehu twice writes letters to the same elders (2 Kings x. 1, 6) ; even the king of Syria sends a letter with Naaman, and it is expressly said that the king of Israel read it (2 Kings v. 5. 7), though it is probable that it was written by some IV.] THE WORK OF THE PROPHETS. 151 royal scribe. Henceforth letters and writing play an important part in aU political matters. Now when we bear in mind Jezebel's persecution of the prophets, and then read how active and numerous they were under Elisha, and further see so very marked an advance in the Hberal arts, we may safely draw the conclusion that the prophetic schools had long before struck deep root in the northern king dom, and established a firm hold over the affections of the people. Plainly they were a great national institution. The general government of the prophetic body, as well as of their coUeges, would necessardy devolve upon whatever prophet was then inspired. And thus, as we have seen, no sooner did the sons of the prophets at Jericho perceive that Elijah's spirit rested upon Elisha, than by their deep obeisance they re cognized him as their head. StiU he had also another claim, namely, that of having been Elijah's chosen personal attendant. So probably Gehazi would have succeeded EHsha, had he not yielded, like Judas and Demas, to the seductions of covetousnessP. As head P It is important to remember that Gehazi's fall was the fall of a man of high prophetic dignity. Just as being in the ark did not save Ham, nor his apostleship Judas, so neither did the prophetic office save the prophet. A gift so high as inspiration was probably not attained till after many internal struggles, and long wrestlings after grace. Yet Balaam fell, and Jeremiah has recorded his own long-continued resistance against God, and finally his submission ; but the struggle might have ended otherwise. The prophets had their own probation quite as much as the apostles and all other saints ; and when saved, they were not saved by the gifts they had received, but by grace : by faith and the work of the Holy Ghost 152 ELISHA THE RECTOR [Lect. of these colleges we find EHsha leading a Hfe of incessant activity. We read of him at Dothan, at Samaria, where he had a house, and usually dwelt (2 Kings v. 3, vi. 32), on Mount Carmel, at Shunem, and at Damascus ; but chiefly we find him with the sons of the prophets. Thus he multiplies the oil of the widow of one of them, to enable her to pay her debts (Ib. iv. 1) ; at GUgal he renders the poisoned pottage wholesome, and multiplies the first- fruits offered by the farmer from Baal-shalisha (Ib. iv. 38, 42) ; and here incidentally we learn that the coUege at Gilgal numbered a hundred men. Else where we read of his accompanying them to choose timber for the enlargement of their dwelling (Ib. vi. 2), and restoring to one of them the axe-head lost in the waters of the Jordan. Again, he uses one of them as his messenger to Jehu (Ib. ix. 1), and every where plainly stands in the closest relation to them. And, next, we must notice that all the express on their hearts, just like other men. And if so many fell whose gifts were above nature, well may baptized Christians ' not be high- minded, but fear.' Gehazi, however, had never received the actual gift of inspiration, but probably hoped to attain to it upon Elisha's removal. This, however, was no necessary result of his position. Baruch, who held the same rank with regard to Jeremiah, never became a prophet, though he was a good and holy man. Some think that Jer. xiv. was written to comfort him under the dis appointment. A common tradition in the East represents him as so vexed by the withholding of the gift, that after Jeremiah's death he apostatized, and under the name of Zerdusht, or Zoroaster, became the founder of the rehgion of Persia. The tradition is only so far interesting as illustrating the relation in which the great prophets stood to their immediate attendant. IV.] OF THE PROPHETIC COLLEGES. 153 references to the schools of the prophets connect them with the northern kingdom. To the ten tribes belong those great prophetic heroes Elijah and Elisha ; and God, Who is merciful to all, seems to have granted to those of the Israelites who loved Him a compensation in prophecy for the loss of the temple-service at Jerusalem, and for the withdrawal of the priests and Levites. If the great means of grace provided by the Mosaic ritual were no longer theirs, at aU events they had the less regular institu tions of Samuel to aid them in living unto God. StiU it is hard to believe that no similar institutions existed in Judsea. The notices respecting the schools of the prophets in the northern kingdom are so casual, so entirely connected with the per sonal history of Elisha, that we can found no argu ment upon the silence of Holy Scripture respecting other places. And when we come to the books of the prophets, we find every one possessed of so inti mate an acquaintance with the writings of the rest, that we feel sure they had some regular organization to render this possible. Thus Isaiah quotes, verbaUy