/give titflt. Books', > . for the founding ef a. College iitiAt^Ca/onj/" ¦ ILKIBI^^IEir • /&S3 NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. \/t ESSRS. CLARK have pleasure in forwarding to their Subscribers ^ * the Second Issue of the Foreign Theological Library for 1882, viz. : — MARTENSEN'S CHRISTIAN ETHICS. (Social Ethics.) WEISS'S BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Vol. I. The First Issue for 1 882 was : — DORNER'S SYSTEM OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. Vols. IIL and IV. (completion). The Volumes issued during 1880 and 1 88 1 were : — GODET'S COMMENTARY ON THE EPISTLE OF ST. PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Two Vols. HAGENBACH'S HISTORY OF DOCTRINES. Three Vols. DORNER'S SYSTEM OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. Vols. I. and II. MARTENSEN'S CHRISTIAN ETHICS. (Special Ethics.) Vol. I. The Foreign Theological Library was commenced in 1846, and from that time to this Four Volumes yearly (or 142 in all) have appeared with the utmost regularity. In beginning a New Series, an opportunity is given to many to subscribe who may be deterred by the extent of the former Series. The Binding of the Series is modernized, so as to distinguish it from the former Series. The Subscription Price will remain as formerly, 21s. annually for Four Volumes payable in advance. (The Subscription Price of the Volumes for 1 880, 1 88 1, 1882, is therefore Three Guineas.) The Publishers beg to announce as in preparation — WEISS'S LIFE OF CHRIST. DR. KEIL'S HANDBOOK OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. GOEBEL'S PARABLES OF JESUS. REUSCH'S BIBLE AND NATURE. A Selection of 20 Volumes may be had at the Subscription Price of Five Guineas, from the works issued previous to commencement of New Series. 1 ¦ Messrs. Clark take this opportunity of expressing their thanks for the favour with which this New Series of the Foreign Theological Library has been received. May they request an early remittance of Subscription for 1883. CLARK'S FOKEIGN THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY. NEW SERIES. YOL. XII. 33tbltcal Cfrsologp of ti)c ®tto Certanunt— SHrfciS. VOL. I. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 188 2. PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB, FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. LONDON, . . nAMM.TON, ADAMS, AND CO. DUBLIN, GEORGE HERBERT. NEW YORK, . . SCRIBNER AND WRLFORD. BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. BY DR. BERNHARD WEISS, N fit COUNSELLOR OP THE CONSISTORY AND PROFESSOR OP THEOLOGY IN BERLIN. Exunslatztt from tfje Eijixt HebtselJ lEtittfon BY REV. DAVID EATON, M.A., DUFFTOWN. VOL. I. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 1882. PREFACE. jINCE this book appeared for the second time, much thorough work has been done in the department of New Testament theology. It was therefore my duty, not only to make my readers acquainted in the proper place with all the works that bear upon the subject, but also to come to as thorough an understanding as possible with them. I hope that this time also I have succeeded in giving, throughout the whole book, not only my oym concep tion of things, but also a picture of the various leading con ceptions of them and of the principal points around which the scientific discussion of them turns. If, indeed, I have paid far more attention to some publications than to others, it is not any predilection whatever, far less their size, that has led me to do so, but the definiteness and importance of their results, as well as the solidity of the arguments with which these results are supported. It is absolutely impossible to come to an under standing with treatises which arrive at no clear, comprehen sible result, or are destitute of any thorough argument. Where both are found, it is at once a pleasure and a gain to give a careful consideration even to opinions that are very different from one's own, and I trust that this time also such a comparison has contributed much to the more precise statement and complete establishment, especially exegetically, of my own view. No change has been made in the plan of the book ; the numbers of all the chapters and paragraphs remain the same. It has been a source of great inward satisfaction to me that, notwithstanding the most accurate renewed working out of every detail, I found nothing to alter in this respect. I, for my part, do not know how to represent the various systems Vlll PREFACE. of doctrine more succinctly and lucidly. I have also satisfied myself once more, that of the material furnished by the New Testament for our science, nothing, not even that which is apparently most trivial, has been overlooked. In matters of detail, indeed, the expert will easily perceive that my continued exegetical labours, and the constant direct or indirect comparison with other views, have led to numerous improvements and changes, particularly in the portions that are more important dogmatically. If, notwithstanding these, and notwithstanding the comprehensive notice taken of the more recent literature of the subject, the size of the book has not increased, this is simply owing to the fact that brevity has been most carefully studied wherever it was possible to do so without prejudice to the question considered, and that all detailed discussions have been avoided which did not improve my own statement of the case, or referred to treatises which weie of no abiding significance. For the third time this book begins its career, and the fact that it may venture to do so renders it unnecessary for me to make the apologies with which I had to introduce it the first and second time. The number of those who have found in it a serviceable guide through the rich world of Scripture truth in its manifold forms has steadily increased, and, God willing, will henceforward increase. I believe that my statements of biblico- theological questions, and of the various forms under which they are conceived, are objective enough to be of value even to those who do not share my opinions in detail, and my presuppositions in points of importance. It may also be granted to the book to open up the way still further for a truly historical method of regarding Holy Scripture, and to support the conclusions which I have arrived at, on the ground of that method, with regard to the history of the New Testament age and its records. And although it cannot in every particular adduce the reasons in support of these conclusions, which I have elsewhere done abundantly with respect to the most of the points, yet it is sufficient to show that they have been arrived at in a scientific way, and that it is possible to carry them out in a scientific manner through the whole of the New Testament. I believe I have shown that I know how to appreciate every PREFACE. IX objection to them that is supported by means of argument, and also that I know how to come to a thorough understand ing with it. It is now twenty-seven years since, in my inaugural academical discourse, I for the first time expressed my love for the science which this book is meant to serve, and thoroughly discussed the questions regarding its right con ception and its methodical representation. I believe that since that time I have shown in earnest labour that this love was no mere ebullition of youthful enthusiasm ; and that the same love still inspires me to-day is also shown by this book in its new form. May it then still continue to find friends and bring forth fruit, may it help to introduce men more and more profoundly into the full riches of the truth of Scripture, and bring its hidden treasures to the light. Here also I would take the opportunity of expressing my heartiest thanks to my young friend, Albert Hirsch, student of theology in Berlin, who has most carefully verified all the quotations of Scripture and the registers, and has thus much furthered the use of the book. B. WEISS. Berlin, August 1879. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. 1. The problem of the science, . 2. Division and arrangement, . 3. Investigation of sources, 4. Method of the representation, 5. The origin of the science, 6. Earlier works on Biblical Theology, 7. The more recent works, 8. Auxiliary labours, PAGE 1 7 1217 21283035 PART FIRST. THE TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO THE EARLIEST TRADITION. INTRODUCTION. 9. Life and teaching of Jesus in their relation to Biblical Theology, 43 10. Sources for the representation of the teaching of Jesus, . . 48 11. Critical presuppositions for the use of the three synoptic Gospels, . 53 12. Previous works on this subject, ..... 58 CHAPTER I. The Message regarding the Kingdom of Ood. 13. The kingdom of God and the Messiah, 14. The kingdom of God and the disciples, 15. The kingdom of God in its consummation, 6267 70 CHAPTER II. The Testimony of Jesus to Himself as the Messiah. 16. The Son of man, ...... 17. The Son of God, . . . . 18. The Anointed One, . . . . • 1 • 19. The Son of David and the exalted Messiah, . 73 7882 87 Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. The Messianic Activity. SECT. PAGE 20. The new revelation of God, ... 92 21. Repentance, ........ 95 22. The Messianic salvation, ...... 99 23. The victory over Satan, ...... 103 CHAPTER IV. The Righteousness of the Kingdom of God. 24. Righteousness and the law, . . . 106 25. The greatest commandment, ...... 112 26. Righteousness as disposition, ... . 117 27. Appendix. The primitive-Christian anthropology, . . .120 CHAPTER V. The Messianic Church. 28. The calling, . . . 125 29. Diseipleship, . . ..... 129 30. The elect, ..... 133 31. The apostles and the Church, . . . . 138 CHAPTER VI. The Messianic Consummation. 32. The doctrine of recompense, . . . . . .143 33. The return of the Messiah, and the judgment, . . 147 34. The consummation of all things, ..... 152 PART SECOND. THE ORIGINAL-APOSTOLIC TYPE' OF DOCTRINE PREVIOUS TO THE TIME OF PAUL. INTRODUCTION. 35. The discourses of the Acts of the Apostles, . . . 159 • 36. The First Epistle of Peter, ...... 163 37. The Epistle of James, . . . . .168 SECTION I. THE DISCOURSES OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. CHAPTER I. The Proclamation of the Messiah and the Messianic Time. 38. The fulfilment of prophecy in the earthly life of Jesus, . . 173 39. The exalted Messiah, ... 177 40. The coming of the Messianic time, ..... 181 CONTENTS. xiii CHAPTER II. The Motlter Church and the Question of the Gentiles. SECT. PAGE 41. The Church and the apostles, . . . . .185 42. The conversion of the whole of Israel, . . . 191 43. The position of the Gentile Christians in the Church, . 197 SECTION II. THE FIEST EPISTLE OF PETER. CHAPTER III. The Commencement of the Messianic Consummation in the Christian Church. 44. The elect race, ....... 204 45. The peculiar people and the calling, ..... 210 46. The new birth and the nourishment of the new life, . 215 47. Christian social life, ....... 221 CHAPTER IV. The Messiah and His Work. 48. The Spirit of the Messiah, .... .225 49. The saving significance of the suffering of Christ, . 230 50. The resurrection as the ground of Christian hope, . . . 237 51. The apostle of hope, ..... 243 SECTION III. THE EPISTLE OF JAMES. CHAPTER V. Cliristianity as the Perfect Law. 52. The word of truth, ....... 248 53. Justification, ...... . 253 54. Election, ........ 259 CHAPTER VI. The Divine Claim and the Divine Recompense. 55. The divine claim, ....... 263 56. Human sin, ........ 267 57. Recompense and judgment, ...... 271 XIV CONTENTS. PART THIRD. PAULINISM. INTRODUCTION. SECT. PAOE 58. The Apostle Paul, ... ... 274 59. Sources of Paulinism, . ... 280 60. Previous works on Paulinism, ... . 287 SECTION I. THE EARLIEST PREACHING OF PAUL AS AN APOSTLE TO THE GENTILES. CHAPTER I. The Gospel as the way of Deliverance from the Judgment. 61. The ground of salvation, .... . 292 62. The demands of the Gospel, . . . .299 63. The Pauline apocalypse, .... . 305 64. The Parousia and the completion of salvation, . . 311 SECTION II. THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM OF THE FOUR GREAT DOCTRINAL AND CONTROVERSIAL EPISTLES. CHAPTER II. Universal Sinfulness. 65. Human and divine righteousness, ..... 315 66. The impossibility of a righteousness of our own, . . . 323 67. The transgression of Adam and its consequences, . . . 331 68. The Pauline anthropology, .... . 339 CHAPTER III. Heathendom and Judaism. 69. The apostasy of heathendom, ..... 351 70. Heathendom and the divine training, . . . 357 71. Judaism and its law, .... . 362 72. The law and the promise, ...... 367 CHAPTER IV. Prophecy and Fulfilment. 73. The prophecy of Scripture, ...... 375 74. The use of the Old Testament, . . 380 75. The time of grace, ....... 385 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER V. Christology. SECT. pao E 76. The Lord of glory, ... . .390 77. The Son of God, ..... 398 78. Christ in the flesh, ....... 402 79. The heavenly origin, ... . 409 CHAPTER VI. Redemption and Justification. 80. The saving significance of the death of Christ, . . 419 81. The death and resurrection of Christ, . . 430 82. Justification by faith, ... . . 437 83. Sonship, ... .... 447 CHAPTER VII. The New Life. 84. Baptism, ... . 453 85? The Lord's Supper, ..... .467 86. The process of the development of the new life, . . 472 87. Freedom from the law, .... . 481 BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. INTRODUCTION. § 1. The Problem of the Science, |HE biblical theology of the New Testament is the scientific representation of the religious ideas and doctrines which are contained in the New Testament. (&) It assumes that the specific historical significance and the normative character of the writings which are united in the New Testament have been proved by New Testament introduction and by dogmatics. (c) It has to represent the individually and historically con ditioned manifoldness of the New Testament forms of teaching, forms whose unity lies in the historical saving facts of the revelation of God which has appeared in Christ, (cl) It is distinguished from biblical dogmatics by this, that the latter seeks to give a universally valid systematic doctrinal expres sion to the truth which is recorded in Holy Scripture. • («) The name, biblical theology, can denote, in the first place, that division of theological science which has to do specially with the Bible (cf. e.g. Rosenkranz, Eneyhlopadie der theolog. Wissenschaften, 2d ed. 1845, p. 115). In more recent times, however, it has been generally used as the designation of that discipline which has to do with the representation of the theology which is contained in the Bible. Naturally this representation must embrace the Old as well as the New Testament ; but it follows from the correct definition of the nature and task of our discipline that it is only separately that these two can be dealt with. Here we have to do solely with the theology of the New Testament. By theology, as VOL. L A * INTRODUCTION. we employ the name here, we are to understand, not the doctrine of God as such, but the totality of those ideas and doctrines which refer to the relation of man to God. Among these are to be included not merely religious ideas in the narrower sense, but, since even ethical questions are, through out the New Testament, treated of from the religious point of view, the theology of the New Testament must exclude nothing which is taught in the New Testament regarding the natural or religious life of fellowship. Within the province of biblical theology there cannot be a distinction between dogmatics and ethics. It will have to bring within its sphere even the cosmological, anthropological, and psychological ideas of the writers of the New Testament, in so far as these are interwoven with their religious ideas. Inasmuch as our science has to do only with the objective representation of the religious ideas and doctrines which are to be found in the New Testament, excluding all subjective criticism, it is a purely historical discipline. (b) The justification of the attempt to make the theological import of the writings which are united in the New Testa ment the subject of a separate scientific representation, is found in their specific significance. The theology of the New Testament cannot begin by proving this significance ; it must take it for granted. It is only on the assumption that New Testament introduction has proved that these writings are the earliest and most original monuments of Christianity, i.e. in the first place, of the religious consciousness and life which have received their character from the manifestation of Christ, that we are justified in separating them from the monuments of the later and secondary forms of the Christian consciousness whose development is represented by the history of doctrines.1 1 It is self-evident that we can speak here only of such a proof in regard to these writings on the whole. The possibility is not thereby excluded of doubts still remaining as to the right of individual writings of the New Testament to belong to these monuments ; but these doubts do not, per se, hinder us from treating of these books also in the theology of the New Testament (cf. § 2, 6). If, indeed, it were possible to prove that the majority of these books belong, as to their origin, to the post-apostolic age, it would he altogether unreasonable to treat of the contemporary non-canonical Christian writings apart from them. and so to make the latest of the New Testament writings the boundary line of the first period of the history of Christian doctrines. § 1. THE PROBLEM OF THE SCIENCE. 3 But however desirable, from a practical point of view, the historical position and significance of these writings would make their separate treatment in a theological discipline appear, it would not be, as regards method, justifiable, unless they had at the same time, in virtue of their historical position and significance, a specific character which none of the other Christian writings possess. Such a character, of course, they could not have, if the development of the Christian religious consciousness and life had had a purely human beginning ; because in that case, while its real nature could have been contained, after the manner of a germ, in its original monuments, it could only, according to the funda mental law of human development, have gradually unfolded itself more and more perfectly from imperfect rudiments. It is only on the assumption that the perfect revelation of God is given in the manifestation of Christ, i.e. in His person and His work, as it was commenced during His earthly life and continued after His exaltation, and that, in the oldest and most original monuments of the religious consciousness and life which that manifestation produced, there is secured a documentary attestation of that revelation of God as it ought to be understood and in its full saving value — an attestation which is normative for all time ; it is only on this assumption that the representation of the religious ideas and doctrines which are found in these writings can be a special subject of theological science. The theology of the New Testament must assume that this normative character of the writings of the New Testament is proved by dogmatics, if it is not to surrender the right of being an independent discipline along side of the history of doctrines. Still it lies in the nature of the case that it itself will represent, in their proper place, those ideas and doctrines of the writers of the New Testament upon which rests their assurance of the absolute trustworthiness and the specific significance of their attestation of the divine saving deeds which constitute the perfect revelation of God. (c) It is acknowledged that the writings which are united in the New Testament are written by different authors and at different times. According to all analogy, therefore, a variety of religious ideas and doctrines is to be looked for in them. This could not, indeed, be the case if the revelation of God 4 INTRODUCTION. in Christ consisted, as to its nature, in the supernatural com munication of a sum of religious ideas and doctrines, whose correct transmission must also have been secured by an absolutely supernatural influence of the Spirit of God upon the writers of the New Testament. On this assumption the biblical theology of the New Testament would have nothing else to do than to collect those ideas and doctrines which are scattered, in a very inappropriate manner, in the heterogeneous writings of the New Testament, to arrange them systematically, and, since a certain variety unquestionably presents itself at the first look, to show their unbroken unity and conformity. The theology of the New Testament would, in that case, be no longer a purely historical, but a systematic discipline.3 That assumption, however, has been substantially disproved by the results of biblical theology, and the whole of our representa tion will show how untenable it is. The revelation of God in Christ has been effected, not by the communication of certain ideas and doctrines, but by the historical fact of the manifesta tion of Christ upon earth, which has brought to the lost, sinful world a salvation whose God -given commencement has guaranteed its completion. • The writings of the New Testament are certainly the authentic records of this fact ; but this is far from excluding _ the possibility that this fact is apprehended and represented in them from different sides. This diversity is based, on the one hand, in the idiosyncrasy of the individuals or of the whole tendencies that found in Christ the full satisfaction of their various religious needs ; on the other hand, in the progressive historical development upon which the salvation which has once appeared in the world must enter with a view to its complete realization in the world and in accordance with its general law of life. Accordingly, the religious consciousness and life which have been produced by the revelation in Christ must have assumed different forms in its different leading representatives, and at the different 2 In such a case we should more naturally call this systematic discipline biblical dogmatics ; and, where the Bible is regarded as the sole immediate source of a revealed system of doctrine, this must be at the same time imme diately the dogmatics of the Church. From the old orthodox view of Scripture there is no more a biblical theology as distinguished from biblical (or ChurcTi) dogmatics, than, from the negative-critical view, there is a biblical theology as distinguished from the history of doctrines. § 1. THE PROBLEM OF THE SCIENCE. 5 stages of its development. Now, since the religious ideas and doctrines which are found in the writings of the New Testa ment are only the immediate expression of this consciousness and life, biblical theology will have a priori to do with a manifoldness of religious ideas and doctrines, whose unity lies in the divine saving deeds in which they have their origin.3 (d) For the right understanding of the problem of biblical theology, it is of essential importance to distinguish it from biblical dogmatics. As the former is a historical, the latter is a systematic science ; as the former has to do with the variety of biblical forms of teaching, the latter has to do with the unity of the truth which is recorded in these. Now it is certainly true that the books of the Bible are in the first place records of the revelation of God during the Old as well as the New Covenant, records of the manner in which this revelation was effected in a series of historical deeds ; but in so far as the truth consists in the adequate knowledge of these facts and of their significance, it must allow itself to be expressed in a con nected series of propositions which are capable of, and demand, a systematic connected arrangement. For the very reason that Holy Scripture does not present the truth in this sense n\ the form of a connected doctrinal system, but only allows it to be discovered from the manifoldness of the forms of the religious consciousness and life which are produced by divine revelation, there is need of a special discipline for this latter task.4 * Baur maintains, in his lectures on the theology of the New Testament {1864, p. 34), that there cannot be a diversity of doctrinal systems without there being possibly also antitheses and contradictions which destroy the unity of the whole. In abstracto this is true ; but on the concrete presupposi tions under which alone there is a theology of the New Testament (note 6), it is false. If the writings of the New Testament are the normative records of the revelation of God in Christ, then there can be in them only "the pure, undiluted truth ; and where there is truth, there must also he unity and harmony " (p. 33). But this unity lies, not in the form of teaching, hut in the historical saving facts which, even when they are represented under various forms, are nevertheless always represented in a manner which corresponds with the design of their truthful, vivid conception. The " revelation character ' ' of Scripture lies, not in an essentially uniform system of religious ideas and doctrines, in a "doctrine of revelation, " but in the authentic attestation of the revelation of God which has appeared in Christ, i. e. in the attestation which secures its right and complete comprehension. 4 Naturally, we can assign this task also to a concluding part of biblical theology, as I myself have done in the Deutsche Zeitschrift for 1852, p. 311 ; 0 INTRODUCTION. Biblical dogmatics takes the results of biblical theology for granted, and works with them as its material. It examines the doctrines and ideas of the writers of the Bible which biblical theology brings out, to see how far they are capable of forming the universally valid expression of the many-sided knowledge of the revelation of God in Christ which the whole history of revelation has in view. Inasmuch as those doctrines which express the truth only from one side, or as they were individually conceived, are mutually supplementary ; inas much as the doctrines which are still somewhat undeveloped find their stricter definition in those that are developed more fully; inasmuch as those ideas which the writers have simply brought over with them from their religious past, or which are owing to the passing influence of contemporary forces and im pressions, without being necessarily conditioned or modified by the saving deeds which are testified to in Scripture, lose their significance, there arises out of the manifold forms of teaching a uniform type which has stripped off everything which is individual and temporal. It will only be necessary that biblical dogmatics make no given Church or philosophical system the criterion of its critical or systematizing operations ; it must take as its rule only the essential significance of the facts of revelation which appears from the harmonizing state ments of Scripture. That in this way, however, it will find a uniform type of doctrine, which proves itself by its methodical hut as regards method, it would be more correct to reserve it for a special dis cipline. For it is as certain that it is not a historical task, as that the biblical records of revelation, conformably with their historical origin and with the character that corresponds to their practical aims, are not designed to unfold the truth of salvation on all sides and in a systematic form, and that the doctrinal statements of their authors do not have their origin in a system of supernatural knowledge which has been communicated to them, and whose fragments we should have only to piece together again. It is much rather a scientific need which is essentially different from that of historical research, which urges us to connect together, in a constructive manner, the truths which are contained in Holy Scripture into the unity of a system. For a discipline which performs this task, the customary term, dogmatics, would be as suitable as it would have been inappropriate for biblical theology in our sense. Only we must not take that term as implying a contrast to ethics, a contrast which is wrong in other respects (and which, according to note a, biblical theology already refuses to admit) ; but we must thereby think of a system of propositions, and here more particularly of that system which gives a connected expression to the truth which is recorded in Holy Scripture. § 2. DIVISION AND ARRANGEMENT. 7 arrangement to be the complete expression of the truth of Scripture, — the pledge of this is the presupposition, which it shares in common with biblical theology, that the writings of the New Testament are the authentic records of the perfect revelation of God in Christ, which again, for its part, points back to the records of the preparatory revelation of God ; for from this assumption it naturally follows that it must be possible to obtain an adequate knowledge of the truth from these writings.'5 § 2. Division and Arrangement. The biblical theology of the New Testament has to give a separate representation of the doctrinal systems of the indi vidual books of the New Testament, or of the authors by whom several of these are written, (b) It borrows the results of New Testament introduction regarding the date of composition and the authors of the separate books, with reservation of the deci sion which it itself can assist us in coming to as to individual, " If Church symbolics describes the contents of the religious ideas and doctrines which are set forth in the symbols of a definite Church, and if Church dogmatics is the systematic representation of their teaching in its inner connection, then biblical dogmatics is related to biblical theology as Church dogmatics to Church symbolics. The dogmatics of a Church, however, which declares that Holy Scripture is the only rule of its teaching, will have to seek the justification of its system in the proof that it is, in all points, in agreement with biblical dogmatics, or is logically derived from it. The latter, accordingly, is still far from being the same as Church dogmatics ; as the dog matics of a definite Church, the latter will always have an individually and historically conditioned shape which is more in keeping with a particular biblical form of teaching, and does not exhaust the whole riches of the saving truth of the Bible ; while, on the other hand, partly for the purpose of overcoming the oppositions with which the particular Church has had to contend in the course of its development, and partly for the satisfaction of a more developed striving after knowledge, Church dogmatics will follow up the truth of the Bible, on its various sides, into its ultimate grounds and its further consequences, whereas the writers of the New Testament had still no occasion to inquire into these. Naturally, we can also pursue the solution of the problem which we assign to biblical dogmatics, hand in hand with the representation of Church dogmatics, which must indeed be continually tested by means of the former ; but it is self-evident that in doing so, the scheme of the latter obtains an influence over the connected arrangement of the truth of salvation as con tained in the Bible, which, according to what has been said as to the relation of the two, cannot be conducive either to a complete or to an organic reproduc tion of it. 8 INTRODUCTION. critically doubtful, questions, (c) It borrows from the history of the apostolic age, to which it itself affords the material for the representation of its inner development, the knowledge of the circumstances and tendencies of the time, in accordance with which it arranges the individual doctrinal systems. (d) There are, accordingly, four principal divisions under which the doctrinal systems of the New Testament writings are to be discussed. (a) Since biblical theology has to represent the manifold ness of the forms of teaching which are found in the books of the New Testament (§ 1, c), it falls into a series of different doctrinal systems {Lehrbegriffe). By this common, although not very happy expression, we mean the representation of the religious ideas and doctrines which are contained in the writ ings of the same author.1 We have, however, a number of New Testament books which stand altogether isolated as the only monuments of their authors' mode of teaching. If these are somewhat extensive, and if their principal contents are of a ¦didactic nature, as e.g. the Epistle to the Hebrews, then one has, for the most part, nothing to object to the separate repre sentation of their doctrinal system. So much the more fre quently has it been maintained, that there is no justification for speaking of the doctrinal system of a few of the smaller books, particularly of those whose import is predominantly hortatory. But there would be ground for this objection only if we were to understand by its doctrinal system the whole import of the religious ideas and doctrines of its author (and certainly the name might lead us to understand this), since we cannot assume that every short writing, especially if it be also hortatory, afforded an occasion to the author of stating these in their full extent. But even in the case of those writers for whose doctrinal system we possess richer sources, we should err exceedingly if we believed that, with the sum of the ideas and doctrines which their writings afford, we were acquainted with the religious consciousness of their author in 1 Where, as in the case of Paul's, these books have been written at very different times, and where, therefore, a historically conditioned diversity in his method of teaching can still be found even in them, the representation of the doctrinal system will also have to keep in view the stages of its development which are at all apparent. § 2. DIVISION AND ARRANGEMENT. 9 its whole extent. Biblical theology, however, is far from making any such claim. It has only to bring out the religious ideas and doctrines which are to be found in the given New Testament records ; and since every detail can be rightly under stood only when it is looked at in the peculiar circle of ideas in which it occurs in the author who is being considered, it has the right and the duty of separately representing even the doctrinal systems of the smaller or isolated books. Where it may permit itself a deviation from this rule, will appear naturally in the course of the investigation. (b) Biblical theology must not enter into detailed critical investigations regarding the origin of the books of the New Testament ; it is only a historico-descriptive, not a historico- critical, science. It must therefore borrow from historico-critical introduction to the New Testament the results regarding the authors and dates of the separate books which it cannot do without, in order that it may be able to decide what books it has to regard as sources of a definite doctrinal system, an,d in what connection it has to exhibit the separate doctrinal systems. Where historical criticism is so greatly in doubt as to the authenticity of a book that it does not appear advisable to give a final decision regarding it, that book will neverthe less, even when considered in relation to the other books that bear the same name, belong to so different a time, and show so many peculiarities in its manner of teaching, that a special discussion of it appears expedient. The more impartially its manner of teaching, in all its peculiarity, is investigated, so much the more will the biblico-theological investigation be able to contribute its share to the satisfactory settlement of the historico-critical question. Even where criticism raises doubts as to the right of a book to belong at all to the monu ments of the apostolic age (§ 1, b), the representation of its doctrinal contents and of its relation to the other forms of teaching of the apostolic age will essentially contribute to the settlement of the question whether these doubts are weighty enough to exclude this book from our canon.2 o 2 It might appear advisable to borrow nothing at all from the province of New Testament introduction, since only a few of its results are above all doubt, and to regard the books of the New Testament simply as representatives of the tendencies which biblical theology independently brings out in them. But this 10 INTRODUCTION. (c) Biblical theology must not arbitrarily arrange the several doctrinal systems which it represents, since the related doc trinal systems are, when rightly arranged, mutually illustrative. Since, however, the manifoldness of the New Testament forms of teaching is conditioned, partly by the individuality of the separate authors or of the tendencies to which they belong, and partly by the standpoint within the historical develop ment of Christianity upon which they stand, neither the individual relationship nor the date of the several books alone can furnish the criterion for the arrangement of the several doctrinal systems. The more, however, that both these moments together are brought to bear upon the division of y biblical theology, so much the more it appears that here alsoj it must borrow from another discipline, viz. the history of the '; apostolic age. From this discipline it must assume as well J known the individualities of the men to whom it is entitled to assign the several books, or of the tendencies in which it gives them a place. From it, it must also assume the know ledge of the peculiarities of the epochs to which it attributes the several books, and of the questions and controversies by which they were stirred.3 (d) The history of the apostolic age teaches that the two leading tendencies which determine its inner development are procedure cannot be carried out without artificially ignoring results of historical criticism which are established for the impartial investigator, without depriving ourselves of the key which the historically known idiosyncrasy of individual apostolic men affords for the comprehension of their manner of teaching, and without, in many respects, losing the safe rule for the arrangement of the sepa rate doctrinal systems. Lastly, it appears illogical to declare that it is altogether unjustifiable to borrow any such results ; for, according to § 1, 6, it is only by means of such a borrowing that biblical theology can justify itself as an independent discipline. 3 Here also, it is true, nothing seems more natural than to adopt a different method, and to give biblical theology (which, indeed, professes also to be a his torical discipline) itself the form of a history of the development of theology in the apostolic age, in so far as it can independently bring out such a development from its own sources. But apart from the circumstance that this inner history of the apostolic age can never be adequately represented without attention beiilg paid to much which belongs to the outer history, and which must therefore be borrowed from some other quarter, no historical development can be described without historical criticism, and biblical theology is not a historico-critical, but a historico - descriptive discipline. According to note a, the history of the development of theology could not, in regard to many points, be satisfied with that which our monuments afford regarding the religious ideas and doctrines of § 2. DIVISION AND ARRANGEMENT. 11 the original-apostolic and the Pauline. Biblical theology will therefore have, first of all, to represent the doctrinal systems of those monuments which owe their origin to the original- apostolic circle, and belong to the time which still lies on this' side of the thoroughgoing activity of Paul, or the full de velopment of his peculiar theology. By the grouping together of these in the first division, there comes out what is known \ to us of the original-apostolic type of doctrine previous to the ' time of Paul. Then, in the second division, there must follow the representation of Paulinism in the various stages of its ; development, including those literary monuments as to whose direct Pauline origin criticism still remains doubtful. The third division will represent the doctrinal systems of those books which belong, as to their fundamental type, to the original-apostolic tendency, but which are written at a time when the influence of Paulinism is already traceable, or at' least conceivable. The grouping of these together will bring' out what we know of the original-apostolic type of doctrine after the appearance of Paul. Since, lastly, in the latest period of the apostolic age one of the original-apostolic doc trinal systems has received its most individual shape in the theology of John, the fourth division will have to represent / this by itself. What books are to be used as sources for the representation of the various divisions, and what influence the their authors, or of the tendencies to which they belong ; it must form that into a complete picture by means of historical combination, or by means of material drawn from other sources. On the other hand, such a, history would find no room in its complete picture for many details which our sources afford us ; whereas biblical theology has to refrain from every criticism as to what appears essential or non-essential ; it has to represent, with equal carefulness, the whole contents of the religious ideas and doctrines. Biblical theology, accordingly, in so far as it investigates the literary monuments of the apostolic age as to their theological contents, will furnish the history of that age with the material for the representation of its inner development ; but it cannot encroach upon the province of the latter science without passing over its own boundaries and en dangering the solution of its own special problem. We find an instructive parallel in the recent attempts to give New Testament introduction the form of a literary history of the apostolic age, which likewise only drag foreign matter into the discipline, and hinder the complete solution of its own problem. New Testa ment introduction and biblical theology are auxiliary sciences ; they have to furnish the material which is first turned to full account in other disciplines. It does not follow, however, that, there any more than here, this material must be heaped together in a chaotic fashion, since it bears in itself the rules of a systematic arrangement. / 1 2 INTRODUCTION. individuality of their author on the one hand, and the circum stances of the time on the other, have had upon the working out of their doctrinal systems, — these are points which the special introduction to the several divisions will have to con sider. In what sense a representation of the teaching of Jesus is to be prefixed to these four leading divisions must be reserved for a special investigation. § 3. Investigation of Sources. In ascertaining the ideas of the New Testament, we have, first of all, to fall back upon the Old Testament. In doing so, however, we must, of course, regard it in the manner in which it was conceived in the apostolic age. (b) How far the religious ideas of later Judaism, or the doctrines of Jewish theology, have influenced the formation of the ideas and doc trines of the New Testament, can be ascertained only after we have brought out the latter by means of biblical theology. (e) The principal task remains the ascertaining of these from the connections of thought of the sources themselves, a fundamental principle being that each writer can be explained only out of himself, (d) As a preliminary condition of this there is need of grammatico-historical exegesis, which, how ever, must continue in constant reciprocal action with biblical theology. (a) In order to understand the several doctrines of the writers of the New Testament, the right determination of the ideas which they connect with the expressions which they employ is of paramount importance. We must neither, with out more ado, import into these expressions dogmatic ideas which a later age has coined and designated with biblical expressions, nor make the philosophical idea which can some how or other be attached to the philological analysis of an expression the criterion of the meaning which the author connects with it. As a historical science, biblical theology is referred only to the circle of religious ideas in which the writers of the New Testament stand historically, and in which they have grown up. Now, since the Old Testament is the principal source of this circle of ideas, it is mainly from it § 3. INVESTIGATION OF SOURCES. 13 that, in all doubtful cases, the meaning which they connect with their expressions is to be elucidated. In doing so, of course, we must not overlook the fact that, in the apostolic age, the Old Testament was by no means always read and understood in the sense in which it was originally written. We shall therefore have to be upon our guard against trans ferring the ideas which, according to the results of Old Tes tament theology, were connected with certain expressions in this or that epoch of Old Testament history, without more ado, to the analogous expressions of the New Testament. We must, from the first, remember (and in the course of our investiga tion this will be more particularly proved) that the writers of the New Testament read the Old Testament, so far as they had a particular knowledge of it, as a word of God which was equally sacred in all its parts, and which therefore contained only one doctrine, and that they gathered its meaning, not from the context, or the historical presuppositions, of each individual passage, but from the sense of it that seemed the most obvious. We shall not therefore have to measure the circle of ideas from which they start according to our exege- tical and historico-critical way of conceiving the Old Testa ment. In going back upon it we shall have to keep by the simplest sense of the words, and, as far as possible, confine ourselves to these Old Testament passages, books, and ways of representing matters which can be expressly shown to be familiar to the writers of the New Testament. Lastly, how ever, we shall have to remember continually, that the Old Testament can only furnish the starting-point for the ascer taining of the ideas of the New Testament, and that the form and shape which they have in the several writers depend also upon many other moments. (b) The writers of the New Testament are separated by cen turies from the epoch whose religious ideas and doctrines we become acquainted with in the latest books of the Old Testa ment. That, during this interval, the religious consciousness of Judaism had gone through a peculiar development, which in many points and on various sides passed beyond the Old Tes tament circle of ideas, we learn from its literary monuments (cf. Bretschneider, systematische Darstellung der Dogmatik und Moral der ApoJcryphischen Schriften des A. T., Leipzig 1805, 14 INTRODUCTION. and the biblico-theological works of de Wette and v. Colin ; cf. § 6, b). But since these were far from attaining the same diffusion and universal authority as the books of the Old Testa ment, neither will the religious ideas and doctrines which are to be found in them have been the common property of the New Testament time to the same extent as those of the Old Testament. In this interval, also, falls the beginning develop ment of a Jewish science of Scripture and of a Jewish theology, both in its Palestinian-rabbinical, and in its Alex andrian-philosophical form (cf. the Neittestamentliche Zeit- geschichte of Hausrath, 2d ed., Heidelberg 1873-75, and Schurer, Leipzig 1874). But in proportion as the former stood nearer to the writers of the New Testament, it is the more difficult to bring out the extent of its development in the apostolic age from the sources which are partly late, and which mix up what is old with what is more recent (cf. Schoettgen, horae hebraicae et talmudicae, Dresden and Leipzig 1733, 1742 ; Gfrorer, das Jahrhundert des Heils, Stuttgart 1838; J. Langen, das Judenthum in Paldstina zur Zeit Christi, Freiburg 1866); and in proportion as we become better acquainted with the latter (cf. Dahne, geschichtliche Darstellung der jildisch-alexandrinischen Beligionsphilosophie, Halle 1834), it is the more uncertain, historically, how far the writers of the New Testament had come into contact with it. However certainly, therefore, the religious ideas of later Judaism, as well as the doctrines of Jewish theology, had an influence upon the forming of the religious consciousness as it is exhibited in the writings of the New Testament, our know ledge of the extent in which these ideas and doctrines lay within the field of vision of the writers of the New Testament is far from being precise enough to permit us to start from them in ascertaining that religious consciousness. It is only in the rarest cases that biblical theology will be able to make use of them with certainty for the purpose of elucidation. As for the rest, it will have to limit itself to this, viz. to bring out, as occasion arises, the agreement of the ideas and doctrines of the New Testament with the contemporary ideas which are known from other sources; and it will have to leave it to history to decide how far it is able, by means of other historical considerations, to show an influence of these ideas § 3. INVESTIGATION OF SOURCES. upon the historical development of theology in the apostolic age.1 (c) In the great majority of cases, accordingly, we must give up the attempt of explaining the ideas of the New Testament by means of contemporary ideas. For such an explanation even the Old Testament can be regulative only as a starting- point, and that, too, only in the sense in which biblical theology shows it to have been conceived of on the part of the writers of the New Testament. In ascertaining these ideas, we are therefore limited mainly to the books of the New Testa ment which lie before us. The essential import of every idea will have to be ascertained from the heterogeneous context of all the passages in which it occurs, from its con nection with other ideas which are already known, from the characteristic individuality of the authors, and their place in the history of the apostolic age. It follows that, in ascertaining the ideas of a book, we are referred, in the first place, exclusively to that book itself or to the books which belong to the same author. It is only when these are not sufficient, or when we wish to obtain a secondary elucidation of that which is already ascertained, that we are referred, in the second place, to the books which belong to a kindred ten dency and to the same time, and, in the third place, to earlier books of the New Testament, especially if we can prove or assume that they were known to the author whose ideas we are investigating. On the other hand, the explanation 1 It must be regarded as an unwarrantable claim which is made upon the theology of the New Testament, when it is demanded of it that it should set forth the genesis of the ideas and doctrines, which are found in the hooks of the New Testament, from the various moments which influenced their authors. In so far as these show themselves to be the product, on the one hand, of the revelation of God in Christ, as well as, on the other, of the individuality and time of the authors, biblical theology will certainly have always to refer also to these factors. But if it is only for the purpose of ascertaining these ideas that it goes back even upon the Old Testament, then it is for the critical activity of biblical dogmatics (§ 1, d) that their causal connection with the contemporary ideas which are independent of that revelation — a connection which may be brought to light by history — must first come into consideration. In opposition to those who deny a historical character and value to biblico-theological investi gations as soon as they do not enter in detail into all their relations to the non- biblical contemporary ideas, the word of Baur is valid : "the teaching which these books contain is so limited in itself, that the knowledge of it can be drawn out of no other sources than these very books " (p. 30). 16 INTRODUCTION. by means of one another of books which stand far apart, both as regards their date and the peculiarity of their writers, is altogether unjustifiable, and has caused only ambiguity and confusion in biblical theology. We can only altogether ignore the individuality of a Peter and a James if we measure them by means of the Pauline circle of ideas ; we can only render it impossible for us to comprehend Paul and John, if we attempt to explain the one by means of the other. If even each idea receives its peculiar shape from the spiritual individuality of the several writers, then each doctrine can be understood in its full significance only if we learn to under stand it in the connection in which it stands with the other doctrines of the same author. By means of this connection, doctrines of different authors, which appear very similar, may receive a very different colouring. Of course, biblical theology cannot on that account be satisfied with having found one proof passage for a doctrine ; it must examine every passage in which it appears in the peculiar connection of thought in which it stands, in order that it may discover, as completely as possible, the threads by means of which it is connected with other ideas and doctrines. Not till this is done does it find out the series of ideas and the circles of thought from which it can obtain the complete picture of a writer's manner of teaching. (d) Accordingly, a methodical exegesis, i.e. an exegesis which is carried on in accordance with the rules of grammatico- historical interpretation, is the most important auxiliary of biblical theology. No doubt biblical theology cannot always, without more ado, make use of the results of such an exegesis. The more exegesis teaches us to understand each book, in all its details, from its historical situation and the aim which that involves, so much the more will biblical theology often have first to divest the statements whose meaning exegesis has ascertained of that which is due to accidental circum stances, in order to come at the real contents of the idea or doctrine of the passage. On the other hand, biblical theology will have to go much more thoroughly into the analysis of the lines of thought and the associations of ideas, than the most careful exegesis requires for the understanding of a passage of the New Testament. Biblical theology, however, § 4. METHOD OF THE REPRESENTATION. 1 7 can never begin its work until exegesis has explained its sources on all sides.2 Now it is a fundamental hermeneutical principle of methodical exegesis not to explain the Scriptures by means of a dogmatic or philosophical system of doctrine, or by means of imaginary parallel passages whose similarity we first of all produce ourselves by arbitrarily explaining them by means of each other, but to explain each writer by means of himself, so that we may understand every individual word from out of the whole circle of ideas from which it is written. Such an exegesis, of course, requires the assistance of biblical theology, which alone can supply it with this complete picture of the circle of ideas, as it represents it in the doctrinal systems of the several writers. Thereby both disciplines enter into a relation of fruitful reciprocity, which opens up for each the prospect of an ever richer perfection, but, on that very account, hardly permits them to come also to a thoroughly satisfactory conclusion. Because of this re ciprocal relation to exegesis, biblical theology is, in a special sense, a growing science. § 4. Method of the Representation. The representation of the several doctrinal systems will have to start from the central point around which the doc trinal view of each individual writer moves, and from that point, following the lines of thought which are found in the writer himself, it will have to describe the whole circle of his ideas and doctrines. From this it will naturally appear — (b) at what points he has accepted, without independent in vestigation, ideas and doctrines which are more generally diffused, and (c) at what points he has peculiarly developed these, or reproduced them in new forms, (d) Lastly, there will come into view the unity of the revelation of salvation z A representation of biblical theology cannot enter into detailed exegetical investigations without altogether losing its succinctness. In the use it makes of every individual passage it will let the view which it takes of it exegetically come out as clearly as possible, and in cases which are specially important and difficult it will state the leading reasons for that view. The justification of its exegetical views in opposition to others lies only so far in its province as it is demanded by the rejection of other opinions in Mblico-theologieal questions. VOL. I. B 18 INTRODUCTION. which lies at the root of all these forms, in its ever-richer and deeper comprehension. (a) The representation of the various doctrinal systems cannot enumerate the individual ideas and doctrines which have been ascertained from our sources, without a plan and in an accidental succession. Just as little, however, can it make the scheme of a traditional doctrinal system, or a new systematic scheme, however ingeniously conceived, the basis of its representation, since details are, a priori, put in a false light when they are placed in heterogeneous combinations. Where now, as in the case of Paul's, the doctrinal system has already, in the spirit of the apostle, attained an almost systematic shape, it is, of course, only necessary to search for that. But we can neither assume that all the writers of the New Testament have given their ideas and doctrines such a systematic shape, nor would the sources which we possess be sufficient for such a search in the case of the most of the other doctrinal systems. Since, however, we can succeed in ascertaining the separate ideas and doctrines only when we throughout follow the lines of thought and the connections of ideas of the writer, it will be possible in this way to find the central point around which move the principal lines of thought and circles of ideas of each. From this point, then, the repre sentation will have to start ; as far as possible, it will have to connect with this point everything else, just as it incidentally shows itself connected therewith in the spirit of the author, until at last the whole extent of his ideas and doctrines is described. Naturally this method cannot be carried out with mathematical certainty; much depends upon a happy intui tion ; and different ways may lead relatively equally well to the same goal. That certain leading points of view, under which we are wont to regard and classify the truths of salva tion, will always be coming up, is unavoidable ; in so far as they are involved in the nature of the case, these will have been regulative also for the lines of thought of the writers of the New Testament. (&) Although the method which we have just described is alone able to give us an accurate and complete idea of the doctrinal system of each individual writer, it is not to be denied that it renders it difficult to give a succinct view of § 4. METHOD OF THE REPRESENTATION. 19 their relation to the ideas and doctrines which are found throughout the New Testament, although it may be in dif ferent individual forms. Since the representation every time takes its peculiar course, the place in which the matter of detail comes to be discussed is generally a different one. But this misfortune, which is removed in great measure by means of references to the places in which the same subject was discussed in previous doctrinal systems, is far outweighed by this, that every detail is now considered only in the connec tion in which it actually occurs in the individual writer. It cannot occur that, in the interest of a scheme which has once been fixed, statements are extracted from him regarding ques tions upon which he nowhere actually enters ; it will rather naturally appear from the connection in which each question is discussed, whether the writer has at all looked at it inde pendently, and answered it in a fashion of his own, or whether he has only simply adopted and reproduced ideas and doc trines regarding it which were common to the tendency or time to which he belonged. It might, indeed, appear as if this could be attained still more simply, viz. by expressly representing the ideas and doctrines which are common to all, or which at least occur in many writers in the same way (espe cially the Old Testament presuppositions which are more or less common to all), apart from those which are peculiar to each, and it cannot be denied that this would simplify much, and render many wearisome repetitions unnecessary. But thereby the lively connection of the circle of thought in each individual writer would be broken up ; that which is peculiar would be isolated, and, severed from its connection with the common basis, put in a false light, and the finer shade of meaning which that which is common often receives from its connection with that which is peculiar would be easily overlooked.1 (c) If, in the sense of note a, the central point has been correctly found, around which the doctrinal view of the indi vidual writer moves, then those points in which his peculiarity is to be sought will naturally come into the full light. Where the question considered is not something which is quite new 1 In respect of the primitive Christian anthropology we have allowed ourselves an exception to this rule (cf. § 27) ; hut it is self-evident that the above- mentioned evils cannot occur here. 20 INTRODUCTION. and altogether peculiar to a writer, this peculiarity may con sist in this, that ideas and doctrines which are found else where are more deeply and richly developed, or that they are reproduced in new forms. In order to bring this out, the representation must always keep in view the comparison of the later with the earlier doctrinal systems. This compara tive activity must always go hand in hand with the positively expository. In doing so there is, of course, the danger of manufacturing differences in a hair-splitting fashion where there are really none, or at least making too much of them by neglecting what is common, as well as, on the other hand, of obliterating real differences by looking only at what is common, and overseeing that which is peculiar in the shape or development. Both dangers can be avoided only by making the representation of the particular doctrinal system, in its whole extent and in its inner economy, the leading point of view, with which the comparative activity is only connected. As soon as the latter is disconnected from the former, the temptation is natural to isolate individual, perhaps ingeniously conceived, points of view of the comparison, which neverthe less express the actual relation of the doctrinal systems only from one side, and to place other equally important sides in the shade. (d) Biblical theology, as distinguished from biblical dog matics, can represent no connected system of New Testament truth, because, according to § 1, c, it has to do with the mani foldness of the forms of teaching. As distinguished from the history of theology in the apostolic age (§ 2, c), it can present no progressive development of the religious ideas and doctrines. Doctrinal systems, which it has to represent as later, may preserve more undeveloped forms of the religious consciousness ; various forms of the religious ideas and doc trines, although following one another in point of time, may exist alongside of one another with perfect justification. Nevertheless, in the representation of the theology of the New Testament, the unity which lies at the root of all the diversity of the modes of teaching will and must also come into view ; and that not in consequence of a system which is imposed upon it, but in consequence of the inner necessity which lies in the matter represented. If this unity lies in the saving § 5. THE ORIGIN OF THE SCIENCE. 21 fact of the perfect revelation of God in Christ, this revelation will be ever anew apprehended in the central point, around which every individual doctrinal view turns (note a), and looked at from ever new sides. If, in the course of the further development which starts from this point, that which is general is distinguished from that which is peculiar to each, that unity will, like the red thread, run through the representation of both, and be the guiding point of view for the comparative establishing of both. If, lastly, the arrange ment of the several doctrinal systems is determined, not alone, it is true, but at least partly, by their succession in time, and if the development of the religious consciousness in time must, notwithstanding the declensions from the straight line which attach to all human development, nevertheless lead on the whole to an always more complete and deeper comprehen sion of the salvation which is given in Christ, then the repre sentation of the biblical theology of the New Testament will be a continued proof that the Spirit which ruled in the apostolic Church, and secured the preservation in its purity of the saving revelation of God in Christ, was always guiding it more and more unto all truth. ' § 5. The Origin of the Science. So long as the theology of the Church was conscious, in a naive manner, of its unity with the theology of the Bible, no need was felt of a scientific representation of the latter, (b) The first impulse to such a representation was given by the separate discussion of the biblical proof passages, whether this was undertaken in the interest of the doctrine of the Church or in opposition to it. (c) This naturally led to the attempt to arrange, in an independent manner, the results so obtained alongside of the dogmatics of the Church, either as its support or as its corrective, (d) Gabler was the first who asserted the purely historical character of biblical theology, in the manner in which it has since his time been almost universally acknowledged in principle. (a) In the course of the second century the Church was compelled to go back from the living tradition of the teaching of the apostles to the literary monuments of the apostolic age, 22 INTRODUCTION. in order to show from them the reason and justification of its doctrine in opposition to that of the heretics, and since then the theology of the Church has professed to be essentially nothing else than a biblical theology. But neither was a methodical derivation of this theology from Scripture then attempted, nor, with the dominant unmethodical mode of interpretation, could such an attempt have succeeded ; for it was very easy for that method to trace back new forms of doctrine, in the formation of which totally different moments had had an influence, in the most ingenuous manner, to Scripture. Moreover, the more tradition asserted itself, in principle, as a rule of doctrine alongside of Scripture, so much the more must the theology of the Church have deviated, in its further development, from that which is contained in the Bible. No doubt there were never awanting men who, in opposition to the dominant Church doctrine, pointed to the pure teaching of the word ; but the Eeforma- tion first brought the difference between the doctrine of the Church and the Bible into clear consciousness, and demanded a renovation of theology in accordance with its formal principle, the sole authority of Holy Scripture. The first representations of evangelical theology professed to be nothing else than a reproduction of the teaching which is contained in Scripture. But although exegesis was very much furthered in the time of the Keformation, on the one hand, by the revival of classical studies, and, on the other, by the comprehension of the essential import of Scripture as a revelation which the Beformers'had in consequence of their deep sense of their religious need, yet, in consequence of the dominant doctrine of inspiration, the principle of the per- spicititas of Holy Scripture, which is self-interpreting, could be understood only in the sense of an explanation of the separate parts by the analogia fidei. Just as certainly, more over, as the believing consciousness of the Eeformers was produced by the word, so certainly did it receive its form from the system of ideas which they had in common with Catholicism, or which was developed in their controversy with it ; and by means of exegesis this form was carried back into Scripture. In consequence of this, the doctrine which was developed from Scripture was, no doubt, one that was § 5. THE ORIGIN OF THE SCIENCE. 