and exactly, without even omitting the conjunction, a passage from the writings of a prophet of his own time, Micah. He could not have so quoted it but from a written book. Obadiah quotes in the same way from Jeremiah. Amos takes up the very words of Joel as his beginning, and concludes with other words from Joel which all but immediately follow viaio5'-> of judges, 'Then his master shall bring him unto the gods ; ' (Exod. xxi. 6 ;) but chiefly of the Deity. Using, then, this simple name, Moses begins with one of the grandest and noblest truths ever uttered by man, namely, that matter is not eternal, but created by God, and that in God all things in heaven and earth have their sole beginning. Compare with this the wearisome speculations of the Greek philosophers, whether water or air or fire were the one fundamental element : or the Oriental view that matter is essentially evil, and that opposed to God there is a wicked principle, all but co-eternal and co equal with Him, and man the wretched plaything and victim of these rival powers ; or again, the Indian view that matter 400 NOTE A. and all earthly things and man are alike maya, a mere delusion, the semblance and not the reality of being ; compare all this with the opening words of Scripture, and Christians have no need to be ashamed of their Bible, but may feel that they have sure footing beneath them for their belief in the real though created existence of matter, and in the existence and supremacy of one God. But Moses passes rapidly on from this, and leaving every thing that does not relate to man, he comes at once to this earth ; his object is too practical to let him linger among philosophical speculations, and so he hastens to the earth as man's abode, and tells us that it existed, for how long time we know not, in darkness, as a desolate and shapeless waste, and yet even during this period there was motion and progress : for the wind or Spirit of Elohim was brooding upon the face of the waters. This progress is next set before us in its several stages, described not as parts of a cosmogony, nor with any inten tion of giving us a geological scheme, but simply as a prepa ration of the earth for man's dwelling, and as the appointed scene for the great work, of which the second narrative of Creation gives us the main outlines. Of these stages the first is the creation of light, and with it, of course, of heat. This creation of light absolutely, while the sun and moon were the work of the fourth day, so puzzled Origen, that he gave up in despair any exposition of the earlier chapters of Genesis except in a spiritualizing and allegorical way. Scientific writers in the present day give us a very different notion of these things. The so-called nebular hypothesis even went upon the supposition that the sun was the last formed of all the orbs of our system, and the moon subsequent, at all events, to the shaping of the earth, as being a body thrown off from it. But independently of this theory, which has probably now few followers, the various mechanical and chemical forces at work, condensing and arranging the mate rials of this earth, would of themselves evolve heat and light, while it is perfectly possible that the light, in Hebrew Or, here referred to, is that marvellous agent electricity ; NOTE A. 401 by means of which even now all the processes of animal and vegetable existence apparently are maintained and carried on. Or certainly means lightning in Job xxxvii. 3, and probably Ib. xxxvi. 32. By what increase, however, and dimi nution of this light the day was then measured, whether as yet the earth revolved upon its axis, and whether these days, .consisting of an evening and a morning, signify more than the reaching of a certain stage in God's creative plan, is hard to say. All must admit that some parts of the narrative are metaphorical. ' God said,' grand and noble as is the idea, really must mean that God silently willed that so and so should be. He uses no articulate words. And so these days must remain a mystery. Some have thought that the various stages of creation were revealed to Moses in a series of pictures, so to say, and that preceding each, as shown in vision before his mental eye, there was a period of gloom. But the Hebrew simply is, ' And there was an evening, and there was a morning, day one,' a period of thickening darkness, and a period of dawning light. The words suggest a progress and improvement : and each morn ing, it may be, was the beginning of some new creative energy. The literal interpretation of the document entirely forbids our confounding these primseval days with man's working day of twenty-four hours. As everything else in the narrative after the first verse refers to the earth, it is but reasonable to conclude that this ' light' was neither solar nor stellar light, but such light and heat as were evolved here below, by chemical and mechanical forces acting upon the constituent elements of the earth, and that to its action belong all those igneous rocks and other results of intense heat with which geology has made us acquainted. We may even gather from the narrative, as a probability, that heat was an earlier agent in the shaping of the earth than water : but it is a probability only. All that we are expressly taught by the words of Genesis is that light of some kind or other was the first product of the divine action in that desolate void out of which our earth was made. Dd 402 NOTE A. And next there follow certain changes which would result simply from the gradual cooling of the earth's surface. As its temperature slowly decreased by the radiation of its heat, the aqueous vapours would condense and fall in the shape of rain upon the earth, while the pure air would remain to form an atmosphere, in which the clouds would float. Thus on the second day of creation water definitely took those two shapes in which it exists at present, the one its fluid form, in which it seeks the lowest depths of the earth, the other its form as vapour, in which it rises high above earth's surface. The Hebrew word for atmosphere, literally signifying an open expanse, has been miserably rendered in our version firmament, because it was so translated at Alex andria by the authors of the Septuagint, who thought that the vault of heaven was solid. But the use of the word does not imply any belief in the theory. We still speak of a person's humours, but no one would suppose that we thereby pledged ourselves to the doctrine held in old time, that our mental state is dependent upon certain fluids in the body. We may dismiss, then, this word ' firmament,' as a mere false gloss put by the Jews of Alexandria upon the divine record ; and it remains only to remark that throughout the Bible the vast apparatus created by God for watering the earth by means of rain is ever specially appealed to as the great natural witness for His existence and goodness (see Acts xiv. 1 7 and the parallel places), and was thus not unworthy of a place in the narrative of Creation. Upon the condensation • of the vapours, and their falling upon the earth as rain, follows again, by a natural law, their' gathering into the lower portions of the earth, and the emer gence of dry land. But much more than this was necessary ere the earth could be fit for man's abode. As we see the vast masses of the mountains, and the force which has crumpled up their strata like paper, and raised aloft such mighty obelisks as the Matterhom, we learn that this ap pearance of the dry land was attended by terrible convulsions. Without these agonizing throes of nature the earth would have been a level mass covered everywhere evenly with water. NOTE- A. 403 Yet even these convulsions may have been the natural results of the cooling of the mass of the earth, and of the presence of water in vast quantities upon its surface. Nor can I see anything in the narrative to forbid this view. When God speaks, His words do not pass away, but remain in ever- abiding force for all time. To speak, with Him, is to will ; and His commands continue as natural laws, lasting for all time, and unchanging as He their author is unchange able. When a spark starts from an electrical machine, or the lightning from the clouds, it is because He has said, 'Let there be light.' To this day the mounting up of vapours into the atmosphere, their condensation there, and their falling to the earth as rain, are by virtue of the laws pronounced by God on the second creative day. Equally, too, now as on the third day water separates itself from the solid bodies mixed with it by mechanical action, and gathers into the lower parts of the earth, in order that vegetation may cover the dry land. Without these laws the earth could never have been a fit dwelling for man, and to believe that these laws exist inde pendently of God's will, is just as heathenish as to believe in the eternity of matter. God willed these so-called natural laws for man's good. Without an atmosphere to bear the clouds into every quarter, without those countless arrange ments and adjustments which carry the falling waters away from the surface, and make the grass to spring up everywhere as of itself, the earth must have remained as empty and desolate as is the moon now — a blank and waste in creation. So, too, without that arrangement, so minutely dwelt upon, by which every plant carries within itself the means of its own perpetual reproduction, not only would the earth have quickly relapsed into barrenness, but vegetation would also have missed its secondary uses, of refreshing man and the animal world by its fruits, and of maintaining them in winter by seeds, capable of being stored up, and containing in a con densed form all that is necessary for the support of life. And now there is a break as it were in the processes of creation. On the fourth day the two great luminaries, the d d % 404 NOTE A. sun and moon, are set in the firmament. Many have thought that by the condensation of the vapours, and the clearing of the atmosphere by a rank vegetable life, the glorious light of the sun now at length broke through the clouds, and his orb became visible. This is a