23 essentially purified by their going profoundly into the meaning of the New Testament, and corresponded in its inmost kernel with the teaching of Scripture ; but it was not a doctrine that was methodically developed from it. The more the scholastic working out of this doctrine advanced, so much the further did it deviate, both formally and materially, from the peculiar form of the religious ideas and doctrines which are contained in the New Testament. Fully convinced of the scriptural character of the system of the Church, they treated its independent working out as of primary importance, its demonstration from Scripture as secondary; exegesis imported the formulated doctrines of the system into Scripture, instead of developing the teaching of Scripture out of itself independently, and thus made it more and more impossible for a consciousness of the difference between the theology of the Bible and that of the Church even arising. (b) The first step by which they began again to separate the import of Scripture from dogmatics was an independent grouping together and an exegetico-dogmatic discussion of the so-called dicta prdbantia, which they had up to this time annexed, within dogmatics itself, to the several loci as proofs. (Cf. Sebastian Schmidt, collegium biblicum, Strassburg 1671, 3d ed. 1689 ; Joh. Hiilsemann, vindiciae S. S. per loca classica system, theolog., Leipzig 1679 ; Joh. Guil. Baier, analysis et vindicatio illustrium Script, dictorum sinceram fidei doctrinam asserentium, Altorf 1716 ; C. E. Weissmann, institutiones theol. exeg. dogm., Tubingen 1739; F. G. Zickler, attsfiihrliche Er- klarung der Beweisspruche der heiligen Schrift, Jena 1753—65.) Here the representation of the doctrinal matter of the Bible is only a means, not an end ; the arrangement is determined altogether by the dogmatic loci ; the exegesis of the individual passages, which are torn from their context, has quite a dogmatic character. The case remained the same when Rationalism, which had broken with the theology of the Church, and would yet keep in harmony with Scripture, employed this form in order to master the dogmatics of the Church upon its own soil. The treatment of the teaching of Scripture was by no means freed thereby from the bondage of a system which was foreign to it ; only the place of the Church system, which had, nevertheless, originally grown out 24 INTRODUCTION. of Scripture, was taken by a rationalistic system which had grown upon an altogether foreign soil, and in whose interest the collected proof passages were now misinterpreted or emptied of their real contents (cf. Teller, topice sacrae scripturae, Leipzig 1761 ; Semler, historische unci Kritische Sammlungen ilber die sogenannten Beiveisstellen in der Dogmalik, Halle 1764,1768. Cf. Exegetisches Handbuch fur die hiblischen Beweisstellen in der Dogmatik, Halle 1795, 1802; Hufnagel, Handbuch der hiblischen Theologie, Erlangen 1785, 1789). (c) Pietism, with its living practical piety, had already deeply felt the difference between the formalism of the dominant Church system and the direct expression of the religious consciousness in the mode of teaching employed by Scripture, and had therefore attempted to represent the teaching of the Bible in a manner which was simpler, and more in keeping with the Bible itself, without breaking essentially with the doctrine of the Church. But these representations are meant rather for practical use, and are of no scientific importance (cf. A. F. Biisching, epitome theologiae e solis Uteris sacris concinnatae, Lemgo 1757 ; also his Gedanken von der Beschaffenheii v/nd dem Vorzuge der biblisch- dogmatischen Theologie vor der Scholastischen, 1758). But in consequence of the criticism of the biblical arguments on the part of Bationalism, the feeling was aroused even on the orthodox side that the dogmatics of the Church was in need of new supports, and that it could obtain these only from an independent and connected representation of the teaching of Scripture, although this representation still borrowed from dogmatics its systematic form (cf. Storr, doctrinae christ. e solis sacris libris repetitae pars theoretica, Stuttgart 1793, 1807; translated into German, with additions, by C. Ch. Flatt, 1803, 1813). Zachariae allows that the doctrine of the Church agrees indeed as to its matter, but not as to its terminology and arrangement, with Holy Scripture, whose ideas and whole manner of thinking are in many respects quite different from ours. He will separately represent the teaching which is found in Scripture according to its biblical sense and the arguments which are drawn from Scripture in its support, and in the order which is implied in Scripture and the nature of the plan of salvation ; he will then compare- § 5. THE ORIGIN OF THE SCIENCE. 25 this with the doctrine of the Church, in the hope that the latter will not be thereby invalidated, but only be represented in a new light. However, he also still confines himself substantially to the individual passages of the Bible ; and in the manner in which its concrete representations become, in his hands, abstract ideas, the influence of rationalism is already very apparent (cf. Biblische Theologie oder JJnter- suchung des hiblischen Grundes der vomehmsten theologischcn Lehren, Gottingen and Leipzig 1772, 3d ed. by Vollborth, 1786). From the rationalistic side, K. F. Bahrdt (Ver.such eines hiblischen Systems der Dogmatik, Gotha and Leipzig 1769, 1770, 2d ed. 1784) attempted, by going back upon Scripture, to put a system of general truths founded on reason in the place of that of the Church. C. F. Amnion (Entwurf ciner reinen hiblischen Theologie, Erlangen 1792, 2d ed. under the title, Biblische Theologie, 1801, 1802) regards biblical theology as a pioneer and auxiliary of dog matics, for which it has only to provide materials, without troubling itself about their connection. It arrives at these materials as the pure results (i.e. the results separated from all that is peculiar in the manner of statement) of those passages from which the propositions of biblical dogmatics are derived. But although he speaks, in the introduction, of peculiarities of the sacred writers, of stages of revelation, and of various types of doctrine, his work is little more than an arranged discussion of the several proof passages in the spirit of rationalism. (d) So long as rationalism exerted itself to prove that its peculiar doctrines were contained in Scripture, it could no more attain to a real biblical theology than the science which stood upon the standpoint of orthodoxy. Now, however, Semler, in his treatises regarding a free investigation of the canon (Halle 1771-1775), had broken with the old Protestant dogma of inspiration, and had found, in all the canonical books, ideas which were purely human and conditioned by the time of the writer, alongside of eternal and divine truth. If we were thoroughly in earnest with this distinction, we could leave it to biblical theology to ascertain, in a perfectly unprejudiced manner, the religious ideas of the Bible, with everything individual, local, and temporal which has been 26 INTRODUCTION. attached to them, and reserve to ourselves the right to declare the most meagre extract of general religious or moral truths to be the eternally valid kernel which dogmatics has to recognise and build up into a system. This step J. Ph. Gabler took in his epoch-making academical discourse, "de justo discrimine theologiae biblicae et dogmaticae regundisque recte utriusque finibus," Altdorf 1789 (reprinted in his minor theological writings, 1831, vol. ii.). Herewith the purely historical task of biblical theology was recognised, and it was demanded that we should have regard to the manifoldness of the biblical modes of teaching, a manifoldness which was conditioned by the individuality and time of the several authors. But this right conception of our discipline by no means depended upon the rationalistic assumptions in conse quence of which it was gained. Wherever the conception of the character of Scripture as a revelation left room for the recognition of a human factor in the origin of the several books, a manifoldness of biblical forms of teaching could also be recognised ; and wherever a unity was found lying at the root of this manifoldness, the most unqualified normative validity of Scripture could be reconciled with the free historical investigation of its forms of teaching. Accordingly, the conception of biblical theology which was gained by Gabler has, in principle, obtained an almost general acceptance in theological science (cf. Stein in Keil and Tzschirner's Ana- lekten, vol. iii. 1, 1816; Schirmer, die biblische Dogmatik in Hirer Stellung und in ihrem Verhaltniss zum Ganzen der Theologie, Breslau 1820 ; Schmid in the Tubingen Zeitschrift, 1838, 4; Schenkel in Stud. u. Kritik. 1852, 1; Weiss in the deutsche Zeitschrift fur christ. Wiss. u. christ. Leben, 1852, Nos. 38, 39). § 6. Earlier Works on Biblical TJieology. The first attempt — that, viz., of Bauer — to carry out Gabler's conception of our science, was still too much under the influence of rationalistic dogmatism, (h) The works of de Wette, Biickert, and v.' Colin are far more scientific, although even m them justice is not done to its historical character either formally or materially. (c) In Baumgarten-Crusius, § 6. EARLIER WORKS ON BIBLICAL THEOLOGY. 27 however, the right point of view which had already been gained for the treating of biblical theology is again, for the most part, surrendered. (a) According to G. L. Bauer, biblical theology should be " the development, pure and , purged of all heterogeneous ideas, of the religious theory of the Jews previous to the time of Christ, and of Jesus and His apostles, according to the different ages and views of the sacred writers." Accordingly he had first of all to give a separate representation of the biblical theology of the Old (Leipzig 1796) and of the New Testament (1800-1802); and in the latter he had to dis tinguish the religious theory of the first three evangelists, of John, of the Apocalypse, of Peter and Paul.1 But each of the doctrinal systems which are here represented separately for the first time is divided, according to the same dogmatic scheme, into Christology, theology, and anthropology ; and since Bauer distinguishes throughout between the real view of Jesus and of His apostles and that wherein they accom modate themselves to the erroneous ideas of the people, a real historical comprehension of the several doctrinal systems (which, besides, stand alongside of each other in a far too isolated manner) is not to be gained from him. In fact, however, notwithstanding the definition of the science which is borrowed from Gabler, such is not his aim. Bauer will impartially investigate the records of the Christian religion in order to decide the great question whether Christianity is a rational and divine religion, and whether it deserves to become a universal religion. Since, however, he is convinced that only that which does not contradict the principles of experience and of sound reason (naturally in the rationalistic sense) can be universally valid truth, the rationalistic doctrine must, in an attack upon the system of the Church, ultimately be proved to be the real kernel of the teaching of the Bible, and everything else must be rejected as an accommodation to the ideas of the people.2 1 Vol. v., which was to contain the Epistle to the Hebrews and James, was not published ; the biblical ethics of the N. T. (Leipzig 1804) is discussed separately. Cf. also his breviarium theol. biblicae, 1803. 2 Politz {das Urchristenthum nach dem Geiste der sammtlichan Neutestament- lichen Schriften entwicJcelt, Danzig 1802), Cludius {Uransichten des Christen- (hums, Altona 1808), and Schwarz {die Lehre des Evangelimns aus den, 28 INTRODUCTION. (5) The works of W. M. L. de Wette (Biblische Dogmatik des A. und N. T, Berlin 1813, 2d ed. 1830) and of Dan. v. Colin (Biblische Tlieologie, edited by Dav. Schulz, Leipzig 1836) mark an essential advance. Both treat first of Hebra ism and Judaism, then of the teaching of Jesus and His apostles, to which they prefix a historical section, and in which they distinguish a Jewish-Christian, a Pauline, and an Alexandrian tendency. Both, however, represent the teaching of the apostles in a connected system according to a thoroughly dogmatic scheme, so that those distinctions (which are also, according to v. Colin, almost simply formal) are considered only in the case of particular doctrines. As, in this way, the historical method in the representation is still prejudiced by the systematic method, so neither in the conception of the task, at least in the case of de Wette, is the purely his torical character of our discipline yet fully accepted. For although, according to p. 40, he purposes to give that which we call biblical theology, he nevertheless distinguishes, ac cording to his philosophical idea of religion (§ 1-45), the purely religious elements which are found in the Old and New Testaments from those factors which he conceives to be heterogeneous, in order that he may thus obtain the material for his "biblical dogmatics," which represents Christianity in its relation to contemporary Judaism (§ 46—61). On the other hand, v. Colin means to carry out the historical principle more strictly than has yet been done, and to represent the way of thinking which was characteristic of the several ages and teachers altogether independently of any Church system, and of any philosophical party interest. But although he has worked up the material of biblical theology more thoroughly TJrkunden dargestellt, Heidelberg 1808) have a similar standpoint. The work of Kaiser {Biblische Theologie oder Judaismus und Christianismus nac.h der grammatisch-historischen Interpretationsmethode und nach einer freimiithigen Stellung in die hritisch-vergleichende Universalgeschichte der Religion und in die universale Religion, Erlangen 1813, 1814) has little more than the name in common with our science. It gives a history of the several religious ideas, religious customs, and ethical principles, in the development of which Judaism and Christianity are interwoven. It does not give an independent connected representation of the religion of the Bible ; and here also the historical repre sentation is not the ultimate aim ; for the guiding interest of the author is to extract everywhere from the husk of the ideas of the Bible the kernel of his universal religion. § 6. EARLIER WORKS ON BIBLICAL THEOLOGY. 29 than his predecessors, his distinction of a symbolical and an unsymbolical doctrine of religion is altogether foreign to the spirit of the writers of the New Testament, and his concep tion of biblical ideas and doctrines is often influenced by his own rationalistic views. In his Christian philosophy, Ruckert (vol. ii. : die Bibel d. h. systematische Darstellung der theologischen Ansichten des N. T, Leipzig 1825) has also reduced the teaching of the apostles to a system ; but it is only incidentally that regard is had to the difference of the apostolic modes of teaching. Yet he no longer traces this difference back to the distinction between what is Jewish- Christian and what is Hellenistic, but to the individuality of the chief apostles.3 (c) The book of L. F. 0. Baumgarten-Crusius (Grundzuge der hiblischen Theologie, Jena 1828) marks a retrogression in the history of our science, considered as always realizing its idea more and more perfectly. No doubt the doctrines of the Old and New Testaments are kept apart historically ; still they are always represented together in every individual point. A manifoldness of types of doctrine in the New Testament is not recognised, or, at least, it is reduced to a minimum of individual moods, and modes of expression and reasoning ; different tendencies and a progressive development of the teaching of the New Testament are expressly denied. Yet the author professes to give a history of the development of the ideas and doctrines of the writers of the Bible regarding God and the destiny of man, and busies himself in the first general part with Judaism and Christianity in their nature and historical relations, as well as with the characteristics of their books and writers. The special part treats of the ideas of the kingdom of God and of the children of God as the fundamental ideas of both dispensations, but then discusses, according to a thoroughly dogmatic scheme, the doctrine of God, of man, and man's salvation. The representation contains much that is fine and ingenious in details, but is very unequal and aphoristicaL 3 Among smaller works, cf. also C. F. Bohme, die Religion Jesu Christi aus ihren Urhunden, Halle 1825 ; Die Religion der Apostel Jesu Christi, 1829. Matthai, der Religionsglaube der Apostel Jesu, Gottingen 1826-1829. L. D. Cramer, Vorlesungen iiber die biblische Theologie des iV. T., edited by Naebe, Leipzig 1830. 30 INTRODUCTION. 7. The more recent Works. Inspired by Neander, Schmid has sought to develop the manifoldness of the New Testament types of doctrine from the religious individuality of the writers, and has found many followers. (V) From the other side, the labours of the Tubingen school have taught us to conceive the peculiarity of these types of doctrine rather from the point of view of the historical development of Christianity, (c) Inspired by that school, Eitschl and Eeuss have represented the several doctrinal systems in connection with the history of the apos tolic age ; while Baur, in his theology of the New Testament, brings to the light all the advantages, but also all the defects, of this way of looking at the subject. (a) A new impulse to the deeper conception and more thorough performance of the problem assigned to our science was given by Neander, who, in his " History of the Planting and Training of the Church by the Apostles" (Hamburg 1832, 4th ed. 1847 [translated in Bonn's Series]), represented the teaching of the apostles separately, viz. of Paul, of James, and of John (section ii. 6, p. 653-914 [E. Tr. vol. i. 414- vol ii. 58]). With his deep comprehension of the pecu liarity of the religious life in its various shapes and forms of expression, he had traced back the diversity of the types of doctrine to the individuality of the apostles, and had shown the living unity of the Christian spirit in the manifoldness of the human forms of conceiving it. Chr. Fr. Schmid, in his " Biblical Theology of the New Testament" (edited by Weiz- siicker, Stuttgart 1853, 4th ed. by A. Heller, Gotha 1868 [translated in Clark's Series]), maintained this point of view in express opposition to de Wette and v. Colin, who made the difference of the doctrinal systems of the apostles de pendent rather upon historical influences which lie outside of Christianity. Starting from the fact that Christianity is the fulfilment of the old covenant, which consists of law and promise, and that it may be conceived either rather in its unity with that covenant, or rather in its contrast to it, he obtains a fourfold possibility of types of doctrine, which, accord ing to him, has left its imprint in the four apostolic person alities. James represents Christianity as the fulfilled law, § 7. THE MORE RECENT WORKS. 31 Peter as the fulfilled promise, Paul in its contrast to the law, and John in its contrast to law and prophecy. Although this classification has found much acceptance, and has certainly led us in many points upon the right track, yet it cannot be denied that an a priori scheme is here applied to the individual manifoldness of the apostolic modes of teaching into which it could fit only in consequence of an extraordinary accident, or of a play of divine providence. In reality, however, it does not fit into it ; for we cannot even speak of a contrast to the promise of the Old Testament ; and even the slight modifica tion which Schmid gives to this fourth form is by no means in congruity with the specific peculiarity of John. Moreover, Schmid assigns biblical theology by far too great a task when he describes it as the historico-genetic representation of Chris tianity as given in the canonical books of the New Testament, and accordingly, even before he comes to the teaching of the apostles, describes their life (ii. p. 7-69 [E. Tr. 273-322]) in far greater detail than had been done by de Wette and v. Colin. His treatment of the several types of doctrine has apprehended many right points of view, and has made them the rule for the development of these types in detail, but it is still, both formally and materially, far too much dependent upon dogmatic categories, and is frequently deficient in com pleteness and sharpness in the conception of their peculiarity. In close dependence upon Neander and Schmid, H. Messner (Lehre der Apostel, Leipzig 1856) has treated of the several doctrinal systems (those of the smaller books, however, in greater detail than they), and has, with great care, sought to develop each of them in its inner connection, and to compare it with the others. G. B. Lechler (das apostolische und das nachapostolische Zeitalter, Stuttgart 1851, 2d ed. 1857) follows the same method, though far less thoroughly. He prefixes to the Pauline doctrinal system the representation of the preaching of the original apostles, and follows it up with the doctrines of James, Peter, and John in the shape which they assumed in the period after Paul (cf. also Jul. Kostlin, "uber die Einheit und Mannigfaltigkeit der N. T. lehre," in the Jahrb.fur deutsche Theol. 1857, 2; 1858, 1). The handbook of J. J. van Oosterzee (die Theologie des N. T., Barmen 1869), which is far from independent, and very deficient in scientific definiteness, 32 INTRODUCTION. discusses, besides the theology of Jesus Christ (according to the Synoptists, and according to John), the theology of the apostles as Petrine, Pauline, and Johannean. The representa tion of the Petrine, Pauline, and Johannean theology by Lutterbeck (die Neutestamentlichen Lehrhegriffe, Mainz 1852, ii. 4) shows how one could accommodate oneself to this way of lookino- at the New Testament even on the Eoman Catholic side. The historical nature of this representation, however, is only apparent, as we may see from the arbitrary manner in which he determines the relation of these three to one another (cf. p. 139, specially p. 152-154). (h) If, since Neander, the diversity of the New Testament types of doctrine was traced back rather to the religious indi viduality of the several writers, so now the other side also was brought into prominence, viz. the fact that this diversity was determined by the position of the individuals within the historical development of Christianity. The Tubingen school regarded this development as the gradual reconciliation of the original opposition between the Jewish-Christianity of the original apostles and the anti-Judaism of Paul. It had taught men to apprehend more exactly the questions which stirred the apostolic age, and therefore, also, their influence upon its theology ; it had given them a sharper eye for the differences of the apostolic tendencies, since it conceived them as con tradictions; and with a view to the establishing of its historical and critical apergus, it had subjected the books of the New Testament to a much more thorough analysis of the whole of their theological peculiarity than had previously been done (cf. Plank, Judenchristenthum und Urchristenthum ; Kostlin, "zur Geschichte des Urchristenthums," in the theologische Jahrb. 1847, 4; 1850, 2; Baur, das Christenthum und die christliche Kirehe der drei ersten Jahrhunderte, Tubingen 1853, 2d ed. 1860; Hilgenfeld, das Urchristenthum in den Haitptmo- menten seiner Entivicklungsganges, 1855). In consequence of the results of this school, a great number of the books of the New Testament were brought down to the second century, their specific significance in the sense of § 1, b, was destroyed, and thereby the theology of the New Testament was made a history of the doctrines of the apostolic and post- apostolic ages, in which many writings of the second century were § 7. THE MORE RECENT WORKS. 33 equally entitled to find a place alongside of those of the New Testament. From this point of view Schwegler has represented " The Post-apostolic Age in the Leading Moments of its Deve lopment " (das nachapostolische Zeitalter in den Hauptmomenten seiner Entwicklung, Tubingen 1846), in which he thoroughly discusses the doctrinal systems of the most important books of the New Testament. But even he who cannot adopt the results of these investigations will find in them a great stimulus for the sharper definition and the historical compre hension of the New Testament types of doctrine ; especially as, in accordance with its conception of the nature and history of Christianity, the Tubingen historico-critical school, as dis tinguished from the older rationalism, which never altogether got rid of the inclination to prove that its doctrine founded upon reason was also the kernel of the teaching of the Bible, does not feel itself in any way bound to the oldest conceptions of it, and can therefore devote itself, with perfect impartiality, to the investigation of them. (c) After attaining, from an equally free historico-critical point of view, to a fundamental and thoroughgoing opposition to the results of the Tubingen school, A. Eitschl has given, in his " Origin of the Old Catholic Church " (Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche, 2d ed., Bonn 1857), an excellent representation as well of the Pauline doctrine as of the manner of teaching of those books which represent Jewish-Christianity in the apostolic age. In his Histoire de la thiologie chritienne au silcle apostolique (Strasbourg 1852, 3d ed. 1864 [translated by Hodder & Stoughton]), Eeuss treats of the whole material of our science from a point of view which is no doubt some what related to that of the Tubingen school, but which never theless modernizes and modifies its results in many respects. Notwithstanding his brilliant gift of exposition, however, the detailed investigation of the doctrinal systems, which are, moreover, always ingeniously apprehended and luminously developed, often interrupts the historical narrative as violently as the consideration of the moments which are of importance for the latter hampers the former (cf. § 2, c). After a representation of the history of Judaism, of the teaching of Jesus and the development of the apostolic Church, he dis cusses, first of all, the Jewish- Christian tendency and Paulinism. vol. i. c 34 INTRODUCTION. Then follow the books of the mediating tendency, among which are counted not only the Epistle to the Hebrews, First Peter, and the historical books of the New Testament, but also the Epistles of Barnabas and Clemens, and finally the theology of John. It was not till after his death that Baur's lectures on the theology of the New Testament (Vorlesungen uher Neu- testamentliche Theologie, Leipzig 1864) appeared, in the form in which he had delivered them in the years 1852-60. Although he describes our science as that portion of historical theology which has to represent the teaching of Jesus as well as the doctrinal systems which rest upon it, so far as this can be done by means of the writings of the New Testament, there is, from his critical standpoint, which logically permits only such a representation as that of Schwegler, no justification in principle for this " so far." For him there really belong to the " teaching of the apostles " only the doctrinal systems of Paul and of the writer of .the Apocalypse, which he treats of as the original antitheses within apostolic Christianity during the first period. 'The second period, which treats of the doctrinal systems of the Epistle to the Hebrews, of the (spurious) Pauline Epistles of the imprisonment, of James, Peter, and the historical books of the New Testament, and the third, which closes with the doctrinal system of the Pastoral Epistles and of the Gospel of John, no longer represent " the teaching of the apostles," but that of much later Christian writings, alongside of which the doctrinal systems of other contemporary writings could stand with equal justification. Apart from this, Baur has clearly recognised and carried out, with his usual ability, the task of searching out the " charac teristic fundamental view " of each system of doctrine, and of developing from it " the whole import of the ideas which are related to one another in its natural connection," although his historico-critical assumptions regarding the historical develop ment of Christianity and the origin of the books of the New Testament often, a priori, cause him to put " the individual conformation" of the several systems of doctrine in a false light. In general, however, it comes out clearly in his repre sentation that the consideration of the doctrinal systems of the New Testament from the standpoint of theological development is not less one-sided than that which starts exclusively from § 8. AUXILIARY LABOURS. 35 the religious individuality of the writers. For the point in question in these systems is not only as to the solution of religious philosophical problems, or the opposition and recon ciliation of theological contradictions, but also as to peculiar forms of the religious life, forms which determine the several writers' manner of teaching ; and the lively manifoldness of these cannot issue in mutually exclusive contradictions, for the very reason that it was the revelation of God in Christ which gave the teaching of the apostles its Teligious impulses. After our handbook had appeared in two editions (1868, 1873), there was published Dr. A. Immer's " Theology of the New Testament" (Theologie des N. T, Bern 1877), sub stantially according to the scheme of the Tubingen school. After an introductory sketch of the Hebrew and Jewish religion, he represents the religion of Jesus, the Jewish- Christianity of the original apostles and the mother Church, Paulinism, the Jewish- Christianity of the time after Paul (James, Apoc), the tendency which mediated between Paulinism and Jewish- Christianity (Luke, Peter), and that which had sur mounted this opposition (John). Apart, however, from its historico-critical and dogmatic assumptions, the standpoint of the school is far from being clearly represented here. The discussion of the standpoint of the original apostles is exceed ingly meagre ; an anti-Pauline tendency in the Apocalypse is as far from being proved as a mediating tendency in the Epistles of Peter. In general, notwithstanding exact exegesis on the whole, and a diffuseness which is often very wearisome, a precise and concise expression is scarcely anywhere given to the several ideas and lines of thought. What is of little importance is discussed very diffusely ; what is of decisive importance is often not discussed at all, often very briefly, still more frequently it is left in suspense or distorted. Besides, much exegetical, historical, and critical matter, which is remote from the rightly conceived task and method of biblical theology, is interwoven with the representation. § 8. Auxiliary Labours. The attempts to represent a connected system of biblical doctrine are of assistance to biblical theology in proportion as 36 INTRODUCTION. they enter into the reproduction of the lines of thought of the several writers, (h) It is still more directly assisted by the representation of particular doctrinal systems of the New Testament, or by dissertations on particular ideas and doctrines of these systems, (c) Dissertations on particular fundamental doctrines of theology also furnish much acceptable material in proportion as they enter, somewhat in detail, into the teaching of Scripture, (d) Lastly, the lexicography of the New Testa ment can also enter into the service of our science. (a) The attempts to develop a system of biblical doctrine directly out of Scripture start from the assumption, which is confuted by biblical theology, that a uniform series of religious ideas and doctrines is to be found in all its parts. In this sense J. T. Beck (die christliche Lehrwissenschaft nach den hiblischen Urkunden, Stuttgart 1841) has, without more ado, worked up the doctrinal material of the Old and New Testa ments into a whole;1 while J. Chr. K. v. Hofmann (der Schriftheweis, Nordlingen 1852-55, 2ded. 1857-59), although strongly opposed to every assumption of different biblical types of doctrine, establishes in its several parts the system (" Lehrganze ") with which he commences in such a manner that he advances from the Old Testament to the New, and from the sayings of Jesus to those of His apostles. As here already he gives a closely connected consideration of the sections of Scripture which refer to each point of doctrine, so he has later, in his great work on the Bible (die heilige Schrift neuen Testaments zusammenhdngend untersucht, 7 vols., Nord- lingen 1862—76), carried out his exceedingly original exegesis through almost all the Epistles of the New Testament. Although more inclined to the historical point of view, H. Ewald (die Lehre der Bihel von Gott, oder die Theologie des alten und neuen Bundes, 4 vols., Leipzig 1871—76) also finds already in the Old Testament " such a perfect picture of life in the true fear of God " (religion), that for the delineation of " the way to God through Christ and the Holy Spirit," which 1 Only the first part has appeared, in which he begins with the doctrine of God, and then treats of the creation, fall, and reconciliation of the world as " the logic of Christian doctrine," or as "the truth which has been made known as wisdom in Christ." Cf. also Beck, Einleitung in das System der christlichen Lehre, Stuttgart 1838, 2d ed. 1870. § 8. AUXILIARY LABOURS. 37 is to show that it is " only through Christ and the Holy Spirit that that way could now be securely trodden and passed over" (iii. p. 303), he needs only about 80 of the 1600 pages or so of his work which discusses, by way of introduction, the doctrine of the word of God, and then, in three principal parts, the doctrine of faith, the doctrine of life, and the doctrine of the kingdom. Although Sam. Lutz (biblische Dogmatik, edited by E. Eiietschi, Pforzheim 1847) rightly distinguishes his task from that of biblical theology, he nevertheless develops, in a professedly purely historical manner, and with frequent reference to the historical difference of the Old and New Testaments, a very artificially constructed system of the funda mental ideas of the religion of the Bible, ideas which are in his opinion essentially the same throughout, and then the conception of history, or the divine economy of revelation in history, which is connected with these ideas. G. L. Hahn (Theologie des N. T., Leipzig 1864) also prefixes (in the first part, which has alone appeared) to his intended repre sentation of the development of the religious-ethical views of the apostolic age, from which the formation of the several systems of doctrine can first be explained, the system of ideas which lies at the root of the whole of the New Testament, but in which not only the Old Testament fundamental presupposi tions, but also God as " executor of an eternal decree with regard to the world" (§ 70-80), and the Son of God as well as the Spirit, both in their inner-trinitarian relation (§ 40-50) and in their relation to the world (§ 84-98), are already considered, so that in substance the ideas and doctrines of- the New Testament are already discussed, only without reference to the peculiarities of the several writers. Although occupying the standpoint of the newer critical school, which usually contends most strenuously against the presupposition of a uniform doctrine of Scripture, Dr. A. E. Biedermann (christliche Dogmatik, Zurich 1869) nevertheless considers it possible, by means of the results of the purely historical science of biblical theology, to give a systematic expression in its inner connection to the original Christian believing consciousness which records itself in Scripture ; he does so by bringing out the several moments of the whole system of faith contained in the Bible, both in the diversity of their individual forms as 38 INTRODUCTION. they lie before us in Scripture, and in their development from the one to the other, and yet in such a manner that it is that which is common and uniform therein that appears as what is essential (p. 163). In the first division (the biblical presuppo sitions of the gospel of Jesus Christ), his representation of the teaching of Scripture (p. 163-302), which is distinguished by sharpness and clearness, naturally only incidentally takes account of the specialities of the biblical writers ; while the second (the gospel of Jesus the Christ) is divided into the Christology of the Synoptists, of Paul and of John ; and the third (the realization of Christian salvation in humanity), embracing soteriology and eschatology, for the most part points out in the several doctrines the course of development from the Old Testament to the theology of John. Following the example of C. J. Nitzsch (System der christlichen Lehre, Bonn 1829, 6th ed. 1853), E. Kiibel attempts to represent "The Christian system of do.ctrine according to holy Scripture " (das christliche Lehrsystem nach der heiligen Schrift, Stuttgart 1873), expressly distinguishing his task from the historical or descriptive, task of biblical theology. But although he also, in many doctrines, enters into the diversities of the several types of doctrine, yet the prevailing tendency is to obtain a system which is derived from the testimony of Scripture in its various forms, — a testimony which is full of life, and given in accordance with experience, and therefore in the form of intuition, — and developed in the form of discursive scientific knowledge (p. 9). In the second edition (1874, 75), Dr. K. F. A. ELahnis has very much abbreviated the biblico-dogmatic discussions which his " Lutheran Dogmatics " (Lutherisclie Dogmatik, Leipzig 1861) contained in vol. i. § 14, 15, and apportioned them among the various articles ; on the other hand, the very precise summaries of biblical teaching which Dr. E. A. Lipsius (Lehrhuch der evangelisch-protestantischen Dogmatik, Braunschweig 1876) prefixes to the several articles of doctrine often enter also into the development of the various types of doctrine within the New Testament. (6) The independent representations of particular doctrinal systems form exceedingly valuable pioneers of our science, especially as they often furnish very careful comparisons of the system which is represented with the other systems of the § 8. AUXILIARY LABOURS. 39 New Testament. Of such we have, for the Pauline doctrine, Meyer, 1801; TJsteri, 1832.-51; Dahne, 1835; Pfleiderer, 1873: for the Johannean, Frommann, 1839; Kostlin, 1843; Hilgen- feld, 1849 ; Weiss, 1862 : for the Petrine, Weiss, 1855 ; we have also the doctrine of James (Schmidt, 1869), of the Epistle to the Hebrews (Eiehm, 1858, 59), and of the Apocalypse (Gebhardt, 1873); but these cannot be considered more particularly till we come to the several systems. Indi vidual ideas and doctrines of these systems have often been treated of separately. The writings relating to these will be cited in the course of our representation of them. (c) From another side the treatises on particular articles of systematic theology furnish biblical theology with materials of various kinds, whether they rather represent the common fundamental view of the New Testament, or take more parti cular account of the ideas and doctrines of its several writers. They are, as it were, transverse sections through the whole of our discipline; and although they are always somewhat defective, inasmuch as no individual doctrine can be fully appreciated outside of the connection of the system in which it is found, yet they have their peculiar value in this, that the relationship of the various systems comes out more directly in a definite point than in the complete representation given by our discipline. As especially comprehensive, we must here mention the altogether new edition of his Lehre von der Person Christi (Basel 1856 ; cf. also his articles on the development of the New Testament doctrine of reconciliation, in the Jahrb. fur d. Theol. 1857-59) by W. F. Gess (Christi Person und Werk nach Christi Selhstzeugniss und der Zeugnissen der Apostel, Basel 1870, 78, 79), which discusses not only all the sayings of Jesus which refer to this subject, in their historical order, but also those of the apostles according to the individual Epistles ; in doing which, it is true, there is often a want of succinctness in stating the results. In the second volume of his " Christian Doctrine of Justification and Eeconciliation " (Bonn 1874), containing the biblical material of the doctrine, A. Eitschl has gathered together and amplified his previous biblico-dogmatic labours (cf. Jahrh. fur d. Theol. 1863, 2, 3, de ira dei, Bonn 1859). His exceedingly original conceptions of individual types of doctrine are often based upon a peculiar 40 INTRODUCTION. view of the fundamental ideas of the Old Testament, to which he traces them back (cf. especially Diestel on the holiness and righteousness of God, in the Jahrb. fur d. Theol. 1859, 1, 1 8 6 0, 2 ; Teichmann, " die Opferbedeutung des Todes Jesu," ibid. 1878, 1). Lastly, there appeared das Christushild der Apostel und der nachapostolischen Zeit, of Dr. Dan. Schenkel (Leipzig 1879), which interweaves into its historical division, which forms the foundation of all that follows, a comprehensive biblico- theological description of each of the apostolic and post-apo stolic writings. Since it is now rather the dogmatic, now rather the exegetical, now rather the biblico-dogmatic, and now rather the biblico-theological point of view which is predominant in the other works that fall to be mentioned here, they are of very unequal value for our discipline. We cite the most important of them, without being able to claim completeness for our list. For Christology, cf. Kleuker (Johannes, Petrus und Paulus als Christologen, Eiga 1785), Schumann (Christus oder die Lehre des A. und A". T. von der Person des Erlosers, Ham burg and Gotha 1852), Beyschlag (die Christologie des N. T., Berlin 1866), Hasse (das Lcben des verklarten Erlosers im Himmel nach den eigenen Ausspriichen des Herrn, Leipzig 1854), E. Ziemssen (Christus der Herr, Kiel 1867), also Zeller in the Theologische Jahrbucher for 1842, 1, cf. 1842, 3. Honing (das Sacrament der Taufe, Erlangen 1846), A. Caspers (der Taufbegriff des Neuen Testaments, Bredstedt 1877), Scheibel (das Abendmahl des Herrn, Breslau 1823), David Schulz (die christlichc Lehre vom heiligen Abendmahl nach dem Grundtext des N. T., Leipzig 1824), Lindner (die Lehre vom Abendmahl nach der Schrift, Hamburg 1831), Kahnis (die Lehre vom Abendmahl, Leipzig 1851), Eiickert (das Abendmahl, Leipzig 1856), treat of the sacraments. Biblical psychology has been recently discussed by J. T. Beck (Umriss der hiblischen Seelenlehre, Stuttgart 1843, 3d ed. 1871), Delitzsch (System der hiblischen Psychologie, Leipzig 1855, 2d ed. 1861 [translated in Clark's Series]), and H. H. Wendt (die Begrijfe Fleisch und Geist im hiblischen Sprachgebrauch, Gotha 1878). Cf. also J. Miiller, die christliche Lehre von der Siinde (5th ed., Breslau 1867 [translated in Clark's Series]); Winzer, de daemonologia in s. Ni Ti libris (Wittenberg 1812) ; Liicke on the Lehre vom Teufel (deutsche Zeitschr. f. christi. § 8. AUXILIARY LABOURS. 41 Wissenschaft und christi. Lehen, 1851, Feb.); G. Eoskoff, Geschichte des Teufels (Leipzig 1869). Eschatology has been discussed with special frequency by Weizel (die urchristliche Unsterhlichkeitslehre, Stud. u. Krit. 1836, 3, 4; cf. the same author in the Studien der Wurtemhergischen Geistlichkeit, ix. 2, x. 1), Kern (Beitrdge zur Neutestamentlichen Eschatologie, Tilbinger theol. Zeitschrift, 1840, 3), Georgii (fiber die eschatologischen Vorstellungen der A. T. Schriftsteller, theol. Jahrhilcher, 1845, 1), Zeller (die Lehre des A. T. vom Zustande nach dem Tode, ibid. 1847, 3), Schumann (die Unsterhlichkeitslehre des A. und A. T, Berlin 1847), Hofmann (die Wiederkunft Christi und das Zeichen des Menschensohns am Himmel, Leipzig 1850), Hebart (die zweite sichtbare Zukunft Christi, einc Darstellung ier gesammten hiblischen Eschatologie in ihren Hauptmomenten, Erlangen 1850), Giider (die Lehre von der Erscheinung Christi unter den Todten in ihrem Zusammenhange mit der Lehre von den letzten Dingen, Bern 1853), Luthardt (die Lehre von den letzten Dingen, Leipzig 1861), H. Gerlach (die letzten Dinge, Berlin 1869); cf. also 0. Zockler, de vi ac notione vocabuli €\itk in novo test, Giessen 1856. Of books relating to particular articles of doctrine there should also be mentioned : Kahnis, die Lehre vom heiligen Geiste (Halle 1847); Schaf, die Siinde ivider den heiligen Geist (Halle 1841) ; Fr. Hosseus, de notioni- hus providentiae praedestinationisque (Bonn 1868) ; Ed. Preuss, die Rechtfertigung des Sunders vor Gott (Berlin 1868); Tholuck, das Heidenthum nach der heiligen Schrift (Berlin 1853); Tholuck, das A. T. im A. T. (5th ed., Gotha 1861); Kahler, das Gewissen (I. 1 : Alterthum und Neues Testament, Halle 1878). (d) The lexicography of the New Testament cannot possibly avoid entering into biblico-theological investigations. Just as certainly as it has a purely philological side, so certainly it cannot, from that side, meet all the requirements of its task. For although it is mainly from the analogous usus loquendi of the Old Testament that a series of termini technici, which the doctrinal language of the New Testament has coined, must be explained, yet that usage, as well as the meaning which is commonly given to the words in profane Greek, has in many ways received a peculiar transformation from the Christian consciousness (cf. v. Zezschwitz, Profangracitat und hiblischer 42 INTRODUCTION. Sprachgeist, Leipzig 1859). But if a manifoldness of modes of representing things and of teaching is brought out in the writers of the New Testament, then neither will this trans formation have been by any means the same throughout. Of New Testament lexicographers only Schirlitz (griechisch- deutsches Worterhuch zum A. T., Giessen 1851, 2d ed. 1858) has purposely set himself the task of looking, in the manner of biblical theology, at the ideas which are expressed in the several terminis. The Dictionary of the A. T. for the purpose cf explaining Christian Doctrine, by Dr. W. A. Teller (5th ed., Berlin 1792), professed to be a real biblico-theological lexicon. But, aparj; from its shallow rationalistic standpoint, it is meant only for practical use, and makes no claim, to be scientific The composition of such a lexicon has recently been under taken by H. Cremer (hiblisch-theologisches Worterhuch der N. T. Grdcitdt, Gotha 1866, 1868, 2d ed. 1872). No doubt it will always be difficult to explain, in a thorough manner, the significance of the termini of a doctrinal system outside of the connection of that system ; but in proportion as this last aim is attained, such a dictionary will always be one of the most important auxiliaries of the biblical theology of the New Testament.2 2 Where individual authors are cited in what follows, without mention being made of their works, their biblico-theological labours, which have been spoken of in the Introduction, or are still to he cited farther on, are everywhere meant. PAKT FIRST. THE TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO THE EARLIEST TRADITION. INTEODUCTION. § 9. The Life and Teaching of Jesus in their relation to Biblical Theology. It is neither methodically permissible nor conducive to the aim of our science to admit into it a historical representation of the life of Jesus. (6) It is not the life of Jesus per se in its historical course, but the conception of its religious signifi cance upon which the earliest New Testament proclamation rests, that forms the starting - point of biblical theology. (c) This conception, however, was mainly conditioned by the teaching of Jesus, inasmuch as it gave the authentic explana tion of the significance of His person and of His manifesta tion ; and hence a representation of this teaching must form the preliminary section of biblical theology. (a) It is natural to think that the starting-point of biblical theology must be a representation of the life of Jesus. If its aim is to represent the religious import of the ideas and doctrines of the New Testament writings, inasmuch as these are the authentic records of the revelation of God in Christ, then it appears that that series of facts must first of all be investigated in which that revelation has been accomplished, seeing that it is with them that the teaching of the apostles is 43 44 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. necessarily connected ; and it is a representation of the life of Jesus which would have to bring out these facts.1 But if we were to give such a representation, we should go far beyond the boundaries of our discipline. Even as regards method, the scientific representation of the life of Jesus demands in vestigations of a totally different kind. It presupposes a historico-critical examination of sources which is of a totally different nature from the method of biblical theology. The latter has only to inquire what are the ideas and doctrines of the writings that lie before us ; the former inquires whether the accounts contained in these sources are trustworthy or not. But even as regards contents, every scientific representation (even the most sketchy) of the life of Jesus must contain an abundance of concrete details, and must consider a number of historical questions which, because they are closely connected with the purely human course of His development, or with its local and temporal conditions, are of no significance for the character of this life as a revelation, and therefore also of no significance for biblical theology. Above all, however, we must not, without more ado, identify the historical picture of the life of Jesus which we obtain scientifically from our sources with that from which the earliest proclamation of the gospel started. If the latter, inasmuch as it was drawn from the immediate perception of the public life of Jesus, was, on the one hand, far richer and more vivid than that which we can obtain from our sources, which offer but a limited selection of facts ; yet, on the other hand, it is equally conceivable that, from what these communicate in consequence of later investi gations or of individual reminiscences, we are able to discover other facts which were still awanting in the picture of the life 1 In fact, G. L. Bauer has interwoven detailed investigations into historical questions connected with the life of Jesus into the first division of his repre sentation of the doctrinal system of the Synoptists (vol. i.). In the "historico- critical introduction " which de Wette prefixes to the representation of the teach ing of Jesus and the apostles, he gives a historical sketch of the life of Jesus (§ 207-224) ; and similarly von Colin gives a representation of the "circum stances of the life of Jesus looked at from the religious standpoint " in the "general part" which stands before his representation of the teaching of Jesus (§ 132-138). In keeping with his conception of the task of biblical theology, Schmid, lastly, has, in the representation of the "Messianic age," commenced with the "life of Jesus " as the first" division of the teaching of Jesus (i. p. 33-120 [E. Tr. p. 25-81]). § 9. LIFE AND TEACHING IN RELATION TO BIBLICAL THEOLOGY. 45 of Jesus as it shaped itself in the common tradition of the mother Church — a picture which was limited mainly to the public working and suffering of Jesus, and which was confined, even in regard to these, by certain points of view.2 Accord ingly, a scientific representation of the life of Jesus cannot possibly be the starting-point of biblical theology. (b) No doubt it was the revelation of God which appeared in Christ, and which was accomplished in His person and in the salvation-bringing facts of His life, that was the generating impulse of the religious ideas and doctrines which biblical theology has to represent as the import of the earliest pro clamation of the New Testament. But just as it is not these facts per se, but as conceived in their right significance, that constitute the perfect revelation of God, so the manner in which this revelation was conceived and employed didactically by the earliest witnesses cannot be understood from these facts per se, but only from the conception of them on the part of the first preachers of the gospel. It is not what the earliest writers of the New Testament knew of the facts of the life of Jesus, but what in these facts was regulative for their view of 2 He who, e.g., regards the supernatural conception of Jesus as a historical fact in consequence of the histories of His childhood which are contained in our Gospels (which are among the latest writings of the New Testament), must, nevertheless, not assume, without more ado, that it was known to the earliest tradition, and had therefore an influence upon the view of the earliest writers of the New Testament regarding the person of Jesus. And whoever looks upon the fourth Gospel as of apostolic origin, will find in it many reminiscences of which it is by no means evident that they had passed over into the earliest common tradition, and had therefore been operative in the earliest procla mation regarding Christ. Whoever, on the other hand, assumes, in conse quence of historico-critical investigation, that the life of Jesus was altogether different from that which our sources with their " glorifying legendary adorn ment " represent it to have been, will have to allow that this result would not only be worthless, but actually misleading for biblical theology. For if our Gospels, which rest upon the earliest common tradition, already show such a distorted picture of the life of Jesus, it is very unlikely that the view of His life, from which the earliest writers of the New Testament started, was more in harmony with the state of the case which criticism is alleged to have brought to the light. And although, in accordance with § 1, b, we are convinced that our Gospels, as authentic records of the facts of revelation, can offer us no distorted and perturbed picture of the life of Jesus, yet, even when dealing with the earliest form of tradition, which is brought out by means of criticism, the scientific representation of that life will very often have to distinguish between the historical matter of fact and the idea of events and of the course of their development which has left its mark upon that tradition. 46 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. the significance of His person and manifestation, and therefore for the forming of their religious ideas and doctrines, that is important for biblical theology. It is not, however, derogatory to the substantial accuracy of their view of the religious sig nificance of the life of Jesus, a significance which we must, according to § l,b, undoubtedly presuppose, if all the facts of revelation were not yet known to them as such. And biblical theology must not inquire how we, in consequence of the complete testimony of the New Testament records, have to conceive the character of the facts of this life as a revela tion, but only how it was conceived by the earliest preachers of the gospel, since it is only this conception that can have had a determining influence upon their religious ideas and doctrines. For just as certainly as it was only gradually and under the guidance of the Spirit that the salvation which was given in Christ was known more and more deeply and com pletely, so certainly it may be assumed that the knowledge of the religious significance of the primary facts of revelation has been always growing, and therefore that these facts are not yet appreciated in their fullest significance in the earlist pro clamation.3 (c) If the perfect revelation of God has been accomplished in the manifestation of Jesus, it must also have made itself intelligible as such to the world. It lies in the nature of revelation that it cannot consist only in certain facts, but that it must also secure, from the first, the essentially correct con ception of the significance of these facts ; and, in the case of the revelation of God which has appeared in Christ, this can be 3 From this, however, it is perfectly clear that a scientific representation of the life of Jesus cannot be made the basis of biblical theology. Suppose, e.g., that we can actually show from the oldest Gospel what the historical moments were which made Jesus what He was, and how He, under the influence of these, has gradually developed His views and purposes during His public activity, yet the question always remains, whether the writers of the New Testament knew these assumed facts as such, and appreciated them in their significance for the con ception of the person of Jesus. Or if we suppose, e.g., that we must conceive the occurrence related in the Gospels as taking place at the baptism of Jesus to be a mere vision of the Baptist, it has plainly a totally different significance from what it would have if we conceived it to be an experience of Jesus. For biblical theology, however, that which is mainly of importance is not at all which of these conceptions is the historically correct one, but which of them was that of the writers of the New Testament, seeing that it alone could be regulative for their teaching. § 9. LIFE AND TEACHING IN RELATION TO BIBLICAL THEOLOGY. 47 effected only by the self-testimony of Jesus (in the widest extent) which accompanies His manifestation. It is, however, self-evident and a matter of history, that it is upon this self- testimony of Jesus that the conception of His manifestation in the earliest proclamation of the New Testament rests. We have already acknowledged (note h) that this conception cannot yet exhaust its full import as a revelation. The reason of this is twofold. In the first place, it is not to be expected that the whole riches of the self-testimony of Jesus has already passed over into the comprehension and the proclamation of the earliest witnesses; and, in the second place, Jesus, in His activity as a teacher (and therefore also in His self-testimony), was restrained, partly by the pedagogic regard to the inability of His hearers to comprehend the revelation which was making its first appearance in the world (cf. John xvi. 12), and partly by regard to the circumstance, which belongs to the history of salvation, that the facts of salvation were but tending towards their completion, and that therefore the full comprehension of their significance was still unattainable. From this it is already apparent how inadmissible it is to measure the truthful ness of the more fully developed apostolic teaching by its being already found in the teaching of Jesus. Moreover, the dis tinction of a doctrine of the apostles regarding Jesus, and of a teaching of Jesus, in the sense in which it has been often pre viously made, is altogether unhistorical. If the teaching of Jesus had been essentially a new doctrine of God or of morals, then the teaching of His apostles could not have turned round the significance of His person and manifestation to the extent in which it does. As to its essential kernel, the teaching of Jesus Himself was much rather nothing else than a doctrine of the significance of His person and manifestation, and must, in this respect, have laid the foundation for the original ideas of the writers of the New Testament regarding these.4 The 4 When such questions are discussed in the representations of the life of Jesus (note a) which are prefixed to His teaching, as His relation to the Baptist or to the parties in the nation, His aims and plan, the kingdom of God and the means of founding it, the Messianic idea and the attitude of Jesus to the Old Testa ment or to the expectation of the nation, the significance of His miracles and death, His prophecies, and the designation of His apostles, — these are all questions which are of decisive significance for the conception of His person and manifestation ; hut the most obvious answer was given to them in the sayings of 48 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. more we conceive the teaching of Jesus in this its historical significance, and therefore in its real character as a revelation, the more simply is the question answered as to the relation of biblical theology to the facts of His life. In so far, viz., as the teaching of Jesus points back to these facts in order to make their true significance known, or in so far as it assumes them for its own comprehension, they will also be taken into consideration by biblical theology, and will be presented to it by the tradition from which it draws the teaching of Jesus. Still it is only the teaching of Jesus that will form its start ing-point ; for it is in that teaching that the conception which the earliest preachers of the gospel had of the significance of Jesus and His manifestation is rooted ; and it is therefore in it that there is given the foundation for the comprehension of their religious ideas and doctrines. § 10. Sources for the Representation of the Teaching of Jesus. The biblico-theological representation of the teaching of Jesus has not to ask what He said, but what were the say ings of Jesus which the earliest tradition possessed, and in what form, (h) Accordingly the Johannean tradition is alto gether excluded from the sources of this representation. (c) But even from the synoptic Gospels it is only by means of critical investigation into their origin and relation to one another that the actual substance of the earliest tradition of the teaching of Jesus can be brought out. (a) Even the scientific representation of the life of Jesus has to occupy itself with His teaching ; for His teaching not only formed a principal part of His activity, but also gives the most direct and certain answer to important questions relating to His historical position and significance. Hence it will have to ask which sayings of Jesus authenticate themselves to historical criticism, and what is the idea of the form and pur- Jesus, and this answer must have been that which was mainly regulative for the conception of them hy the apostolic age. All these questions belong therefore to the teaching of Jesus, nay, they form its real substance. Whatever other statements of a theological or anthropological import, or whatever other moral exhortations occur in the sayings of Jesus, we shall have first to see how far they convey anything that is peculiar to His teaching, and in what connection they stand with that its central point § 10. SOURCES FOR REPRESENTATION OF TEACHING OF JESUS. 49 port of His teaching which is given by as complete a collection and consideration of these sayings as is possible. With biblical theology it is different. It only asks what are the sayings of Jesus with which the earliest writers of the New Testament were originally acquainted, and what is the conception of His teaching which comes out from the form in which they possessed these sayings. Whether the circle of these sayings gives a perfect idea of that which Jesus had said and taught, whether their oldest literary forms originate with the ear- witnesses themselves, and can therefore pass for authentic, — these are questions which are, in the first instance, of no importance for it. At any rate, the earliest tradition regarding the sayings of Jesus, the tradition from which the apostolic age drew, originated with the ear- witnesses ; but just as certainly as the guarantee was given in the character of the teaching of Jesus as a revelation that His disciples had not misunderstood it in such a manner as to destroy its essential significance, so certainly we cannot assume, a priori, that everything which Jesus had said had remained in the memory of the first witnesses, and so had passed over into the circle of the earliest tradition, or that everything was conceived by all in its original meaning, and expressed in a manner which was in keeping with this meaning. Still it was only in the extent and conception of it which the earliest tradition represents, that the teaching of Jesus could influence the commencement of the doctrinal development of the New Testament. What ever else Jesus had said, or whatever else may be discovered as to the meaning of His teaching, was as good as non-existent for the earliest writers of the New Testament. Accordingly, biblical theology cannot start from the teaching of Jesus per se, but only from the teaching of Jesus as it is represented in the earliest tradition. (b) It is in accordance with this that we must answer the question as to the sources from which biblical theology has to draw its representation of the teaching of Jesus. For such a representation of His teaching as the life of Jesus demands, the employment of the Gospel of John (whether we regard it as directly apostolic or only make it depend upon independent apostolic tradition) is not only permissible, but altogether in dispensable, although it certainly cannot claim an unqualified VOL. I. D 50 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. authenticity for the discourses of Christ which it contains. But it is not to be used as a source for the earliest tradition of the teaching of Jesus. However many authentic sayings of Jesus, both as to import and form, are contained in it, how ever many sides of His teaching it lets us see in a new light or with greater clearness, yet the fact that it is in this, the latest Gospel, that we first hear of these sayings, and have light thrown upon these sides, shows that in the earliest tradition these sayings were ^wanting and these sides were in the back ground, and that they cannot, therefore, have contributed to determine the development of doctrine in the earlier books of the New Testament. And even though it were possible to show that a few of the sayings of Jesus which we owe first to the Johannean tradition had already become active in the earlier doctrinal types of the New Testament, yet that would not justify us in mixing up the so very peculiar sphere of thought, in which the discourses of Christ contained in this Gospel move, along with the earliest tradition of the teaching of Jesus, or in placing it along with the latter at the head of our representation. Even the consideration which is so frequently brought under our notice, the consideration, viz., that the Apostle John will not have kept to himself the sayings of Jesus which belong to his individual remembrance or con ception until the time to which the writings which bear his name belong, cannot furnish us with an occasion to do so. It cannot do so, since the form of the earliest common tradition of the teaching of Jesus — a form which is so peculiarly different from these, discourses — shows that these have had at least no sensible influence , upon that tradition. Whether, therefore, it was not till later that richer reminiscences arose in the mind of the Evangelist John, and shed their peculiar light over much in the teaching of Jesus, or whether they have actually slumbered in him until, connected as they were with his own theological development, they received their peculiar stamp, still it is only in connection with the Johannean theology, which grew out of them and is therefore inseparably incorporated with them, that their treasures can be represented in a fruitful manner.1 1 While G. L. Bauer already considered "the Christian theory of religion according to the three first Gospels " and "according to John " separately, in their § 10. SOURCES FOR REPRESENTATION OF TEACHING OF JESUS. 51 (c) The earliest tradition regarding the sayings of Jesus is found in the three synoptic Gospels. Certainly we must not overlook the fact that not only have we no manner of pledge, but that rather, having regard to the circumstances of their origin, we can only doubt that we still possess in these Gospels the full riches of the sayings of Jesus from which the earliest writers of the New Testament drew their views. But biblical theology possesses no other authorities for the representation of the earliest tradition of the teaching of Jesus, and must therefore adhere to these for its first section. On the other hand, seeing that our synoptic Gospels in their present form are probably of later origin than the most of the other books of the New Testament, it is possible that many sayings of Jesus have already been taken up into them, which were either altogether, or at least in their present shape, foreign to the earliest tradition, which the doctrinal development of the New Testament alone presupposes at its commencement. The fact that many sayings are testified to by two of them, or by all the three, while others are contained only in one, makes it natural to make a distinction in the material that is presented by them ; and this is rendered still more natural when we observe that even in them the same saying often already occurs- representation of the teaching of Jesus de Wette and v. Colin start from all the four Gospels. The former (§ 226) sets up the principle that, as regards the import of His teaching, the Gospel of John is to be used as the standard for criti cism, while the form of delivery is retained more faithfully in the Synoptists ; and the latter (§ 139) is of opinion that the Gospel of John makes it easier to ascertain the subjective view of the evangelist, and therefore to distinguish the real teaching as delivered by Jesus from the subjective form in which it is transmitted by His disciples. Without more ado, Schmid has represented the teaching of Jesus according to all the four Gospels (cf. § 3) ; and even Reuss has done so partially, although he also uses the discourses of Christ which are con tained in the fourth Gospel as a source for the theology of John (cf. i. p. 156 [E. Tr. i. 133]). It is equally one-sided, of course, when Baur regards it as proved by recent criticism, that, because of its difference from the Synoptists and its quite peculiar system of doctrine, the Gospel of John cannot be used at all as an authority for the teaching of Jesus, but only for the manner in which the evangelist conceived it (p. 22). But even the manner in which v. Oosterzee first represents the theology of Jesus according to the synoptic Gospels (§ 10-16) and according to the Gospel of John (§ 17-22) separately, in order then to embrace them both in a higher unity (§ 23, 24), does not get over the incon venience of making biblical theology place at its commencement a representation of the teaching of Jesus, the full appreciation of which at least cannot appear till its close. 52 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. in very different shapes and differently conceived. Accordingly, it is only by means of a careful criticism of sources that a separation of the earliest form of the tradition of the sayings of Jesus from the complete body of the synoptic tradition can be accomplished.2 Of course the necessary investigation into the origin and relationship of the three synoptic Gospels cannot be carried on here ; it belongs to historico-critical introduction. Biblical theology can only axiomatically accept its results as the basis for its representation.3 It is only on the assumption, however, that these results justify us in gathering from the synoptic Gospels the earliest tradition of the teaching of Jesus, and show us the way to do so, that biblical theology can even attempt a representation of that teaching. 2 Baur is quite consequent when, in accordance with his critical principle re garding the Gospels, he puts Luke, as a redaction of Matthew with a tendency, and Mark, as a redaction which neutralizes the contradictions of both, altogether aside, and holds exclusively by Matthew ; although even in it not only is a universalistic redaction to be distinguished from a Jewish - Christian text {Grundschrift), but even in the latter the Judaism which assumed a more definite form after the death of Jesus must be distinguished from the original teaching of Jesus (cf. p. 23). But apart from the question as to the correctness of his assumption regarding the character and relationship of the synoptic Gospels, this whole process of separation ultimately leads the critic to the actual "principles and doctrines of Jesus " (p. 24, 25), with which, according to note a, biblical theology is not at first at all concerned. If the earliest apostolic tradition had already actually conceived the teaching of Jesus in the sense of a limited Judaism, then, for us, the history of the development of Christian doctrine would have commenced with the teaching of Jesus as so conceived. Moreover, that which is imagined as to an " original " teaching of Jesus, is only a historical conjecture without any firm support. 3 It is very unfair to raise the objection against biblical theology, that it builds its representation of the teaching of Jesus upon arbitrary hypotheses regarding the Gospels. For, since universally recognised results are not yet gained upon this field, nothing remains hut for the individual to start from those conclusions to which he has come, and upon which alone he can base his representation. Besides, the views which are developed in what follows are nothing less than new hypotheses. They only gather together the most approved results of previous investigation, and put them into the form of a complete picture. For their more particular proof, as well as to see how they stand related to other views, cf. Weiss, "zur Entstehungsgeschichte der synoptischen Evangelien" {Stud. u. Krit. 1861, p. 29-100, 646-753) ; " die Redestiicke des apostolischen Matthaus ",(Jahrbihcher furdeutsche Theologie, 1864, p. 49-140) ; "die Erzahlungsstiicke des apostolischen Matthaus" {ibid. 1865, p. 319-376) ; das Marcusevangelium und seine synoptischen Parallelen (Berlin 1872) ; das Matthausevangelium und seine Lucasparattelen (Halle 1876). § 11. EMPLOYMENT OF THE THREE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS. 53 §11. Critical Presuppositions for the Employment of the Three Synoptic Gospels. The Gospel of Mark, which is already used by the other two Synoptists, depends upon direct apostolic tradition. (b) There is also an apostolic writing which lies at the basis of all the three Gospels, a writing which had principally aimed at being a collection of the sayings of Jesus as they were circulating in the earliest common tradition, (c) Whatever other sources Luke has employed, are probably of equal value with one of these two principal sources, (d) So far as the jnanner in which these sources are used in our Gospels can be discovered, it begets the presumption that, both as to import and form, the earliest tradition can still be gathered from them. with substantial accuracy. (a) The assumption that our second Gospel is the oldest of the three Synoptists, and is used by the two others, made its'. appearance, it is true, very early (cf. G. Chr. Storr, iiber den- Ziveck der evangelischen Geschichte und der Brief e Johannis,. Tubingen 1786, § 58-62), and found in Weisse (Evangelische- Geschichte, Leipzig 1838) and Wilke (der Urevangelist, Dresdent 1838) a defence which was exceedingly ingenious and* perfectly conclusive in everything that was essential; but it. is only since Ewald adopted it in his Jahrhilcher (1848-49;; cf. die drei ersten Evangelien, Gottingen 1850, 2d ed. 1871)' that it has come into more and more general acceptance. The- once almost dominant hypothesis of Owen and Griesbach, which made Mark the latest of our three evangelists, has recently been thoroughly defended only from the standpoint of the Tubingen " Tendenzkritik " (cf. Schwegler, das nachapostolische Zeitalter, Tubingen 1846; Baur, kritische Untersuchungen iiher die kanonischen Evangelien, Tubingen 1847; Strauss, Lehen Jesu, Leipzig 1864; Zeller, Zeitschrift fur wissenschaft- liche Theologie, 1865, 3, 4; Keim, Geschichte Jesu von Nazara, Zurich 1867-72), and, within that school itself, it has been unweariedly combated, and with emphasis and success, by Hilgenfeld (who, however, adheres to the dependence of Mark upon Matthew) since 1850. The hypothesis that our second Gospel is only a redaction of the original Mark (Urmarkus), 54 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. which forms the basis of the other two Synoptists, — a redaction which, it is true, stands nearest that original Mark, both formally and materially (Holtzmann, die synoptischen Evangelien, Leipzig 1863; Weizsacker, Untersuchungen iiher die evangelische Geschichte, Gotha 1864), — has been more and more given up again by the newest defenders of the Mark-hypothesis (cf. Meyer, Commentary on Matthew, Introd. § 4 ; Scholten, das alteste Evangelium, Elberfeld 1869 ; Volckmar, die Evangelien oder Marcus und die Synopsis, Leipzig 1870). Seeing that, according to a report of John the Presbyter, which is being more and more generally acknowledged to be trustworthy and to refer to our second Gospel (in Euseb. hist. eccl. iii. 39), the Gospel of Mark is derived from reminiscences of the oral narratives of the Apostle Peter (cf. Klostermann, das Marcus- evangelium, Gottingen 1867; Grau, Entiuiclclungsgeschichte des Neutestamentlichen Schriftthums, Giitersloh 1871; and my Marcusevangelium, Introduction), the complete picture of the life and teaching of Jesus which it gives is the direct product of the living apostolic preaching, which was naturally very much richer than the traits of it which are contained in the Gospel, and it affords, especially in the discourses which are first written down in it, an abundance of material for the representation of the teaching of Jesus. (b) The observation that our first and third Gospels are two writings which are altogether independent of one another is of the greatest consequence in the further investigation of the sources of our Gospels (cf. besides Weisse, Ewald, Holtzmann, Weizsacker, also Eitschl, theologische Jahrhucher, 1851 ; Plitt, de composit. evangl. synopt., Bonn 1860 ; Eeuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften N. T., 5th ed., Braunschweig 1874). From this it follows, viz., that wherever both Gospels show a literary relationship without the intervention of Mark, another source is used in common by both, but by each in a peculiar manner. In this source, most recognise the writing of the Apostle Matthew which is mentioned by Papias (in Euseb. hist. eccl. iii. 39), a writing which, it is true, consisted to a very great extent of discourses and sayings of the Lord, but which also, according to the result of that analysis, contained narrative portions (cf. my Matthausev., Introd.). In this writing we have to seek the richest treasure of direct apostolic tradition § 11. EMPLOYMENT OF THE THREE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS. 55 of words of Jesus, and individual traits of His life, as they group themselves specially round leading sayings of His. As this writing has most faithfully reported the tradition which had become current in the earliest apostolic circle, so it has also had the most powerful influence, directly and indirectly, upon the later gospel literature. Our first Gospel, which has used it most faithfully and completely, and has worked it up, with the assistance of Mark, into 'a complete history of the life of Jesus, owes to it the name of Matthew, which it bears. We shall call it the " apostolic source ;" the first Gospel we shall, according to custom, call Matthew. Luke has used it more freely and less completely; but yet he has retained much out of it which our Matthew has no longer known how to fit into the frame of his history which he has borrowed from Mark. It is mainly in consequence of the limitation of this writing to a mere collection of discourses or sayings that its use by our second Gospel has been denied. Mark has partly, by means of Petrine tradition, amplified its narrative portions, which are short and sketchy, but thrown off in lapidary style, so as to give them more colour and completeness; he has partly incorporated within his pragmatism individual sayings, and, less frequently, even longer portions of discourses, occa sionally transforming them with considerable freedom. This explains why it is that, as compared with the first Gospel, which has often used the apostolic source with greater fidelity, and has even adhered to it where its redaction by Mark lay before him, our second Gospel often shows a secondary text, by means of which criticism has been so frequently led astray.1 1 Where Matthew and Luke agree as to language, without the intervention of Mark, we have, accordingly, the very words of the apostolic source which was used by them. Where they differ from one another, the original form is to be restored, according to the critical principle, that that form is to be regarded as secondary, the- motive of which is still recognisable. According to what has been said above, Matthew has, on the whole, the prejudice of originality in his favour. Wherever there appears to be an essential difference in the form, we cite the passage in which the form shows itself to he the most original ; otherwise, we simply cite Matthew. In the case of sayings where it appeared to be specially important to show that they occurred in the apostolic source, or where the text does not appear to be preserved in an altogether original shape in either of them, we place the parallel passages of both Gospels alongside of one another. Where narrative portions, expressions, and discourses out of the apostolic source are 56 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. (c) As regards the longer discourses which are peculiar to Matthew, we may, even without checking them by means of Luke, consider it as very probable that they are taken from the apostolic source, and that, after deduction of the doctrinal peculiarities of the evangelist, they are rendered with sub stantial fidelity. Even individual expressions, which he alone has retained, may often be traced back, partly to this source, partly to an oral tradition which is of equal value. But since the earliest apostolic source certainly had no history of the birth, the passion, and the resurrection, everything which is peculiar to the first evangelist in regard to these is without the direct guarantee of apostolic tradition. While it cannot be shown in the case of Matthew that he has used any other written sources besides those mentioned in notes a and h, in the case of Luke this is exceedingly probable with regard to many narrative portions, and at least with regard to many parables. Now, since he expressly says in his introduction that he has followed the tradition of eye witnesses, and appeals to previous works of an analogous nature (i. 1-3), his sources must either have been of direct apostolic origin, or they must have been drawn directly out of apostolic tradition ; they are therefore either of equal value with the apostolic source or with that of Mark. Wherever, therefore, a use of such sources can be made probable by criticism, there even the sections which are peculiar to Luke prove exceedingly valuable sources for the earliest tradition of the discourses of Jesus.2 contained in all the three Gospels, the critical operation is, it is true, on the one hand, more complicated, because the form in Matthew as well as in Luke is often owing to that of Mark ; but, on the other hand, the result is also often so much the more certain. We shall frequently have to be satisfied with the relatively most original form. But, on the one hand, that which is absolutely certain (and, seeing that Matthew and Luke are so frequently in substantially perfect agree~ ment, there is not little that is so) affords a firm basis and a, guiding rule for the criticism of that which remains ; and, on.the other, biblical theology may be satisfied with having brought out the relatively most original form which we have received of tradition relating to the teaching of Jesus (and also in regard to His life, so far as it comes under our notice, according to § 9, c). Where the Gospel of Mark is the original source, it is always cited without regard to the evangelists who use it. In such a case, these have no independent value. - Since Luke, indeed, takes much greater liberty than Matthew in the use that he makes of the apostolic source, the portions containing discourses that are found in him alone, even where they are in all probability to be regarded as § 11. EMPLOYMENT OF THE THREE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS. 57 (d) It is only the manner in which Matthew and Luke have used Mark that can be directly checked ; but even the portions of the apostolic source containing discourses which have been used by both, independently of one another, are partially preserved with such agreement in language, that we can easily perceive its whole character, and can, accord ingly, also show, for the most part with considerable certainty, where one or both have changed the original form. At least, we thus obtain a wide field upon which we can make observations as to how far the freedom of the evangelists in using their authorities went. And here the suspicion awakened by the Tubingen school, that they have sub stantially transformed their material in accordance with doctrinal tendencies and varying movements of the age, and have amplified it by altogether free compositions, is shown to be totally groundless (cf. even Biedermann, p. 223). The variations of the evangelists from their sources are explained, for by far the greatest part, by literary .motives, by the en deavour to illustrate, to explain, to make the thought more emphatic, or to weave the sayings, which are contained in the earliest tradition in a disconnected form, into a definite con nection, in which, it is true, their original meaning is occasionally altered. That which appeared apt to be taken in a wrong sense they have rather omitted than made unintelligible. Even where figurative utterances or parables are plainly applied and transformed in a manner contrary to their original meaning, their original reference is still, for the most part, apparent in some way or another. That which can be proved to be an addition of an evangelist so often shows, so far as we can still check it, the endeavour to attach itself in form and import to one of the older sources, that the same can be assumed with good reason of the derived from the apostolic source or from a tradition which is of equal value, do not, at least as to their form, warrant the same certainty as the analogous sections in Matthew. Yet, even here, after deduction of whatever can be shown to be a doctrinal peculiarity of the evangelist, we may nevertheless count upon a substantially faithful tradition, especially where the original meaning still shines through the divergent explanation and application given to it by Luke. On the other hand, that which has been said of the history of the infancy, of the passion, and the resurrection, in Matthew, applies also to the similar sections in Luke, 58 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. comparatively few cases where such a check is no longer possible. The proof of this lies clearly before our eyes when we consider that which turns out to be a doctrinal peculiarity of our three Gospels as Gospels ; 3 from that it will be easy to perceive how little occasion it gave to make a substantial change upon the oldest tradition. § 12. Previous Works on this Subject. The earlier representations of the teaching of Jesus start from points of view which are too different from ours to be fruitful for the task that we have assigned ourselves. (h) The same applies, it is true, also to Schmid and Eeuss ; but they have, in many points at least, shown the way to represent the teaching of Jesus in its specific peculiarity. (c) Baur has attempted to reduce the teaching of Jesus to an altogether general ethico-religious principle, (d) Hence the task still remained to represent it from its historical central point, and in its inner connection. (a) Although Bauer has this advantage over de Wette and v. Colin, that he treats of the Synoptists apart from John, yet he agrees with them in treating of the teaching of Jesus according to the same scheme as the teaching of the apostles. In the first section (" Christology," cf. vol. i.) doctrinal and historical matters are mixed together in a vague manner ; in the other two sections (" Theology " and " Anthropology," cf. vol. ii. § 7-42) he discusses the names of God, His existence, His unity and attributes, creation and providence, the origin, name, and communication of sin, etc., and, with special detail, the doctrine of immortality ; whereas it is shown in § 9, c, that all this does not make us acquainted with the essential peculiarity of the teaching of Jesus, but rather places it, a priori, under a wrong point of view. In de Wette, some essentially cardinal points of the teaching of Jesus are already 3 Having regard to the position of our Gospels in the history of the age, we cannot represent this till Part IV. section 4, where those synoptic expres sions which I cannot reckon to the earliest tradition will also be discussed. Where such secondary traits of our Gospels, or passages, as to which s. some what certain judgment can no longer be pronounced, are quoted by way of com parison, their use is nevertheless expressly distinguished from that of the real proof passages. .§ 12. .PREVIOUS WORKS ON THIS SUBJECT. 59 anticipated in the sketch of His life. After an intro duction as to its "principle and its character," the "teaching of Jesus " Himself, like that of the apostles, discusses, first, the doctrine of revelation (§ 230-233), mainly according to expressions in John ; secondly, the general doctrine of God, of angels and demons, and of man (§ 234-245), to which that which has been said of Bauer's two last sections sub stantially applies; and, finally, the doctrine of salvation (§ 246-254), in which the most that is said really belongs to the question. What has been said of de Wette applies, -in substance, to v. Colin, in whose representation the "un- symbolical doctrine of religion" (§ 141-153) really dis cusses the same questions as de Wette's second section, only that the doctrine of revelation appears here as the second division of the doctrine of man and his relation to God within revelation, while the " symbolical doctrine of the kingdom of Christ" (§ 154-168) first comes to the kernel of the preaching of Jesus. (b) Although Schmid also discusses the teaching of Jesus according to the four Gospels, yet he consciously makes an attempt to represent it in conformity with an order of arrange ment which is derived from itself, and not in conformity with current dogmatic formulae (cf. p. 121, 125 [E. Tr. 90, 93]). In doing so, he starts, correctly, from the message of the salvation which has appeared (p. 122 [E. Tr. 90]); but when this message is, according to § 20, discussed under the following heads: the doctrine of the glorification of the Father in the Son (an idea which is formed altogether from discourses in John), of the redemption of men through the Son, and of the kingdom of God by means of which this glorification and redemption are realized, it is altogether out of keeping with that which is characteristic of the teaching of Jesus, to make the idea of the kingdom of God appear first at the close, instead of at the beginning, — a difficulty which Schmid has indeed felt, but which he has by no means got rid of (p. 124 [E. Tr. 92]). It is only in appearance, also, that the dogmatic scheme is forsaken; within the several divisions it frequently reappears in substance, and hence thoroughly dogmatic definitions of the nature of God (who is, according to p. 132 [E. Tr. 98], a "self-comprehending and 60 TEACHING OF JESUS ACCORDING TO EARLIEST TRADITION. self-existent, but, at the same time, self-communicating life and being "), of the divine attributes, of the Trinity, of the different states of Christ, of the Church with its means of grace, etc., are ascribed to Jesus. Only the order of salvation is, here and there, treated of in an arrangement which is original, but by no means always lucid, or in keeping with the character of the teaching of Jesus. Eeuss (i. p. 149-270 [E. Tr. i. 127-232]) ingeniously connects the development of the teaching of Jesus with Mark i. 15, and accordingly treats first of the relation of the gospel to the law; then there follow the sections : du royaume de dieu, de la conversion, de la perfection, de la foi, de la bonne nouvelle, with the latter of which there are connected the sections : de fils de l'homme et de dieu, de l'eglise and de l'avenir. This is the most successful attempt which has been made as yet to give a representation of the teaching of Jesus in so far as it has become the basis of the teaching of the apostles (cf. i. p. 158 [E. Tr. 134 f.]), although here also the intermixture of expres sions from John is not to be approved of as regards method, and the arrangement is not everywhere in keeping with the design. (c) The representation of the teaching of Jesus by Baur (p. 45-121) starts, it is true, from false critical postulates; but since it is in our Matthew that we also find the apostolic source preserved most completely, he, more than any of the other previous labourers in this department, treats of the same material from which we think of drawing our repre sentation. Undoubtedly it is unhistorical in Baur to regard Jesus as the "founder of a new religion" (p. 45), for this is certainly not the point of view under which He, in His teaching, has placed His manifestation ; and although Baur starts cor rectly from the relation in which Jesus puts His person and manifestation to the revelation of the Old Testament, he is forthwith one-sided in taking into account only His relation to the law, whereas it is with prophecy that the message regarding the kingdom of God, with which Jesus commences, finds its points of contact. Hence also he comes to the thoroughly erroneous conclusion, that the substantial kernel of Christianity is its ethical element, that the teaching of Jesus is not so much religion as ethics (p. 65); he conceives the § 12. PREVIOUS WORKS ON THIS SUBJECT. 61 idea of the kingdom of God as that of a new ethico-religious fellowship, without any reference to the Messianic kingdom which was looked for in consequence of prophecy (p. 75); and where he does not get rid of the sayings of Jesus as to His person and work by means of the most arbitrary criticism (as in p. 86, 88, 99-105), he gives them an interpretation which empties them of meaning (p. 89—92), and strips them as far as possible of everything Messianic, in order that he may retain, in the name of Son, only the expression for the new principle of the religious consciousness, a principle which he finds in the idea of God as the Father (p. 115). There remain, therefore, as the sum of the teaching of Jesus, only " fundamental ideas and principles, maxims and precepts, as direct utterances of the religious consciousness" (p. 46). If, indeed, the development of the doctrine of the apostles is to issue in diametrically opposed tendencies, then the common root of these can only have been such an altogether general ethico-religious principle ; but Baur has not even satisfactorily shown the connection with that principle of the doctrinal antitheses which he has discovered. (d) The representation of the teaching of Jesus will have to begin with the message regarding the kingdom of God as the historical central point of His preaching (chap. i.). When we have once established the meaning of this message in its relation to Israel's past and to the consciousness of the present, it will then branch out, of itself, into these divisions : that the kingdom of God is present in the Messiah and His activity, that it is being realized in the company of the disciples, and that it is coming in its future completion. Everything else can be only the amplification of these out lines. With reference to the existence of the kingdom of God in the Messiah (§ 13), it will discuss the Messianic self-testimony (chap, ii.) and the Messianic activity (chap, iii.) of Jesus ; with reference to the realization of the kingdom of God in the company of the disciples (§ 14), it will treat of that realization as consisting in the righteousness of the kingdom of God (chap, iv.), and of its empirical form in the Messianic Church (chap, v.) ; and, lastly, it will close with the Messianic consummation (chap. vi. ; cf. § 15). The repre sentation of the teaching of Jesus according to the Synoptists, 62 THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. which is given in the work of v. Oosterzee (p. 44-79), which appeared almost at the same time as my Biblical Theology, follows this order most closely. It also starts with the kingdom of God and its founder, then treats of the King of kings and the subjects of the kingdom, and, finally, of salvation, the way of salvation, and its completion. Immer builds his representation of the "Eeligion of Jesus" (p. 50- 177) upon a very unstable critical foundation as regards the synoptic Gospels, which he, a, priori, assumes to be the only source (§ 44) ; and he also mixes up the historical point of view with the biblico-theological. His arrangement of the " leading ideas of Jesus " is simple and suited to the subject ; but as he prefaces it with a section concerning the relation of Jesus to the Baptist, so he follows it up with a discussion as to His relation to Judaism, in which he can, naturally, only either repeat what he has already said, or state what ought to have been said much earlier, and concludes with a psychological explanation of the scene in Gethsemane and of the words on the cross. Cf. also the excellent article by H. Weiss : " die Grundziige der Heilslehre Jesu bei den Synoptikern " (Stud. u. Krit. 1869, 1), and the, in many respects, valuable " Contributions to Biblical Theology " by C. Wittichen (Gottingen, 1865-72 : die Idee Gottes als des Vaters, die Idee des Menschen, die Idee des Eeiches Gottes). CHAPTEE I. THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. Cf. F. F. Fleck, de regno divino, Lips. 1829. § 13. The Kingdom of God and the Messiah. The central point of the preaching of Jesus was the glad tidings that the kingdom of God was at hand, because the time was fulfilled in which its coming was expected. (&) Thereby Jesus attaches Himself to Old Testament prophecy, which had looked forward to the perfect realization of the dominion of God, and therewith of the fullest salvation, in Israel, in the Messianic time, as well as to the popular expectation which,' § 13. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MESSIAH. 63 in consequence of prophecy, could conceive this completion of the theocracy only under the forms of the national common wealth, (c) He exhibited in His activity the signs of the promised time of salvation which the last and greatest of the messengers of God must introduce, (d) He professed to be the promised and expected Messiah ; only as such could He announce the advent of the kingdom of God. (a) It is neither a piece of religious information nor an ethical demand, but a proclamation, that forms the historical central point of the teaching of Jesus (tcqpva-aeLv, Mark i. 14, 38, 39). According to the apostolic source, Jesus Himself, with a plain allusion to Isa. lxi. 1, characterizes His proclamation as a message of joy to the wretched (Matt. xi. 5 =Luke vii. 22 : Tnay^ol evayyekl^ovrai)} With special frequency Mark makes Jesus describe His proclamation as a message of joy (chap. i. 15, viii. 35, x. 29, xiii. 10, xiv. 9 : to evayyeXtov). Its import appears from the apostolic source, according to which Jesus sent forth His disciples on their probationary mission with the message : tfyyiicev % ftacriXela tov 0eov (Luke x. 9 = Matt. x. 7) ; and it is with the same message that Mark mfkes Him appear upon the scene Him self (i. 15). What this kingdom of God is, is nowhere expressly said ; the idea is regarded as one quite familiar to the people. In fact, no one in Israel, which was from the first to be a kingdom whose supreme Lord and King was Jehovah, could thereby understand anything else than a kingdom in which the will of God is fulfilled as perfectly upon earth as by the angels in heaven (Matt. vi. 10). The message regarding its nearness does not say that the kingdom is already there, but neither does it state that it will appear in a future, however near. It rather assumes that its coming was expected after the lapse of a (divinely) appointed time, and announces that this time has elapsed (Mark i. 1 5 : ¦jreifXijpcorat, 6 icaipos), and that therefore the advent of the kingdom of God is immediately at hand. 1 The »»p/ (Qi)3J)) are neither to be conceived of as the literally poor in the narrower sense, nor as the spiritually poor in the religious sense ; it is the whole nation which is meant in its national wretchedness, a wretchedness which, it is true, was for the theocratic nation at once of a spiritual and political nature. 64 THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. (h) Jesus brings no new theology; the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob is His God (Mark xii. 26). Thereby the revelation of God in the Old Testament is acknowledged. The central point, however, of this revelation was this, that in consequence of His covenant relation with Israel, God had made known His will to that people, and had attached the promise of the fullest salvation to its fulfilment. In the Israelitish theocracy, accordingly, the realization of that ideal of a kingdom of God (Matt. vi. 10) had always been striven after; as yet, however, it had not been attained ; and the present, in which the nation sighed under the burden of national misery in consequence of its sins, was as far as possible from corresponding with the demands of God, or the picture of the future which prophecy had painted. The kingdom of God which was announced could therefore be only the realization of this ideal. Now the prophets, who spoke in the Holy Spirit (Mark xii. 36), had promised this realization in the Messianic time, and therefore the message regarding the fulfilment of the time stated that this promised Messianic time was come.2 Naturally, prophecy assumes throughout that the completion of the theocracy, which is to commence at that time, will take place under the forms of the commonwealth of Israel, whether, as in the earlier prophets, it is conceived of as a restoration of the old splendour, and a supreme glorification of the Davidic kingdom, or as in Dan. vii. 13, 14, as the founding of an everlasting kingdom which makes an end of all the kingdoms of the world. Hereupon is based the hope which was then cherished, especially by the pious in Israel, of an everlasting kingdom of the promised Son of David (Luke i. 32, 33), of the restoration and completion of the theocracy, a preliminary condition of which is political emancipation (i. 68-75, xxiv. 21). In this sense the people greet in the Messiah the coming kingdom of His father David (Mark xi. 10), in this 2 Accordingly, the kingdom of God which draws near in it is not a new religious-ethical fellowship to be instituted by Jesus (Baur, p. 75), but the completion of the Israelitish theocracy which was promised by the prophets. The vineyard of the theocracy which was committed to Israel (Matt. xxi. 33) becomes, in the future of salvation which dawns with the fulfilment of the time, the kingdom of God (ver. 43). We purposely refrain from using the name kingdom of heaven, because this term, which occurs only in the first Gospel, cannot have belonged to the apostolic source. Cf. § 138, c. § 13. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE MESSIAH. 65 sense they expect the appearing of the kingdom of God (Mark xv. 43 ; Luke xvii. 20, xix. 11) or the restoration of the kingdom of Israel (Acts i. 6).3 It was only in the sense of this expectation that the people could understand the message of Jesus regarding the kingdom of God. That which is new in it is, therefore, simply the proclamation of the joyful fact that the time is come in which the promised and expected com pletion of the theocracy is to commence. This was the form rendered necessary by the history of salvation, the form in which Jesus had to announce the revelation of God which was accomplished in His manifestation, and which laid the basis for the completion of salvation. (c) According to the apostolic source, Jesus refers the Baptist, who inquires whether He is the expected one, to the fact that the signs of the Messianic time, which were foretold in Isa. xxxv. 5, 6, appear in His miracles of healing (Matt. xi. 3-5 = Luke vii. 19-22; cf. Matt. xvi. 2, 3 = Luke xii. 54—56).* In it also Jesus explains to the Pharisees, when He has shown them that it is in the power of God that He is able to- cast out devils, how that with the overthrow of the Satanic powers the kingdom of God is come upon earth (Matt. xii. 28 = Luke xi. 20). Wherever the dominion of the powers that resist God is broken, there the dominion of God is established. If, however, it is in His activity that the realization of the kingdom of God begins, He is its expected founder; and therefore the Baptist should not be deterred from acknowledging Him as the expected one, although He has not commenced to set up the kingdom in the manner in 3 Notwithstanding the investigations of Holtzmann {Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie, 1867, 3), I believe I must maintain that, at the time of Christ, the expectation of a personal Messiah in the form of the promised Son of David, was diffused among the people. It is perfectly true that this was by no means a direct offshoot of the old Messianic expectation of the time of the kings, but a product of the study of Scripture, which must, however, have necessarily become a part of the national consciousness through the activity of the scribes in the synagogue. Cf. Schiirer, p. 565 ff. 4 No more, of course, than in Isaiah, are these miracles conceived of as mere credentials of a divine mission ; the restoration of those who are oppressed by the wretchedness of sickness appears rather as a symbol and prelude of the restoration which realizes all the promised salvation, of the restoration which must bring the completion of the theocracy to the nation which is sighing under the misery of the present, and which is therefore also proclaimed at the same time to the miserable in the glad tidings (xi. 5). VOL. L E 6'6 THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. which the people expected (Matt. xi. 6). When He calls Himself a messenger of God (x. 40, xv. 24, xxi. 34, 37, xxii. 3, 4), He appears to rank Himself only in the category of the prophets, as He does expressly in Mark vi. 4. But since He declared that the time of prophecy has expired with John the Baptist (Matt. xi. 13 = Luke xvi. 16), who had pointed to the Messiah as the one coming after him (Matt. iii. 11), then He Himself could be only the last and greatest of the messengers of God, the one who was to bring about the completion of the theocracy. He had, indeed, in the same connection, declared the Baptist to be the messenger of God foretold in Mai. iii. 1, who was to prepare the way of the Messiah (Matt. xi. 10= Luke vii. 27); He also called him His Elias (Mark ix. 12, 13, cf. Mai. iv. 5), and regarded him as the one upon the recognition of whom men's attitude to Himself depended (Mark xi. 28-33). With His appearing there has commenced a time of joy for His disciples, which (Mark ii. 19, 20) He compares with the joy of the companions of the bridegroom who have assembled to the marriage feast. Nevertheless, He has forbidden the demons who recognised Him as the Messiah (i. 25, 34, iii. 12), and even His disciples (viii. 30), to proclaim His Messiahship publicly. The proneness of the people to make Him the hero of the Messianic revolution in the sense of their ex pectation, which conceived political emancipation as a pre liminary condition of the theocratic consummation, compelled Him to refrain from directly proclaiming His Messiahship. (d) The more, however, the approaching catastrophe of His life relieved Jesus from all reserve, so much the more openly has He avowed His Messianic dignity. At Jericho He no longer refuses the popular invocation as the Son of David (Mark x. 47), and when He enters Jerusalem He allows Himself to be hailed as the Messianic King (xi. 8—10). Before the priests He declares Himself to be the corner-stone of the theocracy spoken of in Ps. cxviii. 22 (xii. 10, 11 ; cf. Matt. xxi. 44) ; before His disciples He declares Himself to be the Shepherd promised in Zech. xiii. 7 (Mark xiv. 2 7) ; and before the tribunal He solemnly avows His Messianic dignity (xiv. 62 and xv. 2). He has not, however, imported any new meaning into the Messianic idea (Baur, p. 93), and § 14. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE DISCIPLES. 67 wrested it to suit this meaning ; he was convinced that He conceived and fulfilled the idea of the Messiah in the spirit of prophecy. Even His indirect claim of Messiahship (note c) leads throughout to the conclusion that He professed to be the Messiah promised by the prophets and expected by the people. He has pointed to the fact that everything which stands written of the Messiah must be accomplished in His fate (Mark xii. 10, 11, xiv. 21, 27, 49 ),5 and that the disciples have found in Him what the prophets and pious men of the Old Testament longed to see (Matt. xiii. 17=Luke x. 24). However far He still came short of that which the popular expectation in its conception of prophecy (a conception which was in many ways so one-sided) connected mainly, and often exclusively, with the Messianic idea, and however far He also excelled even the richest picture of hope contained in the Old Testament, in the consciousness of His divine mission which called Him to be the founder of the consummation of the theocracy or kingdom of God, which was looked forward to by all prophecy, He could represent Himself as the one who was come to bring the Messianic time, i.e. the time of the promised completion of salvation. In His working in con formity with His vocation, the will of God, which aimed at the completion of the theocracy, began to be realized upon earth ; in the Messiah as the founder of the kingdom of God, the kingdom was already in the midst of His people (Luke xvii. 21). .§14. The Kingdom of God and the Disciples. The aim of the mission of the Messiah, the realization, viz., of the dominion of God in Israel, begins to be fulfilled when a company of disciples gathers around Jesus, in whose midst is the kingdom of God. (b) It is His activity in founding the kingdom which brings this fellowship into existence, and this activity does not consist in a violent interference on the part of God with the external destinies of the nation, but is of a spiritual nature, (c) Still, Jesus nowhere directly designates the fellowship of His adherents 5 Regarding the employment of Old Testament prophecy on its formal side, see more particularly § 74. 68 THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. as the kingdom of God; in them as well as in the whole nation, it rather requires an ever-increasing realization by means of a gradual development, (d) Not even in their fellowship can the kingdom of God be yet realized in an absolutely perfect manner, because the Messianic judgment does not precede the founding of the kingdom, but falls at the close of its development. (a) Not only is the kingdom of God to come in the person of the Messiah, but the Messiah comes in order that the kingdom may also be realized in Israel. His activity, how ever, cannot fail to be successful, and therefore, in consequence of it, the kingdom of God must also exist somehow or other outside His person. Now, however, in Matt. v. 3, 10, and Mark x. 14, the possession of the kingdom of heaven is plainly described as something which is immediately bestowed upon those who are qualified for it, and in Mark x. 15 as something which can be received even in the present life, if sought for in the right manner. According to Matt. xxi. 31, there are some who already go into the kingdom of God ; according to xi. 11 (=Luke vii. 28), there are some who are already therein. If, however, the least in the kingdom of God is greater than the greatest among them that are born of women, who still inquires after the expected one, and stands in danger of taking offence at Him who has come (xi. 3, 6), it follows that those who see in Jesus the expected one, and believe that with Him the kingdom of God has come, have the infinite advantage over the former of. being already in the kingdom of God. Already they have part in this kingdom ; in their fellowship it begins to be realized. (b) In the parable of the field of various kinds of soil, Jesus represents His activity in founding the kingdom (Matt. xiii. 3-9). Since its success depends upon the condition of men's hearts, just as the success of the labour of the sower depends upon the condition of the field on which the seed falls, it follows that this activity is of a spiritual nature. The oldest Gospel makes it the preaching of the word (Mark iv. 14). The real point of the parable, how ever, does not lie in the description of the heterogeneous nature of the field. The mystery of the kingdom of God which the parable unveils — a mystery which, it is true, is § 14. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE DISCIPLES. 69 intelligible only to the susceptible hearers (iv. 11) — lies in this, that the founding of the kingdom of God does not take place in the manner in which the popular expectation assumed. According to that assumption, there must, first of all, be a political restoration of the theocracy, a restoration which is successfully ^accomplished by the employment of physical force ; whereas * the kingdom is realized only where the spiritual activity of the Messiah succeeds, and this success depends upon the condition of men's hearts, so that the true nature of the kingdom of God is independent of its realization in the forms of the national theocracy. It does not come in striking events which attract attention (ovk . . . fiera irapar'qprja'eoai;, ovBe epovcnv' ISoii wSe r\ e'/cei), as is evident from the circumstance that it is already in the midst of those who are still inquiring after its coming (Luke xvii. 20, 21). '"- The striving after an immediate external dominion of the world Jesus regarded as a temptation of Satan (Matt. iv. 8-10). (c) Jesus teaches even His adherents still to strive after the kingdom of God (Matt. vi. 33), to pray for its coming (vi. 10), and to surrender every other possession for this summum honum (xiii. 44-46, xix. 12). Although it is therefore certainly existing in His adherents, it is as certainly not yet perfectly realized even in them ; they are rather subjects of the kingdom of God only inasmuch as they strive to realize it, and are, in virtue of their faith in Him as the Messiah, convinced that this striving will attain its goal. In general, however, the kingdom of God, which is established so far as regards its vital germs, must grow with an inherent productiveness until the day comes which brings its comple tion. In this sense the oldest Gospel has already recast one of the parables of the apostolic source (Mark iv. 26-29). Its realization cannot be limited- to the small circle of the present adherents of Jesus, for these have been chosen for the express purpose of bestowing upon others what they them selves possess (Mark iii. 14 ; Matt. x. 26 f.). The kingdom of God must spread over the whole nation, like the mustard seed which grows from small beginnings to a disproportionate greatness ; it must permeate the whole national life as leaven permeates bread (Matt. xiii. 31-33). On both sides o 70 THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. it appears that the kingdom of God is not established upon earth in its true nature by means of the individual act of the expected founding of the kingdom, but by means of a gradual development. Although there is no indication in these parables that the kingdom will extend beyond the limits of Israel, yet, on the other hand, its development is described in such a manner as causes it to appear no longer dependent upon the conditions of the Israelitish national fellowship and its civil commonwealth. (d) In the parables of the tares among the wheat and the fishes in the net (Matt. xiii. 24-30, 47 f.), Jesus shows that the sin which exists in the world mixes as a disturbing influence, not only during the development of the kingdom of God in the world, but even at its foundation, so that impure elements are always anew forcing their way into the circle in which the kingdom of God is being realized. Nevertheless, it is not only impossible, but also inadmissible, to keep these back, or to cast them out ; not till the close of this develop ment can the separation of the genuine members of the kingdom of God be undertaken ; then, however, it will be effected. Herein also Jesus places Himself in the sharpest opposition to the popular expectation. Even the Baptist had announced that the separation of the unworthy members of the kingdom, or the Messianic judgment, would be the first business of the coming Messiah (iii. 10-12). In the con ception, however, of the founding and development of the kingdom of God which is exhibited in notes h and c, it was naturally implied that the Messianic judgment must be delayed to the close of this development. When Eitschl (ii. p. 3 6 f.) opposes this view in consequence of such passages in John as iii. 18, v. 22, 27, 30, he overlooks the fact that, on the other hand, it is expressly confirmed by John iii. 17, xii. 47, viii. 15 (compare § 153 c, footnote 6). § 1 5. The Kingdom of God in its Consummation. The gradual development of the kingdom/ 'of God, as well as the advent of the Messianic judgment at its close, points to a future in which its consummation first appears. (h) Herewith a solution of the contradiction between the § 15. THE KINGDOM OF GOD IN ITS CONSUMMATION. 71 prophetic description and the present condition of the kingdom of God is rendered possible ; but the realization of this possibility remains dependent upon the attitude of the people to the proclamation of Jesus regarding the kingdom. (c) For the present, it is only important that from this pro clamation the true nature of the kingdom of God be apprehended ; it is a kingdom which is being realized at every stage of its development, and has the pledge of its consummation in the manifestation of the Messiah. (a) Although the kingdom of God is already existent in the person of the Messiah (§ 1 3), and is in the act of coming in the circle of His adherents (§ 14), it is nevertheless still future as to its perfect realization. Accordingly, even for the adherents of Jesus, entrance into the kingdom of God is still conceived of as dependent upon the fulfilment of certain conditions, and therefore as future (Matt. v. 2 0, xviii. 3) ; while the ultimate decision is expressly reserved for the Messianic judgment (Luke xiii. 24, 27; Matt. xxv. 34). Nay, this future entrance is even made dependent upon their right attitude to the present kingdom of God (Mark x. 15). It is to this future completion of the kingdom that Luke xii. 32 also refers. (b) With the manifestation of the Messiah or the Messianic time, prophecy had always connected the idea of a future glorious form of the kingdom of Israel, in which all the promised salvation should be reabzed. If the former had appeared while the latter had not yet taken place, then, on the one hand, prophecy was fulfilled ; on the other, it still waited for its fulfilment. If it lay, however, in the nature of the kingdom of God, that, from the time of its being founded, it should gradually develop to its completion, then on the way to this completion, that of the national theocracy might still take place in the manner in which the prophets had promised. Jesus has not said that this expectation will be fulfilled, but neither has He ever spoken against the popular expecta tion which was based upon the prophetic promise. Now in this form, now in that, all the prophets had made the fulfilment of their promises dependent upon the behaviour of the people. Whether and how far, therefore, the prophecy regarding the glory of the kingdom of Israel could be fulfilled, remained 72 THE MESSAGE REGARDING THE KINGDOM OF GOD. dependent upon the issue of the Messianic activity of Jesus. This question could not be answered until this issue began to show itself in a more and more decisive manner, and even then it could not yet be answered definitively (cf. § 28, d; 42, h). (c) Still it appeared as if prophecy had connected together the commencement and the completion of the future Messianic time of salvation in an inadmissible manner. But as soon as only the nature of the kingdom of God is rightly conceived (cf. Matt. vi. 10, for which see § 13, a), it is self-evident that it exists at every stage of its realization, inasmuch as at each stage the will of God, which aims at the completion of salvation, is being realized, and that, therefore, the promised future time of salvation has really commenced with the appearing of the Messiah. On the other hand, the pledge of the consummation of the kingdom of God is given with the manifestation of the promised Messiah, and in so far this con summation is always ideally present. For the very reason that the sending of the Messiah is a divine deed which bears in itself the certainty of its accomplishment, the whole future time of salvation is already ideally given with it in the present time of salvation. It has been thought that, to be philologically correct, we must always explain the fiacriXeia tov Qeov in the same manner, so as to make it refer to the future Messianic kingdom. But the point in question here is not the different meanings of a word, but that the idea expressed by this word is no mere ideal which waits a future realization, but an idea which is always being immediately realized for the very reason that it is certain of its fullest realization. It is this interpenetration of present and future, of ideal and reality ; it is this certainty of its completion at every stage of the empirical realization of the kingdom of God, which has become an inalienable moment of the Christian conscious ness in consequence of the teaching of Jesus. § 16. THE SON OF MAN. 73 CHAPTEE II. THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. Cf. L. Th. Sohulze, vom Menschensohn und vom Logos, Gotha 1 867 ; K. Fr, Nbsgen, Christus der Menschen- und Gottessohn, Gotha 1869. § 16. The Son of Man. Cf. Baur, Hilgenfeld, Holtzmann in d. Zeitschr. fur wiss. Theol. 1860, 63, 65 ; Nebe, uber den Begriff des Namens, » vus rati mlf., Herborn 1860. Most frequently Jesus calls Himself the Son of man, for the very reason that this was not, at least, one of the current designations of the Messiah, (b) For His hearers it implied that He was not a son of man like all others, but that He was the Son of man who claimed to be known to all through that which was peculiar to Him. (c) Now, however, all His sayings regarding this Son of man point to His unique calling, whose duties, powers, and divinely-appointed destiny indirectly characterize it clearly enough as the Messianic. (d) Finally, however, Jesus has, by His use of the name in the prophecy of His return, pointed so clearly to Dan. vii. 1 3, that the tradition could not but understand by it the Son of man who was chosen for the Messianic calling. (a) We have not here to consider the question whether he who comes, in Dan. vii. 13, with the clouds of heaven like a son of man, in order to be invested by Jehovah with dominion over the eternal kingdom, was conceived of by the prophet as a personified aggregate, or as an individual. If, in the time of Jesus, the expectation of a personal Messiah was. so lively as the earliest tradition assumes throughout, then, at that time, the passage could be understood only of the Messiah. But Jesus could scarcely assume that this single passage was so well known that the people would, without more ado, under stand by the Son of man him who is mentioned in Daniel ; especially as in that passage the Messiah is not at all described as the Son of man, but only as coming like " a son of man." It would be different if we could take into account the explanations and amplifications which the passage in Daniel 74 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. has received in the Book of Enoch. But even if we granted the pre-Christian origin of the sections of the Book of Enoch which are in question, we should still be far from proving that its prophecies were so well known and familiar to Jesus and the circle in which he mainly worked, that an allusion to them could be assumed. A reference to Ps. viii. 4 (Schmid, i. p. 150 [E. Tr. 112]), however, is nowhere indicated, and would at first give no prejudice for the Messianic significance of the name. When it is assumed in John xii. 34 that the people identified the ideas of the anointed and of the Son of man, we must not overlook the fact that this took place at a time when there could no longer be any doubt as to the Messianic claim of Him who used this name as a designation of Himself. On the other hand, the form of the question of Jesus in Matt. xvi. 13 contains the correct reminiscence, that He did not regard this designation of Himself as a direct designation, which was generally intelligible as such, of His Messiahship. Not until Jesus Himself, by His use of this name, led them to remember Dan. vii. 13, could it be regarded as such. This, however, is quite in keeping with the manner in which Jesus, during the greater part of His activity, usually avoided the direct proclamation of His Messiahship, so that He might not encourage the hopes which were connected with the current Messianic names (§ 13, c). (b) Our question is not in what sense Jesus, who, according to note d, has undoubtedly thought of the prophecy in Daniel, could adopt a name which, if that prorjhecy is applied to a personal Messiah, describes Him as a heavenly being who is invested with sovereignty over the kingdom of God, but how this designation of Himself must have been understood by the hearers for whose comprehension of it it was meant (against Immer, p. 106). These, however, could not possibly think of a man who regarded nothing human as foreign to Him (Baur, p. 81). For the genuine humanity of the man who stood before them, and, therefore, also the weakness that belonged to His human nature as such, and the fact that it was subject to suf fering and death (Nosgen, p. 16), — these were points as to which they had no doubt ; and neither the homelessness (Matt. viii. 20) nor the suffering which is claimed for the Son of man in Mark viii. 31 belongs to the common fate of man. Just as § 16. THE SON OF MAN. 75 little could His aversion to all asceticism (Matt. xi. 18, 19) awaken the idea of a " simple common man " in opposition to the national expectation of the earthly glory of the Messiah ; nor does the reference to His service until death (Mark x. 45) depend upon His " human nature being, as such, subject to service and death." Neither, therefore, can the name indicate a " contrast between His lowliness and His greatness" (Immer, p. 108 ; cf. Schmid, p. 150 [E. Tr. 112]). Just as little, how ever, could they understand by it Him who realized the ideal of humanity (Neander, Leben Jesu, 4th ed. p. 154, 155 [E. Tr. 99] ; £f. also Eeuss, i. p. 230 [E Tr. i. 198]) or the heavenly ideal man (Beyschlag, p. 26), since the philosophemes which could lead to this idea were altogether foreign, at least to the popular consciousness.1 That which is peculiar in the expres sion o wo? tov avdpdnrov, is not the article before the genitive, which could describe man according to his genus, but that before the nominative. It is now recognised that, without the addition of a pronoun, this cannot be taken as referring deictically to the person of the speaker. No doubt, however, it points to the fact that the expression means, not a son of man among others, but a definite Son of man, whose uniqueness required no explanation for His hearers. From this it follows, however, that this uniqueness is not to be sought in a higher divine nature, which constitutes the deepest essence of this Son of man (Schulze, p. 215 ; Gess, p. 212); for the idea of such a Son of man (even if we might seek it in Daniel so directly as Schulze does) was altogether foreign, at least to the popular consciousness. But, no doubt, every Israelite who believed in Scripture could, in consequence of prophecy, know of a Son of man who, because Jehovah 1 Even if germs of the later idea of the heavenly ideal of humanity were already lying at the basis of the passage in Daniel, yet that idea was so far from being expressed that Beyschlag should not describe it as "the natural and generally understood meaning " (p. 17) of this name, a name which does not even occur as such in Daniel, and which, even according to him (p. 31), was not one of the popular names of the Messiah. Nor does the connection of Mark ii. 28 with ver. 27 (a connection, moreover, which does not belong to the earliest tradi tion) contain this idea ; for it is not as the representative head of humanity that the Son of man has to decide regarding the Sabbath, which was instituted on man's account ; but as He who brings about the perfect salvation of men, He teaches them to use, in the right manner, everything which has been ordained for man's salvation. 