perfectly reasonable view. There is nothing in the Hebrew to settle the question when the sun and moon and stars were created. It says only that at this period they became earth's great luminaries, giving it an alternation of day and night, indicating by a succession of seasons the course of years, and serving as signs to show the onward progress of time. The fourth day, then, may mark the period when the revolution of the earth and planets upon their own axes began ; it may mark the period when the state of the atmosphere first admitted of their being seen from the earth's surface ; or it may signify that the preparation of the earth for man's abode was, in its beginnings, prior to the full com pletion of the solar system, of which it may be that the sun was the last and final perfection. Be this as it may, the Divine narrator shows, with scientific exactness, that while the first mean commencements of vegetable life are possible without the unveiled presence of the sun, there can be no animal life till it shines. Not till the fourth day could vege tation even reach its full magnificence in flower and forest trees, though the command had been given before : as for animal life, it began upon the fifth day long after the sun had shone upon the earth. And here we must notice three things. For, first, we repeat that the three previous days can scarcely have been solar days, inasmuch as it is only on the fourth day that the sun is set in the firmament to divide between day and night. Probably they mark stages in creation, an advance from a dark evening to a brighter morning, itself not yet complete, but the beginning only of a better state. And if such were the first three days, such also would be the three other creative days of God. Secondly, the Hebrew does not say that God created the stars on the fourth day, just as it does not say when or how God made the sun. The record is confined simply to earth. What the Hebrew says is, that, besides the sun and moon, God NOTE A. 405 set the stars also in the firmament for signs and for seasons. And as such the ancients used them. Having no almanacs, they regulated not merely their navigation, but also their agriculture, by the rising and setting of the stars. The third observation is, that we must not imagine that the special act of any day was confined to that day, on which it first began. Whatever laws God imposed upon matter at the first, those laws abide now. With one exception, we may conclude that all God's creative works were carried on by the operation of natural causes — that one exception being the giving of life. The evolution of light and heat — the condensation of vapour — the separation of land and water — all these and the like pro cesses go on now as then. But whence came the first sporule of vegetable life ? Whence the first and lowest form of animal life ? If the higher forms of life have been developed from the lowest, what a miracle was that first faint streak of vegetation in which was contained all our present flora, all the countless forms of tree, and plant, and herb, which now clothe our earth with their rich verdure ! What a still greater miracle that microscopic point, in which, nevertheless, was contained the whole animal world, and, as some say, man himself ! It is at this phenomenon of life that science still stands on the outside, powerless to unlock the gate. Life may be but an aggregate of cells, and science may construct these cells, but they are lifeless. To give life is the great creative act, and that act was as miraculous, as much a special interposition of the Deity, if but one plant and one animal were created, endowed, never theless, each with the faculty of infinite progress and develop ment, as if each species were a separate act of creation. In saying this, however, I must add that I believe that all these secondary causes act merely in obedience to God's will. Natural laws mean only the presence of the One worker, God. It was the special act of creation to give these laws, and im pose them upon matter, and they abide constant, unchanged, ever active, because God the unchangeable is ever present with them. Their present activity means God's present power. God has not left them. They do not work because He has given them a command to work, but because He 406 NOTE A. works in them, and that which we call Law means but God's will. Were God to withdraw His presence from creation, all the laws of nature would cease. A law like that of gra vitation, so grand, so universal, so unfailing, speaks of the presence throughout all space of the one will of God. You cannot separate natural laws, and so-called secondary causes, from God. God is the one power present in creation, and all that is done He is the Doer of it. And, therefore, whatever laws God imposed on matter in creation I feel certain must continue now. The law was given at creation : it is maintained now by the same will which then gave it. If an island were to arise from the sea in the middle of the Pacific Ocean, I should expect it in due time to be covered with vegetation, but