76 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. would bring about the completion of salvation through Him, had such a divine calling as no one had ever had, and as no one after Him could have, i (c) That it was thus that Jesus wished the name Son of man to be understood, appears clearly from the purport of all the sayings in which He used it. For it is plainly of a man who has been chosen by Jehovah to a unique calling that He speaks when He describes the calling for the fulfilment of which the Son of man has come (Mark x. 45 ; Luke xix. 10). It is upon this calling of His that the authority rests, which He claims for the Son of man, to forgive sins and to decide as to the fulfilment of the Sabbath law (Matt. ix. 6, xii. 8). Both, however, lead us beyond the prophetic calling to the Messianic (cf. § 22, a, 24). It is upon that which is required by His calling that there depends also the manner of life which was peculiar to Him, in accordance with which He wanders about homeless (viii. 20) ; and when He con trasts it, on the other side, with that of the Baptist (xi. 18, 19), it is plain from the context that it is His calling to come to His people with the completion of salvation, for He there declares that the last and greatest of the prophets is the messenger of God who, according to the Scriptures, was to prepare the way for Him that brings about that consummation (vv. 9-14).2 Nor does the manner in which (xii. 32) the sin against the Son of man is estimated as the most grievous among those which are still pardonable presuppose a divine nature ; it only presupposes a unique dignity which, accord ing to ver. 28, can be owing only to His Messianic calling. When, however, a fate of suffering, which is divinely appointed 2 When Jesus so applies Mai. iii. 1, in which Jehovah promises to come Him self to His people as judge and dispenser of salvation, that the preparer of the way goes before the (addressed) Messiah (Matt. xi. 10), He plainly interprets the passage in such a manner that it is the messenger of the covenant, named in the parallel clause, in whom Jehovah comes to His people. But to see in this an allusion to the divine nature of Jesus (Schulze, p. 49 ; Gess, p. 39) is mere dogmatism, since the idea which naturally results from the representative relationship, viz. that the sender comes himself in his ambassador, is common to the Old Testament as well as to the New (cf. Matt. x. 40). It is altogether in the same sense that the earliest tradition (Matt. iii. 3) already made Isa. xl. 3 refer to the Baptist, by putting the Messiah Himself in the place of Jehovah, for whom the voice of the preacher in the wilderness prepares the way (cf. my Marcusev. p. 39, 40). § 16. THE SON OF MAN. 77 to the Son of man, is spoken of in Mark viii. 31, ix. 31, x. 33, xiv. 41 (cf. Matt. xii. 40 ; Mark ix. 9), that only assumes what is stated expressly in Mark ix. 12, xiv. 21, viz. that that which the Son of man must endure in His calling was already written of in the Old Testament, i.e. that He is the Son of man promised by the prophets, and, therefore, the Messiah, just as, according to ix. 1 2, He follows the promised Elias. (d) If Jesus had, by the manner in which He brought the name Son of man into connection with His unique calling, indirectly caused men to think of the Messiah of the prophecy of Daniel, when He spoke of the Son of man, He has at last proclaimed His return with an allusion to the Son of man in Dan. vii. 13, an allusion which was evident and, in conse quence of the similarity of words, unmistakeable (Matt.xxiv. 30 ; Mark xiv. 62); and in the first passage, our first evangelist explains, undoubtedly correctly, the coming of a Son of man in the clouds of heaven, which is mentioned in the prophecy of Daniel as the signal of the commencement of the kingdom of the consummation, to be the sign of the final consummation which was foretold by Jesus (to $ mZ 0eoD, so certainly is the Son of God nothing else than the consecrated one xxt U^ifr, i.e. the Messiah. § 17. THE SON OF GOD. 81 is not hereby said that this title passed for a mere meaningless one. The earliest tradition has already fully interpreted its meaning in the Old Testament sense, when, in the form that it gives to the heavenly voice which bears witness to Jesus as the Messiah on the occasion of His baptism and His transfigura tion, it explains the name Son of God by making it describe Him as the object of divine love, upon whom the good plea sure of God rests (Matt. iii. 17, xvii. 5). (c) It was only in the sense in which it was used in the Old Testament, and in which it was, consequently, familiar to His contemporaries, that Jesus could apply the name of Son to Himself. From this it appears that all the attempts to import into this self-designation the dogmatic idea of a generation out of God, or of a metaphysical consubstantiality oT essence with Him, are simply unhistorical, however much they often claim to give a conception of the matter which is more in keeping with the language employed.3 In particular, however, it was natural for Jesus to use this name, which was applied to the Messiah in the Old Testament, on those occasions when He referred to the rights and honours which appertained to Him who was chosen by Jehovah to the Messianic calling. In Matt. xi. 27, He already indicates that the independent 3 We must not confuse with this question the totally different one, how Jesus Himself has arrived at the consciousness of His Sonship. If, according to Matt. xi. 27, He is aware that He is known to be the organ qualified, in virtue of the ethical quality of His essence, to be the mediator of salvation, this presupposes, in the first place, a consciousness of an ethical similarity of essence with God, a similarity which, according to a metaphorical application of the idea of Son- ship which is common in the discourses of Jesus (cf. § 21), can also be described as divine Sonship. Starting from the consciousness of His ethical Sonship, He has arrived at His official consciousness ; for only he who, in virtue of this ethical quality of his essence, perfectly realized the will of God in his person and in his life, could be called to realize this ideal also in the kingdom of God around him ; and only he, upon whom the good pleasure of God rested in the fullest sense, could also be the highest object of His love and the elect object of His confidence. But just as in the case of those who become genuine children of God through Him (cf. § 21), this divine Sonship in the ethical sense will have its deeper ground in an original relationship of love on the part of God to Him, — a relationship which is established by the Father Himself. Whether this reaches back into eternity and depends upon an original relationship of essence on the part of the Son to the Father, — on this point the self-testimony of Jesus could give no disclosure, if it would not altogether transcend the intellectual horizon of those to whom it was addressed. The development of the doctrine of the apostles could first enter into these questions. VOL. I. F 82 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. execution of the highest divine decrees was entrusted to Him as the Son, and in Mark xiii. 32, that the Son could claim an acquaintance with these decrees such as no other person could claim. In the parable, the Father sends the Son to the husbandmen, because He hopes that, in consequence of their reverence for the Son of the house, He will thus obtain that which He could not obtain through His servants (Matt. xxi. 37). Thus Jesus represents in the most striking manner the increased authority with which the Son appears as the last ambassador of God, the ambassador who is to bring about the completion of the theocracy which had not been attained by all the prophetic missions ; and, in his allegorizing colour ing of the parable, Mark rightly describes the Son as the peculiar object of His love (xii. 6), the maltreatment of whom must bring down the whole wrath of the Lord of the vineyard upon its keepers (cf. my Marcusev. p. 387). When Jesus derives His freedom from the theocratic temple tax from His relationship as the Son (Matt. xvii. 25, 26), it is not His supernatural origin upon which He bases this claim (Beyschlag, p. 6 0), but His position of dignity in the theocracy, since it alone can decide as to His relation to the theocratic duties, a relation in which He makes even His chosen ones participate (ver. 27). If this position is still conceived of here as that of the king's son as contrasted with the subjects, in Mark xiv. 62 He, in answer to the question of the high priest, solemnly avows that He is the anointed King of Israel, and, in proof of the claim which He thereby makes of being the elect object of divine love, He points to the exaltation to divine power and glory which is awaiting the Son of man. Thus His divine Sonship is the deepest ground of the peculiar calling which is given Him as the Son of man, and of the dignity which already appertains and will one day appertain to Him; for only the elect object of divine love can be called to the highest calling. § 18. The Anointed One. At His baptism Jesus has been anointed to be the Mes siah by the Spirit, who qualifies Him for the activity that is in keeping with His calling, (b) His mighty deeds have § 18. THE ANOINTED ONE. 83 been given Him by God for the purpose of carrying out His Messianic calling; an omnipotence which He can employ arbitrarily He does not possess, (c) His higher knowledge, likewise, ministers to the accomplishing of the work which has been committed to Him ; but it is not unlimited, (d) As the Messiah, He is the human bearer of a calling which exalts Him far above all the organs of the Old Testament theocracy, and gives Him, as contrasted with all men, a unique dignity. (a) The very name of Messiah points to the anointing which consecrated the King of Israel to his calling (1 Sam. x. 1, xxiv. 7), and which must not be awanting in the case of the ideal King of the completed theocracy (Ps. ii. 2, xiv. 7). It continued to be the real technical designation of him who was looked for, in consequence of prophecy, to bring about that completion (Mark viii. 29, xiv. 61: o XjOto-ro?).1 Although Luke alone expressly relates that Jesus applied to Himself that which is said in Isa. lxi. 1 as to one who is anointed with the Spirit of God (iv. 18, 21), it nevertheless appears even from the apostolic source, that He characterized His activity as that of the anointed one which is described there (Matt. xi. 5 ; cf. § 1 3, a). Undoubtedly, the apostolic tradition has conceived of the communication of the Spirit which was made on the occasion of His baptism in the Jordan (Matt. iii. 16= Mark i. 10) as this anointing (cf. Acts x. 38). Although it is probable that, in the apostolic source, the descent of the Spirit was represented as being seen only by the Baptist (cf. my Marcusev. p. 49), yet it is self-evident that that which was beheld by him was conceived of as an objective event.2 The apostolic source already made Jesus be driven into the 1 Most closely related to this designation are the expression : S S.yw; nd 0uu (Mark i. 24), which likewise points to the consecration which is received by anointing (cf. John vi. 69), and the express designation as King of the Jews (Mark xv. 2, 9, 12, 18), which, in xv. 32, explains the name of anointed. Jesus Himself has used the name S Xpiens in this technical sense (Mark xii. 35, xiii. 21 ; Matt. xxiv. 5) ; whether, in the earliest tradition, He ever directly applied it to Himself, is to be doubted ; for the form of Mark ix. 41 is at least secondary (cf. Matt. x. 42), and Matt, xxiii.. 10 (cf. my Matthausev. p. 487) is hardly original. He does so indirectly in Mark xiv. 62. 2 The whole difficulty of a communication of the Spirit to Jesus at His bap tism is removed when we remember that here, as in the whole of the New Testa ment (with the exception of Paulinism), the Spirit is already conceived of, not as the principle of a life which is pleasing to God, but as the principle of the 84 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. wilderness by the Spirit which was bestowed upon Him at His baptism (Matt. iv. 1), and traces back His expulsions of the devils to the Spirit of God (xii. 28). Thus the Spirit with which He was anointed on the occasion of His baptism shows Him what He has to do as the Messiah, and gives Him the power to accomplish it ; for both His expulsions of the devils and His conflict with Satan in the wilderness belong equally essentially to His Messianic activity. (b) According to § 13 c, Jesus Himself regards His heal ings of the sick (Matt. xi. 5 ; Luke xiii. 32) and His expul sions of the devils (Matt. xii. 28) as essential parts of His Messianic activity ; He describes them as mighty works, whose impression He reckons so great, that they could have led Tyre and Sidon, as well as Sodom and Gomorrha, to repentance (Matt. xi. 21, 23). Already the apostolic source told not only of expulsions of demons which Jesus worked by His word of command (viii. 32), even in the case of absent persons (xv. 28), but also of other sick persons who were healed by His mere word (ix. 6, xii. 13), such as even the servant of the centurion, though he was at a distance (viii. 13). It makes others be healed by the laying on of His hand (viii. 3, ix. 2 9) ; but even in such cases it ascribes the healing, not at all to this external means, but to His will and power (viii. 3 : 6eXw K.a6apicr6r)Tb ; ix. 28: irocrTeveTe oti hiiva^at tovto itoi,ri<7ai). But it also related other mighty deeds. At His word the sea became calm (viii. 2 6) ; He caused the damsel to arise from the bed of death (ix. 25), and fed the five thou sand with a few loaves (xiv. 19, 20). The oldest Gospel is full of descriptions of His deeds of healing, whic^ He performs in the same manner as is described in the apostolic source ; and the detailed description of the procedure of Jesus, when He healed by the application of outward means, which occurs in the incidents that are peculiar to it (Mark vii. 32-35, viii. 22-25), is far from being written for the purpose of diminish ing the wonderful character of these cures. The walking of gifts of grace with which God equips His servants for the accomplishing of their calling. In this sense, even in the Old Testament, Moses (Num. xi. 17) and the prophets (2 Kings ii. 9, 15), the King of Israel (1 Sam. x. 6, 10 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 2), and specially the Messiah (Isa. xi. 2, xiii. 1), receive the Spirit of Jehovah. § 18. THE ANOINTED ONE. 85 Jesus upon the sea (vi. 48 f.) and the cursing of the fig-tree (xi. 14, 20) are also peculiar to it. Although these mighty works are nowhere traced back to the Spirit of God so ex pressly as the expulsions of the devils (note a), yet neither are they conceived of as emanations of a divine omnipotence which is His own. They are works which God has done through" Him, and for which He will have God thanked (v. 19). He beseeches them from God (vii. 34), and thanks God for the blessing bestowed upon Him (Matt. xiv. 19). The first temp tation (Matt. iv. 3, 4) shows, not that He must not misuse, in arbitrary self-help, a power of working miracles which has been given Him; but that, notwithstanding His Messianic dignity, He can do no miracle without an express command of God. The saying which certainly belongs to the earliest tradition, although it is applied in xxvi. 53 in a peculiar com bination, shows that Jesus is confident of the miraculous- protection of God, if occasion required ; but He must not arbitrarily summon it forth (iv. 5-7). Even in the second- temptation, that which is spoken of is not a miracle of display which He could, but must not, perform ; that which is spoken- of is presumptuous trust in the miraculous help of God. (c) As the Son who has been charged by the Father with- the execution of His decrees, Jesus alone knows the Father and can reveal Him (Matt. xi. 27). His penetrating look which discerns the heart (Matt. ix. 4 = Luke v. 22; Matt. xii. 25 =Luke xi. 17 ; Mark xii. 15) is not conceived of as< divine omniscience, seeing that, according to Luke vii. 39, it is expected of every prophet, and ministers to the unmasking of His opponents. Nor does it, by any means, exclude a- marvelling (Matt. viii. 1 0 ; Mark vi. 6) and a possibility of being deceived (Mark xi. 13) on the part of Jesus. Jesus> beholds, prophetically, the whole counsel of God regarding; His life and the completion of His work. Like His mighty works, so neither is His word of prophecy expressly traced! back to the Spirit with which He was equipped, but, after the analogy of Old Testament prophecy, it is certainly conceived of as an emanation of that Spirit. Therefore, His word of prophecy is, bike the word of God in the Old Testa ment (Matt. v. 18), imperishable and inviolable (xxiv. 35). But even here that word does not presuppose divine omni- 86 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. science ; the Son, rather, remains well aware of the limits of His knowledge (Mark xiii. 32, cf. xiv. 35, 36). (d) The name Messiah points not only to a peculiar equip ment, but also to a peculiar dignity. As the one who brings about the completion of the theocracy, Jesus stands far above all the organs and institutions which the theocracy previously possessed. He is exalted above the kings and prophets of the old covenant (Matt. xii. 41 f.). David has called the Messiah his Lord (Mark xii. 36, 37) ; the Messiah is greater than the temple, which forms the holiest central point of the Old Testament theocracy (Matt. xii. 6). In Him Jehovah Himself comes to His people (cf. Luke i. 17, 76); whoever therefore receives Him receives God Himself (Matt. x. 40, for which see § 16, c, footnote 2). It is nowhere a super human being to whom these statements point ; but there is implied in them the claim of such a calling as no other man has, or can have. This applies, particularly, also to the sayings in which He makes the fate of men depend upon their attitude to His person. Blessed is he who is not offended in Him (Matt. xi. 6), who is persecuted (v. 11), and loses his life (x. 39) for His sake. Only he who confesses Him will stand before the judgment-seat of God (x. 32, 33); because the manifestations of brotherly love are shown to Him, they prove decisive in the judgment (xxv. 34—46). All the duties •of piety must yield to men's duty to Him (viii. 22); they must love Him more than father and mother (x. 37). It is not implied in this that He is more than a man ; it is implied, however, that He is the Messiah, in whom is present the kingdom of God and, therewith, the greatest blessing, and who can therefore, alone, secure to men participation in this summum bonum.3 When, however, He is addressed by the people and by His followers as Lord (icvpte, Matt. viii. 2, 3 The common objection to this view is based upon the consideration whether a mere man is qualified to be the bearer of such a calling. But when once Jesus is acknowledged to be the unique man, this question cannot be answered d, priori ; and although the later development of apostolic doctrine indirectly answers it in the negative by its testimony to the divine nature of Christ, yet it by no means follows that we are entitled to use the sayings of Jesus (who ascribes this very calling to the Son of man) regarding the dignity which is connected with this calling as arguments for His divine nature, the mystery of which He would thereby reveal to His hearers. § 19. THE SON OF DAVID AND THE EXALTED MESSIAH. 87 vii. 21), this is only the common way of showing reverence, and not yet the expression for this specific dignity. § 19. The Son of David and the exalted Messiah. Neither has Jesus declined the Messianic predicate of the Son of David, a predicate for which the preliminary condition was not awanting in His case, (b) He has never controverted the expectation that He would be raised to royal power, — an expectation which was necessarily connected with this name, — seeing that its realization also remained dependent only upon the attitude of the people to Him. (c) But as the course of the development showed that His own people prepared for Him the suffering which was appointed to the Messiah in conformity with His calling, He has prophesied that it was through death and resurrection that He would be exalted to His position of royal dominion, (d) Then, however, He has thereby attained to full divine glory, in which He will yet reveal Himself on the occasion of His return. (a) Apart from the pedigrees and the histories of the childhood, which do not belong to the earliest tradition, our sources for that tradition contain, it is true, no express state ment regarding the Davidic extraction of Jesus ; but neither do they contain the faintest reminiscence that His enemies asserted the want of such descent as an objection to His claim of the Messianic dignity.1 Among the people He passed for the Son of David (Matt. ix. 27 ; Mark x. 47) ; and when Jesus allowed Himself to be called upon as such, this cannot be explained as the indulgence of a popular prejudice, seeing that the consequences which were connected with the 1 Considering the onesidedness of the dominant Messianic expectation, which held altogether predominantly by the prophetic Messianic picture of the great Son of David, it was inconceivable that any one would allow His claim of Messiahship who regarded His Davidic descent as even doubtful or mcapable of being proven ; and considering the great stress which the Jews laid upon this point, the proof must have been given, if His extraction from the family of David had not been quite notorious. The silence of Jesus as to this point, which, were it only for the sake of removing possible stumbling-blocks, must have been thoroughly settled for all time, is the most eloquent acknowledgment that He Himself was convinced of His Davidic descent. 88 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. acceptance of such a title (note h) must necessarily have been fatal to Him. When He indicated that the idea of the scribes, who thought they could express the whole compass of the Messiah's dignity by insisting upon His descent from David, was far too meanly conceived, He proves this by their very inability to answer the question, whence He who is called to the Messianic dignity, which raised Him far above David as his Lord, is nevertheless a son of David (Mark xii. 35-37). He also was therefore convinced that, in conformity with prophecy, the Messiah must descend from David ; but He indicates that it could not be this descent which gave Him His specific dignity, seeing that this dignity far surpassed that of a successor upon David's throne.2 (b) In calling upon Jesus as the Son of David, the expecta tion was implied that He would mount the throne of His father David (Mark xi 10, cf. Luke i. 32 f.). Jesus has never controverted this expectation, which was directly suggested by prophecy. The words of Mark xii. 35-37 were no doubt well fitted to weaken the objections that could be raised against His Messiahship in consequence of His 2 When attempts have recently been frequently made to find in these words of Jesus the intention of disputing altogether the idea of the Davidic descent of the Messiah, the circumstance has been overlooked that, in that case, He would only have brought out, by means of Ps. ex. 1, a contradiction within prophecy (which undoubtedly thinks elsewhere of the Messiah as a Son of David) instead of exposing an error of the scribes. Nor is the impossibility by any means evident of a descendant of David mounting higher than His great ancestor, and being greeted by the latter as his Lord because of the dignity which was lent Him. Only, in that case, of course, He cannot have attained this dignity in virtue of His extraction from David. But according to the most original form, that, viz. , in Mark, the question discussed is not at all whether the Davidic ex traction of the Messiah is compatible with His full dignity, but whence He must descend from David, seeing that this descent could not lend Him His specific dignity (cf. my Marcusev. p. 405). It is plainly the parallel passages that have first found the salient point of the words of Jesus in the disclosure that the Messiah cannot be merely a Son of David, but that He must be also the Son of God. But even this form by no means leads to the consubstantiality of His essence with that of God (Nosgen, p. 159), or to His supernatural conception (Gess, p. 128), or even to His pre-existence (Beyschlag, p. 62 ; Schulze, p. 50), since the idea of Sonship cannot be taken as equivalent in both expressions ; it only, in an obvious apologetic interest, deduces the divine Sonship of Jesus from His exaltation to divine power and glory in the sense of Mark xiv. 62 (cf. § 17, c), although it was not the person of Jesus, but only the Messiah as such, who was originally spoken of (cf. my Matthdusev. p. 481). § 19. THE SON OF DAVID AND THE EXALTED MESSIAH. 89 taking no steps for gaining the royal throne of His ancestor ;3 but they did not assert that His ascending the throne did not also belong to the fulfilment of Messianic prophecy, and that this could not, or must not, take place in the course of the development of His activity. Nor can the silence of Jesus as to the justification of this expectation be explained as an indulgence of a popular prejudice ; the eradication of this prejudice, in a forbearing manner, would have been so much the more a duty, as this very expectation, when once it saw itself deceived, must have turned the people away from Him, and led them to espouse the cause of His enemies.4 Just as little, however, as it could be determined, a priori, whether, and in how far, the prophecy of the glory of the kingdom of Israel would be fulfilled (§ 15, b), seeing that this depended upon the extent to which the present commonwealth still showed itself capable and disposed to become the bearer of the development of the kingdom of God, as little could it be determined, a priori, whether and in how far that prophetic picture of a king was still capable of being realized. At any rate, it was only Israel's fault if it was the returning Messiah whom its capital first greeted as its king (Matt, xxiii. 39 = Luke xiii. 35). Nor was Jesus without a right to the worldly kingdom of Israel ; ' and the history of the temptation (Matt. iv. 8—10) shows that, in His estimation, this was a possession which He would only not grasp at by false means. It is true Jesus has declared Himself absolutely against the Jewish revolution, because the actually existing Eoman dominion involves, according to divine right, the duty of subjection, a 3 It was only when, starting from the purely political form of the Messianic idea, they found the principal note of Messiahship in the claim upon the royal throne which descent from David warranted, that this could be objected to Jesus. If, however, He would not, merely as a descendant of David, by any means have had' the supreme dignity in which David already greeted the Messiah (cf. note a), then the absence of this note could not, in any way, form a decisive argument against His Messiahship. 4 Here we see once more very clearly the historical impossibility of Jesus having conceived His calling as a founder of religion and reformer of the law only from the point of view of the Jewish idea of the Messiah, in order that His activity might be favourably regarded (Baur, p. 95). That Jesus accommodated Himself to a popular idea, and then, nevertheless, put Himself into continual conflict with the popular form of it, a conflict which must have ultimately delivered Him over, forsaken by the undeceived nation, to the deadly hatred of His enemies. — this remains a contradiction. 90 THE TESTIMONY OF JESUS TO HIMSELF AS THE MESSIAH. duty which could not at all come into collision with their duty to God (Mark xii. 14-17). If only Israel fulfilled the latter by receiving God's anointed, and allowing Him to bring about the consummation of the theocracy in the manner which was divinely appointed, then it remained God's concern to fulfil His promise, and, by an interposition of His omni potence, to raise His elect one to the royal throne, in order that, through Him, He might also bestow all earthly blessings upon the nation. Only it remained, that, even when seated upon the throne of His father, the Messiah had not yet attained His supreme glory. (c) Jesus indicates very early that He will be removed from His disciples by death (Mark ii. 20). But it was only when the knowledge of His Messiahship was secured in the case of His disciples, that He began, without reserve, to reveal to them the fate which was appointed to the Messiah in conformity with prophecy as more deeply conceived (viii. 32). As soon now as it was a matter of certainty that the leading authorities of the nation itself were preparing for Jesus the death which the divine decree appointed Him, a completion of the theocracy in the forms of the national commonwealth, and, therefore, an earthly ascension of the throne by the Messiah, could no longer be counted upon for the present. But the ultimate exaltation of God's anointed to royal glory could not be thereby hindered. The violent slaying of the Messiah could only furnish the occasion for God to glorify Him by His wonderful deliverance from Hades, and thus to give the nation the last and greatest token that He was His elect one (Matt. xii. 39, 40). In the circle of His disciples, also, Jesus always connected with the prophecy of His violent death the allusion to His resurrection after three days (Mark viii. 31, ix. 31, x. 34).5 This, however, 5 By His resurrection, Jesus, it is true, does not understand a resuscitation to earthly life, but an exaltation to a state of existence which is raised above the conditions of earthly life (Mark xii. 25) ; but this exaltation is always conceived of as a resurrection, i.e. as a restoration of His corporeity, although in a form which is in keeping with the heavenly life (cf. even Biedermann, p. 232). That which is peculiar, however, is that Jesus is not, like other men, raised up at the last day, but after a very brief interval, which is proverbially (cf. Hos. vi. 2; Mark xv. 29 ; Luke xiii. 32) described by the /ura rfus hpi/as, and that He will therefore continue in death for only a short time (Matt. xii. 40, ef. Luke § 19. THE SON OF DAVID AND THE EXALTED MESSIAH. 91 forms the transition to His heavenly exaltation, in which is now fulfilled that which was prophesied in Ps. ex. 1 of Jehovah's anointed. Henceforth the Son of man sits at God's right hand, i.e. He shares in the divine honour and sovereignty of the world. It is now that He has, for the first time, entered into the full sovereign dignity which was appointed the Messiah ; but it is not the throne of His father David which He has ascended, it is the world-throne of His Father in heaven. Although the sin of His people rendered the former impossible, yet He has nevertheless herewith attained the ultimate end of His calling, which David already beheld when he called Him his Lord (Mark xii. 36). (d) As partaker of the divine honour and sovereignty of the world, it is self-evident that Jesus is removed from the sphere of human and creaturely existence — He is a divine being. Not until the prophecy regarding the end of the way which God prepares for His elect one can the last veil which covers the mystery of His person be removed. In prospect of this future Jesus can promise His divine omnipresence to His disciples (Matt, xviii. 20). It is in this future that the prophecy of Daniel can be first perfectly fulfilled (Dan. vii. 1 3), — that prophecy in consequence of which the Son of man who has been entrusted with sovereignty over the completed kingdom of God now comes, as usually only Jehovah Himself, with the clouds of heaven (Mark xiv. 62). And He returns to the earth too, in order to discharge the divine function of judge of the world (Matt. xxv. 31), with great might and glory (xxiv. 30), which is described in Mark viii. 38 as the glory of His Father. He comes accompanied by the angels, the specific servants of Jehovah, who are now His servants (Mark viii. 38, cf. Matt. xxv. 31); He Himself now sends them forth to execute His commands (Matt. xxiv. 31), on which account the first evangelist now calls them His angels. It is by His relation to the angels that His position as regards xxiv. 21). Neither in the prophecy of Jesus nor in the earliest tradition is the ascension to heaven conceived of as an epoch-making event, so far was the latter from representing it as an occurrence which was perceptible to the senses. The (rightly understood) resurrection qualifies Him, of itself, for the heavenly life. 92 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. the world is most naturally measured. Only a divine being can be exalted over the angels.6 CHAPTEE III. THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. § 20. The new Revelation of God. As the Messiah, Jesus has, in the first place, to announce the dawn of the day of salvation, in which He is the mediator of a new revelation of God. (b) This new revelation of God is a revelation of His fatherly love, which is graciously mani fested to the members of the kingdom in caring for and pro tecting their earthly life, as well as in hearing their prayers. (c) In the kingdom of God, accordingly, there is realized the filial relationship, which, in the theocracy of Israel, could be realized only imperfectly, (d) This revelation of God, how ever, is published not only by means of the word of Jesus — everything that He does is a living illustration of it. (a) Jesus began His Messianic activity with the announce ment that the time of the kingdom of God was come (§ 13). This message, however, presupposes a deed performed by God, in which He reveals Himself anew to His people ; for the king dom of God cannot come, unless Jehovah Himself comes to His people in the person of the promised Messiah, in order to bring about the completion of the theocracy, and, consequently, the fulfilment of all the promises. Inasmuch, now, as in the Messianic time there is attained the ultimate aim of the divine 0 Naturally we need not seek a peculiar doctrine of angels in the sayings of Jesus. The angels are the inhabitants of the heavenly world in which the will of God is already done as perfectly as it is to be done in the perfected kingdom of God (Matt. vi. 10). Those who are raised up will be like the angels (Mark xii. 25), who are therefore conceived of as having a higher, heavenly kind of corporeity. They are God's servants, whose miraculous protection Jesus would not beseech in vain (Matt. xxvi. 53). As such they appear even in the earliest tradition, in order to reward the Messiah whose obedience has stood the test (iv. 11). They are higher beings than men, but the Son may already, in conse quence of His unique relation to the Father, rank Himself above them (Mark xiii. 32, cf. § 17, a). Nevertheless it is the exalted Messiah who first appears as their Lord. § 20. THE NEW REVELATION OF GOD. 93 purposes of salvation with respect to His people, this is the last, and highest revelation of God. And since it is by means of His Messiah that God brings about this time of salvation, the former is the mediator of that revelation of God, not only inasmuch as it is through Him that it is accomplished, but also inasmuch as it is to be made known, as a revelation, to the people ; and He alone can be the mediator of it, because He by whom the divine decrees of salvation are accomplished must also have the most perfect insight into them, and is therefore able to reveal them as such to the people. From Matt. xi. 27, it is sufficiently clear that even according to the earliest tradition, Jesus represented His activity under this point of view : " no one knoweth the Father save the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son willeth to reveal," sc. what He knoweth concerning the Father. On other occasions also Jesus describes His activity as a light which shines with such clearness that it does not stand in need of signs for any one who has eyes sound enough to see it (Luke xi. 33-36) ; light, however, is the symbol of revealing activity (cf. Mark iv. 21, where the further revelation which is to be communicated by the disciples of Jesus is compared to a lamp ; Luke xvi. 8, where they themselves, as those who have been enlightened by revelation, are called the children of the light). (b) Seeing that in the Messianic time God brings to His people all the salvation which they were led to expect at the completion of the theocracy, He reveals Himself in His highest love. In the symbolical mode of speech which was adopted by Jesus, the highest relation of human love is employed as an emblem of this revelation of the love of God (Matt. vii. 9-11), which, however, naturally finds its realization only in the kingdom of God which is founded by Jesus. It is by no means the relation in which God stands to all men (Baur, p. 116) which it is meant to represent in this way; it is the members of the kingdom, as whose Father in heaven Jesus designates God (vi. I),1 and whom He teaches to pray to God as their Father (ver. 9). In the earliest tradition all the 1 From Mark xi. 25, Luke xi. 13, it is plain that this designation, which owes its origin to the fact that heaven is God's throne (Matt. v. 34, cf. Isa. lxvi. 1), was already found in the apostolic source. On the other hand, S rarbp S abfivim appears to belong to the evangelist (cf. my Matthausev. p. 45). 94 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. addresses in which this designation is found were distinctly characterized as addresses to the disciples, i.e. as addresses to the members of the kingdom (§ 14). In opposition to this assertion, Matt. v. 45 may be appealed to; but while here, no doubt, the indiscriminate goodness of God towards good and bad is held up as a pattern to the children of God, it is by no means declared that this is already the fatherly love which is to be manifested to the members of the kingdom. It is no doubt the God, who feeds the fowls of heaven and clothes the flowers of the field, to whom Jesus points them (vi. 25-30) ; but it is only as such as strive after the kingdom of God, i.e. only as members of the kingdom, that they can be certain that God knows and satisfies their needs, and thereby frees them from the anxiety of the Gentiles (vi. 31-33), and that He takes under His protection even that which is most insignificant in their life (x. 29, 30). He desires their prayers, but He pro mises also to the prayer of faith an assured answer (Matt. vii. 7-11 = Luke xi. 9-13 ; Mark xi. 23, 24 = Luke xvii. 6), provided it be very persevering and does not become faint (Luke xi. 5-8, xviii. 1-7). That the completion of salvation extends its blessings even over the whole of the earthly life is a fundamental thought of Old Testament prophecy, which the New Testament fulfilment nowhere denies. Even the members of the kingdom pray daily, full of trust, to the Father in heaven for their necessary daily bread (Matt. vi. 11). (c) It is an erroneous assumption that the proclamation of God as the Father of the members of the kingdom involves a new representation of His nature. In the Old Testament also Israel is the son of God, as God is its father (§ 17, h) ; but, corresponding to the standpoint of the Old Testament revela tion of God, it is only Israel as the theocratic people, whether this now is represented collectively as a whole or as a majority. The chosen people, as such, is assured of the fatherly love of God ; but the salvation of the theocracy as a whole does not depend upon what befalls the individual, any more than the realization of the kingdom of God in each individual is involved in the realization of the theocracy in the people as a people. Accordingly the individual invocation of God as Father is still awanting in the Old Testament. Later the consciousness dawns that the pious members of the old covenant, in whom, § 21. REPENTANCE. 95 as its true members, the nature of the theocracy is realized, may, in a special sense, assure themselves of the fatherly love of God (Ps. ciii. 13, cf. Wisd. ii. 16, 18 ; Sir. xxiii. 1, 4, li. 14). If, however, it is in the Messianic time that the theocracy attains, its completion, then it must also be in this time that the paternal relation of God to His people is first fully realized. And if this completion depends upon this, that in each individual the idea of the kingdom of God is realized, because the participation of the individual in the completed theocracy is dependent no longer upon his partici pation in the commonwealth as such, but upon the issue of the activity of Jesus in founding the kingdom (§ 14, b), then also each individual who belongs to the kingdom of God can call upon God as his Father. (d) The Messianic activity of Jesus consists not only in His teaching, but also in His doing ; in the latter also, therefore, the new revelation of God must be given. His doing, how ever, was pure benevolence, in it was. revealed the fatherly love of God, who comes to His people in the Messianic time with the fulness even of earthly blessing. Accordingly, His healings of the sick are an essential part of His Messianic activity; the deliverance of the children of Abraham from their bodily evils (Luke xiii. 16) is His real calling (cf. Biedermann, p. 230). Wherever Jesus came, the sick were healed, the hungry fed, the threatening waves of the sea had to be still. Hence He could point to His miracles of healing as to the signs that the time of the expected salvation was come (Matt. xi. 5, cf. § 13, c) ; hence He bade His disciples accompany the preaching of the nearness of the kingdom of God with the same signs (x. 8). § 21. Repentance. As the Messiah, Jesus has not only to announce the coming of the kingdom of God, He has also to found it, and for this the preaching of repentance is required, (h) But His word is not, on that account, merely a resumption of the prophetic preaching of repentance ; it does not merely demand, it also promises, the indispensable renewal, (c) This is spontaneously effected by means of the vigorous working of His message 96 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. of salvation, and of the revelation of God which it contains. (d) Here, too, however, it is not only His word which works, but the whole of His life is a powerfully working example. (a) It is the task of the Messiah to realize among the people the kingdom of God, in which God's will is done per fectly upon earth (Matt. vi. 10). In the theocracy, however, as it has been hitherto realized in Israel, the will of God has not been done. Jesus assumes it as self-evident that men are evil (Matt. vii. 11), and that they differ only in the degree of wickedness (Luke xiii. 2-5). It is only hypothetically that (Mark ii. 17 ; Luke xv. 7) He speaks of righteous men ; those who, along with the prophets, are called righteous (Matt. x. 41, xiii. 17, xxiii. 29, 35), are the God-pleasing pious men of the old covenant, and those who are being persecuted for righteous ness' sake (v. 10 : eveicev BiKaioavvr]<;, without the article) are the same as those who hunger after righteousness (ver. 6), since the existence of a righteousness is still far from involving the perfect righteousness. It is only comparatively that good and bad are spoken of (v. 45, xii. 35, xxii. 10). The call to repentance, therefore, with which Jesus makes His appearance (Mark i. 1 5 : fieTavoeLTe), and with which He sends forth His disciples (vi 12), is addressed to all without distinction. How far this call was the soul of His proclamation appears from the fact that unsusceptibility to His teaching is charac terized as a want of readiness to repent (Matt. xi. 20, xii. 41, xxi. 32 ; Luke xiii. 3, 5). No doubt it is with reference to the most depraved classes of the people that Jesus says He is come to call sinners to Himself (Mark ii. 1 7) ; but He says it in such general terms that it is plain that He feels Himself to be the physician of sinners with respect to the whole of mankind, and it is from this very fact that He derives the right to call to Himself even the most depraved, who need Him most. Without repentance, however, sinners cannot participate in the kingdom of God. (h) If the hearing of the word of Jesus is the one thing which is needful (Luke x. 42, cf. ver. 39), and if this hearing must always be accompanied with doing (Matt. vii. 24), then His preaching seems to have been nothing else than a renewed inculcation of the divine will ; it seems to be like the preaching of the prophets, which also always began with the demand of § 21. REPENTANCE. 97 a general conversion and repentance. But recently the Baptist had appeared with such a demand, and had caused the solemnly- vowed repentance to be ratified by the symbolical act of sub mersion in the Jordan (Mark i. 4 : BaTTTio-fia fieravolas). Indeed, Jesus represents Himself (Matt. xxi. 37) as the last in the series of those who were sent by God to bring to the people and enforce upon them His demands. When, how ever, on the other hand, the Sermon on the Mount calls blessed the spiritually poor, those who are mourning because of their poverty, and those who are hungering after righteousness (Matt. v. 3, 4, 6), it is implied that Jesus comes, not, in the first place, to demand, but to bring something; and it is expressly promised them that they shall be filled with right eousness. Thus righteousness appears, not as something demanded, but as a gift, and it is as a gift that they have already been led to expect it by Messianic prophecy (Isa. lxi. 10, xiv. 24 ; Jer. xxxiii. 16). When Jesus (Matt. xi. 28) promises rest to those who are labouring under the burden of the law, this is not (with Baur, p. 115) to be referred to the pressure of the Pharisaic ordinances, as if He were to ease them of this pressure by putting the inner value of the moral disposition in the place of the external service of the law. In this way He would not ease them of their burden, but would render it more oppressive for every upright heart. Eest for souls is found only when the way is pointed out which leads to righteousness, i.e. to the fulfilling of the divine will. (c) This apparent contradiction between the two sides of the proclamation of Jesus is resolved only by the fact that the new revelation of God, which is brought in the message concerning the kingdom of God, spontaneously works the repentance which Jesus demands. God does not demand that man should meet Him; He Himself meets man with graciousness, and thereby does the utmost that lies in His power to make man capable of the repentance, in which He has His greatest joy (Luke xv. 4-10). He does not make His revelation of salvation dependent upon the conversion of the people, as in the preaching of the prophets ; He will work this conversion by the revelation of His grace. He comes in the person of the Messiah, and brings the time of VOL. I. G 98 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. the completion of salvation. Whosoever now accepts the joyous message concerning the kingdom of God is a member of the kingdom; he knows himself to be a child of the heavenly Father ; and with this knowledge there is implanted in him a totally new principle for his religious-moral life. The child must be like his Father (Matt. v. 45, 48) ; this is not the demand of a new law ; it is, as it were, a necessity of nature within the province of the kingdom of God. The relation of sonship, which is constituted by God Himself, must also be realized, on the part of man, in the becoming bearing of the child. The member of the kingdom has not yet to become a child of God ; he is a child of God, and therefore he cannot but always will to become so more and more in perfect moral likeness to Him.1 (d) Here, too, the Messianic activity of Jesus consists not only in His teaching, but also in His doing. What the children of God are yet more and more to become, that the Son of God already is in a perfect manner (cf. § 17, c, footnote 3). Accordingly, those are His nearest relatives who do the will of God as He Himself does it (Matt. xii. 50; see my Marcus- evangelium, p. 134). He is come to fulfil the law (v. 17); He yields Himself unreservedly to the will of God (Mark xiv. • 36) ; in Him and in His life the will of God is always per fectly realized. It is no contradiction to this that He will have the predicate aya66<; reserved for God alone (Mark x. 18 = Matt. xix. 17), because man, without exception, can become 1 This metaphorical application of the idea of sonship rests upon the fact that only like can originate from like, that the son cannot but resemble his father (cf. Matt, xxiii. 31). It lies also at the basis of the saying in Matt. v. 16 (which probably does not belong to the earliest tradition), according to which the light of the new revelation of God spontaneously streams forth from the good works, by means of which the members of the kingdom imitate, in their doing, the revelation of God's fatherly doing, to the glory of Him who has made Himself known to them in His Messiah. While, therefore, the repentance which is demanded by Jesus is worked by means of His proclamation of salva tion, the Holy Spirit is not yet conceived of as the principle of this renewal. It is true the earliest tradition preserves the allusion of the Baptist to the baptism of the Spirit by the Messiah (Matt. iii. 11), but the only promise of the Spirit which is found in the words of Jesus relates specially to the equipment of His apostles for the defence of the gospel before the courts of justice (x. 20). When and how the prophetic promise of the general outpouring of the Spirit is to be fulfilled, and what this will bring to the members of the kingdom — on these points nothing is yet said. § 22. THE MESSIANIC SALVATION. 9 9 good only by the progressive performance of his moral task. Even Jesus has still to prove His moral perfection in the battle of life with His temptations (Luke xxii 28); not till the close will He be approved as the good, like the servants in Matt. xxv. 21, 23. At every step of this way, however, He corresponds to the ideal ; for He has never in any way put Himself on a level with the sinners to whom He has come, considered simply as sinners. The whole of His moral bearing is, accordingly, exemplary in an absolute sense (Matt. xi. 29 ; Mark x. 45). In Him the child of God beholds the ideal of moral likeness to God realized every moment. It does not present itself to him as a legal demand, but it brings him the blessed assurance, that what, according to c, he wills to become, that he also can become in fellowship with Jesus. Thus, in following Him, to learn of Him, is an easy yoke and a light burden, — this is the way which leads to the rest of souls (Matt. xi. 28-30), to full satisfaction with righteous ness (v. 6). § 22. The Messianic Salvation. Along with the completion of the theocracy, Jesus, as the Messiah, also brings salvation to the members of the kingdom by means of the forgiveness of sins which was expected in consequence of prophecy, (b) A leading feature of the new revelation of God, which He brings, is the proclamation of the pardoning love of God, which is limited only by the blas phemy of the Spirit. (c) But the Messiah does not only proclaim the forgiveness of sins, by means of His atoning death He also secures it, and so establishes the new covenant of grace and forgiveness. (a) The completion of salvation, which begins with the founding of the kingdom of God, has, for its obverse side, deliverance from the ruin to which the nation is exposed in consequence of sin. Lost sheep, Jesus calls the present generation of the theocratic nation (Matt. x. 6, xv. 24). He is come as the Son of man to save that which is lost (Luke xix. 1 0). If this is effected, on the one hand (as is shown by the story of Zaccheus, of which this saying forms the salient point), by sinners being led to repentance ; yet, on the other hand, it is also necessary that the guilt of the past be 100 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. removed from them by the forgiveness of sins. Such a for giveness they were led in many ways to anticipate in the Messianic time (Isa. xliii. 25, xliv. 22 ; Jer. xxxiii. 8 ; Zech. iii. 9, xiii. 1 ; Dan. ix. 24), and in consequence it was a lead ing feature of the Messianic expectation of the pious in Israel, who acknowledged their sins (Luke i. 77). Accord ingly, Jesus promises the comfort of forgiveness to those who were mourning because of sin (Matt. v. 4). As the Son of man He claims power to proclaim upon earth the forgiveness of sins which God bestows in heaven (ix. 6, cf. ver. 2), and bequeaths this power to His Church (xviii. 18), in order thereby to ensure to it one of the most essential blessings of the kingdom of God (cf. Luke xxiv. 47). (b) The proclamation of the forgiveness of sins is but one moment in the new revelation of God which Jesus brings. The parable in Luke xv. 11-32 shows how it is in keeping with the fatherly love of God to joyfully receive His penitent returning son (and according to § 20, 21, such an one is every member of the kingdom), and pardon him all his sins. Every one, however, stood in need of this forgiveness ; the parable in Matt, xviii. 23-27 takes for granted, that to every member of the kingdom of God there has been remitted an infinite debt, and the prayer of the kingdom teaches them to pray for forgiveness in the same way as for daily bread (vi. 1 2). The present day of salvation, however, is the time when re conciliation with the creditor is still possible by means of the forgiveness which is proffered by the Messiah. It is neces sary to use this time, before the judgment draws on, from which there is no escape (Luke xii. 58, 59). Every sin can still be forgiven, even the most heinous — the blasphemy of the Son of man. Only he who persistently denies the power of God which is more and more clearly manifesting itself in the works of the Son of man, and so blasphemes the Holy Ghost, has committed a sin which cannot be forgiven, because it is the sign of enduring obduracy (Matt. xii. 31, 32).1 1 Like the new revelation of God in general (§ 21, c), neither can this side of it remain without a direct influence upon the life of the members of the king dom. The debtor, to whom much is forgiven, will love the creditor most (Luke vii. 41-43) ; from the love which is shown to the Messiah it is evidenced that one has received through Him the great blessing of forgiveness of sins (vii. 47). § 22. THE MESSIANIC SALVATION. 101 (c) Here also the Messianic activity of Jesus consists not only in His teaching, but also in His doing. No doubt, His death is a divine necessity, an element in the lot of suffering which was foreseen in prophecy, and appointed to the Son of man in conformity with His calling (§ 16, c); but He nevertheless surrenders His life in the free fulfilment of His calling, in order to complete the service which He came to render; and it is thereby that He procures the salvation which, by His proclamation of the forgiveness of sins, He led the members of the kingdom to anticipate (Mark x. 45). If, viz. in viii. 36 f., He asserts that no man, even although he should gain the whole world, possesses anything which would be of sufficient value in God's sight to redeem his soul (cf. Ps. xlix. 8—10), which (on account of sin) is forfeited to destruc tion, He here (x. 45) regards the fulfilment of His calling, which is accomplished in the surrender of His life, as a performance which is of such value in God's sight, that it avails as a ransom which He gives instead of the many who were not in a position to provide it themselves.2 Hereby, If the child of God must resemble his Father, this is especially true of the for giving love which he shows to his enemies (Matt. v. 44 f.). Where the forgive ness which has been experienced does not produce the readiness to forgive the fellow-servant, which according to its nature it ought to produce, then that forgiveness can only be withdrawn (Matt, xviii. 28-35). If, accordingly, the members of the kingdom are always praying anew for the blessing of forgive ness, they are to remember that it is only as children of God who have allowed themselves to be induced, by the forgiveness they have already experienced, to forgive also their debtors that they can receive it (vi. 12 : as «) iifctTs a. appears to me at least very doubtful. That the soul of Jesus, as being guiltless, was not forfeited to death, and that thus He was specifically dis- 102 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. then, there was given the solution of the enigma of His death, inasmuch as it was represented as the means of delivering the many (i.e. unquestionably all the members of the kingdom) from the destruction to which they must have been delivered over in death because of their sins.3 It is true that the members of the kingdom are, from the very fact that they are in the kingdom of God, assured of the sin-pardoning grace of their Father ; but if it was His life's work to establish the kingdom of God, and if that work reached its climax in the surrender of His life, then this surrender was necessary in order that the people might be placed in the new relation to God which it was to enjoy in His kingdom. It is only, accordingly, the positive expression of the same thought, when, on the occasion of the last Supper, Jesus calls His blood the blood of the covenant which was shed for many (xiv. 24). When He spoke thus, no Israelite could think of anything else than the new covenant (cf. Luke xxii. 20) of tinguished from men (2d edition) — however certainly this idea is a presupposi tion of His saying (cf. Ritschl, ii. p. 84), it is not brought out here, where it is only upon the positive completion of the service which was appropriate to His vocation that emphasis is laid. 3 The less capable and disposed His disciples were to understand even the intimation of His death (Mark ix. 32), so much the less could Jesus enter more thoroughly into its significance with them. It is therefore already, on that account, unhistorical to be continually deducing from the circumstance that Jesus proclaimed the forgiveness of sins or taught men to pray for it, without making mention of His death as the means by which it was procured, the right to declare that His savings regarding the saving significance of His death are spurious (Baur, p. 100-105), or, at least, to represent them as "thoughts of the moment, " which stand in contradiction with His usual view (cf. Holsten, zttro Evangelium des Paulus und Petrus, Rostock 1866, p. 177 ff.). It is quite true that the more the result of His activity manifested itself among His people, so much the more has Jesus regarded His death (and not merely His suffering) as the consequence that could be anticipated from the bearing of His people to God's ambassadors in the past (Matt. xxi. 39, xxiii. 37 ; Mark ix. 12, 13 ; Luke xiii. 33), and, therefore, as the divinely appointed destiny which devoted Him also to martyrdom (Mark x. 39 ; Luke xii. 50). But the distinction which is urged by Holsten between a historico-religious and a dogmatico-religious view of His death is a modern fiction without any historical support (cf. in refutation, Ritschl, ii. p. 48). For the consciousness of Jesus, which rested upon the Old Testament, no lot could be appointed the Messiah which did not stand in the closest connection with His calling. And even if up to the very last He could hope that the Father's power and wisdom were able to find other ways for the realization of His purposes of salvation (Mark xiv. 35 f.), it could still never be doubtful to Him, that, if His death was unavoidable, it must minister to the saving designs of His Messianic mission. § 23. THE VICTORY OVER SATAN. 103 grace and forgiveness which God was to enter into with His people in the Messianic time (Jer. xxxi. 33, 34). But as the institution of the old covenant required a covenant-sacrifice, whose blood was sprinkled purifyingly (Heb. ix. 22) upon the people (Ex. xxiv. 8), so now also a covenant-sacrifice was required. Only the atoning blood of the covenant-sacrifice (cf. Lev. xvii. 11), shed, as is rightly explained in Matt. xxvi. 28, for the remission of sins, can purify the people, so that it may be capable of entering into the covenant fellow ship with God, in which it can then be always certain of the pardoning love of its Father. If, however, the saying regard ing the ransom lays emphasis on the God-pleasing performance of Jesus which secures the salvation of the members of the kingdom, then His violent (bloody) death appears here as a suffering which was appointed Him according to the counsel of God, because it was indispensable to the carrying out of His purposes of salvation. § 23. The Victory over Satan. So long as the kingdom of God is not set up upon earth, Satan rules there ; as the tempter to sin he has power over the kingdoms of the world, (b) In particular, by means of the unclean spirits he exerts his power over the sick who are possessed by them. (c) In opposition to this power, Jesus, in His Messianic activity, proves Himself the victor who makes an end of its dominion. (a) In the apostolic source Jesus speaks of Satan and his kingdom (Matt. xii. 26 = Luke xi. 18), thereby thinking of a company of spirits who are in his service (ver. 2 8).1 In the 1 In the earliest tradition of the words of Jesus, Satan is called only o o-arams (cf. Mark viii. 33, iv. 15 ; Luke x. 18, xiii. 16, xxii. 31), and also in Matt. iv. 10. It is only in the narrative portion containing the history of the temptation, that he must already in the apostolic source have been called i IdfaXos (Matt. iv. 1, 5, 8, 11 = Luke iv. 2, 3, 6, 13) ; on the other hand, Matt. xiii. 39, xxv. 41, certainly belong to the evangelist ; to him also belongs the designation of the devil as I vompis (xiii. 19, 38), because in those passages which are taken out of the apostolic source (v. 37, vi. 13) we have to think of to nor/ip&> (see footnote 2). It cannot be made out with certainty whether, in the mouth of the people (x. 25, xii. 24, ef. Mark iii. 22), Beelzebub designated Satan himself or a distinct superior of the demons ; from Matt. xii. 26, 27, it only follows that in him Jesus saw the same Satanic power active which was active in 104 THE MESSIANIC ACTIVITY. history of the temptation he appears as the ruler of the world ; for his offer of all the kingdoms of the world to Jesus (Matt. iv. 9) is correctly explained in Luke iv. 6 to mean that power over these kingdoms has been given to him, and that he can therefore transfer it to another. This can be con ceived of only in one way, viz. that, in a world which is in the service of sin, he turns men's hearts according to his will. Although sin is by no means everywhere traced back to him as its ultimate cause,2 yet the activity of Satan in tempting to sin is not excluded. Already the representation of the history of the temptation in the apostolic source, which is probably to be traced back to statements of Jesus Himself, made the temptations which met Him in the path of His vocation as Messiah be brought to bear upon Him by Satan himself (Matt. iv. 10), and He calls the temptations which await His disciples an attempt of Satan to sift them like wheat (Luke xxii. 31). In the human tempter He sees Satan himself (Mark viii. 33). In Luke xiii. 16 a case of bodily sickness is traced back to the working of Satan, even although in His mode of healing it He does not treat it as demoniacal (ver. 13). (b) According to the apostolic source, Jesus shared the idea that certain sick persons were possessed by unclean spirits (Matt. xii. 43-45 = Luke xi. 24-26).3 Although in these the demons ; for when, in v. 26, He says that Satan drives out Satan, and there fore himself, it is only that He may show, in the strongest way, the absurdity of their accusations against Him. There is no more need, however, on that account, to identify Beelzebub than there is to identify the demons with Satan himself ; and Mark iii. 22, compared with ver. 30 and the reproach of Jesus in Matt. xi. 18, seems at least to favour the opinion that Beelzebub was conceived of as a demon and not as Satan himself. 2 It is God who brings about and averts those situations in life which tempt to sin (Matt. vi. 13) ; and, in the immediate context, it can hardly be the devil from whose power men are delivered by God's assistance in temptation. There is as little ground for asserting that, in v. 37, it is meant to describe every emphasizing of simple agreement or disagreement, which is the fruit of untruthfulness or distrust, as being of devilish origin. One man becomes to another a stumbling-block, i.e. gives him occasion to sin (xviii. 6, 7) ; man even tempts himself, inasmuch as by reason of the weakness of the flesh, i.e. the sensuous nature of man, the willingness of the spirit to perform that which is good is rendered powerless (Mark xiv. 38). 3 In this passage, as always in the oldest Gospel, they are called w»si!^«to ZxdSapr* ; in Luke x. 20, simply mtifinrx. In the apostolic source, however, there already occurred also the expression txi/iiym, as well in the discourses of § 23. THE VICTORY OVER SATAN. 105 passages possession is made a parabolic type of sin, it is by no means to be explained as a figurative expression, but quite the contrary, as a reality of the natural life, from whose province the analogies of the higher life are borrowed in all the parables. According to ver. 43, the unclean spirits dwell in the desert (cf. Mark v. 10), and in ver. 45 the possibility is assumed of a possession by several spirits, such as occurs in Mark v. 9, a case of possession which was probably already described in the apostolic source as grievous (Matt. viii. 28; see my Marcusevangelium, p. 172). It appears that the possession of a human, or, at least, of an animal soul (viii. 31), is indispensable to them, and they shun the purely pneumatic form of existence, in which, in contrast to the angels (cf. § 19, d, footnote 6), they are conceived of as altogether incorporeal (cf. Luke x. 20 : TrvevuaTa). Jesus heals those possessed by them, by commanding the spirits to come forth (Mark i. 25; Matt. viii. 32); He gives His disciples the same power (Matt. x. 8), and speaks of their success (Luke x. 20). He also expressly distinguishes these expulsions of the demons from His other cures of the sick (Luke xiii. 32), and if He seems (Matt. xii. 27) to put them on the same level with the cures of the Jewish exorcists, we must not overlook the irony which lies in the circumstance, that, from the standpoint of His opponents themselves, such a com parison was impracticable, seeing that their slanderous explana tion of His cures proved that they did not dare to compare them to common Jewish exorcisms. In the demons, however, Jesus sees the Satanic power active (ver. 26). (c) His Messianic activity is placed by Jesus, in the first place, not in relation to the purely spiritual activity of Satan as the tempter to sin, but to the power which he has in the possessed ; probably, however, only because it is in the latter power alone that the former activity comes to the light in perceptible symptoms. In His disciples' expulsions of the demons He sees the headlong overthrow of the Satanic power (Luke x. 18); but it is He who has given them power to Jesus (Matt. x. S, xi. 18, xii. 27, 28 ; Luke xiii. 32) as in the narrative (Matt. ix. 33, 34=Luke xi. 14, 15), and also, it would seem, Zxlftms (Matt. viii. 31). Compare the expression Sai/toriXtiriai, adopted by all the three evangelists, viii. 33, ix. 32, xv. 22. 106 THE RIGHTEOUSNESS OF THE KINGDOM OF GOD. fight so victoriously against His enemy (ver. 19). By the expulsion of the demons He Himself brings about the sovereignty of God upon earth (Matt. xii. 28, see § 13, c) ; but it is only because He has previously overcome Satan himself (ver. 29) that He can do so. As it is only he who has previously bound the strong one himself that plunders his palace, so also the Messiah must have previously conquered Satan, if by the expulsion of the demons He will deprive him of his organs among men. It is more than probable that the defeat of Satan, which is recorded in the history of the temptation, is here referred to, so that at the very beginning of His Messianic activity Jesus has broken the power of Satan upon earth. Inasmuch as the adversary of God did not succeed in leading into sin the Messiah who was to bring about the completion of the kingdom of God, this completion is secured. By following up His first victory, Jesus is always extending the sovereignty of God into the domain of Satan ; and the demons, who, as spirits of a higher rank, recognise in Jesus the Messiah (Mark i. 34, iii. 11), know that He has come to destroy them (i. 24), and that they cannot escape this destruction and the torment into which it brings them, when the day of judgment (i.e. the appointed Katp63 (Acts ii. 43, iii. 23), hence the numbering of the individuals according to -tyv%al (Acts ii. 41, vii. 14, xxvii. 37; 1 Pet. iii. 20 ; Apoc. xviii. 13). Hence the psychical wisdom is the egoistic wisdom with which each one seeks to assert his own person (Jas. iii. 15), while, in the most inward fellowship of love, the different individualities fuse, as it were, into one soul (Acts iv. 32). (c) According to Old Testament tradition, the soul owed its origin to the divine breath of life (cf. Apoc. xi. 11, xiii. 15) which was breathed into the earthly material (Gen. ii. 7). God has caused His spirit to make its abode in man (Jas. iv. 5) ; so man was made in His likeness (Jas. iii. 9, after Gen. i. 27), and God became the Father of spirits (Heb. xii. 9). If this spirit quits the body, man is dead (Matt, xxvii. 5 0 ; Luke xxiii. 46; Acts vii. 59; John xix. 30); if it returns, he becomes alive again (Luke viii. 5 5) ; without spirit, the body is dead (Jas. ii. 26). Hence i/cTrvietv in Mark xv. 37 is altogether synonymous with e/c\jrv^eiv in Acts v. 5, 10, xii. 23. This irvevaa, however, is not only the principle of the bodily life in man, but (seeing it is derived from God) also of the higher spiritual life. It therefore forms the antithesis of the crdpf;, which is determined by sensuous impressions (Mark xiv. 3 8) ; growth in spirit is the antithesis of bodily growth (Luke i. 80, ii. 40), just as poverty in the province of the spiritual life forms the antithesis of literal poverty (Matt. v. 3). That which is not perceptible to the senses is perceived in the spirit (Mark ii. 8) ; Jesus sighs in the spirit when He does not wish to reveal His feelings (viii. 12); it is in the spirit that man rejoices (Luke i. 47, x. 21), and is provoked (Acts xvii. 16 ; John xi. 33). It is in the spirit that purposes are formed (Acts xix. 21, xx. 22); it is in the spirit that zeal dwells (Acts xviii. 25), as well as meekness (1 Pet. iii. 4). Now, since this irvevfia has begotten 124 THE RIGHTEOUSNESS OF THE KINGDOM OF GOD. the human soul, the latter also is not only the bearer of the bodily-sensuous life, but also of the higher spiritual life. It is the subject of every higher feeling (i.e. of every feeling which is not owing to the body), of rest (Matt. xi. 29) and anxiety (John x. 24, xii. 27, just like the vrvevfia in xiii. 21), of joy (Luke i. 46, where trvevp.a stands in the parallel clause) and sorrow (Luke ii. 35 ; Mark xiv. 34), of delight (Matt. xii. 18; Heb. x. 38) as well as of (spiritual) well- being (3 John 2), of love (Matt. xxii. 37) as well as of hate (Acts xiv. 2). As the bearer of the Christian life it is strengthened (Acts xiv. 22) and exhausted (Heb. xii. 3), it is endangered by the sensuous lusts (1 Pet. ii. 11; 2 Pet. ii. 8, 14), it is subverted by heresy (Acts xv. 24), it is guarded (1 Pet. ii. 25, iv. 19 ; Heb. xiii. 17) and purified (1 Pet. i. 22). For this very reason it does not die at death (Matt. x. 28), it is only separated from the body. The souls which are separated from the body (Apoc. vi. 9, xx. 4) are pure spiritual essences (TrvevfiaTa, 1 Pet. iii. 19; Heb. xii. 23), they continue to exist iv irvevfiaTi (1 Pet. iii. 19, iv. 6). It is not till after the death of the body that their final fate is decided, whether they fall a prey to destruction and are therefore definitively lost (Matt. x. 28, 39 ; Mark viii. 36, 37), or whether they are delivered from destruction and therefore gained (Matt. x. 39 ; Luke xxi. 19 ; 1 Pet. i. 9; Jas. i. 21, v. 20; Heb. vi. 19, x. 39 ; John xii. 25). From this it follows that the nature of man is conceived of as dichotomous, and that all dis tinctions between •tyv'yf) and ivve.vaa in the sense of a tricho tomy, such as Delitzsch especially has recently adopted, are arbitrary (cf. Biedermann, p. 193 ; Wendt, p. 47). The soul is just the -Trvevfia which has entered into man ; in man the irvevfia becomes soul. It is only in this sense that even in Heb. iv. 12 the soul is distinguished from the irvevua which constitutes it, in order to describe the inner life of man even i i its ultimate grounds. (d) The central organ within man is the heart. There is the central point of the circulation of the blood, and therefore also the real seat of the soul. If, now, the latter is the bearer of the spiritual life in man, the icapSia does not represent any particular side of the life of the soul ; it is the seat of the whole spiritual life in general (1 Pet. iii. 4 ; Jas. v. 8 ; Heb. § 28. THE CALLING. 125 xiii. 9). It is in the heart that thoughts dwell (Matt. ix. 4 ; Luke ii. 35, iii. 15, xxiv. 38) ; it is the seat of self-conscious ness and of the consciousness of truth (Heb. x. 22 ; 1 John iii. 19-21; Jas. i. 26 ; Heb. iii. 10). Therefore it is the spiritual eye, which, illuminated by the light -of the truth (2 Pet. i. 19), gives light to the whole man (Matt. vi. 22, 23). Where man does not accept the truth, the reason is to be found in the unsusceptibility of the heart (Matt. xiii. 15 ; Mark iii. 5, vi. 52, viii. 17; Luke xxi. 34; Acts vii. 51; Heb. iii. 8, 15 ; John xii. 40). In the heart that which is heard is understood (Matt. xiii. 15 ; Acts xvi. 14, xxviii. 27; John xii. 40), kept, and pondered (Matt. xiii. 19 ; Luke i. 66, ii. 19, 51, viii. 15, xxi. 14, cf. Heb. viii. 10, x. 16); in the heart doubt (Luke xxiv. 38) and unbelief (Luke xxiv. 25; Heb. iii. 12) have their root. It is also the seat of all feelings, joyous (Acts ii. 26, 46, xiv. 17; John xvi. 22) as well as painful (Acts ii. 37, vii. 54, xxi. 13 ; John xvi. 6, cf. xiv. 1, 27), of all inclinations and emotions (Matt. xxii. 37, after Deut. vi. 5 ; Luke i. 17, xxiv. 32 ; Acts iv. 32, vii. 39, xiii. 22; 1 Pet. i. 22 ; Jas. iii. 14), of all lusts (Mark vii. 21-23; Jas. v. 5 ; 2 Pet. ii. 14, cf. Jas. iv. 8; Acts xv. 9) and resolutions (Acts v. 3, 4, vii. 23, xi. 23; Apoc. xvii. 17, xviii. 7; John xiii. 2). That, however, which is in the heart is hidden (Luke xvi. 15 ; Acts i. 24, xv. 8 ; 1 Pet. iii. 4; Apoc. ii. 23), and cannot be perceived from without; it is only by that which proceeds from the heart that its nature is known, as the tree is known by the fruit (Matt. vii. 15-20, xii. 33-35). Therefore the disposition, as that which is purely inward and as contrasted with every expres sion by which it is perceived, has its seat in the heart (Luke I 51 ; Heb. iv. 12, x. 22 ; 1 Pet. iii. 15 ; Acts viii. 21, 22). CHAPTEE V. THE MESSIANIC CHURCH. § 28. The Calling. The founding of the kingdom of God begins with the calling of the individuals by the Messiah, (b) The success of 126 THE MESSIANIC CHURCH. this calling is conditioned by the nature of the hearts of the men whom it reaches, and depends upon the existence within them of susceptibility and longing for salvation, (c) While levity and worldliness make at least an enduring success impossible, selfishness, impenitence, and stupidity render the heart altogether unsusceptible, (d) Since the majority of the children of Israel — the nation which was first called — have rejected this calling, Jesus has already anticipated a calling of the Gentiles. (a) The founding of the kingdom of God is effected by means of a spiritual activity of the Messiah, which must meet with success in the case of each individual who is to partici pate in the completed theocracy (§ 14, b). The first condition of this success is that the individual be reached by that activity, and in order that this may happen, a call is addressed to him (Mark ii. 17). As in Luke (v. 32), this call may be conceived of as a summons to repentance (§ 21); it is, how ever, also represented as a summons to work in God's vine yard (Matt. xx. 1-7), i.e. (according to § 26, a) to the striving after righteousness which is pleasing to God, which striving, of course, presupposes a thorough repentance. On the other hand, seeing that it is by means of this calling that the individual is to be led to participate in the kingdom of God, and seeing that the kingdom of God is the highest good, that which brings with it the fulfilment of all the promises and the full Messianic salvation, it can also be represented as the invitation to a feast with its joys (Luke xiv. 16 = Matt. xxii. 2). Lastly, inasmuch as salvation is brought by the Messiah (§ 22), it can also be described as a seek ing of the lost (Luke xix. 10, cf. the parables of the lost sheep and the lost coin, Luke xv. 3-10), or as a careful gathering together, which resembles the gathering of her chickens by the hen, that they may find protection and safety under her wings (Matt, xxiii. 37). Thus the calling is con ceived of, sometimes as a designation to the fulfilling of a definite duty, sometimes as a designation to the highest salva tion. In every case, however, the point in question is not, as in the Old Testament, the calling of the nation as a nation (cf. Isa. xiii. 6, xlviii. 12, 15), but of its individual members. § 28. THE CALLING. 127 (h) In the parable which represents the varied success of the activity of Jesus in founding the kingdom, and therefore also of the calling (Matt. xiii. 3—9), the oldest Gospel correctly explains the good soil, which brings forth an hundred fold, as referring to the susceptible hearts (Mark iv. 20 : oirwe? dicovovcriv tov Xoyov ical TrapaBe^ovTai). Wherein this susceptibility consists is stated more precisely in the four original beatitudes of the Sermon on the Mount (cf. my Matthdusev. p. 132-136), which specify the conditions of participating in the already present kingdom of God, and in its saving blessings. They pronounce the poor blessed, who mourn on account of their poverty in the province of the spiritual life (Matt. v. 3, 4), and yearn after righteousness (ver. 6). If the Messiah proclaims the message of the king dom of God which has appeared, and in which righteousness is realized, it is natural that he alone can be susceptible to this message who feels his poverty in this respect, and there fore desires that it may be removed. It is the same striving after righteousness which shows itself, only in another manner, in the case of those who suffer themselves to be persecuted for the sake of righteousness (ver. 10), who therefore rather endure persecution . than leave off striving after that which, even in its imperfect form (§ 21, a), is to them so great a good. It is true the invitation to the weary and heavy- laden (xi. 28) is not addressed, in the first instance at least, to the penitent ; but the pressure of the law, of which it speaks (§ 21, b), is nevertheless felt only by those who continually -perceive their incapacity to fulfil it, or the in sufficiency of their fulfilment. Jesus sets up children as patterns of this lively susceptibility, which springs from the feeling of neediness (Mark x. 14, 15) ; and one can attain this feeling only when, looking away from everything which he thinks he already possesses, or is, or can effect, he feels his poverty, weakness, and insufficiency, and so, humbling him self, becomes like children, to whom the feeling of their neediness is natural (Matt, xviii. 3, 4). Accordingly it is also the simple (xi. 25) to whom the mystery of the kingdom of God is made known ; on the other hand, the consciousness of one's own wisdom (o-oSs thki^xn), from the ever-increasing danger of apostasy in the time of the last tribulations that are to try them, which danger is averted by the abridg ment of their time of trial. Accordingly, he also already questions the possi bility of a seduction of the elect (ver. 22 : ii tmarit), because the faithfulness of God, which shortens the last time of trial on account of His purpose of election, will also preserve His elect from the danger of seduction, in order that they may not miss the goal for which He has appointed them (cf. my Marcusev. p. 423 f.). 138 THE MESSIANIC CHURCH. disciple of Jesus, however, knows that as such his name is written in heaven (Luke x. 20) ; he knows that he is appointed to be a member of the kingdom of God ; and, accordingly, so long as he adheres closely to the bond of this discipleship, he can be certain of the completion of his salvation. § 31. The Apostles and the Church. In order that His proclamation may continue its calling activity even after His death, Jesus has chosen and sent out the twelve apostles, (b) By means of them, Peter taking a prominent part in the work, the fellowship of His disciples was to be gathered together into a separate community, (c) As to an organization of this community, Jesus has determined nothing ; but He has bequeathed to it authority to announce and deny forgiveness of sins, (d) He has constituted the congregation of the Messianic Church the heir of the grandest promises given to Israel. (a) If the realization of the kingdom of God depended upon the calling reaching the individuals through the proclama tion of Jesus, then provision had to be made that, even after His departure from the earth, this proclamation should still be continued, and for this purpose He has chosen and sent forth His apostles (Mark iii. 14 : "va diroa-TeKXrj avTov<; Ktjpvao-eiv), upon whom He has also conferred the full dignity of ambassadors (Matt. x. 40 : 6 Be%6/j,evo<; v/xdi i/j,e Bi^erai).1 Since the calling was addressed, in the first place, to the nation of the twelve tribes (§ 28, d), Jesus therefore chose twelve of them, with evident reference to the work for which they were appointed (cf. Matt. xix. 28 = Luke xxii. 30). From Matt. xxii. 8, 9 one could perhaps conclude, that if Israel definitively rejected the calling, then the same messengers were to turn to the Gentiles; but according to x. 18, Jesus 1 That He Himself already designated them as messengers (kmo-mXa, Luke vi. 13, xi.-- 49 ; John xiii. 16) the earliest tradition is not aware. In the apo stolic source He occasionally calls them vrpoipvrzi, o-aqdi xx) <; tov XptcrTov).1 And now, if, according to the testimony of the apostles, Jesus had been raised up by God (ver. 32), this had happened because, according to this prophecy, it was not possible that He could be holden by 1 According to this passage, therefore, the resurrection consists in this, that the soul, which was put into Hades after its separation from the body, is again removed from it, that the painful death-state of the (disembodied) soul is put an end to by its being again clothed with the body. That even the flesh is not decomposed in corruption, but, so we must assume, is immediately changed into a substance suited to the heavenly life, is a prerogative of the Messiah, who is raised up, not at the last day, but already on the third, i.e. before corruption had commenced (cf. John xi. 39). Incidentally we further learn from this passage that Peter not only takes for granted the Davidic descent of Jesus per se, but also that this was known to all the people and universally acknowledged (cf. § 19, a). § 39. THE EXALTED MESSIAH. 179 death, i.e. because He was the Messiah of whom it prophesied (ver. 24). For in vv. 25—31 the ovk fjv BwaTov of ver. 24 is established, not by reflecting upon a vital principle which inhered in Him because of His nature (Schmid, ii. 167, 169 [E. Tr. 387 f.]), or. upon His Messianic dignity per se (Baur, p. 307), but by referring to the passage in the Psalm whose Messianic application was justified. (h) The risen One, however, had also been exalted to God's right hand, and that, likewise, because David had already foretold the exaltation of the Messiah to God's right hand (ii. 33-35), as Peter shows from Ps. ex. 1 — a passage which had been applied to the Messiah by Jesus Himself. That this exaltation has taken place must have been a matter of certainty to the apostles in consequence of the prophecy of Jesus (§ 19), and, in so far, they could already bear witness also to this fact (v. 31).2 When in v. 32, however, the fact of the communication of the Spirit is also mentioned as a testimony to this exaltation, this is to be understood, in accordance with ii. 33, to mean that it is only as the One who is exalted to God's right hand that Jesus could receive authority to bestow the gift of the Spirit — a gift which God had promised to give in the Messianic time, and which believers were conscious of having received through the mediation of Jesus.3 (c) Through His exaltation to participation in divine glory and in the government of the world, a participation which is denoted by sitting at God's right hand (§ 19, c), Jesus has now first entered upon the specific Messianic dignity. Although it was evidenced in His earthly life, as well as in His death and resurrection, that Jesus of Nazareth was the 2 The assumption of a visible ascension to heaven, of which the earliest tradi tion knew nothing, is no more involved in this by itself than in the aixXntplmai of i. 22 and the umfimai us robs aipxtois of ii. 34 (which must indeed necessarily take place, if the heaven was to receive Him who walked upon earth (iii. 21)), even though Luke may already have so taken it. 3 It is only in ii. 33, where a specific Messianic authority is ascribed to the exalted Jesus (cf. Matt. iii. 11), that God is called His Father, a circumstance which is all the more significant, seeing that in these discourses He never appears as the Father of believers. But because there is already involved in this the idea of Christ's Sonship, and that, too, in the sense of election to the calling of Messiah (§ 17), we must not, with Lechler (p. 18)> lay any special weight upon the absence of the name of Son. 180 PROCLAMATION OF THE MESSIAH AND THE MESSIANIC TIME. person foreseen by Messianic prophecy as the One through whom God would accomplish the completion of salvation, yet royal dominion was too essential a feature of the prophetic picture of the Messiah, that the latter could be regarded as perfectly fulfilled, so long as that feature was not yet realized. Now, however, the whole house of Israel could know assuredly that God has made the crucified Jesus Lord and Messiah (ii. 36). It is true, the Son of David, whom God Himself had anointed (§ 38, h), had not ascended the throne of His father David, as the national expectation hoped ; but this was only in order that He might exchange it for the throne of the world, that instead of being the King of Israel He might become the Lord of all (x. 36). It is now that He has first become the corner-stone of the completed theocracy (iv. 11), the Captain, to which position God has exalted Him (v. 31). But He is designated not only the Lord of the theocracy or of believers, but also simply the Lord (ii. 36, xi. 23, 24; cf. o Kvptos 'Iiycrows: i. 21, iv. 33, xi. 20, xv. 11), as only Jehovah Himself is named. For, following the example of the LXX., here also the Old Testament name of God is rendered in quotations by 6 Kvpios (ii. 20, 25, 34, iv. 26, and frequently), and God is designated simply 6 icvpio? (i. 24, iii. 19, iv. 29, cf. ii. 39). If now Jesus has become the tcvpio? in the same comprehensive sense, then a saying, which treats of the Kt/pio?-Jehovah, may also be applied without more ado to the /ev/atos-Jesus, and that, too, a saying which speaks of the invocation of God (ii. 20, 21, cf. vii. 59, 60). The Messiah who is exalted to this KvpioTrjs must, of course, be a divine being (cf. § 19, d), although, for the earliest pro clamation, this conclusion gave no occasion for the considera tion of the question, in how far such an exaltation was rooted in the original nature of His person. (d) If it is after His exaltation from the earth that Jesus has first entered upon His full Messianic dignity, it follows, of course, that His earthly life was not yet the manifestation of the Messiah which prophecy had looked forward to, the manifestation which was to bring about the ultimate consum mation (§ 38, a). He must be sent once more, as He was sent the first time (iii. 26). Without referring to the pro phecy of Jesus, it is assumed in iii. 20 as self-evident, that a § 40. THE COMING OF THE MESSIANIC TIME. 181 time will come when God will send this Jesus as the Messiah appointed for the nation (read : tov . . . Xpiardv 'Irjaovv), when He comes forth, therefore, in conformity with prophecy, in His full Messianic glory, to bring to the people the times of the Messianic consummation (ver. 19). Thus, even the Jesus who is enthroned and ruling in heaven (ver. 21) is not yet in a perfect manner that which the Messiah is to be to the people ; but that no other one than this Jesus will one day come as the Messiah, and that, too, not only as the accom- plisher, but also as the judge of the world ordained of God (x. 42) — it is this that the proclamation of His Messiahship is meant to prove. § 40. The Coming of the Messianic Time. With the appearance of the Messiah there has commenced the Messianic end of the times, which already bestows essential Messianic saving blessings, (b) As a condition of participating in these the apostolic message at once demands and works repentance, (c) This manifests itself, first of all, in the believing acceptance of this message, and in the recog nition of Jesus as the Messiah, (d) As the immediate sequel, however, of this end of the times which has already com menced, the Messianic judgment is to be looked for, from which only the Messiah can deliver all who call upon His name. (a) Although the Messiah had not yet brought the com pletion of salvation, yet there could be no doubt that with His appearance there had commenced the Messianic time to which all the prophets had pointed (iii. 24), as the last days (eo-%aTai rjfiipat,, as translation of the Old Testament nnns &QV} ; cf. Gen. xlix. 1 ; Mic. iv. 1 ; Isa. ii. 2), in which all the decrees of Jehovah must be accomplished. In ii. 17 Peter expressly inserts this term, techn. of Messianic prophecy into the prophecy of Joel, whose fulfilment he there points out, in order to show that with this fulfilment at least the Messianic end of the times had come. If, however, that is the case, then with it essential blessings of salvation must also already be given. Now, as such a blessing, the prophecy in Joel ii. 28 f. names a universal pouring out of the Spirit ; this has taken place on the day of Pentecost (ii. 16 ff), and 182 PROCLAMATION OF THE MESSIAH AND THE MESSIANIC TIME. is ever repeated afresh in the case of those who believe in the Messiah (ii. 38). The Baptist had already stated that the Messiah would baptize with the Holy Ghost (Matt. iii. 11), and the disciples of Jesus are conscious of having received this gift through their exalted Lord (ii. 33).1 The other essen tially Messianic blessing of salvation (§ 22, a) is the forgive ness of sins which was promised by all the prophets for the Messianic time, and which, like the communication of the Spirit, is also secured through the mediation of the Messiah (Bi,d tov wo/iaro? avTov, x. 43) ; this can now be offered to every one on the occasion of his entrance into His Church (ii. 38, iii. 19, v. 31), in consequence of the authority which was bestowed upon it by Jesus (§ 31, c). Even the miracles of healing, in which the manifestation of Jesus proved itself to be a revelation of Jehovah, who had come in the time of salvation with help and blessing to His people (§ 20, d), repeat themselves within the Church (ii. 43, v. 12, vi. 8, viii. 6, 7, 13). Only, in order to glorify His Messiah (iv. 10), God now works them, in answer to the prayer of the disciples (cf. ix. 40, xxviii. 8), through the name of Jesus (iv. 30) ; i.e., on the occasion of miracles, the name of Jesus, which denotes His Messianic dignity, must be called upon (iii. 6, cf. xvi. 18), and thus it is brought out, that it is only in consequence of the manifestation of the Messiah that this grace of God is bestowed upon the Church. Indeed, the very name of Jesus may be conceived of as that which works the cure (iii. 16), or Jesus Himself may be regarded as continuing His healing activity by the hands of His disciples (ix. 34). 1 Just as in the prophecy of Joel, the Spirit appears here also as the prin ciple of supernatural gifts of grace (cf. § 18, a, footnote 2) ; for in the speak ing with tongues (ii. 4, x. 46, cf. viii. 18), in prophesying (xix. 6, cf. i. 16), and in seeing visions (vii. 55), the communication of the Spirit forthwith reveals itself in visible and audible phenomena ; the Spirit works the wisdom and the power with which the disciples bear witness to the truth (vi. 3, 10, vii. 51). It is true these gifts of the Spirit are by no means regarded merely as "wonderful phenomena," but as the equipment of the servants of God for the work that is laid upon them (ii. 18) ; but nowhere does the Spirit appear as the principle of the new moral life. Nor is the Spirit con ceived of as personal, but as a gift of God (ii. 38, v. 32, viii. 20, cf. x. 45, xi. 17) ; and when an appeal is made to v. 32 in order' to prove the contrary, the circumstance is overlooked that there it is not the Spirit itself, but the fact of the communication of the Spirit (cf. § 39, b) that testifies to the exaltation of Jesus. § 40. THE COMING OF THE MESSIANIC TIME. 183 (h) Participation in these blessings is attached, however, to certain conditions. As Jesus Himself was sent by God to turn away His fellow-countrymen from their previous iniquities, and so to make them sharers in the Messianic blessings (iii. 26), so His apostles demand repentance (ii. 38, viii. 22) and the consequent change in men's moral walk, and make this the condition of their obtaining the forgiveness of sins (iii. 19, v. 31, viii. 22). This demand is grounded, however, not only upon the general assumption of human sinfulness, but also, under the special circumstances of the earliest apostolic preaching, upon the grievous sin which the people had committed, in that, through the choice of Barabbas, they had made themselves guilty of the denial of Jesus and sharers in the guilt of His death (iii. 13—15). But as the proclamation of Jesus not only demanded repentance, but also effectively called it into existence (§ 21, c), so also the preaching of the apostles. God has exalted Jesus to His right hand in order that every one, who is willing to see, may now know that He was God's chosen Messiah, and that, consequently, His death was a grievous sin, and so may be led to repentance. If, in this sense, God has, by the exaltation of Jesus, given the people the strongest motive for repentance (v. 31, cf. xi. 18), then the proclamation of His exaltation by the apostles must vigor ously work this repentance. Through repentance those who participate in the Messianic salvation become a fellowship of true servants of God (iv. 29, ii. 18, cf. § 32, a), a fellowship which walks in the fear of the Lord (ix. 31). (c) It is only the first and most obvious evidence of this repentance, if those who rejected the message of God which was addressed to them through Jesus now accept the procla mation of God's new messengers. The apostles, namely, are the witnesses chosen of God ; they have received, through Jesus, His command to preach unto the people (x. 41, 42) ; and, in the execution of this command, they are obedient to God alone (iv. 19, v. 29). As regards them, it is self-evident that the obedience which God demands consists in this, that men receive their message, in which a word of God Hhnself (iv. 29) is addressed to the people, as true (cf. ii. 41, viii. 14) ; and, accordingly, this obedience appears in v. 32 as a condi tion of the communication of the Spirit. Standing as it does 184 PROCLAMATION OF THE MESSIAH AND THE MESSIANIC TIME. in connection with the hearing of the word, believing, in xv. 7 (cf. ver. 9), can denote only this trustful acceptance of the message (§ 29, c), — it can only mean that one believes him who brings the joyous message of the name of Jesus as the Messiah (viii. 12).3 In such a case the consequence will be, that they now call Jesus, whom the people once rejected, their Lord and Master, because they have known assuredly from the apostolic message that God has made Him this (ii. 3 6). They must call upon Jesus who is thus confessed to be the Messiah (ver. 21) ; through this name, which they must then, naturally, confess, they receive the forgiveness of sins (x. 43) ; for this name's sake they must suffer dishonour and sacrifice their life (v. 41, xv. 26, cf. § 29, b). Inasmuch, now, as the acknowledg ment of the Messiahship of Jesus is expressed in this name, and therewith the assurance is given that through Him all the divine promises of salvation are fulfilled, there is no doubt already included in this faith the confidence that, through Him, all the Messianic blessings of salvation will be received. In xv. 11, however, faith appears expressly as trust in the deliverance that is to be expected, through Jesus, in the Messianic judgment. (d) With the pouring out of the Spirit the prophecy of Joel immediately connected the coming of the day of Jehovah, i.e. of the great Messianic day of judgment, amid dreadful signs in heaven (Joel ii. 30 f.). By adopting this part also of the prophecy (ii. 19, 20) Peter wishes to intimate explicitly that, as the immediate sequel of the last days which have already commenced, the Messianic day of judgment is near at hand ; and according to § 39, t^ this is the day of the second sending of Jesus, seeing that He comes as the Lord and Messiah who 2 As in the discourses of Jesus, so here also faith is probably not yet directly referred to the person of Jesus ; for in x. 43 Txvrx ™v ¦xio-riimru. i\s n'wriy is probably an addition of Luke's, which is obviously superfluous alongside of S;i tou iyi/ixras ubnZ, and xi. 17 belongs to a discourse whose derivation from the Petrine source is doubtful (§ 35, 6). On the other hand, h mens stands in iii. 16, 6, just as in the discourses of Jesus (§ 29, c), for the wonder-working trust in God, which, however, is in so far owing to the Messiah (ti V xlmZ) as only the assurance, that the grace of God which surmounts all difficulties has appeared in Him, could lead to such a trust in God's miraculous help. For this reason it is really the name of Jesus which has restored soundness to the cripple, because of the confidence which Peter places in it (It) t* tio-tu t»? ivifcxm), when, in the name of Jesus, he commanded him to walk (iii. 16 a, cf. iv. 10). § 41. THE CHURCH AND THE APOSTLES. 185 has been appointed judge. The present generation of the people, laden as it is with the most heinous sin (note b, ii. 40 : yeved crKoXia ; cf. Deut. xxxii. 5), can naturally only look for destruction in this judgment (viii. 20 : dircoXeta, cf. § 34, c), unless a way of deliverance is pointed out to it. Such a way, however, Peter has pointed out to the people (ii. 40), by explaining the prophecy of Joel, that every one who shall call on the name of the Lord will be saved, as referring to the name of Jesus who has been exalted to be Lord and Messiah (ver. 21). There is no other name given among men, whereby men can be saved, than the name of the Messiah ; therefore it is in Him alone, as the Lord of the completed theocracy, that its members can find the Messianic salvation (iv. 11 f.). In so far Jesus is exalted not only to be the Lord, but also to be the Saviour (v. 31). As the Messiah who is ordained to be the judge (x. 42) He has naturally also to determine who shall be delivered from this judgment ; and, according to xv. 11, He will, through His favour, deliver all who show, by their calling upon Him, that they have penitently received the message of salvation. With deliverance from destruction, however, there is at the same time given the completed salvation, which, according to § 34 h, consists in (eternal) life. Accordingly, Jesus has also become the Prince of this life (iii. 1 5 : apxyyos t»5? fw???) : as the One who has been led to life through the resurrection, He shows to all the way of life.3 CHAPTEE II. THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. § 41. The Church and the Apostles. At the feast of Pentecost the Church was founded by the pouring out of the Spirit and the institution of the rite of baptism, to the reception of which participation in the forgive- 3 The inaccurate translation of kpxnyis by " author " has caused Gess to think exclusively of the life-giving power of Jesus as shown in His miracles of healing (ii. p. 6). 186 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. ncss of sins and in the gift of the Spirit is henceforth attached. (b) The Church continued bound together by their participating in the teaching of the apostles, by the realization of brotherly fellowship with one another, by the rite of the breaking of bread, and by common prayer, (c) An organization is inci dentally given to the Church through the appointment of overseers of the poor; the place of these is taken later by the elders who also officially look after its other concerns ; while the younger members of the Church, without any express official position, attend to its outward services. (d) The apostles devote themselves wholly and diligently to prayer and the ministry of the word, without, however, claiming any specific qualification or authority. (a) Through the baptism of the Spirit at the feast of Pente cost the exalted Christ had again borne witness of Himself to His disciples as the One who would and could bring about the realization of the kingdom of God upon earth ; there was now a Church of Christ (rj itc/cX^ala simply: v. 11, viii. 1, 3) within the Old Testament Church of God, a Church which had been consecrated by Himself through the gift of the Spirit to be the place of its realization. This was not a school or a sect, which was bound together by peculiar dogmas or religious ceremonies ; but as the Old Testament Church had been bound together by the divinely-appointed bond of blood relationship, so this Church was bound together by the divine gift of the Spirit, the bestowal of which declared its members to be the true servants of Jehovah (ii. 18), in whose midst the com pleted theocracy with all its blessings must be realized. From those, however, who should henceforth be gained by the apostolic preaching, and who should wish to connect them selves with this Church, Peter already, according to his first Pentecostal sermon, demanded the baptism of repentance (ii. 38 : fieTavoriaaTe teal /3aTTTiadi]Ta) etcao-Tos;), which John had once demanded from the whole nation. By submersion the resolution to abandon entirely the old disposition, and to begin a new life as a new man, was to be represented and confirmed in a symbolical act. That which was new was only this, that the act of submersion was performed in the name of Jesus (viii. 1 6 : ei? to ovojia tov Kvplov 'Irjcvov ; cf. ii. 38: iwl t&> ovo/miti, x. 48 : iv tS> ovofian, which has essentially the § 41. THE CHURCH AND THE APOSTLES. 187 same significance).1 In this way expression was given to the fact that this act included the recognition of Jesus as the Lord and Messiah, a recognition which was denoted by the name which was currently given to Him in the Church. If, however, in this way, the two demands were fulfilled to which participation in the saving blessings of the Messianic time was attached (§ 40, b, c), these must also have immediately become the portion of those who submitted to the baptism of repentance in the name of Jesus. Accordingly Peter promises to those, who suffer themselves to be baptized, the forgiveness of sins and the gift of the Spirit (ii. 38).2 In the outpouring of the Spirit, which is manifested in externally perceptible phenomena (§ 40, a), believers had the pledge that this promise was fulfilled (cf. xix. 5,6); and by means of it the exalted Christ gave them the assurance that it was according to His will and in His name that the apostles had instituted this sign of the covenant (ef. § 31, h). Peter could therefore describe baptism as the way which leads to the Messianic salvation (ii. 40), inasmuch as, by its reception, they entered into the Church, which its exalted Lord must deliver from destruction when He returns to judgment (cf. § 40, d).s 1 Thi»t this was the original expression for the specific use of the rite of baptism in the Christian Church, appears unquestionable from 1 Cor. i. 13, 15 (cf. x. 2). It is not impossible that the naming of Jesus, which was the expres sion of the acknowledgment of His Messianic dignity, taken in connection with the significance which it gained for the rite of baptism, very early left its mark in the technical Messianic name (» Xpio-ros) being divested of its appellative sense and joined with the name Jesus into a nomen proprium ('increvs Xpio-rls : ii. 38, iii. 6, iv. 10, viii. 12, x. 36 — yet almost only where the point in question is the reverential designation of the Messiah) ; yet we must note the fact, that in these very discourses S Xpiaros still occurs frequently in its original technical appellative sense (ii. 31, 36, iii. 18, 20, iv. 26, ix. 34, cf. v. 42, viii. 5), and that it is therefore difficult to determine how far that expression, which is found also in other parts of the Acts of the Apostles, already belonged to the source which Luke employed. 2 Thus, then, the merely symbolical act of John's baptism of repentance had become a sacrament, i.e. the vehicle of supernatural gifts of grace. Already it is plainly a secondary feature, when Mark's Gospel ascribes even to John's baptism the mediation of the forgiveness of sins (i. 4). The earliest tradition (Matt. iii. 11) knows nothing of this, and expressly reserves the baptism of the Spirit for the coming Messiah. 3 Naturally this does not forbid that the exalted Christ Himself was not confined to this order. There is nowhere any indication that baptism was considered necessary for those who had already become disciples of Jesus, and had been led to repentance and faith by Himself. The first Church of the dis- 188 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. (b) A short description of the life of the first Church is given in ii. 42, very probably according to the Petrine source, since in ii. 43-47 Luke has sought to explain and supplement it. According to this description, the Church gathered around the teaching of the apostles (which was, indeed, only the con tinuation of the proclamation of Jesus), just as the stedfast following of Jesus, for the purpose of continually hearing His teaching, was, during the lifetime of the Messiah, the sign of enduring discipleship (§ 29, a). Moreover, even the name fia07)Tai appears to have been retained in the circle of the mother Church (xv. 10, cf. vi. 1, 2, ix. 36, xi. 29). It was bound together by the bond of an inner fellowship (kolvwvIo); within the wider brotherhood of their fellow-countrymen (ii. 29, 37, iii. 17) it formed a closer brotherhood (i. 15, xi. 29, xv. 1, and frequently), in which they addressed one another as dBeXobol (cf. i. 16, vi. 3, xii. 17, xv. 7, 13), just as Jesus had already taught His adherents to regard themselves as brethren (§ 25, c). This brotherly fellowship found its expression in their compassionate provision for the widows (vi. 1), and, naturally, also for the poor in general ; for this purpose not a few well-to-do members of the Church sold all their possessions (iv. 3 7), without this, however, being regarded as a duty (v. 4). Their meals were in common ; and at them the breaking of bread of Jesus on the occasion of the last supper was repeated in a holy memorial feast (ii. 42, cf. § 31, b). Lastly, according to ii. 42, the fellowship of the disciples was a fellowship for prayer (cf. i. 14, iv. 24, xii. 12), in keeping with the circumstance that Jesus had made prayer (which would also be heard) the privilege and duty of His adherents (§ 20, b, 30,5). That, accordingly, the members of the Church had their fixed and separate assemblies, in which they were conscious of their common confession in listening to the preaching of the apostles and in common prayer, admits of no doubt. (c) As Jesus has not determined anything regarding an ciples receives the gift of the Spirit without baptism (ii. 33) ; and so, too, the first Church of the uncircumcised (x. 44), in order that their baptism might be occasioned by a divine an^uay (x. 47, xi. 15-17, cf. also ix. 17 f. ). The case even occurs in which the gift of the Spirit does not immediately follow upon baptism (viii. 16, cf. ver. 12). § 41. THE CHURCH AND THE APOSTLES. 189 organization of the future Church (§ 31, c), so neither have the apostles, at first, considered such an organization to be necessary. As, in consequence of the growth of the Church, the administration of provision for the poor became more arduous, and required greater care in order that abuses might be avoided, the Church resolved, on the motion of the apostles, who had up to this time received and administered the love- gifts (iv. 37, v. 2), to choose seven men qualified by the Spirit's gift of wisdom to undertake this difficult task (vi. 1-6). These seven men (xxi. 8 : ol eirTa) are not styled deacons, although it is a Biaicovia which they undertake (vi. 2). Later, we find also the institute of the elders of the synagogue imitated in the Church, in the irpeo-BvTepoi, whose calling accordingly must have been the management of the external affairs of the Church. Now, since there was among these none more important and more extensive than that of providing for the poor, and since in xi. 30 it is really the elders, as it had previously been the apostles, who receive the love-gifts, it would appear that, after the temporary interrup tion of the continuity of the life of the Church (viii. 1), in consequence of which we see one of the seven henceforth active as an evangelist (viii. 5, 26 ff., xxi. 8), these elders took the place and adopted the duties of the seven men, who had been chosen only ad hoc, into their more comprehensive official activity. Nowhere do the elders appear as a teaching- authority; not even at the apostolic council (Lechler, p. 308), where their activity comes out so prominently (xv. 2, 6, 22, 23, xvi. 4) probably only because the question discussed there had, besides its religious side, an importance of the greatest consequence for the social life of the Church. Also in xxi. 18 ff. they consult with Paul as to measures for maintaining peace and order in the Church (cf. ver. 22). The younger members of the Church (v. 6, 10: ol vednepot or veavio-Koi), without any special office, perform the external services of the congregation, among which even the external performance of the rite of baptism appears to be counted (x. 48). (d) Quite in keeping with the charge of Jesus (§31, a) the apostles describe as their specific activity, in which they wished not to be hindered by the management of the external 190 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILE& affairs of the Church, the Biaxovla tov Xoyov (vi. 2, 4), in consequence of which they form the teaching authority in the Church. With this Bia/covla tov Xoyov, so far as it is exercised within the circle of the Church, there is probably closely connected also the leading of the prayers of the con gregation (vi. 4: Trpoo-evxfi), which, equally with teaching, involves the guiding of the assembly. Although they origi nally also look after its external affairs, yet they soon relieve themselves of this duty, because they consider that it does not fall within their specific province (note c) ; it is only, therefore, as the most prominent members of the Church, and not in virtue of their apostolic office, that they have hitherto performed this task. Not once do we perceive them exercising governmental authority. At their instigation the choice of the seven men was resolved upon and carried out by the Church (vi. 5, cf. i. 23) ; the discourses of the apostles only prepared the way for the decision at the so-called apostolic council ; it was come to, however, by the Church in agree ment with them and the elders (xv. 22, 23). The unmasking of the two deceivers, whom the punishment of God overtakes (v. 3—10), is no act of Church discipline. If it is in the apostles that the Holy Ghost appears deceived and put to the proof (vv. 3, 9), this is only because it is they who have received the gifts (ver. 2) which were entrusted to the Church, and esteemed by it because of the Holy Ghost ; for all the members of the Church have received the Spirit, and the decree of the Church is a decree of the Holy Ghost (xv. 23,2 8). If signs and wonders are done by the hands of the apostles (ii. 43, v. 12), this gift is nevertheless by no means confined to them (iv. 29 f., cf. vi. 8, viii. 6, 7, 13); and Peter expressly opposes the idea that these are performed by means of any special power inhering in them (iii. 12). Others also possess the Spirit's gift of wisdom (vi. 3, 10), speak through the Spirit (vi. 10, vii. 51), see visions (vii. 55), and prophesy (xi. 27, 28: irpo^fjTai, cf. xiii 1, xv. 32, xix. 6), as indeed the Spirit, who is bestowed upon all, is the principal of all the gifts of grace (§ 40, a). If it is by the laying on of the apostles' hands that the Samaritans receive the Holy Ghost (viii. 17, 19), ver. 15 shows that this is only a symbol signifying that it was for them that the apostles were praying § 42. THE CONVERSION OF THE WHOLE OF ISRAEL. 191 (cf. vi. 4) ; and in ix. 1 7 (cf. ver. 1 2) even this laying on of hands is performed by one of the disciples with the same effect. So in vi. 6 the laying on of hands only accompanies the prayer with which the apostles induct into their office the men who, on account of their fitness, had been chosen as overseers of the poor ; in an analogous manner the prophets and teachers of the Church at Antioch induct Barnabas and Saul into the missionary office to which they were called (xiii. 3), while in xiv. 23 the officers of the Church are appointed only with prayer. If, in the last place, it is the apostles who, according to viii. 14, appear to make provision for the union of those recently converted with the mother Church, it is the mother Church itself which, in an altogether analogous case, does this by means of one of its other mem bers (xi. 22).4 § 42. The Conversion of the whole of Israel. The mission of the apostles to Israel is only the resumption of the evangelizing and converting activity of Jesus ; through the complete conversion of Israel it is to render the return of Jesus and, therewith, the coming of the consummation of all things possible, (b) Accordingly, there is still granted to the nation a season of repentance ; even the putting to death of the Messiah is to be regarded as a sin of ignorance, and only- final disobedience towards Him is to be regarded as the sin of presumptuousness, for which extirpation from the nation is appointed as punishment, (c) There remains, therefore, to the apostles the hope that converted Israel will be the Church 4 The prominent position which Peter assumes in the Church is a result of his peculiar qualifications, in consequence of which he throughout takes the lead in word and in deed ; it is not a position which is officially fixed. It was only later that they regarded it as a result of a supremacy which Jesus had given him, and that they applied to him alone the promise of the power of the keys (Matt. xvi. 19), inasmuch as they explained it in accordance with Isa. xxii. 22. Alongside of him, the sons of Zebedee (see, on the one hand, xii. 2, on the other, iii. 1, 3, 4, 11, iv. 13, 19, viii. 14), who already stood nearest to Jesus (§ 31, a), must have been specially prominent. After Peter's imprison ment, James, the brother of the Lord, takes his place, although we hear nothing as to any express determination of the matter (xii. 17, xv. 13, cf. xxi. 18). 192 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. of the time of the consummation, and with this hope there is necessarily involved their firm adherence to the law of the fathers. (d) Even the renewed threatening prophecy of Stephen and his fearful castigatory sermon have not attacked the holy things of Israel, nor do they yet pronounce the divine sentence of rejection upon the nation. (a) According to § 31, a the real commission of the apostles is not to the Church, but to the whole nation. They are the witnesses chosen by God, the witnesses who are specially qualified to proclaim the resurrection, and who are charged with the message to the people (x. 41, 42, cf. iv. 19, v. 29). The significance of their number, twelve, as referring to the nation of the twelve tribes, is expressly recognised in the choice of one to fill the place vacated by Judas (i. 20).1 Through Jesus God had sent the glad tidings to the children of Israel (x. 3 6) ; but since the realization of salvation remained dependent upon the repentance of the nation, it had been His first effort to lead each individual in the nation to turn away from sin (iii. 26). This effort had been in vain; instead of being converted, the nation had killed its Messiah. Thereby the direct development of the Messianic work of salvation which had been originally intended was interfered with. The slain Messiah had been raised up by God and exalted to heaven ; but now this very exaltation must become to the nation the most powerful motive of repentance (v. 31, for which see § 40, h). Accordingly, the apostles were once more sent to the people of Israel (x. 42) with the message regarding the Messiahship of Jesus, and with the demand of repentance. Jesus must now remain in heaven until the times of the general conversion of which Malachi (iv. 5 f.) had prophesied (iii. 21). That it is of this that the diroicaTdcTTao-K irdvTwv is to be understood is shown by Mark ix. 12, and confirmed 1 They can choose this successor of Judas only from such as have been constant followers of Jesus (i. 21, 22) during the whole time to which their preaching refers (x. 37-41). Between those with this qualification whom the Church puts forward (i. 23) God Himself decides by means of the lot which is cast after He has been called upon (i. 24-26). In accordance with the promise of Jesus (Matt. x. 20, cf. § 21, c, footnote 1) they are specially qualified by the Spirit to defend themselves before the Sanhedrim (iv. 8), and also otherwise equipped for the preaching of the word (iv. 31). Yet they are far from claiming the exclusive right of preaching (cf. vi. 10, viii. 4, 5, xi. 19, 20). § 42. THE CONVERSION OF THE WHOLE OF ISRAEL. 193 by the context. Not till then would the nation be prepared for the final consummation of all things which Jesus was to bring on the occasion of His second mission as the Messiah appointed for them (iii. 20, cf. § 39, d). In this sense it depends upon their repentance and conversion whether the promised times of refreshing, i.e. the Messianic time in its greatest perfection, can come (ver. 19). To bring about the fulfilment of this condition is the task of the mission of the apostles to Israel. (b) It remains, therefore, that the Messianic salvation is appointed for the people of Israel (ii. 39 : ifuv r\ iirayyeXla ical toi<; t&kvoi? vfitov). They are the children of the prophets who have promised all this salvation (iii. 24), they are the members of the covenant which God has made with the fathers and in which He has engaged Himself to the seed of Abra ham (ver. 25). This may surprise us, seeing that, according to the earliest tradition, Jesus had already announced the rejection of the nation (§ 28, d). But as there is no prophecy of salvation which does not remain dependent upon the be haviour of those who are to be blessed, so there is no threatening prophecy which cannot be averted by a penitent conversion. Even the founding of a Church which belongs specially to Christ within the Old Testament national Church does not yet involve the rejection of the latter, since the former may gradually extend itself until the two coincide. That the rejection of the nation which was threatened by Jesus is still suspended for a time, that it can still be averted by the nation's repentance, this is the presupposition of the whole of the missionary preaching of the original apostles. The Old Testament distinguishes between sins of weakness or inad vertence, which are committed in ignorance (Lev. iv. 2, xxii. 14: nMK'Zi, KaT dyvotav) and which could be atoned for by the institute of sacrifice, and such sins as, committed with daring wickedness (Num. xv. 30 f. : non T3), were punished with extermination from among the people (egoXodpevOrjo-erai V tyvXV eKeivrj etc tov Xaov). Peter explicitly proclaims to the people that even the daring slaying of the Messiah is still to be regarded as committed /cot' dyvotav (iii. 17), and may still be forgiven in consequence of a penitent conversion (ver. 19). But whoever does not now listen to VOL. I. H 194 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. the prophet promised by Moses, i.e. to the Messiah, over him is pronounced, not the threatening of wrath in Deut. xviii. 1 9, but the very formula of malediction in Num. xv. 30 (iii. 23), i.e. he has committed the sin of which Jesus already says that it cannot be forgiven (§ 22, b). Accordingly a time of grace is still granted to the nation ; it is to be tried whether the one great o-rj/jtelov, to which Jesus already pointed the multitude when it demanded a miracle (Matt. xii. 39= Luke xi. 2 9), cannot yet lead them to repentance (cf. v. 31). (c) The apostles still hope that the whole of Israel will be converted ; this hope is the soul of their missionary labours. It is not, thereby, said that every individual will be converted and become a believer; even the prophets had always pro phesied that before the coming of the Messianic consumma tion there would be a sifting, by which the unworthy members of the nation would be excluded from participation in the Messianic salvation. Those individuals among their fellow- countrymen who have refused to listen to the great Mes sianic prophet, and to attest their repentance by baptism in His name, will be rooted out from among the people (note b), so that ultimately there remain only believers in Israel ; Israel, converted and believing in the Messiah, this Israel will form the Church of the end of the times, the Church which is ripe for the consummation (note a).2 With this hope of an ultimate conversion of the whole of Israel in this sense there was, however, necessarily involved their unqualified adherence to the law of the fathers. If Israel as a nation .was to parti cipate in the Messianic consummation, then it must also adhere 9 With this hope there is, per se, given the possibility that a realization of the kingdom of God in the forms of the Israelitish theocracy may still take place, and therefore that the prophecy may also be fulfilled of the glory of the kingdom of Israel, in which the apostles, at least originally, hoped (Acts i. 6). That this was still hoped for later in the apostolic circle, cannot be proven ; it is charac teristic of the manner in which they taught, that the question as to the form in which the times of refreshing will be realized (iii. 19) is not entered into more particularly. According to the context, the a.iroxct.Ta.iirxttis of iii. 21 cannot be the restoration of the kingdom of Israel (cf. note a), and the heavenly consummation of the kingdom of God which Jesus promised (§ 34) can be reconciled with such a hope only by means of chiliastic ideas, of which there is no trace at this time. Naturally this does not forbid that here and there such hopes were cherished ; but it also leaves the way open to the opinion that, by the slaying of the Mes siah, the earthly consummation of the Israelitish theocracy was forfeited once and for ever. § 42. THE CONVERSION OF THE WHOLE OF ISRAEL. 195 to its law ; for Israel's whole'national life rested upon this law. Israel was a nation separated from the nations only so long as it adhered to this law. And if those Israelites who believed in the Messiah might have, for some reason or other, emanci pated themselves from it, they could not have done so without setting up such a wall of partition between themselves and their still unbelieving fellow-countrymen as would have made the conversion of the latter to any great extent impossible. But no word of Jesus set His disciples free from obeying the divine law (cf. § 24) to which they were engaged by circum cision ; hence it cannot be surprising that the mother Church remained faithful to the law, and, seeing that it was strict in the performance of all its duties, even became zealous for it in a high degree, as is still testified of it in xxi. 20 (cf. ii. 46, iii. 1, x. 9, 14, xxii. 12).3 (d) The attitude of Stephen to the question considered in note c is naturally to be gathered mainly, not from the accusa tion made against him (vi. 11, 13, 14), but from his own defence. In this, however, there appears no indication that he regards the law and the cultus of Israel as an imperfect revelation of God (cf. Messner, p. 174). He rather sets forth the divine origin of circumcision (vii. 8), he delights to describe Moses as the great typical deliverer of the nation (w. 35—37), he makes him receive the law from the mouth of angels, and describes it as Xoyca %mvTa (ver. 38), and as binding upon Israel (ver. 53); and certainly the mediation by angels is meant to guarantee rather than to question the divine character of this law. Just as little does he pronounce the eventual rejection of the nation (cf. Messner, p. 174). It is true the patriarchs have already sinned against Joseph, who was exalted by God (vii. 9, 10), and the contemporaries of Moses have not recognised in him the deliverer sent by God (vv. 25-28), but have denied him (ver. 35), and afterwards, 3 The question as to the conditions of participation in the Messianic salvation did not, in the first instance, touch this matter at all. Just as certainly as no truly pious Jew believed that because of his piety he could do without the for giveness of sins and the communication of the Spirit which were looked for from the Messiah, so little could this piety, per se, entitle him to membership in the Messianic Church, which depended upon totally different conditions (cf. § 41, a), or save him in the Messianic judgment, since this depended solely upon his attitude towards the Messiah. 196 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. in disobedience to him, turned to idolatry (vv. 39-43). It is true that, like Jesus Himself (Matt, xxiii. 31), he calls the present generation the sons of the murderers of the prophets, and upbraids them as being stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears, because they resisted the Spirit of God which spoke to them in the preachers of the Gospel, as their fathers had resisted the Spirit which spoke in the prophets (vii. 51, 52), and did not even fulfil the law for which they were zealous (ver. 53). But all this is still only a sharp casti- gatory sermon for the purpose of leading them to repentance ; and it is pure arbitrariness to assume, with Schmid (ii. p. 36 [E. Tr. 296]), that the speaker was not allowed to go on to the conclusion of his discourse, which would have pronounced the rejection of the nation. There certainly runs through the whole of the discourse the thought that the divine revelation of salvation is not confined to the temple. Abraham received the primary divine revelation in Mesopotamia, and came later into the promised land (vv. 2-4). His descendants had to be in bondage for 400 years in a foreign land (ver. 6, cf. vv. 9—3 6), and to wander forty years in the wilderness, where the revelation of the law was given them (vv. 36, 38), just as it was in a foreign land that God appeared to Moses himself (vv. 29, 30). Even in the splendid days of Joshua and David, the Israelites worshipped God in the tabernacle (vv. 44—46), and Solomon first dared to build Him a temple ; and even that temple was not yet, according to the word of the pro phet (Isa. lxvi. 1, 2), the real and exclusive dwelling-place of God (vii. 47-50). Since these remarks are meant to be an apology with reference to the statements on account of which he was accused, nothing is more likely than that he had reproduced the threatening prophecy of Christ regarding the fall of the temple ; and, quite in the spirit of Jesus (§ 24, d), he may probably have connected with it the prospect that with this catastrophe the system of worship, whose central point was the temple, would also be changed. But certainly he had not represented this as taking place so directly as the false witnesses asserted (vi. 14), but had threatened it in the event of the definitive obduracy of the nation, an obduracy which was no doubt always growing more and more probable. The whole of his discourse shows that he was conscious that § 43. POSITION OF THE GENTILE CHRISTIANS IN THE CHURCH. 197 he had not offended against the holy place and the law ; although the incisive manner in which his threatening words pointed anew to the catastrophe, which was always becoming more and more unavoidable, reawakened in the people, for the first time, the consciousness that, with its ultimate conse quences, the Messianic sect threatened the national holy things. § 43. Tlie Position of the Gentile Christians in the Church. Although, even from the first, there was reserved for the Gentiles an ultimate participation in the Messianic salvation, yet the manner in which He would one day lead these to the completed theocracy was left to God. (b) Express intimations of God had first to convince the mother Church that it was His will to introduce Gentiles to the fellowship of the Mes sianic Church, even before the conversion of the whole of Israel, (c) At the apostolic council the freedom of converted Gentiles from the law was expressly recognised, in opposition to the zealots, who demanded that they should pass through Judaism, and only precautions were taken that this recognition should not damage the mission to Israel, (d) On the other hand, its decrees were not sufficient to secure the social and religious fellowship of these two sections of the Christian Church, differing entirely, as they did, as to their rule of life ; and notwithstanding these decrees, an extreme party in the mother Church soon reverted to their old pretensions. (a) Peter quotes the prophecy which was given to the patriarch (Gen. xxii. 18), according to which all the families of the earth are to be blessed in the seed of Abraham (iii. 25). Therewith the ultimate universal realization of the Messianic salvation was expressed as decidedly as the presupposition, that, before this becomes possible, the seed of Abraham must first participate in this salvation. Accordingly, God has sent His servant, first of all, to Israel (iii. 26), in order to effect its conversion, and therewith to render His blessing by means of the promised salvation possible (§ 42, a). But the promise of salvation belongs not only to the Jews, but also to those that are afar off (ii. 39); and according to Isa. xlix. 1, 12, lvii. 19 these are undoubtedly the Gentiles, especially as the 198 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. Jews of the dispersion were numerously represented in the audience of his Pentecostal sermon, and therefore embraced in the vfuv. When Peter, however, with an allusion to Joel ii. 32, says that God will call these, the manner in which He will do this is left as indefinite by him as by Jesus (§ 28, d), and, at all events, an actual mission to the Gentiles is not present to his mind. According to the earliest tradition, the apostles possessed no commission relating to such a mission (§ 31, a) ; and such a mission was, at first, altogether impos sible, because in the eyes of strict Israelitish piety, at least in the Palestinian circles to which the original apostles belonged, it was unlawful to have such an intercourse with the uncir- cumcised (x. 28, xi. 3 ; cf. Gal. ii. 12, 14) as a mission among them would have demanded. But even the prophetic descrip tions of the manner in which the Gentiles would, in the Messianic time, obtain a share in the salvation of Israel, had never conceived of an actual mission to them. It was rather the Gentiles who, attracted by the glory of Israel, would, of their own accord, set out to attach themselves to the completed theocracy (Mic. iv. 1, 2 ; Isa. ii. 2, 3, lx. 4, 5 ; Jer. iii. 17). This completion of the theocracy, however, could be brought about only by the conversion of Israel, upon which Jeremiah iv. 1, 2 expressly makes the salvation of the Gentiles de pend ; and the more the apostles had learned to recognise the Messianic salvation as a fulness of spiritual blessings (§ 40), so much the more did that completion remain in the first instance independent of the political restoration which was somehow or other to commence with it (§ 42, c). (b) As the first indication given by God that, even before the complete conversion of Israel, uncircumcised persons were to be brought into the Church, there appears in the Acts of the Apostles the conversion of the centurion Cornelius. God had expressly shown Peter, in a vision, that he must not regard as unclean what God declares to be clean (x. 10-16); and the Spirit had interpreted this vision to him as meaning that he should follow the messengers of Cornelius, who invited him into the house of the unclean Gentile (vv. 17-20, cf. ver. 28). When he learns there that, in obedience to the divine com mand, Cornelius is ready to hear whatever God causes to be spoken to him through His messenger (vv. 30-33), he recog- § 43. POSITION OF THE GENTILE CHRISTIANS IN THE CHURCH. 