in obedience to that higher rule which requires that no supernatural force should be used where so-called natural forces suffice, I should expect only secondary means to be used for carrying to it seeds and the sources of vegetable life. But at the first I cannot see how these sources of life could have been produced except miracu lously, and I have read nothing to make me doubt but that — not every species, but — the main genera of vegetable life were then in due order called into existence, each by a specific act of creation. So as regards animal life. I know nothing in Genesis to settle the question whether you can or cannot pro duce by artificial means certain low forms of animal life. It is entirely on scientific grounds that I disbelieve in these absurdities, from the Acarus Crossii down to the bacterium. But, at first, all the main genera of animal life were produced, each, I believe, by a special creative act, though the narrative is silent upon this point. It tells us, however, that means were taken, as in the case of plants, so also for the constant reproduction of the animals, and thus marks a plain distinc tion between their first creation and their subsequent main tenance. As the peopling of the earth with life was thus amply provided for, I do not believe in the existence of any byway for producing in an inferior manner the same end. But the conclusion is a deduction merely from a study of the laws of nature. Absolutely, if there ever could be exactly the NOTE A. 407 same state of things as when animal life was first called into existence, I should expect as the result the appearance of new animal forms, and I should expect this to take place in the same way as at first. In other words, if the exercise of God's creative powers were in any way good or requisite, I believe that God would exercise them. If He does not exercise them now, it is simply because He has ordained certain laws, which, because of their regularity and universality, we call the laws of nature, and which amply suffice for the due course of all things as at present constituted. But I can find nothing in the record itself to settle the question whether the peopling the earth with the innumerable forms of vegetable and animal life took place by a series of distinct creative acts, or by a monad being called into existence, endowed with a capability of developing, in the infinite course of endless ages, into countless genera and species, of which some, by a process of natural selection, would survive, while the rest, as the mere failures of nature's bungling hand, perished. I do not believe in this more stupendous act of creation, in the first place, because it makes too large a demand upon my credulity, and in the second, because I can find no sufficient proof of it, but rather the contrary, in the records laid open to us by geology. It is because I find no bungling there, but each species perfect in its kind, that I believe in its separate creation : but the brief statements of Holy Scripture seem to me to record results rather than the processes by which the Creator wrought them. With the production of animal life the two last days or stages of creation are concerned. The waters are represented as peopled first with reptiles, and then with birds. "While the word translated moving creature fitly describes all the lower forms of creeping life, the real point lies in the attri bute assigned to these reptiles, namely, a living soul, nephesh, or soul, being used in Hebrew, like tyvxq in Greek, to express an animate, in opposition to an inanimate or merely vegetable, existence. We have thus, then, arrived at an entirely new and far higher level of creation. With the sun shining in the heavens we note the appearance also of beings endowed with sensation. But we must not put a chasm between this and 408 NOTE A. the preceding stages. The atmosphere was probably still but partially cleared of the vapours which had previously over loaded it. The surface of the earth was probably still hot and moist. Water was still prevalent everywhere, and though vegetation had begun, there is no reason for supposing that it had reached its full development before animal life began. What the Bible marks is the commencement of each stage, or, as I have ventured to call it, the giving of the law whereby it came into existence, but from the intercalation of the fourth day, marked by no special work upon earth, we" may possibly infer that the period appropriated to vegetation only was a long one, and that at most only the lower forms of animate life existed until long after the time when the fiat of God first clothed the gradually drying earth with verdure. We may be right, too, in inferring that through long ages the earth still remained in a moist oozy state, from the fact, that throughout the fifth day no animals existed but such as owed their origin to the waters. These are described as swarming in countless multitudes, and the record expressly mentions the vast monsters of the saurian class, with which the .waters and marshes were peopled. This word in the Hebrew, tannin, is translated in our version whales, but prob ably no mammal existed till the sixth day. Elsewhere it is rendered dragon, as in Is. xxvii. i, li. 9, where certainly, as often besides, it signifies the crocodile. Strictly, however, it is not any one specific animal, but is a term applicable to all animals which are of great relative length, and move by the bending or wriggling of their bodies. Finally, on the sixth day the earth brings forth the higher forms of animate being ; and, last of all, man, the crowning work of God's creative energy, stands forth, made in God's very likeness, and en dowed by God with sovereignty over every living thing upon the earth. And now, for another stage, God rests. There is a sense in which He still works (John v. 17), but it is in maintaining the laws of nature, and in Providence. He imposes now no new laws upon matter, calls no new forms of life into existence, urges the world forward to no new stages of being. He has given nature its laws, and these NOTE A. 409 abide permanent in their mighty working. We are living now in that seventh day in which God rests. Such, then, is the cosmogony prefixed by Moses to his history of Israel's exodus from Egypt. It shows us God the one supreme Lord, Who called matter into existence. It shows us the gradual processes by which the earth was fashioned and peopled, and fitted for man's abode. In the various stages it sets before us God as giving matter its laws by the simple action of His will : ' God said, and it was.' Lastly, it marks man as different from all other creatures. The Deity calls him into existence, not without counsel with Himself. The words are metaphorical, but they mark man's special nature and the unique purpose of his existence. He alone of all the tribes of earth can worship and serve God. Lastly, he consorts not with the other works of God as their equal, but as their lord. Erect in stature, free in will, mindful of the past, taught by experience, provident of the future, he exercises authority by virtue of his nature, and has dominion over every living thing that moveth on the earth. And this record, — these thirty-four verses, — is the record of nature : the next record is a record of grace. It speaks no longer of earth, and of what man is by his original creation, nor of the relation in which, by virtue of creation, he stands to God. It is a fitting preface, so to say, to the one subject which occupies the rest of Scripture. For it sets man before us in his relations with Jehovah, the Covenant- God, as created upright, as fallen, as comforted with the promise of a Saviour. I do not intend to enter into the consideration of the exact nature of this record, nor of the position which it holds with respect to the first. It would require a treatise so to do ; but it is not necessary. There are many difficult questions con nected with it, but they belong to the province of theology. There is, indeed, a very brief cosmogonical preface, asserting that God created the heavens and the earth, and every plant and herb : it tells also of a time when there was no rain, but the earth encircled by an atmosphere of vapour. But it hastens on to man's creation, of which it gives a more detailed 410 NOTE A. account, to his original state of happiness, his temptation, and his fall : and to this it appends that promise, of which the whole of the rest of Scripture is but the record of the gradual stages of its fulfilment, Whether its statements are literal or meta phorical, where Eden was, and its rivers, where Havilah, rich in gold and pearls and onyx stones, what the relation between man and woman, as indicated by her being created out of his flank, so curiously from ancient times translated rib, what the apple, and the serpent speaking with man's voice, and whether the fall was a necessary result of man's free will ; these and many more such questions have been discussed by an endless series of commentators, with ever varying conclusions. But they are questions not connected with physical science, and therefore it may suffice thus briefly to have pointed out tbe entire difference between the purpose of the two records of creation ; and while the latter is obviously a matter of reve lation, and requires therefore, and rests upon, supernatural proof, the first also, be it remembered, is not a mere cosmo gony, but has a moral object, setting forth God as the author of all, matter as made by Him, and man as bearing His image. It is a record not of science, but of religion, though of natural religion, while the second is an introduction to the Gospel, a narrative explanatory of that world-long struggle between man and his enemy, in which finally ' the woman's seed' wins, yet not without suffering, the victory. NOTE B, p. 18. The following Note, conclusively showing that Buddhism is a religion destitute of historical credibility, has been kindly furnished me by one able to speak with authority upon tlie subject, E. B. Cowell, Esq., M.A., Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge. Buddhism cannot