199 nises that, without respect of persons, God will have the glad tidings proclaimed to every one who, by reason of his fear of God and his righteousness, is susceptible to it (vv. 34, 35), and preaches the gospel to him (xv. 7). But not until God has shown by the pouring out of the Spirit that He makes no difference between Gentile and Jewish believers, but has cleansed the. hearts of the former, by the faith worked in them, from all Gentile profanity, and thus esteems them worthy of fellowship with the people which was consecrated to Him by circumcision, does he allow Cornelius and his household to be received by baptism into the Church, i.e. into the fellowship of believing Israel, to whom the promise belongs (x. 44-48). It was not the baptism of Gentiles, which indeed had been performed under such circumstances that no one could contest their right; it was the fact that Peter had gone in to the un- circumcised, and had eaten with them, which gave offence in Jerusalem (xi. 2, 3), and required a detailed justification. As- to this point, however, the Hellenistic Jews, who had been accustomed to a freer intercourse with the Gentiles, had fewer scruples ; and so there arose in Antioch, through their activity,. an essentially Gentile- Christian Church (xi. 20, 21), which the mother Church frankly recognised, and received into union with itself by the sending of Barnabas (ver. 22). It was here, probably, that Christianity first appeared to the Gentiles, no longer as a Jewish sect, seeing that its confessors no longer confined themselves to the Jewish manner of living, but as an independent religious fellowship, to which they gave the name Xpio-Tiavol (xi. 26). In the newly converted Gentiles the mother Church, however, could see only such as God had brought, before the time, to participation in the Messianic salvation, which was to be realized first of all in Israel, and to whom, therefore, they could and must allow an exceptional position. So long as there were only individual Gentile con verts, who did not claim an independent significance in the Church, believing Israel remained the real substance of the Messianic Church (§ 42, c), to which the fulness of the Gen tiles was to attach itself, only when once Israel as a nation was in possession of the promise. The definitive regulation of the relation of the Gentiles to Israel could very easily remain postponed, till they should have been converted as a 200 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. whole (and no longer as individuals) to the Messiah of Israel, whether they should then as a body receive the ordinances of Israel, or the Messiah who was soon to return should appoint altogether new ordinances in the completed theocracy. (c) Not until a number of essentially Gentile-Christian churches had arisen in consequence of the mission which was undertaken from Antioch (Acts xiii., xiv.), did the question present itself to the mother Church, whether they should recognise in these Gentile churches an independent portion of the Messianic Church. Many answered this question in the negative, because the Messianic salvation which was destined for Israel could be shared in by the Gentiles, only if they attached themselves to Israel by the reception of circumcision and the law (xv. 1, 5) ; as, indeed, this had, from olden times, been demanded of proselytes, who wished to enjoy full citizen ship in Israel. This demand, however, Peter, at the apostolic council, emphatically refused; for God Himself had, by the communication of the Spirit, declared the believing Gentiles to be clean, and therefore on the same footing with the nation which had been consecrated by circumcision (vv. 8, 9, cf. note b), and they must not now demand of Him another sign, which should declare them also free from the law, more •especially as even the Jewish Christians hoped to be saved, .not through their always imperfect fulfilment of the law, but through the favour of the Messiah (vv. 10, ll).1 They like wise learned from the communications of Barnabas and Paul *hat even among the Gentiles God had given efficacy to His glad tidings, and had thus called them to participate in the Messianic salvation (ver. 12 ; cf. Gal. ii. 7, 8). This indication •of God, however, would have remained neglected, if they had compelled the Gentiles first of all to become Jews by the acceptance of circumcision and the law. With this opinion James also substantially agreed, only he regarded the Gentile Christians, who were free from the law, not as incorporated 1 By means of the last clause expression was only given to the fact that, in this controversy, the question was not at all as to the real ground of salvation, which no Jew who had really become a believer sought in his observance of the law, but as to an obligation which incorporation with the people of the promise involved. The utterance, however, regarding the impossibility of fulfilling the law is an expression of religious experience, and not a dogmatic thesis borrowed from the Pauline system. § 43. POSITION OF THE GENTILE CHRISTIANS IN THE CHURCH. 201 with believing Israel, which was faithful to the law, but as a new people, which Jehovah had chosen to bear His name, alongside of the old people of God, even as Amos (ix. 11, 12) had already foretold that the restoration of Israel (which was now begun by the Messiah) would gain the subjection of the Gentiles to His name (xv. 13-18). It was therefore decreed that, apart from their manifesting their brotherly fellowship with the mother Church by their love gifts (Gal. ii. 10), nothing should be enjoined on the Gentile Christians (Acts xv. 19) save that they should abstain from such things as would have kept up the abhorrence of Judaism, as represented in the synagogues, against the uncircumcised Christians, and would thereby have proved an insurmountable obstacle to the conversion of the dispersion (vv. 20, 21). Seeing, viz., that the hope was not yet given up of a complete conversion of Israel, and that the original apostles were unweariedly to carry on the mission to Israel (Gal. ii. 9), precautions had to be taken that the Jews of the dispersion should not feel them selves separated from the Christendom, which was free from the law, by an insuperable barrier which should make any impression upon them impossible. These things were the eating of flesh sacrificed to idols, of blood and things strangled, as well as fornication (Acts xv. 20, 29).2 (d) This decree of the apostolic council, however, by no 2 It cannot be proved that the Gentile Christians were thereby placed under the conditions under which the Israelites received the proselytes of the gate into their social fellowship — not even when we go back to its most original form in Lev. xvii., xviii. — (Ritschl, p. 129 ; cf. on the other hand Stud. u. Krit. 1859, p. 137 f.) ; the resemblance to these, so far as it really exists, resulted naturally from the similarity of the motives which prevailed here as well as there. Further, the decree of the apostolic council was expressly issued only to those churches which stood in a somewhat close connection with the mother Church (xv. 23) ; for it cannot be surprising that even the Cilician churches are counted among these, since in ver. 41, and probably already in ix. 30, the existence of such churches is taken for granted, and these are undoubtedly conceived of as planted from Jerusalem, seeing that the Acts of the Apostles has as yet related nothing regarding an independent mission of Paul to the Gentiles. Acts xxi. 25 refers back only to the decree in xv. 23, and could prove, at the most, only that, in Jerusalem, they held that the concessions which were then demanded from Gentile Christians in the churches which were connected with the mother Church were necessary everywhere, without the context in any way betraying the intention of insinuating that this is the mind of Paul. If Paul had once introduced the apostolic decree even in the churches which were planted during his first missionary journey (xvi. 4), we have to remember that this journey was 202 THE MOTHER CHURCH AND. THE QUESTION OF THE GENTILES. means solved all difficulties. Since it took for granted, as unquestioned, that the Jewish Christians remained faithful to the law of the fathers ; and since this, according to the view of the original apostolic circles (note a), embraced also total abstinence from all intimate intercourse, and specially from fellowship at table with uncircumcised persons, they were thereby prohibited from holding the more intimate social and religious fellowship with the Gentile Christians, of which, in particular, the common meals formed a part. They could now esteem the Gentile Christians as such cleansed by faith from all Gentile profanity (xv. 9, for which see note h), and in consequence of this they could grant them fellowship at table, as Peter did in Antioch (Gal. ii. 12). Therewith, of course, a step was taken towards their being weaned from the strict Israelitish rule of life, a step which could easily lead them much farther. They could also, however, like Ttvh diro 'IaiccoBov (Gal. ii. 12), demand that, on account of the strict custom of the fathers, the Jewish Christians must renounce that fellowship with the Gentile Christians.3 The apostolic decree itself had not even looked at the case of intercourse in mixed churches; for, according to Acts xv. 21, the conces sions of the Gentile Christians were made, not on account of the Jewish Christians, but because of the synagogues (note c).* undertaken at the instigation of the church of Antioch, and under the superin tendence of Barnabas, a member of the mother Church (xiii. 2, 3, cf. ver. 7). 3 It is true we do not know whether they really acted according to the mind of James or only alleged his authority ; but it is by no means impossible that he adhered to this stricter interpretation of the apostolic decree, an interpreta tion which was quite in keeping with his view of the independent existence of the new people of God alongside of the old (note c). 1 It may be taken for granted that ver. 21 cannot possibly assign the reason of ver. 19, and cannot, therefore, contain the thought that the claims of Moses are already satisfied through the Jews. But just as little can it contain the thought that in the universal diffusion of the service of the synagogue there is expressed the claim of Moses upon the Gentiles, since the proclamation of the law ire the synagogues can only express its obligatoriness for Jews. But neither is the point in question as to an accommodation with respect to the Jews qud Jews, so that a simple lix mis 'lovX could have stood here ; the point iu question is as to an accommodation with respect to the Jewish custom which had struck root in consequence of the Mosaic law (hence the ix ysytZv xpxxim), and which had been kept always alive by the service of the synagogue. The idea of an accommodation, however, is necessarily involved in this, that the clause assigning the reason of the enactment mentions not any need or duty of the Gentile Christians, but a constant practice of the synagogue. § 43. POSITION OF THE GENTILE CHRISTIANS IN THE CHURCH. 203 When now Peter, in consequence of the pressure of the zealots, withdrew from the Gentile Christians, Paul justly denounced as vTroKpio-is (Gal. ii. 13) this conduct which contradicted his better conviction which had previously stood the test, and saw in it an indirect constraint upon the Gentile Christians, who, unless they would for their part give up fellowship with Jewish believers, must adopt the Jewish mode of life, i.e. become Jews, by accepting circumcision and the law (ver. 14). The whole argument of Paul, however, shows expressly that Peter must reject the consequence of the conduct adopted by him, a consequence which abolished the freedom and independence of the Gentile churches which had been solemnly acknowledged. On the other hand, there was not awanting a party within the mother Church which, in spite of the apostolic decree, was always reverting to the demand that, in order to obtain a full share in the Messianic salvation, the Gentiles must become incorporated with the people of the promise by circumcision and the acceptance of the law ; and this demand was, at least, a logical consequence of that stricter interpretation of the apostolic decree, since a denial of social fellowship must necessarily gradually lead to doubt as to the full fellowship in salvation of the Gentile Christians.5 s The Tubingen school, however, has not been able to show that the original apostles or James supported the demands of this Judaistic party. Neither their hope of a complete conversion of Israel, nor their opinion that believing Israelites formed the essential part of the Church compelled them to do so. It is true, however, that it was only on the presupposition that the Jewish mission would have a speedy and decisive success, and that the return of Christ which was thereby conditioned (§ 42, a) would soon make an end to the whole difficulty, that a more satisfactory solution of the question as to the social relation of the Jewish - Christian and the Gentile - Christian sections of the Church than that which was given by the apostolic decree could remain post poned. This presupposition was not realized ; and, accordingly, the further development of Christianity has soon left the standpoint of the apostolic council behind it. 204 THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. SECTION II. THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER. CHAPTEE III. THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, § 44. The Elect Race. The Christian Church, in which the promised completion of the theocracy begins to be realized, is the elect race, which consists of believing Israelites, (b) Their election to partici pation in the completed salvation is accomplished in baptism, in which God makes them a holy nation by equipping them with His Spirit, and granting them the full forgiveness of sin. (c) All Israelites who would not obey the demand of the message of salvation are excluded from the elect race. (d) Wherever individual Gentiles are received into the Church through baptism, they are joined to the elect race, whose substance is formed by believing Israel. (a) Since that which is considered in the First Epistle of Peter is no longer the proclamation which lays the founda tion, but a building up of churches which already exist (ii. 5), the apostle does not start by proving that prophecy has been fulfilled in Jesus, but the basis of his exhortation is the fact, that in the Christian Church the realization has commenced of that which was set before the theocratic nation as the highest ideal, and which was to be realized in the Messianic time which has now commenced. That which Jesus pro claimed as the coming of the kingdom of God in the midst of the disciples (§ 14), is, for the preaching of the apostle, the completion of the theocracy in the Christian Church. Ye are the elect race (ii. 9), Peter writes to the Christian churches of Asia Minor. It is true they already belonged to the elect § 44. THE ELECT RACE. 205 nation in virtue of their descent ; x for the elect out of the Jewish dispersion in that region (i. 1) have been chosen in accordance with the foreknowledge of God (ver. 2 : Kara irpoyvtocnv @eov). In the election of Israel (Deut. vii. 6, 7 ; Isa. xliii. 20) there already lay the prevision that in this nation the divine purpose of salvation would be fulfilled, and in the circumstance that its realization has now commenced in the Church of believing Israelites, only that divine fore knowledge is confirmed. But now, the question is not as to the election of Israel as a nation, but as to the selection of individuals out of it, in whom the greatest salvation which is involved in the completion of the theocracy is to be realized ; for although this salvation is destined for Israel as a nation in virtue of its election, it is by no means thereby guaranteed to all the individual members of the nation (cf. § 20, c). Already Deut. vii. 9 intimates that participation in the salvation which is destined for the elect nation is attached to the fulfilment of the obligations of the covenant ; and this covenant obligation of obedience (Ex. xxiv. 7) only those have fulfilled at the decisive moment, who, now when the commencing realization of all salvation through the exalted Messiah is proclaimed, have, in obedience to the will of God (cf. § 40, c), accepted the glad tidings concerning Him (i. 14 : TeKva vTraKorjs). Since God declares that these alone are true Israelites, the idea of election is limited to them. It is plain from the context of ii. 9, that only the believers in Israel (ver. 7), those who are not disobedient to the word 1 According to the common way of looking at our Epistle (§ 36, a), ii. 9 would, of course, assert that the ideal of the theocracy, which was once to be realized in Israel, is now realized in a fellowship consisting of those who had previously been Gentiles. This would assume that Israel as a nation has definitively rejected salvation, and has thereby rendered the fulfilment of the promise in its original form absolutely impossible. But for this view there is not to he found in our Epistle even the slenderest support, unless we arbitrarily drag into the xx) xlmi of ii. 5, which plainly connects the stones which have been built upon Him with the Messiah who is laid as the foundation and corner-stone in the new house of God (vv. 4, 6), a contrast to those who, agreeably to nature, belong to Christ, i.e. the Jewish mother Church (cf. Klostermann, Gbtt. gel. Anz. 1869, S. 698). And yet, for the original apostolic view, this transference of the promise to another subject would have been a giant step, for whose justification hints would scarcely have been awanting. Already the retaining of yitos, which points to bodily descent, much rather shows that the elect are also related to one another by blood. 206 THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. (ver. 8),2 belong to the elect race, in which the ideal of the theocracy is being realized; only the believing company of Jews in Babylon is elect together with his readers (v. 13). (b) As, in the case of the election of Israel, the Old Testa ment does not reflect upon an eternal divine decree of salvation, but, at the most, goes back upon the historical relation of Jehovah to their forefathers, so the election of believers out of Israel to participation in the completed salvation is also con ceived of as an historical act, which is accomplished iv dytaa/jtw irvevfiaTO'i (i. 2). Here, undoubtedly, the act of baptism is thought of, by means of which the individual enters into the narrower fellowship of salvation which exists in the midst of the people of Israel, and in which he receives the gift of the Spirit (§ 41, a). For as it is by the anointing with the Spirit in baptism that Jesus becomes the God-consecrated one «ar i%°XVv (5 38, h), so God must first, by means of His Spirit, consecrate everything which He chooses for Himself, i.e. He must separate it from everything that is profane, and make it fit and suitable for His purposes. Here also, accordingly (cf. § 18, a, 40, a), the Spirit is conceived of as the principle of the gifts of grace, by means of which God equips His servants and instruments for His purposes, just as He, therewith, equipped the prophets of the old covenant, and now makes men able to preach the gospel (i. 11, 12). The honour which God confers upon them, in that He causes His Spirit, which is a Spirit of glory, to rest upon them, is expressly represented as far outweighing all the dishonour which Christians must endure (iv. 14).3 As, however, according to Acts ii. 38, the 2 The connection with ver. 6 shows clearly that in ver. 7 faith is already con ceived of as trust in the Messiah, who had been made by God the corner-stone of the theocracy, and who brings about the consummation of all things as well as the final salvation (i. 5, 7, 9, v. 9 ; cf. Acts xv. 11, for which see § 40, c). But from i. .8 it is plain that this application of the idea is owing to the fact, that the conviction of the truth of the evangelic message of salvation is specially referred to the Messiah announced in it, who, although invisible, is nevertheless confidently expected as the one who will manifest Himself at His return (ver. 7). On the other hand, faith still appears here also (cf. § 29, c) as the trust in God which is owing to the appearance of the Messiah (i. 21), only that, according to the connection with vv. 15, 17, 18, it obtains a fuller significance in being referred to the calling, the sonship, and the salvation which are secured through Him. 3 "When Pfleiderer (p. 428 [E. Tr. ii. 159]) asserts that the Spirit is regarded as a principle of Christian life, besides appealing to the passages which are § 44. THE ELECT RACE. 207 obtaining of forgiveness of sins is the design of baptism, so here also the election which is accomplished in baptism appears as having in view the (purifying) sprinkling with the blood of Christ (i. 2) ; and in iii. 21 baptism is expressly described as a washing which does not, as in the case of a common bath, aim at the washing away of the filth which cleaves to the flesh, but at the cleansing of the conscience from the consciousness of guilt.4 Nothing of the profane impurity, which the stain of guilt brings along with it, may any longer adhere to the members of the elect race ; and also in this sense it is baptism which first bestows upon those who are chosen out of Israel the quality which was set before the whole nation as an ideal (Ex. xix. 6), but which during the old covenant had been always realized only in the case of individuals (iii. 5 : at ayiai ywaZice? Xoyia Qeov), that proclamation is a direct message from God (iv. 1 7 : eiayyiXtov tov Qeov ; ii. 8, iii. 1 : 6 X0709 simply, cf. Acts iv. 29), and is, therefore, of exactly the same nature as the word of God which was addressed in the Old Testament to the prophets, and which was likewise suggested to them by the Spirit.1 When Peter (i. 24) quotes a passage of Scripture which treats of the nature of the Old Testament word of revelation, he says (ver. 25) expressly that the proclamation which has reached his readers (i. 12) is such a word of God. This abiding (i.e. imperishable, cf. § 18, c) word of God is, however, a living, i.e. a powerfully working word, by means of which the Christians have been begotten again to a new life (i. 23); and since that which is begotten must have the nature of that of which it is begotten, this life is also abiding and imperishable.2 Through this word of His God Himself, therefore, works the new birth ; for when, in i. 3, the resurrec tion of Christ is named as the means which He employs, there is no doubt that, for the consciousness of the apostle, this fact itself is meant (§ 50, b) ; but it was only through the preaching of the gospel that that fact was made known to his readers (i. 12). Similarly, every preservation, strength ening, and furthering of the life of the Christian is traced back, as in the teaching of Jesus (§ 30, h), to God (i. 5, v. 1 How objectively this word of God stood over against the prophets, appears most clearly in i. 10-12, where it is said that, with regard to the facts which were testified to them by the Spirit, and concerning which it was only revealed to them that they were destined for a future race, the prophets searched and enquired very eagerly as to the time to which this revelation referred. This view of prophecy probably leans upon a few facts, such as Dan. ix. 2, 23 ff., xii. 11 ff. On the assumption, however, of a direct Messianic prophecy which throughout kept in view the still far-off future time of salvation, it is unhistori- cally extended to all the prophets. 2 Accordingly, the seed of which it is begotten is expressly described as incor ruptible, and it is altogether erroneous to understand by it the Spirit, as Schmid (ii. 202 [E. Tr. 406] ) does ; for, in what follows, the incorruptible seed is expressly described as the living and abiding word of God, whose peculiarity, which is here made prominent and established in i. 24, 25, plainly corresponds to xiplxpros ; while the change of the prepositions is owing simply to the circum stance that the figurative idea of a begetting from seed is turned into the literal idea of a production through the word. § 46. THE NEW BIRTH AND NOURISHMENT OF THE NEW LIFE. 217 10) ; and to Him, therefore, as their faithful Overseer (ii. 25), they are, in prayer (iv. 7, cf. iii. 7, 12), to commit their soul in the midst of all their temptations (iv. 19). This working of divine grace is also conceived of as effected, not indeed exclu sively, yet pre-eminently, by means of the word. It is true that in order to the activity of this word there is need of constant obedience to the truth which it proclaims (i. 2 2) ; but this obedience, to which their election points (ver. 2), exists, from the first, in the case of the believing Israelites (§ 44, a), and naturally follows from their new filial relationship (§ 45, d). (b) The new life of the Christians can be best described by its contrast to their pre-Christian life. According to i. 14 lusts are characteristic of the latter; and these lusts are thought of as sinful, because the lusts of men as they now are s stand in direct antagonism to the will of God (iv. 2). Under these lusts, the fleshly, i.e. the sensual, lusts in the narrow sense, are mainly thought of (ii. 11). It is true that, accord ing to iv. 3, it is characteristic of the life of the Gentiles that they surrender themselves to these fleshly lusts in riotousness and lewdness ; but the author must remind his Jewish- Christian readers that they, who were well acquainted with the will of God, have nevertheless, in the time past, done this will of the Gentiles.4 On the other hand, however, there belong to these sinful lusts also the motions and expressions of uncharitableness which are enumerated in ii. 1. Because this walk in the lusts has become habitual to men in conse quence of education, custom, and tradition, it wields a domin ating influence over them, and makes their life servile (i. 18). But by means of the new birth believers have been set free from this power, and can now, in obedience to the truth, 3 Similarly, it is of men simply as men that mention is made in the discourses of Jesus (§ 33, c, footnote 5). On the other hand, the expression xitr/ios in v. 9 appears to denote, not the unchristian world of men, but the physical world (i. 20). In iii. 18 also all men appear as unrighteous in contrast to Christ, i.e. as not answering to the will of God. 4 That a living in sinful lusts is not excluded by such an external fulfilling of the law as that of his readers previously iv xyyoix (i. 14, for which see § 44, c), is shown best of all by the polemic of Jesus against the Pharisaic fulfilling of the law (cf. e.g. Matt, xxiii. 23-28) ; and the modern criticism, according to which Rom. xiii. 12-14 is written to Jewish Christians, should be less confident in the asser tion that iv. 3 is an argument that the Epistle was written to Gentile Christians (cf. Immer, 474). 218 THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. purify (dyvi&tv) their souls from the lusts that stain them (i. 22) ; and thus the dyioT^ which was obtained in baptism (cf. § 44, h) is ever being more and more realized in all their walk (vv. 14, 15), and the good conscience which they received in baptism (iii. 21) becomes their abiding possession (iii. 16). In such a case, the place of the life in the lusts is taken by the walk in the fear of God (i. 17) ; in which fear they abstain from the fleshly lusts, because they endanger the salvation of the soul (ii. 11), since they befog it, as it were, with an intoxication, and so rob men of the clearness of spirit and the sobriety without which they cannot maintain the watchful ness already demanded by Jesus (iv. 7, v. 8, cf. § 30, b). (c) Because it was but a short time since the Christians, to whom Peter writes, had become Christians, and had been born again, he calls them (ii. 2) newborn babes, whose thriving growth depends upon their desiring pure nourish ment. This the apostle describes in keeping with the image as the nourishment of children (milk) ; and the adjective Xoyacov appears to describe it as being derived from the word, unless it is meant to point out that the expression is merely figurative, of which use of the term there is no example and, here, no need. Here, then, the word which begets life is still distinguished from the nourishment which is afforded in this word; and this nourishment itself (ii. 3) is called Christ, of whom it is said, that, if we have once tasted how sweet He is, we shall continually long for this nourish ment. As a matter of fact, the purport of the proclamation of salvation which is contained in the Gospel is nothing else than Christ ; and the figurative language employed reminds us strikingly of the Johannean expressions in which Christ calls Himself the bread of life (cf. especially John vi. 35). As during His earthly activity it had been a token of discipleship that one came to Him (§ 29, a), so Peter also speaks (ii. 4) of a coming to Him, by means of which the individual becomes a living stone in the temple of God, i.e. according to § 45, a, a true member of the Church. Here, however, naturally, as is plain from the connection with ver. 2 f, what is spoken of is this, that men come to Him, in so far as He is offered in the word as the nourishment of life, because they have learned to long for this nourishment § 46. THE NEW BIRTH AND NOURISHMENT OF THE NEW LIFE. 219 in consequence of the experience they have had of its quality. This longing arises if one has acquired an affection for Him who is proclaimed in the word — an affection which is described, figuratively, in ii. 3, as a having tasted of His sweetness ; in i. 8, however, without a figure, as a loving of Him whom one has not seen personally, but of whom one has only heard. Christ, however, who is proclaimed in the word, can be called the nourishment of the new moral life, because, as was once the case with His self-manifestation in His earthly activity (§ 21, d), so now the proclamation of that manifestation is a powerfully working example (ii. 21, iii. 18, iv. 1, 13). The walk in Christ (iii. 16), accordingly, denotes nothing else than the walk which moves in the sphere which is determined by this example ; and it is to this, probably, fhat the designation of Christians as ol iv Xpio-Tm (v. 14) refers, without its being necessary to think of a mystical living fellowship with Christ. From that activity of the proclamation regarding Christ we can also explain the manner in which all the works of Christians that are well-pleasing to God appear brought about by Him (ii. 5, iv. II),5 although this combination is not expressly made. (d) Special attention, however, is drawn to this imitation of the example of Christ, when it is said that Christians must share in the sufferings which He had to endure in the world (iv. 13), as He Himself had foretold to His disciples (§ 30, a), and as they are now being accomplished in all Christians in the world (v. 9) in consequence of a divine decree.6 It is of 5 The clause 'Six '\naou Xpur-roU in ii. 5 does not assert that the spiritual sacrifices of Christians (§ 45, c) are rendered well-pleasing to God through Christ ; for according to the context, in which the close of the sentence turns back to its starting-point (Tpis o» Tpoo-ipx/ift-iyoi, ver. 4), it is meant to express the faot that the very offering of these sacrifices is brought about by Christ, that it is through Him that we are rendered capable of performing this priestly act. In the same way the same clause in iv. 11 states that every right applica tion of the gifts we have received, and by means of which we glorify God, is brought about by Christ, that it is through Him that we are rendered capable of this activity of the true servants of God (§ 45, c). 6 No doubt these could also be traced back to the devil, who appears in v. 8, as in the teaching of Jesus (§ 23, a), as the adversary who endeavours to deliver over Christians to destruction by leading them away from the faith. Also in Acts v. 3, in an utterance of Peter, the sin, which brought death upon Ananias, is traced back to Satan. But according to the biblical view the devil has only so much power as God gives him. Looked at from the other side, accordingly, 220 THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the utmost consequence, however, that Christians bear these sufferings as He bore them ; for in His innocent and patient (ii. 22 f.) endurance of suffering He has, according to ver. 21, given them an example and, as it were, traced out the foot steps which they are now to follow ; and these footsteps (as in Matt. xi. 28 f.) also make this following possible and easier, so that here also the example of Christ is a powerfully working one (note c). But because we are called to such a following of Jesus in suffering (ii. 21), we win the good pleasure of God by an innocent and patient endurance of suffering (vv. 19, 20). Accordingly, suffering, which is described in accordance with a common Old Testament image as a glowing fire, is also full of blessing, inasmuch as it serves to our proving (iv. 1 2) ; for as perishable gold is tried by fire in order that its genuineness may be proved (cf. Ps. lxvi. 10'; Prov. xvii. 3 ; Mai. iii. 2, 3), so the verification of faith in the trial of affliction appears much more precious, and gains for us praise and glory and honour before God (i. 7, 8). If this view of suffering proceeds from the consciousness that the state of the Christian is a state of salvation, in which everything, and even affliction, must become at last an evidence of divine grace (cf. § 45, b), another view of it reflects upon the manner in which it must become conducive to the fulfilment of the Christian calling (§ 45, c), and there fore full of blessing. For if Christ has suffered for the sake of the blessed results which are connected with this suffering of His (iii. 18-22), the Christian is also (contrary to the natural dread of suffering) to arm himself with the same thought, i.e. with the thought of the blessed fruit of such a suffering ; that fruit being immediately stated to be this, that whoever has suffered in the flesh (as a righteous person, or for the sake of righteousness, cf. iii. 14, 17) has thereby ceased, in principle, from sinning, in order that he may no longer live to the lusts of men but to the will of God (iv. 1, 2)7 suffering appears as depending upon a volition of God (iii. 17, iv. 19), whose mighty hand lays it upon us (v. 6). 7 The attempt to explain this statement by means of Rom. vi. 7 (Baur, 290) is substantially renewed by Sieffert, inasmuch as he also thinks of a dying to the sinful lusts (Jahrb.f. d. Th. 1875, p. 425 ff.). But it is mere arbitrariness to connect the idea of dying with *ais7> ; and the thought that sin has its seat § 47. CHRISTIAN SOCIAL LIFE. 221 § 47. Christian Social Life. Here, too, unfeigned enduring brotherly love, and the meek humility which manifests itself in mutual service, appear as the cardinal Christian virtues, (b) To the subjec tion to human ordinances which the apostle demands for God's sake there belong especially obedience and honour to the authorities, (c) There belongs to it likewise the patient endurance of the wrongs which slaves had often to suffer innocently; and under the same point of view the apostle places the relation of Christian wives to their still unbelieving husbands, (d) Lastly, he demands, in general, that Christians shall, by their behaviour, refute the calumnies of the Gentiles, and become the means of blessing even to their enemies. (a) Since Christians call one another brethren (v. 12), and form a brotherhood (ii. 17, v. 9), their specific duty to the brethren appears (ii. 17) to be the love which Christ has called the greatest commandment (§ 25). To such an extent does this form the central point of Christian moral life, that in i. 22 (cf. iii. 8) brotherly love is described as the most immediate aim of purification of heart, and its specific characteristic is derived from the nature of the new birth. In conformity with the general character of all Christian virtue (iii. 15, cf. § 26, c), love must come unfeignedly from the heart (i. 22), it must be shown without murmuring (iv. 9), and therefore not only are such forms under which egoism appears (ii. 1), as malice, envy, and slander, to be put away, but also guile and hypocrisy. On the other hand, the essence of love is described in iii. 8 as consisting in similarity of disposition, in sympathy, and compassionateness. That, how ever, which first of all gives it its real value is the iicTeveta in the o-xpl is not a Petrine thought, as is already plain from the circumstance that, in order to awaken this thought, ver. 2 must necessarily have run : iTiiufoixis rapx'os. Sieffert shows very clearly how that, according to iii. 14, iv. 13, suffering is still for Christians only a Txhh o-xpxi ; but the reasons why it is this have nothing to do with dying to the sinful lusts. Neither, indeed, does it appear why suffering in the bodily life should make sinning distasteful (Pfleiderer, p. 423 [E. Tr. ii. 154]) ; but whoever has suffered from the enmity of sinners (and it is this alone which is spoken of in this connection) has done so because, even at the risk of having to suffer in the flesh, he has not yielded to their sinful desire, but has broken once for all (note the perfect) with sinning. 222 THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. (i. 22) which results from the incorruptible nature of the life that is begotten of the incorruptible word, i.e. the lasting and enduring energy which knows no limits either in giving or in forgiving, and which therefore, according to iv. 8 (cf. Prov. x. 12), covers a multitude of sins (cf. Matt, xviii. 21, 22). The kiss of love is a symbolical expression of this brotherly love (v. 14 : (plXijua dyaTrris). Alongside of love, however, there stands humility (iii. 8, v. 5 : Ta-rretvotppoavvrf), as in the teaching of Jesus (§ 25, d). As regards God, this consists in acquiescing patiently in His ways, and in bowing under His mighty hand (v. 6) ; as regards our neighbour, it consists in giving to each man the ti/jlij which belongs to him (ii. 17, cf. iii. 7). In this passage, the rule of suum cuique expressly forms the second cardinal duty, alongside of brotherly love. Alongside of humility, there stands, on the one hand, as in Matt. xi. 29, the meekness (iii. 4, 15) which patiently bears the injustice and enmity of others, which is not driven to violence by these wrongs, and, on the other hand, as in Matt. xx. 25—28, the humble serving wherein each one subordinates himself to the other (v. 5). In this mutual serving, each one is to administer the gifts, which he has received from God, as a steward (iv. 10), because the word which he speaks has been given him by God, who also lends him the strength for every service.1 (b) The more the Christians felt themselves to be the elect race, so much the more natural was it for them to believe that they were emancipated from the worldly ordinances of life in which conversion found them, or at least they were the more likely to draw suspicion and persecution upon themselves by 1 In v. 2, 3 Peter specially discusses the duties of the elders, to whom the office of pastors over the churches (cf. § 45, a) has been committed, just as the guidance of the whole Church has been entrusted to him as their oup.Tpitr$!mpos (v. 1). This superintendence of the Church (the iTia-xoTuy) is also to be a service of love, which is to be performed voluntarily and readily, not merely from the constraint of duty, nor with a desire to obtain gain or lordship ; it is to be performed in the humility which only seeks to give an example to others, and thereby to urge them on to follow. Peter does not yet know of a second ecclesiastical office in the churches to which he writes. As in the church at Jerusalem (§ 41, c), it is those who are younger in years (ol nunpoi) who, in accordance with their age, perform the external services of the Church without any special official position, and are therefo're admonished to be subject to the elders (v. 5). § 47. CHRISTIAN SOCIAL LIFE. 223 an uncalled-for intermeddling with these matters (iv. 1 5 : a>? aXXoTptoeirla-KO'Koi) from their higher standpoint. These were only human ordinances, which they could easily regard as sinful, inasmuch as they were also corrupted by the sin which attaches to men as men (§ 46, h). The apostle, however, demands (ii 13) that they submit themselves to every human ordinance (dvOpwirivq /cTtVt?), not indeed as such, but for God's sake (Bid tov Kvpiov). This applies, now, in the first place, to the ordinance of government. No doubt Christians, qud Christians, are free (cf. Matt. xvii. 2 6), because, as servants of God, they are not subject to any human authority (ii. 16 : <»? eXevdepoi . . . &>s Qeov BovXoi). But, for that very reason, they are not to use their freedom as a cloak of wickedness ; they are rather to render obedience to the government by well doing, since it also demands the doing of that which is good and punishes the doing of that which is evil (vv. 14, 15). Moreover, since the Christian, according to note a, is to give to each man the honour which is his due, Peter demands also for the king, i.e. for the Eoman emperor (ver. 1 3), the reverence (ver. 1 7) which belongs to him ; but at the same time he does not fail to point out, by putting side by side their duty to God and to the king after the manner of Mark xii. 17, that the fulfilment of the latter must not in any way prejudice the fulfilment of the former. He does not, here, enter more particularly into the special cases of collision that may occur, when they must obey God rather than men (Acts iv. 19, v. 29). (c) From the same point of view Peter also treats of the case of slaves, inasmuch as he is speaking to Christian slaves who still have unbelieving masters. Here also, in the name of the fear of God, and because of their consciousness that it is God who has placed them in this condition (ii. 19: Bid avveiBr}cnv Qeov), he demands submission to their masters, even when these make obedience difficult by their wickedness (ver. 18 : ctkoXiois, cf. Acts ii. 40). If in such a case there is many a wrong to be borne, this is only an illustration of the general truth that Christians are called, after the example of Christ, to gain the good pleasure of God by an innocent and patient endurance of injustice (vv. 19, 20). A similar case occurs where Christian women have husbands who are still unbelievers (iii. 1). In such a case they must, after the 224 THE MESSIANIC CONSUMMATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. example of the holy women of the old covenant, be in sub jection to their husbands, and, continuing in well-doing without any fear of man, put their hope in God (vv. 5, 6). Here, also, their chaste behaviour is to be rooted in the fear of God (ver. 2), and their adornment is to consist, not of outward ornaments, but of a meek and quiet spirit, since this is the only adorning which is of value in the sight of God (vv. 3, 4). It is only incidentally that the apostle glances at Christian marriages, and demands of the husbands intelligent discern ment (yvSio-iv) in their intercourse with the weaker sex, and the due recognition of the Christian dignity of their wives according to the rule of swum cuique, since it is only in this way that their joint prayer, which he seems to regard as the real crown of Christian married life, can remain unhindered (ver. 7). (d) Those who were not Christians were not able to under stand the true nature of the new Christian life ; and therefore the becoming attitude of Christians towards human ordinances has, according to the will of God, the special aim of showing these, that Christianity obliges and qualifies its adherents to discharge faithfully the duties which were involved in the natural relationships of life of which they were capable of judging; and in this way it puts to silence the ignorance of foolish men (ii. 15). According to ii. 12, those who were not Christians were disposed to calumniate the Christians as evil doers, — partly, really because of their imperfect acquaintance with the Christians' moral life ; partly, however, also (accord ing to iv. 4) because they felt themselves condemned by the aversion of the Christians to the immoral life, which they had previously led in common with them ; and now they sought, by means of slander, to blunt the sting of this condemnation of their conduct. Since the slanderers must be ashamed of their slander when they look more closely at the Christians' manner of life (iii. 1 6), the apostle still hopes that, at least when the day of their gracious visitation has come, they will be thereby induced to glorify God for that which He has wrought in the Christians (ii. 12 ; cf. Matt. v. 16), and thus they will be as good as gained to Christianity. In the same way he hopes that the believing wives will also be able without the word to gain their unbelieving husbands by their behaviour (iii. 1, 2). § 48. THE SPIRIT OF THE MESSIAH. 225 It is only necessary to take special care that Christians do not bring upon themselves a well-deserved dishonour by their own sin, or by a well-meant but unseasonable intermeddling with matters with which they have no concern (note h, iv. 15). On the other hand, they have an opportunity, in opposition to the positive hostility of unbelievers, of practising the law of love (§ 25, c), — not to recompense evil with evil, whether it be an evil word or an evil deed, but to answer the wrong which is suffered with blessing ; in ii. 2 3 they are referred to the example of Christ, and in iii. 9 there is plainly an allusion to the word of Christ (Matt. v. 44 = Luke vi. 28). Not only by means of this testimony in deeds, but also by means of a confession which is equally candid and meek, they are to be ready to give their enemies a reason for their Christian hope- (iii. 1 5). The apostle hopes that their bearing under affliction,., if they continue under it immoveably in well-doing, may still prove a blessing even to their enemies, as had been the case - with the suffering of Christ, though no doubt in a unique way (vv. 16—18). So long as they live here as strangers in the • midst of those who are not Christians (ii. 21), it behoves them not to give these offence, but to be a blessing. It is only in this manner that they can attain the highest goal which, according to § 45, c, is set before them as true servants of God, viz. to glorify God. He who suffers dishonour only because of his Christian name (cf. iv. 14) need not be ashamed of it, since he glorifies God by the manner in which he bears this name (iv. 16, read: iv to) ovofiaTi tovtco). CHAPTEE IV. THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. § 48. The Spirit of the Messiah. In the end of the times, Christ, who was from the beginning foreknown in the counsel of God as the Eedeemer, has been chosen as such and made known to men. (b) The Spirit of God, with which He was anointed during His earthly life, has already testified in the prophets regarding that which should VOL. I. p 226 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. befall Him according to this decree, (c) According to His spiritual nature, which was peculiarly potentialized by this anointing, He who was put to death according to the flesh could not abide in death, but had to be made alive through the resurrection, (d) In this Spirit Christ has, lastly, during His stay in Hades, proclaimed the message of salvation to the spirits of the dead which were found there in prison. (a) The completion of the theocracy has commenced in believing Israel, because it is the Messianic time ; and it is the Messianic time, because the Messiah has appeared. As in § 40, a, the end of the times (to eo-%aTov t&v %p6vav, as translation of the prophetical E^n rnnx), which was pro claimed by prophecy, is regarded as present, because at this time the Messiah has been made known (i. 19, 20). Natur ally, it is no longer necessary to prove to the believers in Israel that Jesus of Nazareth is this Messiah ; the title Messiah, which originally pointed to His equipment for His .specific calling (§ 18), and therefore involves the idea of His being the Mediator of salvation, has already passed over so •completely to the historical person Jesus, that it has become a nomen proprium.1 What the prophets have prophesied regard ing the sufferings which were appointed the Messiah, and the glories that should follow, that is now already announced in the evangelical proclamation regarding Jesus as having taken place (i. 11, 12). Already this view — according to which the glory appears, not as a glory which belongs -originally to the Messiah, but as one which was appointed Him in prophecy — makes it little likely that Peter has reflected upon a pre- historical existence, and, consequently, upon an originally superhuman nature of Christ. It is true, such a pre-existence is very frequently found in i. 20 (cf. e.g. Lutz, 349 ; Pflei- 1 The name Jesus is no longer used by Peter ; most frequently, and that, too, specially when His earthly life is looked back to (i. 11, 19, ii. 21, iii. 16, 18, iv. 1, 14, v. 10, 14), He is named simply Xpisris ; less frequently, and without any perceptible difference, o Xpia-Tos (iii. 15, iv. 13, v. 1). Besides this name there is found only the name '\mroZs Xpio-ris (i. 1, 2, 3, 7, 13, ii. 5, iii. 21, iv. 11, cf. § 41, a), the reading Xpmiros 'iwrovs in v. 10, 14 being undoubtedly wrong. It is self-evident that this promotion of the official name of Jesus to be a proper name is owing to the circumstance that the person of Jesus stands before the eyes of the Christian always and exclusively in His specific quality as the Mediator of salvation. S 43. THE SPIRIT OF THE MESSIAH. 227 derer, 421 [E. Tr. ii. 151]; Gess, 395 f.). But seeing that tpavepadefc purposely refers back to et'Sore? in ver. 18, it alludes not to the manifestation of Christ which resulted from His appearing upon earth, and which could, no doubt, be con trasted with His concealment in a previous state of existence, but to the manifestation of Christ in His significance as Messianic redeemer (ver. 18) by means of His death (ver. 19) and exaltation (ver. 21), and this manifestation is contrasted with the concealment of that significance in the divine decree. For the sake of the Church of the end of the times (Bi u/ia?), i.e. in order that it may know that it is redeemed and may build its hope in the completion of salvation upon this faith (ver. 21), Christ has now been manifested as that which He will be to it, although God has already from the beginning foreknown (¦n-poeyvcoo-fievo'i) the person Christ as the one through whose blood redemption would be accomplished.2 This divine foreknowledge, however, no more presupposes a contemporary existence of the person whose qualification God foresees, than that foreknowledge which prophecy, regarded as directly Messianic, involves throughout. In the very same manner as He has chosen believing Israel (i. 2 : iicXeKTol . . . icaTa rrpoyvaxriv Qeov, see § 44, a), God has, in conformity with this foreknowledge, chosen the historical person Jesus for His Messianic vocation (ii. 4, 6). (b) When it is said in i. 1 1 that the Spirit of Christ, speak ing in the prophets, testified beforehand the sufferings of Christ, it would be much more natural to understand thereby the Spirit of the pre-existing Christ (cf. Lechler, p. 177). It is no objection to this view, as Beyschlag, p. 121, thinks, that, according to the teaching of Peter, it was through His exaltation that Jesus was first made the Messiah. For if, notwithstanding this, the name Messiah, which has become 2 The reason why, in the antithesis, the apostle dates back this divine fore knowledge to the first beginnings of time, i.e. to a time before the creation of the world, and thereby expressly describes the divine decree of salvation as eternal, is not because he purposed to point to the imperishable nature of Christ in cpntrast with the perishable gold (Ritschl, ii. 178), but simply because of the mention of the end of the times. That Tpoyivuo-xuy does not denote the divine foreordination any more than the Tpoyyonris of i. 2 (cf. § 44, a) appears already from the part, perf., which does not describe an individual act (cf. even Pflciderer, I.e.), but the condition of knowing. 228 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. a nomen proprium, can be used, and that too with preference, of the historical person Christ (note a), it can also be trans ferred to the pre-existing person. But it would certainly be surprising, if it were used in the same sentence indiscriminately of the pre-existing (to iv avTois irvevp-a XpicrTov) and of the historical Christ (to et? XpiaTov TradrgAaTa) ; and since the meaning which comes out, if we hold it to refer both times to the historical Christ, is one which is thoroughly in keeping with the other presuppositions of the teaching of Peter, this is the only way in which we are entitled to take it. Accord ingly, the Spirit with which Christ was anointed at His bap tism (§ 38, h), and which was therefore His Spirit during His official life, was already, before He received it, active in the prophets. This Spirit is none else than the eternal Spirit of God, in which the decree relating to the Messianic salvation was formed from eternity, and which could therefore testify, in the prophets, regarding this decree, in the same way as it afterwards qualified the Messiah Himself for its execution. If one should call this an ideal pre-existence of Christ in the divine Spirit or in the divine decree, there is scarcely any objection can be taken ; but such an existence is involved throughout in the presupposition of a direct Messianic prophecy, from which Peter, with all the writers of the New Testament, starts (§ 46, a, footnote 1). (c) In iii. 18 the human person of Christ is looked at from two different sides, the one of which is designated flesh, the other spirit. Beyschlag, however, is mistaken when (p. 1 1 3) he sees in these only the two factors of human nature in general; for although, according to § 27, a, the flesh is simply the substratum of the earthly-bodily life, yet the spirit cannot here denote the spiritual nature of man in general, as in iv. 6. This, per se, viz. could not in any way be the reason why He who was put to death according to the flesh should be made alive, i.e. be raised up ; for although it is true that the spiritual nature of man endures, as such, after the separation of the soul from the body, and therefore does not, in this respect, need a quickening, yet, on the other hand, it does not per se demand such a quickening as took place on the occasion of the resurrec tion of Christ, it rather dispenses with it, at least, till the last day. No doubt the irvevua in Christ corresponds to the irvevfia § 48. THE SPIRIT OF THE MESSIAH. 229 in every man ; but just because it was not a common human Trvev/J.a, but one anointed, i.e. continually filled with the Spirit of God (note b), He could not, according to the spirit, remain, like every other man, in death, i.e. in the incorporeal condition of Hades, but must be made alive, i.e. raised up. If, there fore, in Acts ii. 24, the necessity of the resurrection was still grounded only upon the circumstance that it was foretold (§ 39, a), here it is already traced back to the unique spiritual nature of Christ which He received when the Spirit of God, which was bestowed upon Him, made Him the XpiaTo<;. Of course, His resurrection was foretold only because it was necessary for the fulfilment of His Messianic calling ; and for the very same reason it was grounded in the Spirit, which qualified Him for the fulfilment of this calling.3 (d) According to iii. 19 Christ has gone down to Hades iv irvevfiari, in order to bring the message of salvation to the spirits which were found there in prison (iv <{>vXaicf) ; cf. also iv. 6). By these we are to understand, not the fallen angels 3 No doubt it is not directly asserted in iii. 18 that his Ttwpx as such demanded this ^oionoisitrlxi, but only that it experienced it ; for it will always be most natural to regard the dative as a description of the sphere and not of the rule (cf. Sieffert, pp. 411-413) ; but since the whole passage unfolds the manner in which the suffering of Christ has come to be so peculiarly fruitful in blessed ness, it lies in the nature of the case, that that which happened to Him must have been grounded in the unique Messianic quality of His person. If the absence of the article from Tytv/txTi and o-xpxl should be urged against this view (an argument which, seeing that the article is very frequently omitted by Peter, appears to me somewhat hazardous, and which is already rendered very precarious by the iv 2, which refers to Tyiv/*xm), still the only way, in which we can judge of the statement regarding that which happened to Christ with respect to the flesh or the spirit, is by considering whether that which is stated can apply to the fleshly or spiritual nature of man in general. Now, just as certainly as the tayxToihis assumes no other than the (mortal) nxp\ which is common to the human race, so certainly does the X,"oToiuaexi, which, as has been shown above, does not belong to the human rv.vft-x as such, point to the fact that the Tyivpox of the Messiah must have been different from that of men in general. It is not possible, however, that tnti/um can refer to the whole being of Christ inclusive of His (pneumatic) corporeity, as Sieffert (p. 419) maintains ; for the subject of the Z,oioTomh.is, which, even according to him, denotes the being raised up bodily, cannot be the already risen one ; it can only be the Christ who lived in the flesh, who, after He had been put to death o-xpxi, was now raised up according to the mivfox which He had during His life in the flesh, and which was delivered from the common fate of man by its union with the divine Tyivpx, i. e. was re- clothed with His (heavenly, glorified) body, and thus first made alive again in the full sense. 230 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. (Gen. vi.), as Baur thinks (p. 291), but the disembodied souls of the dead (§ 2 7, c). The subject, however, is not the already risen Christ (as even Schenkel, p. 221, will have it), who, indeed, no longer existed merely iv irvevuaTi (cf. footnote 3), but had again received a body at His resurrection ; it is rather the slain Christ, who, like every other dead person, after the spirit was separated from the body, still existed, in the first place, only iv TrvevfiaTi, and could therefore also work among the disembodied spirits (the dead, who, like Himself, existed only iv irvevfiaTi). But while the other spirits in Scheol lead only a shadowy existence, the spirit of Christ, which was anointed with the Spirit of God which qualified Him for His Messianic activity, or — what is only another expression for the same thing — Christ in this Spirit, could carry on His Messianic activity among the spirits in Scheol.4 As, therefore, the Spirit, which the Messiah received during His earthly life, was already active in the prophets previous to this time, so it was also it that caused Him to be active among the spirits in Hades, even after the end of Flis earthly life. From this also it appears that, according to the doctrinal views of the apostles at this stage, the higher nature of Christ was still conceived of only as the Spirit of God Avhich had been bestowed upon Him, but which was not confined in its activity to His earthly life. § 49. The Saving Significance of the Suffering of Christ. Cf. Fr. Sieffert, ' ' die Heilsbedeutung des Leidens und Sterbens Christi nach dem ersten Brief des Petrus," Jahrb.f. deutsche Theologie, 1875, 3 ; Laichinger, "die Versbhnungslehre des ersten Petribriefs," ibid. 1877, 2. The suffering of Christ, which was borne by Him with the most perfect innocence and patience, was already foreseen in 4 As, on the one hand, the soul of the Messiah could not be left in Scheol (Acts ii. 27), so, on the other hand, the spirit which constituted this soul could not participate in the shadowy life of the human spirits in Hades, although it is self-evident that Christ, if once He has died, must go down iv Tyiiipxm into Scheol like every other person. The descent of Christ into Hades, considered by itself, is accordingly regarded as an altogether self-evident fact, and the statement of the apostle refers only to the Messianic activity of Christ which was unfolded in consequence of it ; and this activity is mentioned as an evidence of the blessed fruit which has resulted from His death (iii. 17, 18). There is therefore no need to assume that the account of it was derived from a special communication of the risen Lord to Peter (Gess, p. 408). § 49. SAVING SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SUFFERING OF CHRIST. 231 prophecy, (b) The peculiar aim of this suffering was to take away from sinners the staining guilt of sin, inasmuch as, when He died upon the cross, Christ bore the punishment which was incurred by their sins, (c) In consequence of the last testament of Christ, this can also be so represented as if the Church has been sprinkled with the atoning blood of a cove nant sacrifice, and has thereby become the true people of God which is capable of fellowship with Him. (d) Although redemp tion from the power of sin is also described as a consequence of the death of Christ, yet, in the mind of the apostle, this re demption can only be regarded as its mediate practical effect. (a) Although it is not so much the individual fact of the death of Christ, but, as in Acts iii. 1 8, His suffering in general which is repeatedly set forth so emphatically (ii. 23, iii. 18, iv. 1, 13, v. 1), and although, in particular, His exemplary behaviour under suffering is reflected upon (ii. 21), yet herein there be trays himself only the eye-witness, before whose eyes Christ in His behaviour during the sorrowful closing days of His earthly life, with all that happened in these days, still stands vividly. According to iii. 18 He suffers as the righteous One (cf. § 38, &),and since a saving purpose is ascribed to Him in that suffering, it is plain that it is conceived of as a suffering which was undertaken voluntarily, and therefore also borne willingly and patiently. This is implied also in the image of the lamb, the symbol of quiet patience, which is borrowed from Isa. liii. 7 (i. 19). When this lamb is described as being without blemish (a/iw/xo?), the explanatory words (ical acr7rtXo?) show that this is meant, not in the ritual sense (Lev. i. 10), but in the sense of moral blamelessness, so that the peculiar value of His suffering (t(,[uov alfia) can be clearly set forth in the innocence and patience of the suffering one. Lastly, in ii. 22, 23, there are expressly set forth, first, with the words of Isa. liii. 9, the innocence, and then, in a para phrase of Isa. liii. 7, the silent patience of the sufferer. Although, accordingly, this suffering was a voluntary one, yet, on the other side, it was already foreordained for Christ in Messianic prophecy (i. 11, cf. § 38, c); and inasmuch as this part of prophecy is already fulfilled (ver. 1 2), that part of the Messianic consummation which is already realized must also be essentially grounded in that suffering. 232 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. (b) Although the suffering of Christ is cited as an example of the blessedness (cf. icpeiTTov : iii. 17) of a suffering which is endured innocently, the apostle, nevertheless, asserts that because of its peculiarly blessed fruits this suffering was of such a unique kind that, from the nature of the case, it cannot be repeated (ver. 18). Christ has suffered once (a-n~a%) for sins ; these must therefore be removed by this individual act of suffering, which is therefore already conceived of as culminating in death. Now since it is stated to be the design of this suffering, that He might make it possible for believers in Israel to have the (priestly) access to God which was necessary for the completion of the theocracy (§ 45, c), and since, according to the context, this access was rendered impossible by their sins, it follows that by His suffering in death He has destroyed the guilty -stai}^ of the dBiKoi which was caused by sin.1 How this has taken 'platee..'is already indicated when it is said that He has simWed as the righteous for the unrighteous;2 but it is from the leading passage, ii. 24, 1 Although Sieffert allows that the bringing of the HIikoi to God cannot be effected without their reconciliation, he will nevertheless understand by this itself " their being brought to the sanctifying effects of fellowship with God" (p. 407), in order that here also he may make the effect of the death of Christ consist in practical deliverance from the power of sin, which Pfleiderer (p. 422 [E. Tr. ii. p. 153]) will also at least include. But since Sieffert himself allows the priestly character of the access to God which is rendered possible by the death of Jesus (p. 408), and since a sanctifying effect (in the ethical sense) is nowhere ascribed to this priestly act, it is already plain that that moral effect is simply dragged in, and, besides, it would not be owing to the death of Christ, but to the fellowship with God which is mediated through Him. And since even the "positive consecration to God" throughout presupposes purification (in the ritual sense), as he himself allows (p. 381), and the idea of introduction denotes, from the nature of the case, that access is made possible, and therefore the fulfilment of its presuppositions, it can only be this which is thought of here as the effect of the death of Christ. 2 It is true that the idea of substitution no more lies in the preposition iTip here than in ii. 21 (in iv. 1 tiTip tipuy is spurious) ; but the contrast, which is made so prominent between the righteous and the unrighteous, necessarily pro duces the idea, that the suffering which was endured in behalf of these ought really to have been endured by the unrighteous themselves. The suffering of Christ, however, cannot possibly be represented- here under the type of the sin- offering (Ritschl, ii. p. 210), since nowhere in the sacrifice does a righteous person suffer for an unrighteous one. The final clause, accordingly, by no means contains "that which Peter has understood to be the purport of sacrifice in general. " But if this were the case, it would follow from this very passage, that sacrifice does not provide for the man who approaches God "protection § 43. SAVING SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SUFFERING OF CHRIST. 233 that it first of all becomes perfectly clear. By its language as well as by its whole context this verse points so plainly to Isa. liii., whose prophecy regarding the servant of God was already (§ 38, b) conceived as Messianic, that it is only by means of it that it can be explained. What is said, therefore, is that Christ has borne our sins (Isa. liii. 1 2 : avTo<; dfiapTiw; ttoXXwv dvrjvey/cev ; in Hebrew, NtfJ, TOD), i.e. how ever, according to the constant usus loquendi of the Old Testament (Num. xiv. 33), that He has suffered their divinely- appointed consequences, or their punishment. When, viz., the innocent one bears the consequences of the sins which should have fallen upon the guilty (an idea which comes out in the rgi&v avTos just as in the avTcov avTos of Isa. liii. 11), He bears the alien sins themselves, as a burden laid upon Him.3 On this account, the addition eVt to gvXov, in which, as in the Petrine discourses of the Acts (§ 38, c), the cross is described as the gallows tree, cannot give to dvacf>epeiv the meaning of carrying up the sacrifice on to the altar ; it can only, in a pregnant manner, add the thought that He bore our sins, while He was ascending the cross, because it was there that He suffered the specific punishment of sin.4 It is plain, therefore, that, in consequence of Isa. liii., Peter regards this sin-bearing of Christ in behalf of sinners as the means whereby sin has been removed from them, and by which, therefore, the stain of guilt has been effaced. against the life-destroying effect of the superiority of God to the creatures " (cf. , on the contrary, Riehm, der Begriff der Suhne im A. T., Gotha 1876), but that it is man's sins (Tip) xpxpnZy) that hinder this approach, and which must therefore be rendered inoperative by sacrifice. 