be called an historical religion, if we mean by that term a religion whose origin is to be traced in contemporary annals. NOTE B. 411 £akya Muni himself (like Socrates) left no writings behind him ; his teaching was only oral ; and there are two separate streams of tradition for his history and doctrines. These are found in the Sanskrit books of Nepal, i. e. the Northern tradi tion, current in Nepal, Tibet, China, and Mongolia ; and in the Pali books of Ceylon, i. e. the Southern, current in Ceylon, Burmah, and Siam. These books are said to have been gradually arranged in the celebrated Three Councils, in a threefold form— the discourses of Buddha (sutra), the cere monies and discipline (vinaya), and the metaphysics (abhi- dharma). But the dates of these Councils differ in the two traditions. The Southern fixes them as respectively held (i) shortly after the founder's death ; (2) 100 years after it, under king Kalasoka ; and (3) 235 years after it, under Dharmasoka ; while the Northern fixes the two latter as held 110 years after his death, under Asoka, and more than 400 years after in Cashmir, under Kanishka. The Ceylonese say nothing of a reduction to writing even at the third Council, and their great chronicle, the Mahawanso, expressly states that the canonical traditions, which were introduced into Ceylon by the missionaries from the third Council, were not committed to writing till the reign of Wattagamini, B.C. 100-88. The Northern traditions may have been reduced to writing at their third Council, 400 years after Sakya Muni's death. We can hardly, in fact, believe that nothing was written even at an earlier date ; but we have no reason to suppose that any text which we at present possess goes back even to Kanishka's time. The Lalita Vistara, our great authority for the early life of Buddha, has been published in Sanskrit. There are said to be four Chinese translations of it : the first was made between a.d. 70 and 76, the second a.d. 308, the third about a.d. 652 ; of the fourth and latest I do not know the date, but as only the third and fourth have the same division as our present Sanskrit text, into 27 chapters, it would appear that the two earlier may represent another text ; but on this point we want fuller information. The Lalita Vistara is legendary in the highest degree — it has miracles in every chapter, and is written 412 NOTE B. in tKe most hyperbolical style. Every event is related twice, first in a very bald mediaeval Sanskrit, and then in a poetical version of very corrupted Sanskrit. The latter appears to be the older version, representing these legends in their popular ballad shape. No doubt the same legends are to a great extent current in every Buddhist country ; but directly we proceed to analyse them, we find the usual divergencies which characterize a legendary, as distinguished from an historical, period. Thus, to take only one instance, the Northern tradition calls the bride whom Sakya Muni wins by. his skill in arts and arms, Gopa, the daughter of Dandapani, but the Southern calls her Yasodhara, the daughter of Sakya Suprabuddha. It is well known that there are at least twenty different dates of Sakya Muni's death, varying between B.C. 2422 and 543 ; and even the last date (that of the Ceylonese) has been falsi fied, and has been conjecturally corrected by modern scholars to b.c. 477. We know with historical accuracy what Buddhism was three or four centuries after its founder's death, and we may conjecture with great probability what his own teaching actually was ; but the details of his life are wrapt in the same cloud of fiction which envelopes evety event in ancient Indian history. We must never forget Elphinstone's remark at the commencement of his ' Hindu period,' ' no date of a public event can be fixed before the invasion of Alexander, and no connected relation of the national transactions can be attempted until after the Mahommedan conquest ; ' or, in other words, we can only get historical light when other nations, possessing an authentic history of their own, eome in contact with the Hindus ; but they, of course, can be of no use with regard to events which they could only learn from legends current in India. [The best account of Buddha and his doctrines is to be found in the first volume of Koeppen's ' Die Religion des Buddha und ihre Entstehung,' Berlin, 1857. Its tone is decidedly anti-Christian, but it contains a store of information collected together from different sources.] NOTE C. 413 NOTE C, p. 46. Nothing can be more contrary to the teaching of Holy Scripture than that view of inspiration which confines it to words. In the Bible most of the great acts of the heroes of old time are ascribed to the presence of God's Spirit. When Othniel stirred up the military ardour of Judah, and led that great tribe to battle against the king of Mesopotamia, it was ' because the Spirit of Jehovah was upon him.' (Judges iii. 10.) Such, too, was the case with Gideon (Ib. vi. 34), with Jephthah (Ib. xi. 29), with Samson, when he rent the lion (Ib. xiv. 6), and when, having burst the new cords with which he was bound, he slew ofthe Philistines a thousand men (Ib. xv. 14). The Bible speaks in the same way of gifts of artistic skill. Bezaleel's hand was cunning in gold and silver work, and in cutting of stones, and wood-carving, because 'he was filled with the Spirit of God.' (Ex. xxxi. 3.) Such, too, was the case with Aholiab (Ib. xxxv. 31). Even the ordinary opera tions of agriculture ' come forth from Jehovah of Hosts : He hath made counsel wonderful, He hath magnified skill.' (Is. xxviii. 29.) If Isaiah uses words such as these of the labours of the farm, may we not apply them with even fuller meaning to the wonderful enterprizes of the engineer, and to all the works of genius? But here, as also where St. James tells us that all good and perfect gifts eome down to us from God, the difficulty is to draw any line of distinction between God's gifts where they are the result of His working in nature, and where the work ing of God was special and extraordinary. It may be that these two methods of working, apparently so different to us, are not different in themselves. At all events in the workings of Providence we cannot distinguish them. We believe that not a hair of our heads falls to the ground without Divine permission ; that our smallest and most ordinary acts are not separable from God's working : while in the great crises of our spiritual lives we feel that there have been special interventions in our behalf. God has been working by and in natural laws, and yet, apparently, has controlled them for 414 NOTE C. individual good (1 Cor. x. 13, Phil. ii. 13). Believers have the fullest conviction of this, and yet might hesitate about saying that God had wrought a miracle for them, or that the laws of nature had not held on their undeviating course. They are content with saying that such interpositions are providential. So if we were to say that these operations of the Spirit of Jehovah, spoken of especially in the Book of Judges, were providential, many might think this a sufficient explanation, because they imagine that some sort of distinction can be drawn between the providential and the miraculous. Really, the terms miracle and miraculous are unknown to the Bible : they are the products of the Latin language, which has done so much by the inaccuracy of its words to vitiate theology. The working of God is so much more perfect than man's working, that that which seems to man miraculous, because unusual, may be perfectly natural to God. If you drive God out of the world, and exalt nature into His place, understanding by nature a working of matter only, neither originating in, nor sustained or controlled by any intelligent mind, then of course you leave for God only such operations as are unnatural, and it does not much matter what you call them, miraculous or not. Not only scientific men, but theo logians, I presume, would join in disbelieving in the existence of such actions. But if ' in God we live and move and have our being,' our natural actions cannot be separated from Him, and to Him all actions may be alike natural, though they differ according to the degree in which His presence in them is apparent to our perceptions. In fact, in these things we are reasoning about that of which we know nothing. In all the discussions that have lately taken place about prayer, there has been out of sight the postulate that God is a man, acts as a man, and is subject in His working to the same limitations as man. Grant this, and of course prayer cannot produce any effect : providence is impossible : a revelation absurd, and miracle monstrous. Grant it, and post mortem nihil. But if God be God and not man, and not subject to human limitations, these results do not follow. If a flock of sheep were to discuss man's nature, they could form no idea NOTE C. 415 of him but that he was a very strong and mischievous kind of sheep. Man's discussions about God's nature are about as wise and convincing. But worthless as they are, after all we cannot form any idea of God except as a very powerful and perfect man. But while we may feel sure that His absolute attributes, such as love, goodness, justice, must be in accord ance with our ideas, we ought to recognize that His negative attributes are only veils to our ignorance. We can form no idea of infinity, immutability, eternity. And thus all our discussions must stop at a certain point, and all negative conclusions are worthless. Enough, then, to notice that the Bible does not draw a distinction between the action of God's Spirit upon Samson when rending the lion, and upon Isaiah when prophesying of the Messiah. To us the difference may be vast. In ordinary language we might call the one a natural impulse, or, at most, speak of it as providential : the other we should call supernatural. Really, the difference may be that in one God reveals His presence more than in the other : in natural operations His arm is hidden, in super natural He makes it bare in the sight of all His people. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 08844 6613 • ¦¦¦