3 On the other hand, not only is the idea of sacrifice (cf. Lechler, p. 179) foreign to the context of the passage in Isaiah which we are considering here, hut the idea of sin-bearing is also foreign to the ritual of sacrifice. It is never said of a sacrificial animal that it bears sins ; it is only of the second goat on the great day of atonement, which was not sacrificed, but hunted away into the wilderness, that it is said that the iniquities of the children of Israel were laid upon his head, in order that the complete removal of the sins which were atoned for by the sacrifice of the first goat might be symbolically represented (Lev. xvi. 20-22). 4 Although Sieffert allows that Peter attaches himself to Isaiah in his language, he nevertheless maintains that by his independent additions he has given the words a totally different meaning, viz. that He carried up our sins (as manifestations of a dominant power of sin) on to the tree, and thus, in principle, annihilated the power of sin which is dominant in man (p. 401 ff. ; cf. Pflciderer, 234 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. (c) To what extent the words of institution of the supper have become regulative to the apostle for the comprehension of the saving significance of the death of Christ, appears clearly from i. 2. It was only in the case of the sacrifice which was offered, when the old covenant was concluded, that a sprinkling of the people with the blood of the sacrifice took place; and since, according to Ex. xxiv. 7, 8, the obligation to obedience preceded the sprinkling of the blood, the allusion to that passage is evident, because here also the et? viraicorjv precedes the et? pavTiapuiv a't^aTo? 'Irjaov Xpto~Tov. Both together plainly constitute the forming of such a new covenant as Jesus had described in Mark xiv. 24 as being brought about by His blood (§ 22, c). As God concluded the old covenant with the children of Israel at Sinai, after they had bound themselves to obedience, and had been cleansed by the atoning blood of the covenant sacrifice from the stain of guilt which separated them from God, so believers in Israel are described here as being elect unto obedience and sprinkling with the blood of Jesus Christ, i.e., therefore, as being chosen to be the peculiar people of the new covenant (cf. Jer. xxxi. 31-34), the people which is to become, by obedience, a people of true servants of God (cf. § 44), and which is to be cleansed, by the sprinkling of blood, from the stain of guilt which hinders them from enjoying perfect fellowship with God. The bloody death of Christ is, therefore, thought of p. 422 [E. Tr. ii. 153]). But, according to his own explanation, there is nothing in the words regarding an annihilation; and it is pure arbitrariness to say that the idea of the power of sin, which is always calling new sins into existence, is foisted into the r&s xpxprixs kfiSy, which undoubtedly denotes the sins which we have committed. Since Jesus suffers death in His body in the same manner as sinners suffer it (iv. 6), and that too in the form of an unnatural, violent death, in which the judgment of God against sinners is most plainly revealed (§ 34, c), the expression, that He bore sins in His body, can be explained without "there being some relation or other between the power of sin which works in men and the particular body of Christ" (p. 463), even if we should not grant the obvious reminiscence of the symbolism of the breaking of bread (Mark xiv. 22), in which the body appears as surrendered to death. Even Ritschl (ii. p. 257) allows that the It) to li\ov makes no difference in the meaning of the expression taken from Isaiah ; but he then likewise foists into the bearing of the sins of others (in their consequences) the annihilation of sins in the sense of cleansing from them (in the moral sense) ; and Laichinger even seeks to make this out by conceiving of death itself as a disease of sin which Jesus has taken away from us (p. 294). § 49. SAVING SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SUFFERING OF CHRIST. 235 here as an atoning covenant sacrifice,5 without this point of view being placed in any relation with the quite different one in note b, which, nevertheless, in iii. 18, comes essentially to the same thing. (d) The deliverance from the bondage of Egypt had already been regarded by Stephen as typical of the salvation which was brought through Christ (Acts vii. 35). In many ways, Messianic prophecy had also looked forward to a deliverance from all enemies (Jer. xv. 21, xxxi. 11 : (TIB, PN|), and such a deliverance formed an essential element of the Messianic expectation in the time of Christ (Luke i. 74, xxiv. 21 : ^\7rt- %ofiev on aiiTO<; icmv 6 fieXXcov XvTpovcrdai tov 'Icrpar)X). He Himself had called His death the ransom whereby He would deliver the souls of men from death (§22, c). In i. 18 Peter also speaks of such a deliverance ; but he calls the power from which believers in Israel are redeemed (eXvTpd>6r)Te etc T97? . . . v/jlujv dvao-Tpo(prj<:) their previous manner of life, which, as a manner of life which was handed clown by their fathers, had up to this time exerted an enslaving influence upon them, which hindered them from becoming true servants of God and children of obedience (vv. 14, 17). As the ransom, through which this redemption is effected, Peter names the blood of Christ, whose suffering is here, in accordance with note a, set forth in its specific preciousness in contrast with 5 Sieffert denies that, according to Heb. ix. 22 (where undoubtedly the general statement is meant to explain the special circumstance mentioned in 19 f. ), an atoning significance was ascribed, in the apostolic age, to the sprinkling with the blood of the covenant, which even Ritschl, p. 168, acknowledges. Accord ingly, he attributes to the blood of the covenant ' ' the leading of the people into the sanctifying living fellowship with God," and, thereby, here also (cf. note 1) foists into the idea of the fellowship of the covenant the totally different idea of a sanctifying living fellowship (in the ethical sense), just as he also makes the saving effect of the death of Jesus have no reference to men's being introduced into the former, but mixes it up with the effects of the latter (p. 881 ff). "When, however, Pfleiderer, p. 427 [E. Tr. ii. 158], concludes from the circumstance that Itxxo-/i stands first, that this is conceived of as a con ditioning presupposition of the forgiveness of sins, and finds therein an evidence that the death of Jesus has not an immediately expiatory effect, but only does away with our sins by being a motive of our moral amendment, it is to be noted that there is no indication of such a causal connection between the obedience and the sprinkling of blood, while their combination and succession are sufficiently explained by the fundamental thought of the passage, and that the vTxxoh is not at all regarded here as an effect of the death of Christ. 236 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. that which is usually most precious, viz. gold and silver." As to the manner in which this redemption is effected through the blood of Christ, the passage says nothing directly;7 in accordance with § 46, a, however, it is explained from the circumstance that the message regarding the atoning death of Christ has a greater influence over believers than their previous manner of life, and constrains them to separate themselves from sin. That this was the design of the death of Christ is stated directly in ii. 24, where it is said that Christ has borne our sins, in order that we, being separated from sin, should live unto righteousness, and so be cured of the disease of sin (cf. Isa. liii. 5). Here it becomes quite clear that deliverance from sin (to which Schenkel, § 41, again reduces the saving significance of the death of Christ) is only its mediate consequence, since its immediate object is said to 0 In opposition to Ritschl (ii. p. 221), Sieffert (p. 390 ff.) has shown con clusively, that Xurpoijy cannot here denote the general idea of setting free, but has really the meaning of ransoming ; at the basis of Peter's statement, how ever, there lies, not the idea of the ransom which He has paid to another, but only the thought that God has caused our redemption to cost Himself a great price (the surrender of His Son to a bloody death). On this account, however, it is a priori unlikely that the preciousness of the blood of Christ should be illustrated by comparing it with that of an unblemished lamb, since the sacrifice is a gift to God, while the question here is as to a price which God paid. It is, besides, rather unnatural to compare the faultlessness (ritually) of a sacrificial animal (which, indeed, qualifies it for being a sacrifice, but does not, per se, make it specially valuable) with the moral purity of Christ, or even to reflect upon the fact that, like the death of the sacrificial animal, the death of Christ was altogether undeserved (Sieff. p. 395). Neither, as is being always maintained, the ap-upas (cf., on the contrary, note a) nor the xt/xx, which describes the death as a violent one, and therefore as doubly dreadful (cf. foot note 4), can prove that the apostle is alluding to a sacrifice. 7 To think of the lamb as a propitiation (v. Colin, ii. 327) is neither demanded by Isa. liii. 7, where the lamb is regarded only as an image of quiet endurance, and not as a propitiation, nor allowed by the meaning (which is not of a redemptive nature) of the propitiation (Lev. xvii. 11). We might think of the Passover lamb (Lechler, p. 178 ; Ritschl, p. 177 f.), inasmuch as it reminds us of the typical redemption from Egypt. But since the mention of the lamb has, according to the context, a different object (see above), this allusion does not lie in the mind of the apostle, and besides, according to footnote 6, it will not suit in many respects. Nor would it say anything as to the manner in which the redemption is effected, for what is spoken of is not a "ransoming from the death-awarding judgment of God " (Gess, p. 397). To think, lastly, of the sin-offering which was made when the leper was declared clean, because, according to ii. 24, we are cured of the leprosy of sin (Laichinger, p. 297), is mere trifling. § 50. THE RESURRECTION AS THE GROUND OF CHRISTIAN HOPE. 237 be the bearing of our sins. From the sin, however, whose miserable consequences Christ has had to bear upon the tree, man cannot but feel himself to be separated for ever.8 § 50. The Resurrection as the ground of Christian Hope. It is through His resurrection and exaltation that Christ has first been fully invested with the Messianic dignity and exalted to divine glory, (h) It was thereby also that there was first restored to the apostles their hope in the Messianic consummation of all things, a hope which appeared to be lost with the death of Jesus, (c) With the return of the exalted Christ the elect must attain to the heavenly inheritance which is appointed them, and in which they receive eternal life and eternal glory, (d) He, however, who was exalted to be the judge of the world, was alone able to deliver them from the final (Messianic) judgment which was then impending. (a) God has raised up Christ from the dead and given Him glory (i. 21), under which there is undoubtedly meant His exaltation to the right hand of God ; and this is conceived of as having been brought about by means of the elevation to heaven which was involved in the resurrection (iii. 22 : iropev- 6el<; et? ovpavov), although not by means of a visible ascension (cf. § 39, b). Thereby it was shown that the stone which was rejected by men (after Ps. cxviii. 22, as in § 38, c) was the stone chosen by God, and highly honoured (ii. 4), and of which it was said in Isa. xxviii. 16 that God would make it the corner-stone of the completed theocracy (ii. 6, 7). God, however, has done this by making Him our Lord (i. 3) and * It has been attempted to explain this thought by means of the Pauline doctrine of the living fellowship with Christ (Baumgarten-Crusius, p. 416 ; cf. Schmid, ii. p. 178 f. [E. Tr. 391 ff.], who seeks it also in iv. 1); but that doctrine is quite foreign both to the language and the context of our passage. By translating the SV< of iv. 1 by "in order that," Sieffert will even find there the thought that, by means of His suffering in the flesh, in which even in Him sin had "the ground of its possibility," although, of course, "only in an abstract manner," Christ has "in principle destroyed the supremacy of the flesh, and therewith the dominion of sin" (p. 429), or that "with the flesh of Christ the universal ground of the possibility of sin is in principle destroyed" (p. 431), in order that he may then declare this very thought to be foreign to the Petrine circle of ideas, and therefore borrowed from Rom. viii. 1 ff. (p. 438), where, indeed, it is no more found than it is here. 238 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. the chief Shepherd of His flock (v. 4, cf. § 39, c). Thereby He was also first fully manifested as the Messiah (i. 20, 21, cf. § 48, a); and now He is also revealed as such (i. 13) in the evangelical proclamation regarding the glories which were already appointed to the Messiah in prophecy (i. 11, 12, cf. § 39, a, b), and which are now accomplished in Him.1 He has been exalted, however, not only to be the Lord of the theocracy, but by His elevation to the divine throne He has been exalted also to participation in divine honour and in the sovereignty of the world (cf. § 39, c), so that, according to iii. 22, even the angels are now made subject unto Him.2 Accordingly He is not only called 6 icvpio<; r/fjicov, but also simply 6 icvpios, Eke God Himself (i. 25, ii. 13, iii. 12), the significance of which fact Beyschlag (p. 118 f.) has not properly estimated. Here also, viz., as in § 39, c, a quotation from ' the Old Testament (Ps. xxxiv. 8), which treats of the «upto?-Jehovah, is applied to Him without more ado (ii. 3) ; and likewise in iii. 15 (cf. Isa. viii. 1 3), where the explanatory tov Xpio-Tov is expressly added, there is demanded for Him the dyid^etv, which, like the fear of God (Matt. x. 28), forms the opposite of all fear of man (ver. 14). Here also, there fore, He is, in His exaltation, a divine being ; although the doxology of iv. 1 1 cannot, in conformity with the context, be applied to Him, as it is by Schmid, ii. p. 174 [E. Tr. 389], and Pfleiderer, p. 421 [E. Tr. ii. 151]. (b) Looked at from the later standpoint of the apostles, the death of Jesus could easily be perceived to be salvation- bringing ; but at first, even for the apostles, every hope in the Messianic consummation which was expected of Jesus seemed 1 Here also, it is true, the name Son of God is not directly given Him ; but, just as in § 39, b, God is called His Father in a passage where He is described in His Messianic quality as our Lord (i. 3) ; and in ver. 2 God is called Qiis Txtiip, with express reference to the new Church of God which has been constituted by election, and in which the theocracy is being made perfect, and this name is probably to be understood as referring also to Jesus Christ, who is mentioned in what follows. 2 In i. 12 the angels appear as a higher order of creatures, who, it is true, take no active part in the Messianic work of salvation, but by their longing to look into the saving deeds which are proclaimed make the glory and greatness of these deeds very manifest. By His exaltation over these (and then- different ranks are embraced in the annexed Ifyucixi xx) luyx/j.us) the universal sovereignty of the exalted Christ is brought out, as in § 1 9, d. § 50. THE RESURRECTION AS THE GROUND OF CHRISTIAN HOPE. 239 to be borne to the grave along with Him (Luke xxiv. 21). It , is the expression of the most immediate living experience, when Peter says (i. 3) that they were begotten again unto a living hope by the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Not till it took place was the dead Jesus manifested with absolute certainty as the Messiah, or exalted to full Messianic glory (note a). Now for the first time could there open up to the apostles a new life of hope. The risen and exalted Christ could and must make perfect that which He who died upon the cross had left incomplete. So i. 21 describes the genesis of Christian hope. Through Christ the Christians have become believers in God, i.e. according to the context: they have learned to trust Him as the Father, who has called them to be His children (vv. 15, 17), and has redeemed them (ver. 18). This trust in God, however, was owing to Him, only if they acknowledged Him to be the Messiah and were assured of His Messiahship, in consequence of the circumstance that God had raised Him up and given Him the glory that was promised according to ver. 11. In this His Messianic glory He had become the one who could with divine power bring about the fulfilment of all the promises, so that the faith of the Christians in the commencement of the time of salvation must now also become hope in the consummation of it (wo-re tt)v tticttiv iuoov ical eXnriBa eivai), which God will bring about through the Messiah.3 (c) Christian hope attaches itself to the expected second sending of the Messiah (cf. § 39, d). Not till then will the still invisible Christ be revealed (i. 7, 8) in His true character and in His full Messianic glory (iv. 13, v. 1). As this second aTroicdXv^ri^ of the Messiah stands parallel with that which is effected through the preaching of the Gospel (i. 1 3), so also 3 As the hope of the pious of the old covenant is a hope in God (iii. 5 : iXtiZiiv ils &ioy), so the Christian hope, which keeps in view the completion of salvation, is also a hope in Him (i. 21). It is God who has called them in Christ unto eternal glory (v. 10), and has thereby translated them from the darkness of destruction into the light of an incomparable salvation (ii. 9). It is He who has begotten them again unto hope by the resurrection of Christ (i. 3), and who as the God of all grace will also help them to fulfil their calling, by guarding them in His power, as in a stronghold, unto the impending salvation (i. 5), and by perfecting, strengthening, and establishing them by His grace (v. 10). The completion of salvation, as well as the commencement of the time of salvation, is His gracious gift. 240 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. the (f>avepao-i$ of Jesus as the Messianic chief Shepherd (v. 4) stands parallel with that which has already taken place (i. 20). With it, however, the completion of salvation can also be looked for. And as the fulfilment of the promise which has already taken place is thought of as a realization of the ideal which was set before the children of Israel (chap, iii.), so the fulfilment of all the promises which is still to be expected is also regarded as the realization of the goal which was pro mised to Israel. Now, however, the specific promise which was given to the elect nation was the possession of the land of Canaan, the icX7]povo/Aia (Lev. xx. 24; Deut. xix. 10, xx. 16), and so even now the elect race has an inheritance surely appointed it (i. 4 : KXr/povofiia),* which is reserved for it in heaven, and which is therefore conceived of as heavenly, just as in the discourses of Jesus the perfected form of the kingdom of God, which is conceived of there also as a KXijpovofiia, appears as heavenly (§ 34, a). In it, according to iii. 9, believing Israel will inherit a blessing (evXoyiav /cXTjpovo/ieiv), such as was already looked forward to in the patriarchal promise (Acts iii. 25). Wherein this blessing consists, appears from iii. 7, where Christian women are called joint-heirs of life (Acts iii. 15, cf. § 40, d), because the life which is surely promised them is already a possession which cannot be lost, although as yet it is but an ideal possession of hope. In iv. 6 this life is more particularly described as being such a life as God lives (tfiv KaTa Qeov), i.e. as an eternal and blessed life. Ac cording to v. 10, however, the characteristic expression for this blessing is the eternal divine glory (Boga), in which the 4 The predicates, with which Peter extols this heavenly inheritance, perhaps stand in express contrast to the inheritance which was once promised the chil dren of Israel. It is imperishable (xtplxpros), whereas the latter was threatened with destruction because of the sin of the people (Isa. xxiv. 3 : 2j« does not denote the recognition which one finds, in which sense it is synonymous with t;^>) (i. 7), the idea of So£« still appears in quite an indefinite form, as a description of the glory which originally belongs to God alone (iv. 11). Since So£« also denotes everything which is brilliant, everything which catches the eye (cf. Cremer, p. 163), this idea, like that of vas ri)? Biavoias, cf. Luke xii. 35), as well as the spiritual sobriety (vqfyovTes) which clearly keeps in' view the end of hope and excludes all fanatical exaltation. In such a case the Christian knows himself, even in the present time, to be the heir of the gift of grace which is to be hoped for in the end (iii. 7) ; the exultant joy, which in iv. 13 is looked forward to at the end of the consummation, so fills him even in the present time, that the momentary sorrow, which he feels in consequence of the trying afflictions, can finally, when respect is had to their blessed results (§ 46, d), only serve to increase this joy (i. 6, 7). In i. 8, however, this exultant joy is not only described as unspeakably great, but also as glorified (BeBo^aa/xevrf), i.e. as a joy which is already transfigured by the splendour of the future glory (§ 50, c), in which this glory is, as it were, anticipated. With an allusion to a saying of Christ (Matt. v. 10 f.), it is said in iii. 14 that Christians are already blessed in their affliction. The reason of this is assigned in iv. 14 ; the Spirit of God which, accord ing to § 44, b, they have received in baptism, rests upon them, just as in Matt. x. 20 there was promised to the disciples, when they should be persecuted, a special assistance of this Spirit (§ 21, c, footnote 1). This Spirit of God is more parti cularly described as the Spirit of glory, and that, too (accord ing to the connection with ver. 1 3), of the same glory in which Christ will be revealed at His return, in order to bestow it 246 THE MESSIAH AND HIS WORK. upon His own. Here too, therefore, Christians have already, in the possession of this Spirit, a kind of participation in the future glory. In this intensity of Christian hope there is reflected the same interpenetration of present and -future, of ideal and reality, which was already implied in the teaching of Christ regarding the kingdom of God (§ 15, c). (d) The hope to which the Christian is begotten again the apostle describes in i. 3 as a living hope ; and it must be so, since a real birth can bring forth only something living. What is meant, however, is the active influence which hope, if it is of the right kind, exerts over the whole moral life of man. It is with a glance at it, accordingly, that the first series of exhortations in the Epistle commences in i. 13, and the second in ii. 11; it likewise appears in iv. 5 at the close of the latter, and in iv. 7 at the beginning of the third, as the strongest motive of the exhortation. From this we can now also see the manner in which the message of salvation, which is indeed the ground of this hope, must, normally, work this new moral life (cf. § 46, a). Just as in the teaching of Jesus (§ 32), viz., the consummation of all things appears also as the reward which faith, when it is approved, obtains (i. 9). The prospect of this reward, however, must ever anew urge on to the fulfilment of the conditions without which it cannot be attained.2 Here also the equivalence of the recompense in which the reward is bestowed is made very prominent. This equivalence is sometimes put as if we shall then receive what we have surrendered here, as e.g. he who humbles himself is exalted by God at the appointed time (v. 6 ; cf. Luke xiv. 11), or he who suffers with Christ will yet be a partaker of His glory (iv. 1 3) ; sometimes the analogy between the reward and the service is already indicated in the expression em- 2 The behaviour, of which Christian hope thus appears to be the motive, is the complete fulfilment of the task to which the Christian is called (§ 45, c, d), although we must not, with Ritschl (ii. p. 361), distinguish, in this fulfilment, between self-purification as the building up of a religious-moral character and right eousness as the performance of duty. It is certain, moreover, that in i. 22, where it is the former that is spoken of, the substance of vv. 14-17 is not re-stated ; for here it was not the sanctification of the soul, but a quality of the walk, i. e. of the manner of acting, which was demanded ; and according to the train of thought, the latter by no means appears as a " condition," but rather as an effect and consequence of perfect hope (ver. 13). § 51. THE APOSTLE OF HOPE. 247 ployed, as when the joy that is to be looked for at the return of Christ is made dependent upon the cheerfulness with which we have been partakers here of Christ's sufferings (iv. 13), or as when, according to iii. 9, blessing can be received only where blessing has been bestowed.3 Here, also, the reward is nothing foreign to the service ; for it consists mainly only in this, that the proof of faith is recognised, and it accordingly receives praise, glory, and honour at the return of Christ (i. 7). According to ii. 7, this honour must be conferred upon believers also, because he who trusts in Christ cannot be put to shame with respect to his hope of such a recognition (ver. 6). In v. 4 it appears, figuratively, as the unfading crown of glory which the faithful shepherds obtain. This same passage shows, however, that the promised completion of salvation is necessarily bound up with this recognition. No doubt life is a gift of divine grace (iii. 7), and eternal glory is promised the Christians in virtue of their calling (v. 10) ; but this promised gift of grace must necessarily be adjudged as a reward, where the conditions of its attainment are acknow ledged to be fulfilled. It remains therefore substantially the same, whether it is this recognition or the completion of salvation itself which is described as the reward. 3 In what follows this truth is expressly established by a reference to Ps. xxxiv. 12-16 (iii. 10-12). In this passage, in conformity with the peculiarity of the Old Testament doctrine of recompense, the recompense is thought of as taking place during the present life, inasmuch as it secures good days, in conse quence of which they learn to love life (ver. 10). Even this moment of the passage of the Psalm is accepted by the apostle, when he shows in iii. 13, 14 that no one can harm him who strives after that which is good, because even suffering for righteousness' sake can only make him blessed (cf. note c). 248 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. SECTION III. THE EPISTLE OP JAMES. CHAPTEE V. CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. Cf. F. Kossing, das christliche Gesetz, Heidelberg 1S67. § 52. The Word of Truth. The gift of God, which Christians have received, is the word of truth, which contains the full revelation of the will of God, as Christ has revealed it by His exposition of the Old Testa ment law. (b) This word is implanted in Christians ; by means of it they are begotten again, so that they can now fulfil the perfect law in freedom, (c) On the other hand, however, the import of the word is the truth which has to be embraced by faith, the truth, viz., that Jesus is exalted to full Messianic glory, and comes again as judge. (d) Because, therewith, the assurance is given that the perfect law announced by Christ can now be also perfectly fulfilled, and that the ful filment of the law will bring about the fulfilment of all the promises, this word has a regenerating effect. (a) Among the good gifts, all of which come from above, from God, James names as the chief the word of truth, by means of which God has made the Christians what they are (i. 1 7 f). This word has, viz., according to ver. 21, the power of bringing about the Messianic salvation, and that because of the revelation of the truth which it contains. Since, however, he who has wan dered from the truth can be saved only by being brought back again from the error of his way (v. 19, 20), it is mainly the revelation of truth which regulates the moral life of man that is looked at here. In what follows, the word of truth really appears throughout as a word which is not only to be heard, but also to be done (i. 19—23); and in ver. 25 it is even called the perfect law. In it, therefore, there is given the perfect revelation of the will of God. Now since the Old Testament law already revealed the will of God, the truth §52. THE WORD OF TRUTH. 249 which is revealed in the perfect law cannot differ essentially from that which is already stated there. In fact, James also quotes the great commandment of the perfect law just as it is found in the Old Testament (ii. 8 : /caret ttjv ypacprjv ; cf. Lev. xix. 1 8). When he says in ii. 9 that those who show par tiality are convicted by the law as transgressors, he can be referring only to the frequent prohibitions of •n-poo-airoXtj-^ria in the Mosaic law (cf. e.g. Deut. xvi. 19). Lastly, in ver. 11, two Old Testament commandments are quoted, with out more ado, from Ex. xx., as commandments of the law which is valid for Christians. The perfect law, accordingly, can only be the Old Testament law in its full meaning, i.e. in that way of looking at it in which Christ, according to § 24, b, has taught that it is to be perfectly fulfilled. In fact, James, just like Christ (§ 25), sets forth the love of our neighbour as the royal, i.e. as the greatest commandment (ii. 8), and that, too, with special emphasis laid upon the exercise of compassion (i. 27, ii. 13, 15, 16, iii. 17). He regards the judging of one's neighbour (iv. 11, v. 9,cf. iii. 9 f.) as unlawful, although it is only in the law as Christ has taught it to be fulfilled that it appears so ; with Him he absolutely forbids swearing (v. 12), and in iv. 2, quite in the spirit of Christ's fulfilment of the law (Matt. v. 22), he appears to regard anger as on the same level with killing.1 (b) That which is new in Christianity, however, is not only 1 From the circumstance that it is only moral laws which are spoken of in our Epistle, we cannot infer with Lechler, p. 165, that it is only to this portion of the law that James ascribes an enduring validity ; rather, according to the prin ciple of the solidarity of all the separate commandments, which is stated in ii. 10, even the least of the ceremonial laws will have to find its fulfilment (cf. Matt. v. 18, 19, for which see § 24, c). It is quite in keeping with this that, in Acts xv. 21, xxi. 20, James assumes and approves of a continued observance of the law on the part of the Jewish Christians (§ 43, d) ; and that such an observ ance was found in the circle of his readers, follows naturally from their close social, nay, even religious fellowship with their unbelieving fellow-countrymen (ii. 2). When in i. 27 James describes the practice of compassion as a worship of God, the context shows that this is meant, not in opposition to the ceremonial worship, but to a perverted manner in which they fancied they could serve Him (i. 26) ; and although in i. 18 he makes a figurative application of the idea of the xTxpx% the addition mm (a certain, i.e. an xirxpxn to a certain extent) shows how far he was from, thereby, doing prejudice to the legal obligation relating to the xTxpxk Still it remains noteworthy that the exhortation of the author never touches upon such duties. 250 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. that the word of truth is given in general, but that it is im planted in the Christians (i. 21 : X070? eacpvTos), i.e. that it does not merely stand over against them externally, but is written in their heart. Now in Jer. xxxi. 33 it had been stated, as a note of the Messianic time, that God would write His law in the people's heart, and therefore, in this implanting of the law, there is given an essential element of the Messianic salvation. Of course, this implanting is not so conceived of as if thereby the objectivity of the perfect law were altogether abolished ; rather, according to i. 21, the word of this law, with which the Christian is continually occupied (ver. 25), must be always anew received ; but now it finds entrance into the inner man, which has been prepared for it by that implanting.2 When, viz., just as in Peter (§ 46, a), it is said that God has brought forth the Christians by the word of truth (i. 18), the meaning is, that their life has become a new one from the very foundation, and it is through that implanting of the word that this will have taken place. If, however, in consequence of such a regeneration, their nature has become inwardly related to the word which is implanted in them, they will henceforth continually let themselves be determined by it. Accordingly, it can be assumed in i. 25 that the searching and persistent occupation with the perfect law (irapaKv-ty-as . . . ical irapa- fielvas) has the fulfilment of the law as its immediate result, just as the right wisdom, i.e. the knowledge of the will of God which has become habitual, also immediately brings forth all good fruits (iii. 13, 17). But since for this there was needed the generation of a new life, it is assumed that the natural life of man is determined by another power (viz. sin), and that 2 This implanting of the law within the inner man, which makes its fulfilment possible, appears in our Epistle also as the wisdom coming down from above, which brings with it compassion and all good fruits as its immediate results (iii. 17), so that it is only from the whole of his good walk that we can recognise the works of a wise man to be such, while it is from these works that we learn the nature of true wisdom (ver. 13). According to the context of i. 5, this wisdom, which God never refuses to him that asks, teaches us in every individual case the manner in which the right disposition has to manifest itself in a perfect way (ver. 4). We nowhere find any indication, it is true, as to the connection between this wisdom and the implanted law ; but herein James attaches himself to the later Old Testament doctrine of wisdom, in which there is already pre figured a more inward knowledge of the will of God alongside of its revelation in the written law. § 52. THE WORD OF TRUTH. 251 he is now set free from the dominion of this power. James, accordingly, calls the law of the Christian the law of liberty (i. 25, ii. 12), i.e. the law which is given to liberty, or to man in his state of salvation, which is delivered from the dominion of sin.3 (c) That which characterizes the Christian readers of the Epistle qua Christians is, on the subjective side, their faith (ii. 5). What James understands by faith we cannot, with Schmid (ii. p. 105 [E. Tr. 344]), gather from i. 3, 6, v. 15, in which passages, as in the Gospels (§ 29, c), w/o-Tt? simply denotes trust in God. It is from the section ii. 14-26, where faith is thought of as the specifically Christian faith, that we can first discover its nature. When, by way of comparison, the faith of the demons in the oneness of God is spoken of here (ii. 19), it does not indeed follow that the faith of the Christians is the same as regards its contents ; but, if the argument of the author is to have any force whatever, it must be identical with it as regards its nature, i.e. it must likewise be the firm persuasion of a given truth. The faith of Abraham likewise appears analogous with Christian faith, and, according to ii. 23, the former is a faith in God (iriaTeveiv toj Qea>), i.e., as in § 29, c, 40, c, the firm persuasion that the word which God has spoken to him is a true word which will be fulfilled. Now, it is only through the word of truth (note a) that the subject can have been brought under the notice of the Chris- 3 The contradictory idea of a law, which itself works its free fulfilment (Messner, p. 79, 80), is revived by W. Schmidt, p. 63, 64, in a still more con fused form. Neither the voluntary acceptance of the law (i.e. an acceptance accompanied with inner consent) nor its free fulfilment (i. e. a fulfilment which is caused, not by any external constraint, but by an inner willingness) can be indi cated by the attribute of liberty being ascribed to the law itself. The genitive which is connected with y'opos can only denote either the lawgiver or the person to whom the law is given. But tyis ixiulipixs could have the former meaning, only if the objectivity of the law were altogether abolished, so that, in conse quence of his newly-begotten nature, the Christian spontaneously fulfilled the will of God ; but this view is altogether foreign to James, who still speaks of a hearing and doing of the word. For this very reason these passages cannot be treating at all of a freedom which excludes every determination from without. Even i. 25, where the addition assigns the reason why the continual looking into the perfect law is alone necessary, and still more plainly ii. 12, where it is meant to make the Christian think of his greater responsibility — these passages show that the liberty discussed is not a liberty in opposition to the constraint of duty, but in opposition to a state of bondage which hinders the performance of duty. 252 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. tians, as to the truth of which their faith is exercised, and from this it is evident, that although this word was to the author mainly a revelation of the will of God, it nevertheless also contained the proclamation of a truth which gave the promise of salvation. And according to ii. 1, the object of the specific Christian faith is really Jesus Christ, inasmuch as He is the Lord of the Christians, and possesses divine glory. This implies that He is exalted to the throne of God, and has become the Messiah in the fullest sense (cf. § 50, a) ;4 as He is also, in virtue of His divine dignity, looked for as the Mes sianic judge of the world (v. 8, 9). The firm persuasion of this, however, can be supported by the word of truth, only inasmuch as it proclaims the Messiahship of Jesus. (d) Although these two different aspects of the word of truth are not expressly shown to be related to each other, their inner connection is, nevertheless, self-evident. If the perfect law is the law proclaimed by Christ (note a), then it is binding upon Christians, only in so far as they recognise in Him the Messiah (note c) who has come to reveal the will of God perfectly. It is true it is nowhere said expressly that it is only in consequence of their faith in the Messiah that the perfect law becomes normative for Christians ; but when the one lawgiver is spoken of in iv. 12, in the context of which a commandment has just been quoted, which is found, not in the Old Testament law, but in that which was pro claimed by Christ, it certainly appears as if Christ was thought of as this lawgiver. This is also indirectly implied in the circumstance that, in his exhortations, the author attaches himself so frequently to the sayings of Christ with which he is acquainted from tradition. If, further, it is implied in the idea of the Messiah that He is come to bring the completion 4 This is the reason why here, as in Peter (§ 48, a), the name Messiah is- joined with the name Jesus as a nomen proprium (cf. i. 1). Here, too, the Old Testament name of God (o xipios : i. 7, iii. 9, iv. 10, 15, v. 4, 10, 11) is trans ferred, without more ado, to Christ (v. 7, 8), even where both are named along side of each other, as in i. 1. As in the Old Testament the name of Jehovah is called upon those who belong to Him (Jer. xiv. 9), so the honourable name of Christ is called upon Christians (ii. 7) ; as the Old Testament prophets speak in the name of the Lord, i.e. of God (ver. 10), so the Christian elders act in the name of the Lord, i.e. of Christ (ver. 14), and in the immediate context (ver. 15) the name i xipios seems to be used again of God. § 53. JUSTIFICATION. 253 of salvation, there is therewith given the strongest motive to fulfil the will of God proclaimed by Him ; because upon this, it is self-evident, depends their participation in the fulfilment of all the promises which is to be brought by Him, a parti cipation regarding which He, as the judge of the world, decides. Now, however, that the Messiah has appeared, not only can the greatest salvation be looked forward to ; in His manifestation there is rather already given the commencement of salvation ; and in note b we actually saw that the perfect law proclaimed by Him is now implanted in believers or written in their hearts, as had been anticipated for the Mes sianic time. The proclamation of the Messiahship of Jesus, therefore, implies the certainty that now the will of God is not only perfectly revealed, but that it can also be really fulfilled ; and it is this certainty which lends to the word of truth (inasmuch as it contains in itself this message of salvation) the power to beget the new life which is set free from the might of sin, and in which the Christian can fulfil the will of God. As in the teaching of Jesus (§ 21) and of Peter (§ 46), so here also it is after all the message of salvation, with which God graciously meets man, that of itself works the new life that is pleasing to God, although it appears here mainly as the proclamation, that the full revelation of the will of God and the possibility of its fulfilment have been brought by the Messiah. With this fulfilment of the divine will, however, the kingdom of God is realized upon earth (cf. § 13, a). § 53. Justification. Cf. H. "W. Weiffenbach, Exegelisch-theologische Studie, uber Jac. ii. 14-26, Giessen 1871. Faith must show itself to be living and operative in the works of the fulfilling of the law, and the law cannot be fulfilled without faith, (b) Mere faith, per se, cannot save, because only he can be saved whom God justifies, (c) It is only, however, in consequence of works, and not in consequence of faith alone, that God can justify, (d) This is already shown in the Old Testament examples of Abraham and Eahab. (a) If the word of truth, which James, like Peter, regards 254 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. as the specific means of grace whereby God works the salva tion of men, is the perfect law, as well as the proclamation of the fact that the revealer of this law has also brought about its fulfilment and comes to adjudge rewards, then that attitude of man to it, which is the subjective condition of salvation, appears, on the one hand, as the doing of the perfect law, and, on the other, as faith in that proclamation. The question therefore arises, in what relation do these two aspects of the condition of salvation, which are so very different, stand to one another ? Now, however, it is self-evident that, if the strictest obligation, the strongest motive, and the certainty of ability to fulfil the law are given in faith (§ 52, d), it must necessarily produce the works of the fulfilling of the law ; a faith which has not works is dead in itself (ii. 17). It is not only that, under certain circumstances, works are added to faith, but they must necessarily proceed from it, if it is living. In ii. 26 James makes this evident by the illustration of the body which is without a soul. He does not compare faith with the body, and works with the spirit ; for such a comparison would be very unsuitable, seeing that the spirit is the invisible and vitalizing element, while works are neither. He rather says only that the faith which is without works is destitute of the vital force which must necessarily have brought forth such expressions of life as works are, and therefore that, like • the body which is destitute of the source of life, the spirit, it is dead. Con versely, faith is as necessary for the performance of works, as the performance of works for the proof of the vitality of faith. What he says in ver. 22 of the faith of Abraham is plainly meant to be regulative of the relation of faith and works in general. All the obedience which Abraham had previously shown would not have been sufficient to enable him to perform the act of obedience involved in the sacrifice of Isaac, had not his firm faith in the promise of God assisted him. On the other hand, his faith was still imperfect, so long as it had not proved itself to be living by this act of obedience which was performed with its assistance;1 just as, according 1 As in accordance with this it is certainly incorrect to say with Baur (p. 281) that works are what they are directly through themselves, so that faith would merely be an accompanying moment of the religious consciousness, of which works are the substantial form, so, on the other hand, ~W. Schmidt (p. 104, 105) § 53. JUSTIFICATION. 255 to i. 4, patience does not prove itself to be perfect, until it makes its influence practically felt in the whole of a man's behaviour. Where this proof by means of works is not found, there faith is simply undiscernible. Conversely, however, faith shows itself by such works as necessarily presuppose faith (ii. 18). A faith which does not show itself in works, James compares with a compassion which has indeed a word of sympathy for one's neighbour, but leads to no active support of him, and which is therefore likewise totally destitute of vitality, of moral energy, and power (vv. 15, 16).2 (b) The question, whether faith by itself can save, is so put \ in ii. 14 that it already implies a negative answer. James is not, therefore, opposing a false view of faith and its effects ; but, in opposition to such a practical error as Christ opposes in Matt. vii. 21 (cf. § 30, c), he asserts the self-evident truth, that the faith which has not works, and which is therefore dead, is of no avail, because it has no saving power ; just as compassion is of no profit to the poor man, if it has only words and no deeds (ii. 14-16). In ver. 20 this is so expressed as if faith without works does not accomplish what is also wrong in making faith, in its essence, receive a completion from works. Faith cannot be made higher and more perfect by the works which it itself brings forth ; it can only, by the bringing forth of these, exhibit its true nature as a living (i.e. operative) faith, prove itself to be actually existing, and in so far be made perfect by works. 2 Weiffenbach (p. 57) insists even more strongly than Baur that, in James, faith and works do not stand in any organic relation to one another : they are two co-ordinated "principles," working with and alongside of each other, the latter of which, as the higher, first brings tIo-tis, which in itself is imperfect and inopera tive, to life and perfection. He does not perceive that, if faith which has not works is dead in itself, it follows, not that it is by means of (externally appended) works that it first of all receives vitality, but that it is by works (which it itself produces) that it first of all shows itself to be living (operative). It is obviously incorrect to say that we can infer the existence of that which is to be made per fect from the presence of that which makes it perfect (cf. the forcible reply of Ritschl, ii. p. 358) — an inference which, according to Weiffenbach (p. 19), is made in ver. 18 ; while he evades the decisive instance of ver. 22 only by making it, contrary to the context, state that faith only (?) assists works to attain justi fication (?), a statement which cannot possibly be proved by means of ver. 21, where nothing whatever was said as yet regarding faith in its relation to justi fication. In general, however, Weiffenbach has altogether failed to make us able to form any idea of the imagined perfecting of faith by works, in virtue of which, it is asserted, it first of all receives inner power and full life — a view which is supported mainly by the allegorizing misinterpretation of the figurative language of ver. 26. 256 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. it should accomplish ; like capital which is lying idle, it does not bring the interest which is expected of it, it is unprofit able and inoperative. The predicate dpyrj, therefore, does not denote its deficiency in respect of subjective activity, but its deficiency in respect of objective result ; and this result is none else than that which is striven after in every religion, and therefore also in Christianity, viz. to make God well pleased, and so secure to man salvation in His judgment. The author illustrates this by reminding his readers of the faith of the demons (who are definitively delivered over to judg ment), which, although it is in itself a right faith («aXw? 7rotei?), is nevertheless so far from having the effect of making these well-pleasing to God, and thereby bringing them salvation, that it rather makes them shudder in dread of God's judgment (ver. 19). In order, viz., to be saved, one must be Bi/caio<; (v. 6, 16), like the pious of the Old Testament (ver. 17), i.e. one whose behaviour corresponds with the divine will, one who realizes Bacaiocrvvrj by the fulfilling of the perfect law (iii. 18, cf. § 24). And naturally it is necessary that one be Bi/cato<; in the judgment of God, and be justified by Him ; for already in Matt. xii. 37 the opposite of this BiKaiovo-6ai is KaTaBtKa^eaOai (§ 32, d). Conversely, only he who is justified before God can be saved in the judgment. To the mind of the author, these two ideas (viz. being justified and saved) are so completely correlative, that he answers the question, what is required for salvation (ii. 14), by stating what it was that brought about the justification of Abraham (ver. 2 1). In ver. 25 it is taken for granted with respect to Eahab that she was justified ; and although this is nowhere stated in the Old Testament, yet the author probably infers it directly from the circumstance, that she was saved from the judgment, which fell upon the Canaanites because of their godlessness (Josh. vi. 25). (c) Already in i. 22 James states that the word of truth, through which God seeks to work the salvation of men, cannot save their souls (ver. 21), unless it is not only heard but also done. It is called a self-delusion, if one thinks of being satisfied with a hearing, which, like a passing glance into a mirror, makes only a quickly disappearing, powerless impres sion (vv. 23, 24). It is not a mere hearer, but only a doer of § 53. JUSTIFICATION. 257 the word, or, more accurately, of the epyov which is demanded in the word, that will be blessed in his doing (ver. 25).3 Now, since the blessedness (salvation) of man depends, according to note b, upon his justification before the divine forum, and since faith answers to hearing, just as works to doing, it is the same question which is discussed here as in ii. 14-26. James assumes it as self-evident, that only he can be justified by God whose conduct corresponds with the will of God, because he does the works demanded by the law, and is therefore really righteous. He does not oppose an idea of justification, according to which God graciously justifies one who is not righteous in reality ; such a possibility does not even enter his mind.4 He comes therefore to the conclusion that man is justified by works, and not by faith alone (ver. 24). So surely as faith is necessary for the fulfilment of the perfect law, and is therefore the condition of salvation, so surely, nevertheless, the declaration that one is righteous cannot be made, until this faith has co-operated to the render ing of obedience, and is made perfect by the works which are effected through it (ver. 22, cf. note a). For not till then has man become really righteous, and not till then can he be justified by the righteous judge. 3 It is, undoubtedly, of the immediate consequence of the doing, but by no means of a satisfaction which is felt in the doing itself, that this passage speaks. For it is evident from i. 12 that the blessedness which is already enjoyed in the present life consists in the certainty of future salvation; and it is only by pointing to this result of the doing of the word, that the line of thought is completed, which commences with ver. 21, and in which the question considered is the condition under which the word works the (final) salvation. 4 All the attempts to deprive "iixxiotmtxi, in James, of its forensic sense, and to understand by it only an exhibition of righteousness (cf. Preuss in the Evang. Kirchenztg. 1867, No. 40), or a translating into the condition of a right moral relation towards God (cf. Hofmann, i. p. 645 ff.), founder upon the connection between Hixxiodo-tiai and o-uimxi pointed out in note b. The doctrine, however, of a progressive justification (cf. Hengstenberg in the Evang. Kirclienztg. 1866, Nos. 93, 94) is foreign alike to James and Paul. The renewed attempt of W. Schmidt (p. 103) to conceive otHixxlojo-is in the Pauline sense, according to which it is an act of grace and includes the forgiveness of sins, has no support either in the language or the line of thought of our Epistle, and only gives rise to the difficulties in which the comparison of the teaching of the two New Testament writers has got involved. It is only an apparent solution, to distinguish between the "hixxioiins in the judgment, in James, and one that is already present, in Paul. It is quite true that the definitive iixxluo-is, like the definitive salvation, cannot VOL. I. R 258 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. (d) Already in the history of the founder of the nation James sees a confirmation of the fact that it is in consequence of works that man is justified ; for in consequence of the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii.), Abraham repeatedly received from God declarations regarding his obedience (Gen. xxii. 18, xxvi. 5), which involve his justification (ii. 21).s Now, no doubt, it is said in Gen. xv. 6 that Abraham's faith was reckoned unto him for righteousness ; but the author regards this sentence of God as a prophecy, which was first fulfilled (iirXrjpd>6r] 17 ypacpr) f\ Xeyovaa) when the faith of Abraham really co-operated in helping him to obey, and thus fur nished him with the righteousness on the ground of which he was justified, and therefore called a friend of God (ver. 23). Not till then had the reality become a reality corresponding with that divine judgment regarding Abraham's faith ; that judgment was now fulfilled, seeing that it was proved that in Abraham's faith there already lay implicite the righteousness which afterwards sprang from it, the righteousness, viz., for which God had reckoned it. Eahab likewise was saved, and therewith justified, in consequence of what she had clone to take place till the judgment ; but throughout the whole of the discussions in Jas. ii. the question considered is, under what condition does man know himself to be already justified before God, and therefore secured against the judgment (note particularly the present lixxioirxi, ver. 24). Among recent writers, Weiffenbach most vigorously supports the assumption of an objective difference between James and Paul, inasmuch as he also, without more ado, understands by lixxiutris the justification of the sinner, and, for proof, appeals even to the usus loquendi of the Old Testament (p. 26), although more than the half of the passages adduced by him (Deut. xxv. 1 ; 1 Kings viii. 32 ; Isa. 1. 8 ; Ps. lxxxii. 3) speak of the justification of righteous persons, while all the others regard the justifica tion of unrighteous persons as an act of unrighteousness. This, therefore, only shows how altogether self-evident it appeared when the matter was looked at in the light of the usus loquendi of the Old Testament, that none but they who are really righteous can be justified. 5 It is quite arbitrary to think here, with Weiffenbach, p. 31, of the promises of blessing, in which (according to him) the justification of Abraham lies implicite. It is the obedience, i.e. the conduct which corresponded with the will of God, which is the righteousness. Neither in the case of Rahab can the promise which was given her be thought of (p. 51), for this was given her before she had saved the spies by her IxfixXuy. Further, the course of the discussion shows that James does not seek to prove that another cannot appeal, in opposition to him, to Gen. xv. 6, a passage which is apparently favourable to such an opponent (Weiff. p. 101) ; it rather shows that, when he appeals to the example of their progenitor, he means to argue ex concessis, and that a conception of Gen. xv. 6 in the Pauline sense is altogether foreign to him. § 54. ELECTION. 259 the spies (ver. 25); but, according to Josh. ii. 11, this deed also had sprung out of her faith in the God of Israel. § 54. Election. Election is that act through which God makes the poor in Israel who love Him His peculiar people, (h) He accom plishes this act, partly by bringing them forth by means of the word, the aim of this generation being the establishment of a specific consecration to God ; partly by the working of faith, in which there is given the possession of all present salvation, as well as the assurance of its promised completion, (c) It is peculiar that the state of salvation which is constituted by election is not described as sonship, and is not asserted as the ground of the manifestations of the love of God. (d) Still more striking is the manner in which the mediation of Christ is still kept altogether in the background when the most important points of the life of salvation are discussed. (a) In contrast to those who preferred the rich, unbelieving Jew to a poor Christian brother (ii 1-4), God has, according to ver. 5, preferred the poor, inasmuch as He has chosen them for Himself, i.e. to be the people of His possession. The idea of election, therefore, no longer refers to the people of Israel as descended from the fathers ; as in § 44, a, it denotes the act through which individuals are separated out of the mass of Israelites, in order that the vocation of Israel may be realized in them.1 By this election we are not at all to think of a pre-temporal act, since ii. 5 points explicitly to an evident fact which has been accomplished in the present time ; but just as little are we to think of an arbitrary prefer ence of certain individuals to others. It is rather a definite category of Israelites which God has chosen, viz. the outwardly poor (iTTm'XpL), those who are in a humble, oppressed condition (i. 9 : Tarreiv6<;). No doubt this statement refers mainly to the special individuals who made up the churches to which James writes (cf. § 37, a); but in these individuals there is reflected a higher divine arrangement. Already in the Old 1 In this sense election could also be very easily made to refer to individual Gentiles who had become Christians, and who had thereby been placed on a level with the chosen Israelites (cf. Acts xv. 14, for which see § 43, c). 260 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. Testament the promise had often been made specially to the poor and the miserable of the nation (D^K, DWJ, inasmuch as it was in this class that true piety had often maintained itself (Ps. xxxvii. 11, cxlvii. 6 ; Prov. iii. 34, xvi. 19; Isa. xiv. 32, xxix. 19). Now, since, even in the Old Testament, love to God was the fundamental commandment, and it was therefore in it especially that true piety evinced itself, it is to those who love God that it is promised in Deut. vii. 9, that God will keep His covenant with them, i.e. that the promise of salvation will be realized in them. Corresponding with this, it is said here also that God has given His promise to them that love Him (i. 12, ii. 5). And so it follows that God has chosen for Himself the poor and the miserable of the people, because it was among them that He found those who love Him. (b) According to i. 18, it is by means of the new birth that God has made the readers Christians. Now, since, according to note a, it is also through election that they have become what they are, it follows that the historical act through which God has accomplished their election is their generation by the word of truth. This is therefore also explicitly traced back to the free will of God (BovXi]6ei<;), i.e. to His decree of election. Just as the aim of election, in its original sense, is the promotion of Israel to be God's peculiar people, so here it is stated to be the aim of the new birth, that God might make the Christians a kind of first-fruits (aTrapyfi) of His creatures. The first-fruits, however, was that portion of the harvest which was dedicated to God and brought as an offering ; and therefore the figure denotes nothing else than that which Peter calls the consecration to God of His peculiar people (cf. § 44, h, 45, c). It is probable that this is pointed to also in i. 4, where it is stated to be the end of the Christian life that Christians should be TeXeioi ical oXoicXrjpoi. The former is the expression used by the LXX., the latter that used by Philo and Josephus, as corresponding with the Hebrew ^^, which denotes the faultlessness of the sacrifice. On the other hand, it is stated in ii. 5 to be the end of election, that the Christians should be rich in faith (7rXovatov<; iv Trlo-Tei). In faith,2 i.e. in the assurance of the salvation 2 Faith is therefore not at all the condition of election ; in this very passage, according to note a, its condition is differently described. Rather God has § 54. ELECTION. 261 which has come with the Messiah, the Christian, notwith standing all the baseness of his outward condition, possesses a high estate which is peculiar to him, seeing that he knows himself to be chosen to be the possession of God ; in faith he also possesses the whole riches of salvation which is given him in the revelation of the perfect law and in the ability to fulfil it. And since the exalted Messiah both can and will also carry out the work of salvation which He has begun, he also knows himself to be already in hope the heir of the com pletion of salvation (ii 5 : icXrjpovopos Trj? BacriXeia?), which, naturally, does not exclude the need of his still being proved before he can attain it, for it is only the faith which is proved that is the sufficient condition of salvation (§ 53). (c) One would expect that the state of salvation which is constituted by election would, as in § 45, d, be described as sonship. In fact God is also called iraT-qp in i. 27 and iii. 9, but this designation is not used to denote His relation to Christians in the specific sense. In i. 27 it rather character izes God as the one who takes a fatherly care of widows and orphans ; and the connection of the clauses of iii. 9 shows us that He is so named there, because men are made after His likeness, just as the son has the features of his father. In a still more general sense God is called (i. 17) the Father, i.e. the Creator of the lights of heaven (cf. Mai. ii. 10). The Christian readers are also addressed as brethren (i. 2, 1 6, etc.), and that too, in v. 7, in express contrast to their unbelieving fellow-countrymen, so that it is not merely their relationship as members of the same nation which is implied in that name. Still, brothers and sisters are spoken of in ii. 15, worked faith in the elect in order that He might enable them to obtain the riches given in faith ; or rather we can regard the historical act of election as consisting in the working of faith, as well as in regeneration by the word ; for in the Gospels (§ 29, d) the working of faith is connected with the same divine arrangement as election is here. Since, however, he says nothing regarding the working of faith, we cannot answer the question, in what relation James has placed it to the new birth. No doubt the word must have been accepted in faith, if it is to work anything in man (Messner, p. 88) ; but this does not forbid the word itself (in its two aspects, cf. § 52, u, c) from working not only the new life, but also faith in that which it announces ; and although doing, and there fore the new moral life, necessarily proceeds from (living) faith, yet this cannot be thought of as a natural psychological process, but as an effect produced by God by means of the word of truth which is appropriated in faith. 262 CHRISTIANITY AS THE PERFECT LAW. iv. 11, without anything compelling us to think exclusively of Christian brethren ; and in i. 9 the name brother does not per se denote the believing fellow-countryman. It is the brother of low degree (note a) who is the Christian. Neither from this, therefore, does it appear that a specific filial relation of Christians to God was thought of when the name of brother was used. When God is described as the one who is rich in pity and mercy (v. 11), this attribute is not ascribed to Him as standing in a specific relation to Christians ; it is shown in His conduct towards Job. It is only in iv. 6, and because of an Old Testament quotation (Prov. iii. 34), that the %«/ot? of God is spoken of, and that in such a manner that it denotes the gracious recompense of God for the surrender to Himself which He demands. When God appears (i. 5) as the one who gives to all, who ask Him in a right manner, that which they ask, this is promised, not, as in § 2 0, h, to Christians qua Christians, but, according to v. 16, rather to all pious suppli cants ; and in vv. 1 7, 1 8 it is an Old Testament example which is referred to, as an evidence of the power of such a prayer. It is only, therefore, that which applied to the pious members of the old covenant, which applies to the Christian in his state of salvation ; and here also Christianity appears only as the full realization of that which was striven after in the old covenant, and also, at least partially, attained. (d) Closely connected with this is the circumstance that the work, and specially the death of Christ, is nowhere thought of as the mediating cause of the new state of salva tion. In Peter, it is only through the death of Christ that access to God is made possible (§ 49, b) ; here, if one who is upon a wrong way simply draws near to God (which, of course, is not possible without sorrow and self-humiliation), God will again draw near to him with His blessing, and will lift him up (iv. 8-10). So every one can save his neighbour and cause his sin to be covered, i.e. forgiven, by bringing him back from the error of his way to the truth (v. 20). For giveness of sins appears, directly, as the consequence of a prayer of faith, and of a sincere confession of sin, without the mediation of Christ being thought of (v. 15, 16). God, the giver of all good gifts (i. 17), bestows it directly. It is He also who, according to v. 15, 16, saves the sick person from § 55. THE DIVINE CLAIM. 263 his distress and raises him up again in consequence of the prayer of faith. It is only the anointing with oil, which is to be performed upon the sick person by the elders who have been called together, that takes place in the name of Christ, i.e. by His command (ver. 14).3 It is in this silence regard ing the mediation of salvation through Christ that the doctrine of James is most strikingly distinguished from those of the other writers of the New Testament. It is of no avail to appeal, with W. Schmidt (p. 69), to the hortatory aim of the Epistle, or to the needs of its readers. It must rather be granted that it is his predominant conception of the salvation which is given in Christ as the revelation of the perfect law and the rendering of its fulfilment possible — a conception which is grounded in his individual peculiarity (§ 37, b) — which causes the author, in all other points, to look upon the means of grace, which the pious Israelites already enjoyed, as sufficient for the present time of salvation. CHAPTEE VI. THE DIVINE CLAIM AND THE DIVINE RECOMPENSE. § 55. The Divine Claim. God demands that the spirit of man turn away from all love of the world and surrender itself to Him with its whole 3 There is no indication whatever that, in v. 15, it is Christ who, by means of His intercession with the Father, effects the healing of the sick (W. Schmidt, p. 76) ; for the encouraging example of Elias (w. 16, 17) points simply to the fact that God hears the prayer of faith. Schmidt's assertion can naturally find no support from the circumstance, that it was in obedience to the command of Christ, that they invoked the miraculous help of God upon the use of the simplest means of healing. This primitive custom of anointing with oil — a custom which we do not meet with again in the later time — had probably been formed, according to Mark vi. 13, in consequence of the means of healing which was recommended by Christ to the disciples. In performing this act, the elders do not appear as discharging a special spiritual function, but only as the leading members of the Church, whom they could most naturally regard as having the power of faith, which alone can give due efficacy to the prayer which accompanies the act of anointing with oil. For, according to v. 16, the prayer, which brings about the forgiveness of sins as well as the healing of the sick, can be requested also of every other member of the Church. 264 THE DIVINE CLAIM AND THE DIVINE RECOMPENSE. love, (b) Every partition of the soul is not only a deficiency in perfection, but also a staining of the heart, because thereby the dutiful subjection to God is violated. (e) For this undivided surrender to God, however, there is required also a trust in Him which is free from doubt, and which proves itself by enduring patience in the midst of trial, (d) A prayer which is full of trust will always find an answer. (a) James expresses the extent of the claim of God in iv. 5 : God yearneth jealously for the spirit which He has made to dwell in us.1 As a jealous yearning for the sole possession of man is already ascribed to God in the Old Testament, so here also He desires that the spirit, which derives its origin from Him, should belong to Him exclusively with all its love. Accordingly, after the manner of the Old Testament, it is described as adultery, when one withdraws his love from Him, in order to give it to another (iv. 4). In the very same manner as in the discourses of Jesus (§ 26, h), the incompatibility of love to the world and love to God is set forth; the friendship of the world is enmity with God, because He wishes to have exclusive possession even of the inclination of the heart (which is purposely denoted here by the weaker (f>iXia), and therefore looks upon everything, which withdraws this inclination away from Him, as enmity to Him self. In this passage (iv. 4) the world, i.e. the totality of creaturely existence, stands opposed to God, because it seduces man to turn his inclination to it and thereby to prejudice the fulfilment of the claim of God. According to i. 27, there proceeds from it a staining influence against which true religion has to guard itself. The less one has of earthly goods, so much the less will this influence be ; therefore it is the tttco^oI tS> koctuo), i.e. those who are poor in respect of worldly goods, who love God and are therefore chosen by Him (ii. 5). The rich, on the other hand, often appear, even in the Old Testament, as the godless (Isa. liii. 9 ; Sir. xiii. 4, xxvii. 1) ; and, notwith standing their apparent exaltation, James speaks of their 1 Naturally, this spirit is not that which is bestowed upon Christians (Schmid, ii. p. 115 [E. Tr. 351]), but the principle which vitalizes the body (ii. 26). When W. Schmidt (p. 93) infers from the circumstance that it is a communicated spirit which is spoken of, that we must not think of the natural spirit of man, he overlooks the fact that, according to Gen. ii. 7, this also was breathed into man (cf. § 27, c). § 55. THE DIVINE CLAIM. 265 abjectness (i. 10), and announces to them, inasmuch as they seek their happiness in perishable riches, a speedy and dread ful end (i. 11, v. 1, 2). Here, too, we hear, throughout, echoes of the sayings of Jesus regarding the dangers of riches. (b) The claim of God is not only an exclusive one ; it is the innermost central point of the life of the human indi vidual, the -^fvyfi, and therewith the icapBla, in which it has its seat (cf. § 27), which is claimed. The soul must there fore meet the demand that is made upon man, and be sur rendered entirely to the Lord. From a division of the soul between God and the world there results only an instability of the moral walk (i. 8), which cannot satisfy the claim of the perfect law. According to § 5 4, b, this demands the thorough going perfection of man (i. 4, iii. 2) ; and it must demand this, because every transgression of an individual command ment makes man guilty, as if he had sinned against them all (ii. 10). But Biyjrv^la is not merely a defect, it is also a staining of the heart, from which it must be cleansed, if it is to correspond with the aim of consecration to God which election assigns to man (dyvlaaTe, cf. 1 Pet. i. 22, for which see § 46, h). As the hands are polluted by sinful actions, so the heart is polluted by the partition of the soul between God and the world (iv. 8). Every turning of the heart to that which is worldly is opposed to the exclusive claim of God, and is described in iv. 6, 7 as pride, as a violation of men's dutiful subjection to God, because true humility does not permit man to choose the object of his inclination at his own discretion, but obliges him to follow therein the claim of God. Again, subjection to God, which is meant to hinder man from loving the world, stands parallel with resistance to the deviL As in § 23, a, he is thought of, therefore, as the God-resisting power which is dominant in the world, the power which gives to men's hearts their sinful bent to worldly things, and to whose will man subjects himself, when he allows himself to be seduced by the charm of worldly things.2 2 As in § 23, b, there exist alongside of the devil Sxifimx, who as such are delivered over to the unavoidable judgment (ii. 19). The wisdom which is selfish is described, on the one hand, as of an earthly, on the other, as of a 266 THE DIVINE CLAIM AND THE DIVINE RECOMPENSE. (c) The partition of the soul shows itself not only in the vacillation of its love between God and the world, but also in its vacillating between faith and doubt (i. 8). The doubter resembles the surge of the sea which is driven and tossed by the wind (ver. 6); true wisdom knows not doubt (iii. 17: dBiaKpiTos) ; and the trust which God demands must be as exclusive of all doubt (i. 6) as love to Him is exclusive of all love of the world. As in Peter (§ 46, d), the afflictions which befall Christians are a proving of this trust in God (ver. 3) ; and as only he whose trust is proved can attain the com pletion of salvation (ver. 12), they are to account the trials which make such a proof possible as nothing but joy (ver. 2). This proof, viz., consists in the patient enduring of the trials of affliction (ver. 12), and it is this patience (v. 11 : viroaovri) which, in the case of the true Christian, is worked by the proof of his faith (i. 3). If, indeed, affliction continues, a special strength is needed (v. 8) in order that they may be able to show patience in fia/cpodv/j,ta (vv. 7, 10). In the situation of his readers a chief affliction under which they had to show patience was their external poverty, and their consequent humble and oppressed condition. It was there fore necessary that, in the midst of all their earthly baseness, they should remain conscious of the high estate which they possessed in their standing as Christians (i. 9 ; cf. § 54, b). If one prefers the unbelieving brother, because of his better outward circumstances, to the poor believer, he has become, at least temporarily, wavering in his conviction of the value of his Christian estate ; for when estimating the value of others he has used a false standard, a standard which does not acknowledge the consciousness of the value of the Christian estate (ii. 4). (d) As means of gaining the victory over these trials of affliction there are mentioned prayer (v. 13) and the inter cession, to which, according to vv. 14, 16, we are to invite others. Of course, if prayer is to be heard, it must be, as demoniac origin (iii. 15). Since the demons are delivered over to the judgment, yi'iyyx is, according to § 34, d, the abode which is appointed to them for the future ; and since this place is thought of here also as a hell of fire, it is said in iii. 6 that sinful passion is kindled by hell. Hell is therefore thought of as even already the characteristic sphere of the demoniac power, and this latter is regarded as the active principle in sin. § 56. HUMAN SIN. 267 Christ already taught (§ 20, b), a prayer of faith (ver. 15), and also, it is self-evident, the prayer of a righteous man (ver. 16). Without prayer we cannot receive anything of which we stand in need (iv. 2). But the prayer must not, of course, be for ungodly objects; for such a icaicm ahelo-Qai can receive nothing (ver. 3). Lastly, it is only by means of prayer that we can obtain the wisdom which we need in order that we may behave rightly under trial (i. 5) ; but, of course, this prayer can find no answer in the case of the doubter (vv. 6, 7). God, however, the giver of all good gifts (ver. 1 7), gives liberally, and without upbraiding the one who prays as a troublesome beggar (ver. 5). In iii. 9, 10 it is taken for granted that man, who is made after the likeness of God, glorifies God as His Father; and, according to v. 13, the singing of praise is to be the expression of every condition of prosperity and health. § 56. Human Sin. The real root of sin is sinful lust, which is conceived of not only as selfish, but also as sensuous, (b) Sinful lust, however, can show itself in action only in proportion as it succeeds in obtaining the mastery of the members of the body as its instruments, and this is effected most easily in the case of the tongue, which, once enlisted in the service of sin, has the most destructive influence, (c) There is need, therefore, of the greatest circumspection in the use of the tongue, in order that we may not fall into anger and impure zeal, (d) True wisdom, on the other hand, teaches us always to unite with love the gentleness and peaceableness which alone lead to the end aimed at, the reformation, viz., of our neighbour. (a) Although it is the world which God has created that gives the external occasion of sinning (§ 55, a), yet we must not say that God tempts us to sin; for God, who is not tempted by evil Himself, cannot instigate another to sin (i. 13). Eather, lust is as characteristic of man in his present condition (IBla iiriOvata) as, in Peter (§ 46, h), the walk in the lusts was characteristic of the pre-Christian life. In ver. 14 it is personified as a harlot who seeks to catch men by means of her bait, ie. to instigate them to sin. If 268 THE DIVINE CLAIM AND THE DIVINE RECOMPENSE. man's will yields to the seduction of the harlot, and has illicit intercourse with her, the consequence is the engendering of sin ; and if sin is not retracted by a true repentance, but is finished by becoming the dominant power in man, it brings forth death (ver. 15). Lust is bent, in the first place, upon the godless enjoyment of earthly happiness, upon the Bairavav iv Tat? rjBovais (iv. 3) ; it is therefore thought of, in the first place, as sensuous ; and the rjBovai of ver. 1 are lusts after the satisfaction of sensuous desire (cf. ver. 2 : eTri6vueiTe), after a wild life of enjoyment, Tpvtpav and cnraTaXav (v. 5). But even the proud self-confidence which forgets that man with his plans is always dependent upon the will of God, and which, in the consciousness of an apparently secure possession, so easily leads to vain boastings (dXa^oveiai), is a misuse of earthly goods, and a violation of subjection to God, which is described in iv. 13-17 as sin. On the other hand, the longing after earthly goods, when a neighbour has them in greater abundance, begets strife and quarrels, wrath and impure zeal (iv. 1, 2). The rich oppresses the poor (ii. 6), and in sinful greed diminishes his hire (v. 4). But selfish wisdom, i.e. the wisdom which is bent upon making the most of one's own person (§ 27, b), also brings forth uncharitable zeal and egoistic factiousness (iii. 14, 15), and, as a con sequence of these, discord and all wickedness (ver. 16). Because lust, in its sensuous as well as in its selfish bent, has become a habitual characteristic of man (i. 14), he finds himself in a state of bondage to it, from which he can be freed only by the new birth (§ 52, h). (b) The appetite for sensuous enjoyment urges men to hostility towards others ; but it is only inasmuch as one of the members of man becomes active in the service of such hostility that it actually breaks out ; hence, according to iv. 1, the rjBovai carry on their war against others in men's mem bers; hence, according to ver. 8, the hand is stained with sin. Accordingly, everything depends upon their so bridling the body and its members that lust may not be able to use them for the purpose of committing sin (iii. 2). As in i. 14, the will of man is conceived of as confronted by the hostile power of lust, a power with which it has to struggle, as it were, for the use of the body and its members. It is most § 56. HUMAN SIN. 269 difficult of all to bridle the tongue ; nay, the author declares (iii. 8) that although man has tamed the most different kinds of creatures (ver. 7), yet experience shows that he cannot tame the tongue, and that because it is so easily accessible to the most varied impulses (vv. 9, 10), because it is an dicaTdoTaTov icaicov. He, who is able to check sin in its first expression in word, possesses also the moral power of guarding against sins of deed ; and therefore it is said in ver. 2 that he who does not fail in word could also bridle the whole body, just as men direct the whole horse with the reins and the whole ship with the helm (vv. 3, 4). If, on the other hand, the tongue has once been enlisted in the service of sin, although it is the smallest member, it can nevertheless cause the greatest mischief. Not only does it itself do many a wrong to one's neighbour (ver. 6 : o /tocr/io? 7% dBiiclas), which is described partly, as in ver. 5, under the image of a fire (cf. Prov. xvi. 27 ; Ps. cxx. 4), partly, as in ver. 8, under that of deadly poison (Ps. cxl. 3) ; but it also stains the whole body, since the sin which has once been allowed to reign in the province of this member drags the other members into its service. Experience teaches how very speedily sins of word become sins of deed ; the might of sin, when once set free by means of the tongue, kindles like a fire the whole life of man (ver. 6 : tov Tpo%pv tt}? yeveaew;). (c) No doubt it is mainly the concrete circumstances of his readers (§ 37, a) which give occasion to the author to discuss, with such special thoroughness, the sins of speech ; but in his estimation of these he follows, at the same time, the sayings of Jesus (cf. Matt. v. 22, xii. 37), from which he also borrows the commandment against oaths and judging (§ 52, a). He warns his readers against the proselytizing zeal which leads men to seek to be the teachers and masters of others ; because, owing to the imminent danger of sinning in doing so, they thereby only increase their accountability (iii. I).1 If the other will not hear, then the more ready one 1 It is an extraordinary misunderstanding on the part of Reuss, that makes him trace back (i. p. 488 [E. Tr. i. p. 423]) the warnings given here to a dis inclination of the author to theological discussions, of which there is nothing said at all. So also Immer (p. 440), who even finds it conceivable that the sensuous lusts are named as the source of this love of controversy (iv. 1 ff.). 270 THE DIVINE CLAIM AND THE DIVINE RECOMPENSE. is in speaking, so much the more easily is one's wrath stirred up (i. 19). It is true, wrath, per se, is nothing evil; for the wrath of God is an expression of His righteousness (cf. §50,^, footnote 6) ; but the easily kindled and often unjustifiable wrath of man does not work the righteousness which God works in His wrath (ver. 20). In such a case he, no doubt, persuades himself that in his wrath he is zealous for God, and serves Him by it; while he is only giving rein to his tongue, so that he deceives himself (ver. 26). He easily falls into an uncharitable zeal and an egoistic factiousness, which, accord ing to note a, are a mark of selfish wisdom. Yea, even with his apparent zeal for the truth and against the sin of his neighbour, there are probably mixed up impure motives, such as chagrin at his better outward circumstances (iv. 2). James also looks upon slander as the judging which is forbidden by Christ (iv. 11) ; and although, according to v. 4, he knows of a crying of the oppressed to God, which the judge hears, yet he speaks also, in ver. 9, of an accusing murmuring against one another, which comes under that sentence pronounced against judging. The highest degree of this judging would be the cursing, which he mentions in iii. 9, 10 with abhorrence. (d) Notwithstanding all this, James by no means seeks to hinder brotherly love from attempting to save an erring brother; in v. 19, 20 he rather describes the beautiful result of such an attempt. But they must first of all, with right meekness, put away all filthiness which cleaves to their speech and wrath in consequence of their own ican'ia, as well as the excess of wrath to which this icaicia hurries them on (i. 21). True wisdom, which is above everything pure (iii. 17: dyvrj), cannot exist without the meekness (ver. 13) and peaceableness (ver. 17 : elpijviicij) which Christ has demanded (§ 25, c; cf. § 47, a); it is fair and lenient in its judging of others (eVtet/c?f?), it listens to reasons, and is pliant (evweiOfc). It alone also gains its end ; for it is only by the peaceable, who seek to convert their neighbour while still pre serving peace, that there is really attained that which the zealous and contentious wisdom never attains, viz. a fruit of righteous ness which comes to maturity in their neighbour (ver. 18).2 " As the 'bixxioaiyn @iou of i. 20 cannot be the habitus of a tlxxios before God, which one cannot attain unto by means of uncharitable behaviour towards § 57. RECOMPENSE AND JUDGMENT. 271 § 57. Recompense and Judgment. The motive of patient endurance under trial, as well as of the avoidance of sin, is the prospect of recompense. (b) The recompense is an equivalent one ; but for that very reason the merciful has to look also for a merciful judgment. (c) The day of recompense is near at hand, because the advent of the Messianic judge of the world is near, (d) The reward of sin is death ; the promise, for which Christians look, is life and the kingdom. (a) The more Christianity is thought of as a fulfilment of the perfect law, so much the more prominence must be given to the doctrine of recompense (cf. § 32). In i. 12 and v. 11, those are called blessed who have patiently borne suffering, because there awaits them such a transformation of all their sorrow into joy as that which Job experienced at last. The prospect of this end should strengthen them in endurance, as the prospect of the hoped-for harvest strengthens the husbandman (v. 7). On the other hand, James supports his warnings by pointing to the judgment (v. 9, 12). If, viz., according to iv. 17, sin first really becomes sin when one knows what is good (cf. § 32, d), the sin of the Christian who has received the perfect law must be specially punishable ; and ' since, through the new birth, he has obtained the possibility of fulfilling the law, and therewith the greater ability to avoid transgressions, the judgment which he has to expect can only be one doubly severe (ii. 12). (h) Like Christ and Peter (§ 51, d), James Ekes to express the equivalence of the recompense in a sententious manner. God draws nigh to the man who draws nigh to Him (iv. 8) ; the more God demands, so much the more does He also give (iv. 5, 6) ; the more responsibility one takes upon oneself, so much the heavier a judgment has one to expect (iii. 1). The saying of Christ which promises exaltation to those who humble themselves (Luke xiv. 11) is reproduced by James (iv. 10), as well as by Peter. In a peculiar manner James others, so neither can the fruit of righteousness mentioned here be the character of one's own life which is pleasing to God, and which the sowing (manner of acting) of the peaceable brings about, although W. Schmidt (p. 126-129) and Ritschl (ii. p. 279) still misinterpret both passages in this sense. 272 THE DIVINE CLAIM AND THE DIVINE RECOMPENSE. solves the difficulty which apparently arises, if the judg ment is to correspond with the doing of man, while yet the imperfection of all human doing must be allowed. Even Christians all sin in many ways (iii. 2), and, as they now need the forgiveness of sins (v. 15, 20), they will one day need a merciful judge (ii. 13). But since, according to § 52, a, mercifulness is characteristic of the Christian, and since, according to the law of the equivalence of the recompense, the merciful must obtain mercy (Matt. v. 7), the Christian can, according to this very doctrine of recompense, count upon a merciful judgment, which covers the still existing imperfec tions, and in so far he can look forward to the judgment with triumphant joyfulness (ii. 13). (c) No doubt there is already, in a certain sense, an earthly recompense. As by Christ (§ 32, d, footnote 4), so also by James it is assumed that bodily sickness may be a consequence of sin (v. 15, 16). But the real folly of the godless rich man comes out, not in the circumstance that he has gathered together treasures which God can, by way of punishment, take away from him at any moment, but in this, that he has gathered them together in the last days, i.e. in the face of the approaching end of the world (v. 3). The miseries which will then befall the godless are already in the act of coming upon them (ver. 1), and will make a sudden end of all their riches (ver. 2), which is a testimony unto them that the judgment is now coming even upon themselves (ver. 3). Already the day of their destruction is imminent (ver. 5 : rj/jtepa crcpayfj'i). The reason of this is that the exalted Lord, i.e. Christ, soon comes in judgment. His coming (ver. 7 : irapovcrla), in which He will appear in His full Messianic dignity (so that this coming is thought of, not as a return, but as the expected coming of, the Messiah, cf. § 39, d), is already at hand (ver. 8). The Messiah, who appears as the judge of the world, already stands before the door (ver. 9). In iv. 12 also it is probably He that is thought of as the judge, who alone can save or condemn (cf. § 52, d). (d) According to i. 15, sin, if it comes to maturity, brings forth death, which is therefore, as in Peter (§ 50, d), the punishment of sin. Here too, however, it is thought of as sudden and violent (i. 10 f., cf. also § 34, c). The fire of the § 57. RECOMPENSE AND JUDGMENT. 273 judgment (§ 34, d) eats the flesh of the godless (v. 3), and they are led to the slaughter (ver. 5). The real destruction (iv. 12), however, to which the Messianic judgment delivers up the godless, is not the death of the body, but the death of the soul (v. 20) ; and, according to § 34, c, this death can only consist in this, that, separated from the body, the soul remains in the eternal torment of the disembodied condition. Ac cordingly, the Messianic salvation, which Christianity has in view from the commencement, is a deliverance of the soul from this death and destruction. As in Peter (§ 50, c, 51, d), the opposite of this death is the crown of life (i. 12), which is promised to those who love God. That which in Peter is called the icXrjpovofiia, which will one day be bestowed upon Christians, appears here, as in the teaching of Jesus (§ 34, a), as the kingdom which is promised to those who love God (ii. 5). In it there can only be made perfect that which was being already striven after in the fulfilment of the perfect law, so that here also the future reward is nothing hetero geneous to the present service. VOL. L PAET THIED. PAULINISM. INTEODUCTION. § 58. The Apostle Paul. In consequence of his natural speculative genius, as well as of his rabbinico-dialectic training, Paul possessed the ability and the inclination to strike out a more sharply defined form of teaching, and to work it out into an almost systematic completeness, (b) If, even previous to his con version, he had found no full satisfaction in Judaism as conceived in the sense of Pharisaism, the peculiar manner of that conversion must also have contributed to make Christi anity appear to him as a dispensation of grace, which pointed out a way of salvation which was altogether opposed to that of the law. (c) His view of the person of Christ, as well as of the salvation which was given in Him, must also have been peculiarly conditioned by the circumstance that his personal relation to Christ was brought about solely by the manifesta tion of the exalted Lord which was granted him. (d) And although, at his conversion, he entered unreservedly into the believing world of the original Christian circles, he has, nevertheless, in his activity as an apostle to the Gentiles, and with a strong consciousness of his independence, worked out his law-free, universalistic Gospel in an altogether peculiar manner. (a) The reason why we have received from the apostle Paul a much greater number of literary monuments than from 274 58. THE APOSTLE PAUL. 275 the other apostles, from which we can become acquainted with his manner of teaching in its most different aspects, is not only that his extensive missionary activity gave him, most frequently, occasion to make up for the want of his personal presence in the ever-extending circle of his churches by means of epistolary communication, but also that he, most of all, possessed inclination and ability for literary activity, i.e. for a connected development of his thoughts. Whatever opinion we may have as to the design of the Epistle to the Eomans, we must at any rate admit that in it the development of his teaching goes far beyond its immediate concrete occasion. When we say that he was naturally of a speculative turn of mind, we mean that he felt the need of ascertaining given truths for himself; — however certain they might appear to him per se, he must, nevertheless, be explicitly acquainted with their reasons ; he felt the need of subsuming the par ticular under more general points of view, and of trying to discover the inner connection of the various moments of truth. Besides supplying him with the art of explaining Scripture, and of applying and interpreting it in the most varied manner, his rabbinical education supplied him, above all, with the dialectic art of defending his views in controver sial discussion, of meeting objections or obviating them by an anticipated refutation, of expressing his ideas in a sharp and definite manner, of elucidating his statements by means of thesis and antithesis, and, when a principle was thus estab lished, of showing the applicability of its consequences in all directions. It is in his writings, accordingly, that Christian truth first appears as a compact whole, whose leading pro positions are sharply formulated and exhibited in their necessary connection with one another. This natural endow ment of the apostle, however, makes it, a priori, in the highest degree improbable that, as has been recently frequently asserted, there should be found alongside of each other, in his teaching, altogether heterogeneous lines of thought with no indication of their points of transition, and unsolved antitheses which are full of contradictions. (IS) As a Pharisee, Paul stood upon the soil of orthodox Judaism, yet in such a manner that he had regarded it essen- tiaUy from its legal side, as a holy rule of life, by the most 276 PAULINISM. punctual observance of which one could earn the salvation promised to the fathers. He had distinguished himself by his zeal for the Pharisaic doctrine of the law, and by his most exact observance of it. Still, according to his own confession (Bom. vii), he found herein no perfect satisfaction, inasmuch as he always remained painfully conscious of the contrast between the demand of the law and man's fulfilment. But this very dissatisfaction drove him on to the fanatical mani festation of his zeal for the law in the persecution of the Christian Church, as soon as the appearance of Stephen began to lead him to anticipate an opposition of the Church to the legal system and the custom of the fathers. His conversion was a sudden one. In the midst of his fanatical persecuting zeal, instead of being punished for it, he was, by an unparal leled gracious deed of God, vouchsafed a special manifesta tion of Christ, which entirely changed his opinion of the persecuted Nazarene ; he was even called to be His apostle, and qualified for the most extensive labours in His service. Everything which he himself had done in the service of the law, and by means of which he had striven to earn salva tion, had not only proved insufficient, it had plunged him ever deeper into the most heinous sin of his life. Grace alone had saved him. From this experience of his life there must have spontaneously grown up the conception of Christianity as a new dispensation of grace, which formed the antithesis of all human doing and desert.1 If, in his opinion, the doing of the 1 It has recently been emphatically maintained that it is not by way of such a. subjective experience of his own inability to earn salvation (an experience which, it is true, would not be the ground of his conversion, unless there were added his experience of divine grace), hut by a process of the theoretical con sciousness, a dialectics of his religious thinking regarding the necessity of the death of the Messiah upon the cross, that the genesis of the Pauline gospel of the new way of salvation is to be explained (cf. especially Pfleiderer, p. 4-16 [E. Tr. i. 4-16]). But this assumes that, to the Pharisee Paul, the Messiah was essentially the bringer of the Messianic righteousness, a righteousness which one who was accursed of the law could bring, only if it was a wholly new righteous ness, which had no longer anything to do with the law (p. 11 [E. Tr. i. 11]). In the opinion of the Pharisees, however, the Messiah was by no means the bringer of the Messianic righteousness (so that the salvation, which only one who fell under the curse of the law could bring, must necessarily have been a "new righteousness ") ; He was essentially the bringer of the national-political com pletion of the theocracy, in which only those could participate who had become, through the law, Hxxioi in the Pharisaic sense. And when Pfleiderer (p. 12 § 58. THE APOSTLE PAUL. 277 law had previously been the only way by which salvation was to be gained, there was now a totally new way. It is not its antithesis in principle to Judaism, nor even to the law in general, but only to the way of salvation which was pointed out by the law, that characterizes the Pauline conception of Christianity.2 (c) Paul had not enjoyed the personal intercourse with Christ, by means of which the religious ideas of the original apostles had been gradually shaped and transformed. It is possible that he had seen Him at Jerusalem, although this cannot be proved from 2 Cor. v. 1 6 ; it is possible that the attack which Jesus made upon Pharisaism had prejudiced him against the Nazarene, and made him anticipate earlier than the other members of his sect the danger which was threatened to the law of the fathers by His adherents ; but the impression made by the person of Jesus during His earthly life has not [E. Tr. i. 12] ) makes the doubt arise in the mind even of Paul the Pharisee, whether the nation could ever become a righteous nation in the Pharisaic sense- (and this is not so very different from the "objective conviction of the impossi bility of the righteousness of the law " which is so sharply opposed in p. 4 f. [E. Tr. i. 4 f.] ), nothing was more natural, looked at theoretically, than to see in the atoning death of the Messiah the means whereby the remaining defects of the righteousness of the law would be covered. Without such a "completion," however, even the righteousness of the law would not have been that which was. sufficing before God, and therefore, even according to such a view, Gal. ii. 21 would be perfectly justified, without demanding a " substitution of the law by means of a new scheme of salvation" (p. 5 f. [E. Tr. i. 5 f.]). For in that case Christ would not have died in vain (Gal. ii. 21), even although the "death of the Messiah upon the cross " had not been recognised to be the " end of the law," or although there had been no recognition of the necessity, in principle, of a new way of salvation. In general, however, it is doubtful whether thft opposition, in principle, to the law and the way of salvation given in it, of which there is still no trace at least in the Epistle to the Thessalonians, was con ceived by Paul previous to his controversy with Judaism, however certainly it must have been developed out of that first experience of grace. 2 The legal rule of life, fulfilled in a free spirit, had never appeared to the original apostles as an antithesis of that which Christ had brought ; but neither had it ever been to them the central point of their earlier life and striving, it had never been the sole way of salvation, as to Paul the Pharisee. If, appar ently in the sharpest opposition to him, -a James saw in Christianity the perfect law, which, by working its fulfilment in believers, brings about salvation, yet the law, which was loved and practised by him in the sense of the pious psalmists of the Old Testament, had never awakened such discord in his breast as in the case of our apostle ; and since he had never, in the Pharisaic sense, sought the whole of his salvation in its fulfilment, the course of his life had not led him to such a radical break with his past as it led the apostle Paul. 278 PAULINISM. had any great influence upon him. In his disputations with the adherents of the crucified Nazarene (Acts vi. 9), he had naturally heard that He must die and be raised again according to the Scripture (1 Cor. xv. 3, 4) ; and on these occasions many details of His life may also have been spoken of. But all the attempts to make use of the lines of thought which were possibly excited thereby in his mind, for the purpose of explaining the genesis of his gospel, are at variance with the self-testimony of the apostle ; for the express aim of his account in Gal. i. is to show that his whole attitude to Christianity previous to the occurrence at Damascus (ver. 13 f.) excluded the possibility of any human influence in the forming of his gospel (w. 11, 12). The manifestation of Christ, which, for this very reason, cannot be traced back to a psychologically explicable vision, overtook him in the midst of his fanatical persecuting zeal; and from that manifestation dated his con version. In the case of the original apostles, it was the picture of His earthly walk, in its historical outlines and relations, it was His historical working in and for Israel that formed the groundwork of their view of Christ. Not so, how ever, in the case of Paul. Before his eyes stood the exalted Christ in the splendour of divine glory, just as He had appeared to him and changed the whole of his previous life, by con demning it as illusion and sin. To him this heavenly Lord was no longer mainly the Messiah of the Jews who was to bring about the complete consummation of the theocracy ; He was the mediator of divine grace to the sinners who had awakened to the consciousness of their guilt. It was not by reflecting upon a possible design of His death upon the cross that he thus conceived of Christ ; but because He who was living in heavenly glory had appeared to him in this character, His death could only have been the means of the acquisition of this grace, and was proved to be such by His resurrection and exaltation. Moreover, He had come to him, not as a Jew, but as a lost sinner, and had called him to be an apostle to the Gentiles, who, like himself, were sunk in the irremediable destruction of sin. Christianity must therefore have ap peared to him from the first as the salvation of the whole lost world of sinners, which was given in Christ as the divine Lord. § 58. THE APOSTLE PAUL. 279 (d) It is wrong to think of the Apostle Paul as from the first having no connection with the primitive Christian tradition. No doubt it is but seldom that he expressly quotes sayings of Jesus (1 Cor. vii. 10, 11, ix. 14, cf. 1 Thess. iv. 15) ; but that many other words of Jesus were known to him is shown by many an echo of them in his writings. Although it was only later that he came into contact with the apostles, yet he was by no means so cut off, from the first, from intercourse with the Christian Church, as not to be acquainted with the religious ideas and doctrines which were current in it. It is true he was conscious that he had not learned from men the gospel which he proclaimed, but had received it by divine revelation (Gal. i. 11, 12), and the whole of his subjective assurance of salvation rested upon this direct attestation of the divine Spirit. But it does not follow from this that, in his exhibition of saving truth, he did not, from the first, attach himself in many ways to the views and forms of doctrine which were current within the primitive Christian circles, as a member of which he unreservedly regarded himself.3 And when the mother Church praised God because its previous persecutor was now proclaiming its faith (Gal. i. 23, 24), it cannot but have been aware that he had become altogether one of its members. Soon enough, indeed, his calling led him to devote himself more and more exclusively to the mission to the Gentiles ; and here the form of his teaching must naturally have become more and more a peculiar one when compared with that in the Jewish-Christian circles. If he was to con vert the Gentiles as such, he must proclaim to them a gospel which declared them free from the rule of life laid down by the Jewish law, because the demand that they should adopt the law would have made them Jews ; and the manner in which his own experience had taught him to recognise Christianity as a new way of salvation, in opposition to that of the law (note b), qualified him for that task. In this his activity as an apostle to the Gentiles, he must, however, have 3 Just as little does it follow that the working out of his form of doctrine was not conditioned by his individual bent and his natural mental constitution (note a) ; and if we attempt to trace the way in which that development was accomplished in his spiritual life, we must assume it as self-evident, that the propelling impulse and the leading power of this development proceeded from the divine Spirit, which guided him into all truth. 280 PAULINISM. learned also to present Christianity as the satisfaction of a common human need; and as such it had met himself in Christ (note c). § 59. Sources of Paulinism. The discourse of Paul upon the Areopagus at Athens gives us a picture of his earliest manner of preaching as an apostle to the Gentiles. The Epistles to the Thessalonians, which can still be regarded as an echo of his missionary preaching to his readers, stand nearest that discourse, both as regards time and matter, (b) We find the teaching of the apostle most richly developed in the four great Epistles to the Galatians, the Corinthians and the Eomans, but in a form which was essen tially conditioned by his controversies with the Judaistic party, (c) The so-called Epistles of the imprisonment belong to a later period of the apostle's life, a period in which he met with new oppositions ; but the change which has taken place in his method of teaching is easily explicable from the circum stances of the time, and the leading peculiarities of the earlier Paulinism are still so apparent in them, that they cannot be denied to the apostle himself, (d) The form of the Paulinism is still more peculiar in the Pastoral Epistles, whose genuine ness it is difficult to prove, and depends essentially upon the results of the biblico-theological investigation. (a) Of the real missionary preaching of the apostle we have only insufficient monuments.1 Yet the discourse upon the Areopagus (Acts xvii. 22-31) is probably reported with 1 The Acts of the Apostles gives us one example (xiii. 16-41) of the synagogue sermons with which he sought to gain the Jews and proselytes. But a great part of this discourse is plainly an imitation of that of Stephen and of the Petrine discourses in the first part of the Acts, and is therefore scarcely derived from the tradition of a hearer. No doubt Luke would not have put such a discourse into the mouth of the apostle, if he, who had heard him often enough in similar situations, had not been aware that, in his synagogue sermons, Paul was wont, in a similar manner, to adduce the testimony of Scripture to the Messiahship of Jesus (cf. Acts ix. 20, 22, xvii. 3). There also occurs in the discourse much that is peculiar, and which is probably characteristic of the manner in which Paul was wont to teach, and which may therefore be looked at incidentally (cf. especially xiii. 29, 31, 33, 34, 39) ; still, in its present form, the discourse cannot by any means be use,d directly as » source of knowledge regarding the missionary preaching of Paul. § 59. SOURCES OF PAULINISM. 281 substantial fidelity, and gives at least a lively picture of the manner in which Paul, in his missionary activity, was wont to find points of contact with the consciousness of the Gentiles, and shows also from what point he was wont to start with his Christian sermon. Also the words which- (xiv. 15-17) are put into the mouth of Barnabas and Paul, but which were evidently spoken by the latter, as well as other utterances of the apostle which Luke relates, may be incidentally employed as illustrations of Pauline views. On the other hand, the two Epistles to the essentially Gentile- Christian Church at Thessalonica, which were composed during his stay for a year and a half at Corinth (Acts xviii. 11), are written so short a time after the planting of that Church, that they are, in many ways and expressly, connected with his original missionary preaching there. The circumstance that the moral life of the Church was still manifestly unstable compels him to enter, in an elementary manner, into its Christian aspects ; and the excitement which eschatological questions had caused in the Church not only shows with what emphasis Paul had set forth this point in his missionary preaching, but also compels him to discuss that matter still more thoroughly. In both Epistles there are scarcely to be found any indications of the peculiar anthropology and Christology of the apostle, or of his doctrine of justification, and of many other aspects of his doctrine of salvation ; and we cannot say of all these points that there was only awanting occasion to touch upon them. But even if this or the other aspect of his teaching, which is here kept in the background, was already fully developed by him, and only not yet expressly emphasized, seeing that he was writing to a young Gentile-Christian Church, it is still of peculiar interest to see the shape taken by the teaching and exhortation of the apostle in their elementary forms. It is characteristic of the period of his life to which these Epistles belong, that as yet he had met with no other opposition than that of the hostile, persecuting, and slandering Judaism, whose attacks upon him are necessarily presupposed by the apologetical and polemical portions of the first Epistle (cf. Hilgenfeld in his Zeitschrift, 1866, p. 296, 297; Sabatier, p. 96). Hand in hand with this there goes his own more hostile attitude to Judaism, 282 PAULINISM. which has impressed itself especially upon his apocalyptical ideas.2 (b) The second period of the life of the apostle is filled up with controversies with the Judaistic party, which reasserted in his law-free Churches the demand of the law and of cir cumcision (§ 43, d), and denied his apostolic calling, because he regarded it as a calling which was meant for the Gentiles as such, and thereupon grounded the right and the duty of his law-free preaching. Although the meaning of that demand was not originally that the salvation which Christianity brought was secured through the fulfilment of the law, yet participation in that salvation was made dependent upon such a fulfilment, inasmuch as it was it that was first to make it possible for the Gentiles to enter into the fellowship of the elect nation for which this salvation was appointed ; and the apostle easily perceived how, thereby, the right view as to the real ground of this salvation must necessarily be distorted. The Epistle to the Galatians is the first monument of these controversies. The demonstration of the divine origin of his law-free universalistic gospel, and his attack upon the value which was put upon the works of the law, become of them selves a repeated statement and establishment of the conditions to which the salvation of man is attached in Christianity. The First Epistle to the Corinthians introduces us to the concrete circumstances of a Church which was rich, but which had also serious defects ; but, in consequence of that peculi arity of the apostle, in accordance with which he usually subsumes the particular under more general points of view, and seeks to show that the demands which he makes upon their life are based upon his teaching, almost all the points of saving truth are incidentally discussed, and, for a special reason, chap. xv. is devoted to a detailed exposition of the doctrine of the resurrection. Although the Second Epistle to the Corinthians is for the most part a personal explanation 2 The rejection of the two Epistles to the Thessalonians by Baur (cf. Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi, 2d ed. Leipzig 1866, and theologische Jahrbiicher, 1865, 2) is logical, only if we once regard the manner of teaching employed in the four great Epistles as the sole criterion of Paulinism ; it has no other good ground. The doubts raised as to the second Epistle alone depend essentially upon misinterpretations of its apocalyptical passage, which finds its full explanation in the historical situation of the Epistle. § 59. SOURCES OF PAULINISM. 283 with his Judaistic opponents in the Church, it is none the less rich in discussions, from which we can gather his apprehension of the truths of salvation. The most extensive quarry for the knowledge of his teaching is the Epistle to the Eomans. If the leading import of his preaching is briefly described in i. 16, 17, then the whole dogmatic part appears to be a well-arranged carrying out of this theme ; for in i. 18- iii. 20 there is stated the pre-Christian world's need of salva tion, in iii. 21 -v. 21 the salvation given in Christianity, in chaps, vi.— viii. the new life of the Christian, and in chaps. ix— xi. the realization of salvation in Gentiles and Jews. Even in the practical part of the Epistle (xii. 1— xv. 13) it is not so much, in my opinion, individual concrete needs of the Eoman Church which are entered into, as rather Christian ethics which is sketched in outline.8 In these four Epistles, which are regarded by every sober-minded criticism as undoubtedly genuine, Paul has unfolded the whole riches of his teaching in the manner in which his controversy with the Judaistic opposition compelled him, and his individuality enabled him, viz., by giving it a deeper foundation specula tively, and defending it on all sides dialectically. But, naturally, in this controversy it must have been that point of his teaching which was especially in danger that was also made specially prominent, that was formulated with special dogmatic precision, and made secure by especially sharp antitheses. No doubt, it is only in the Epistle to the Galatians that Paul directly contends against the real heresy of Judaism ; but even the discussions in the Epistle to the Eomans, although their direct purpose is only to show how Christianity is related to Judaism, nevertheless manifestly have their origin in the spiritual results gained in these con troversies. Even in the Epistles to the Corinthians, the opposition to Judaism is by no means throughout the leading moment which dominates his doctrinal statements; and when we really make a full use of the fo.ur great Epistles, we learn that those sides of his teaching which come specially into 3 The farewell discourse at Miletus (Acts xx. 18-35) stands next these Epistles in point of time, and then the two apologies in Acts xxii. 3-21, xxiv. 10-21, whose comparatively small doctrinal contents may be used incidentally for the purpose of comparison. 284 PAULINISM. prominence in the controversy with Judaism are far from exhausting its riches. It is true that the point of his teach ing which was threatened by the Judaists was grounded in the most important experience of his life (§ 58, h), and must, in so far, have always had a predominant significance for him ; but when we rightly appreciate also those sides of his teach ing which lie more remote from this central point, it appears, even from the four great Epistles, that the form which his teaching assumed in these controversies was by no means the only one which was possible for him, or expressed the whole compass of his Christian consciousness. (c) The Epistle to the Colossians was probably written during the imprisonment at Caasarea. Its external occasion was the disquieting of the Churches of south-west Phrygia by a Jewish-Christian movement, which professed to lead the Church to a higher stage of Christian knowledge by means of theosophic doctrines, especially regarding the higher spiritual world, and to a higher perfection of Christian life by means of ascetic rules. This movement did not directly proclaim any fundamental heresy; but the apostle perceived that it nevertheless ultimately threatened the dignity of Christ and His work of salvation, as well as the healthiness of the development of the Christian life (cf. Weiss, " Colosserbrief," in Herzog's Realencyclopddic, supplementary vol. i. p. 717—723). The thoughts which were stirred up in his mind by this movement Paul has developed to a greater extent, and with a more general reference to the further consequences and dangers of this heresy, in the contemporary circular letter to the Churches of Asia Minor, which now bears the name of the Epistle to the Ephesians (cf. Weiss, " Epheserbrief," ibid. p. 481— 48 7).4 Separated from these by, at least, a consider able interval of time, the Epistle to the Philippians was written during the imprisonment at Eome. Notwithstanding the more external occasion, and the more personal character of this Epistle, it unfolds a great wealth of teaching and 4 The autograph letter to Philemon, which was sent along with these two Epistles, has scarcely any special importance for the teaching of the apostle. The apology of the apostle coutained in Acts xxvi. 2-23 stands nearest these Epistles in point of time, but neither does it afford much doctrinal matter for comparison. § 59. SOURCES OF PAULINISM. 285 admonition, and gives us the deepest glimpses, from various sides, into the religious consciousness of the apostle. A leading peculiarity of all the four Epistles of the imprisonment is the dropping of the opposition to Judaism, which I cannot find even in the Epistle to the Philippians (cf. my Philipper- briefi 1859, p. 220 ff). After the necessity had passed away of establishing and defending the thesis which was maintained in opposition to Judaism, the almost dogmatizing severity of the form of teaching which was coined in this controversy must also have gradually disappeared. The appearance of the new doctrine of wisdom made it necessary to develope further those sides of his teaching, on which, also in the evangelic truth of salvation, there are opened up the unfathomable depths of a wisdom which satisfies every true striving after knowledge. It is possible also that the situation of the apostle in his inactive imprisonment gave him more occasion, than his restless missionary life had permitted, to penetrate, meditatively, into the ultimate reasons of the saving truth which he had proclaimed. Lastly, the new needs of the life of. the Church compelled him to enter more thoroughly into the concrete relations of its moral life, and, by means of a healthy criticism and regulation of these relations from the standpoint of the Gospel, to oppose the fruitless asceticism to which the Jewish- Christian theosophy was inclined.'5 (d) The genuineness of the Pastoral Epistles can be main tained only on the assumption that, at a period of the apostle's life with which we are otherwise unacquainted, when he had to oppose a morbid aberration of the religious life and striving after knowledge, whose concrete form, it is true, we can hardly discern from his polemic, and when he had to 6 Whether this transformation of the Pauline mode of teaching was effected by the apostle himself, or by one of his disciples, is only of subordinate interest to biblical theology. Nevertheless, I believe we must hold by the genuineness of the Epistles of the imprisonment, since the transformation which is to be found in them can undoubtedly be explained by the altered circumstances of the time which they presuppose (see above), — a circumstance which Pfleiderer has not taken into account (p. 30, note [E. Tr. i. 30, note]), — and since the special investigation of their biblico-theological material shows that, notwith standing their peculiarities, the principal traits of the older Paulinism appear in them, conceived with a clearness and a definiteness and yet handled with a freedom, which we do not find in any of Paul's disciples, and which we could not expect in any imitator. It is true, the doubts which specially concern the 286 PAULINISM. make provision for the partially altered needs of the church life, which was always developing itself more richly, but also more and more requiring a firmer guidance, and when he had such intercourse with his fellow-teachers as we have no other opportunity of observing him having, his mode of teaching has undergone a change which appears in many respects even far more radical than that which is found in the Epistles of the imprisonment. That Paul was set free from the Eoman imprisonment with which we are acquainted, can neither be proved nor denied with certain historical data ; and so these Epistles remain the sole monuments as well as the sole evi dence of such a later period in the life of the apostle. Such being the circle in which criticism sees itself involved, without being able to come to a definite conclusion, so much the more depends upon the question, whether the manner of teaching which is peculiar to them still shows such a connection with that of the genuine Epistles of Paul that it can be ascribed to the apostle. But even if, with the Eichhorn-de-Wette school of criticism, they are to be assigned to a disciple of Paul, and therefore show a metamorphosis of Paulinism which was effected in the circle of his immediate disciples, under the influence of the new dangers and needs, and in the midst of the more matured development of the life of the Church in the latter portion of the apostolic age, our Epistles have sub stantially the same interest for biblical theology. It is only if, with Baur (die sogenannten Pastor albriefe, Stuttgart and Tiibingen, 1835) and the Tubingen school, they are to be placed in the real Gnostic time, that, according to § 1, b, they cease to be an object of biblical theology. Seeing, however, that the three Epistles have a strong resemblance to each other, the attempt which has been often made since Schleier- Epistle to the Ephesians are not confined to this general question, but still they do not appear to me insoluble ; nor have I been able to adopt the most recent attempt to regard the Epistle to the Colossians as the later redaction of a genuine Epistle of Paul (cf. Holtzmann, Kritik der Epheser=zund Colosserbriefe, Leipzig, 1872), for which Pfleiderer (p. 28 [E. Tr. i. 29]) and Immer (p. 363) have declared themselves (cf. my review in the Jahrb. f. deutsche Theol. 1872, 4). As our representation shows, the Epistle to the Philippians shares in the most characteristic peculiarities of the Epistles of the imprisonment in more important points than Pfleiderer (I.e.) will admit, so that it is in fact more logical, if one does not credit the apostle with such a development of his mode of teaching, to declare, with Baur, that all the Epistles of the imprisonment are spurious. § 60. PREVIOUS WORKS ON PAULINISM. 287 macher, to doubt their genuineness only partially, can hardly be carried out. § 60. Previous Works on Paulinism. While the earlier writers on the subject still represent the teaching of Paul according to the customary dogmatic categories, Usteri, Dahne, and, since Neander, the more recent biblical theologians have attempted to arrange their repre sentation of his doctrinal system more according to its peculiarity. (b) The Tubingen school, starting from its critical presuppositions, has first given prominent emphasis to the peculiarity of the various groups of Epistles, (c) A complete representation of Paulinism will have to do justice to the unity as well as to the diversity observable in its various forms. (a) As Bauer, in his " Biblical Theology" (vol. iv.), represents the Pauline system of doctrine, as well as that of the other writers of the New Testament, according to the three sides of Christology, theology, and anthropology, so G. W. Meyer (Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs, Altona, 1801) treats of his dogmatics under the categories of theology, Christology, pneumatology, angelology, eschatology, and anthropology, and then of his ethics as it stands related to these six parts. So also Schrader in his " Apostle Paul " (vol. iii., Die Lehren des Apostel Paulus, Leipzig, 1833). Cf. also Gerhauser, Charakter der Theologie des Paulus, Landshut, 1816; Liitzelberger, Grunclzuge der paulinischen Glauhenslehre, Niirnberg, 1839. Usteri (Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs, Zurich, 1824, 6th ed., 1851) opened up the way for a representation of his doctrine which did more justice to its peculiarity; in the first part he treats of the pre-Christian period, in the second of Christianity, and he characterizes the different sections by means of special leading Pauline ideas or mottoes taken out of his Epistles. Dahne (Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs, Halle, 1835) develops the Pauline system, even more organically, from its leading conception, viz. justification by faith ; he first of all exhibits man's want of a righteousness of his own, and then the justification by grace, in its various interventions, which 288 PAULINISM. is afforded in Christianity, just as Neander (p. 654-839 [E. Tr. i. 416 ff.]) had already anticipated him in putting in the front the idea of Biicaiocrvvr) and its relation to the v6/j,o<;. Since then, the most of the representations of Paulin ism have adopted the following method: starting from the universal need of salvation and its causes, they then exhibit the work and person of the Mediator of salvation, the new way of salvation, the historical realization of salvation and its completion (cf. Schmidt, ii. p. 219-355 [E. Tr. 417-518]; Messner, p. 175-293; Lutterbeck, p. 186-238; Th. Simar, die Theologie des heil. Paulus, Freiberg, 1864; van Oosterzee, § 34 to 44). Lechler deviates from the plan followed by these writers ; but by no means happily. Starting from the fact of the conversion of Paul, and confounding the importance of the appearance of Christ for the apostle's life with the importance of the doctrine concerning Him in the Pauline system, he puts in the front the doctrine of Christ as the Son of God (p. 33-145). Expressly denying that there is any essential difference of doctrine in them (cf. p. 4), Eeuss (ii. p. 3-262 [E. Tr. ii. 1-237]) represents the Pauline theology according to all the thirteen Epistles, deriving from Eom. iii. 21-24 an arrangement of his system of doctrine which is substantially the same as that followed in the previous representations. In particular, his conception of Paulinism as a dialectic mysticism (p. 249 [E. Tr. 226]) permits very important ambiguities and misconceptions (cf. also the excellent and thorough exposition of the leading aspects of the Pauline doctrine in Eitschl, p. 52 to 103). (b) Partly in the interest of proving the spuriousness of the smaUer Pauline Epistles, partly for the purpose of assigning them their standpoint in the historical development of the post-apostolic age, the Tubingen school has subjected their theological peculiarities to a more thorough examination than had been given them in the previous representations of the Pauline doctrine (cf. especially Schwegler in his nach- apostolisches Zeitalter, where the Epistles of the imprisonment are discussed in vol. ii. p. 133-135, 325-338, and the Pastoral Epistles in p. 138-153. See also, specially for the Epistle to the Ephesians, his article in the Theol. Jahrh. 1844, 2). For biblical theology the results of these investigations have § CO. PREVIOUS WORKS ON PAULINISM. 289 already been used by Kostlin in the comparative section of his Johanneischer Lehrbegriff (1843, p. 289-387); and for the history of primitive Christianity by Plank and Kostlin in the Theol. Jahrh. for 1847, 4, and 1850, 2. In his "Biblical Theology," Baur represents the Pauline doctrine exclusively according to the four great Epistles (p. 128-207, cf. Paulus, der Apostel Jesu, Christi, 2d ed., Leipzig, 1867, ii. p. 123-315). Starting, certainly in a too sweeping manner, from the assump tion that the essence of Paulinism is the most decisive break of the Christian consciousness with the law and the whole of the Judaism which rested upon the Old Testament (p. 128 f.), he, in p. 132, describes the antithesis more accurately as consisting in this, that Christianity accomplishes that which Judaism was not able to accomplish, viz. it provides righteousness before God; he then, from a purely empirical, religious-historical and anthropological point of view, carries out the negative and positive theses which are involved in this antithesis, so that here the religious-historical method of regarding the apostle is more clearly separated from the really dogmatic method than it had ever been before him. But because he has, a priori, conceived of the doctrine of justi fication as a too comprehensive antithesis, in principle, to Judaism in general, he then, in order to do justice also to the sides of Paulinism which are related to Judaism, represents this as an abstract, general antithesis, which, in its application to the concrete circumstances of real Efe, becomes a relative one (p. 181 f.) ; whereby not only the nature of the leading Pauline ideas, especially that of tticttis, but even the signifi cance of his doctrine of justification is altogether misconceived. From faith Baur passes over to Christology, which is followed, somewhat loosely, by the doctrine of the sacraments and eschatology. Attaching himself to C. Holsten (zum Evan- gelium des Paulus und Petrus, Eostock, 1868), 0. Pfleiderer (der Paulinismus, Leipzig, 1873 [translated, Williams & Norgate] ; cf. his articles in Hilg.'s Zeitsch. f. wiss. Theol. 1871, 2, 4, 1872, 2) attempts, in the first place, to explain the genesis of the peculiar Pauline gospel in the following manner. By a dialectical process, the necessity which irresistibly pressed itself upon him of recognising a crucified Messiah made it also necessary for him to conceive of His VOL. i. t 290 PAULINISM. death upon the cross as the means for the providing of an altogether new righteousness, and therefore as the end of the law ; while the deep ethical act of self-denial, which he had performed in surrendering himself to this truth, led him to the mystical fellowship with Christ, in which the transcendental- eschatological idea of salvation became to him the immanent- ethical idea, and the source of the new life in the Spirit (p. 1-27 [E. Tr. i. 1-28] ; cf, on the other hand, § 58, h). In his exposition of the several articles of doctrine, which is distinguished by clearness and precision as well as by the exactness of the exegetical basis, Pfleiderer frequently attempts to discover different lines of thought, which are either comple mentary as being an objective-theological and a subjective- ethical view of the same subject, or form the antinomy of the new original type of doctrine and the remnant of Jewish presuppositions of which he had not got rid (cf., on the contrary, § 58, a).1 Of special importance is also the account of the conflict between the apostle and Jewish Christianity in its gradual development, in which, according to Pfleiderer, the Epistles to the Eomans and the Philippians show an irenical tendency (p. 275-323 [E. Tr. ii. 3-50]. As regards the Epistle to the Eomans, cf. Sieffert in the Jahrh. f. deutsch. Th. 1869, p. 250 ff). (c) We begin with a representation, in its outlines, of the earliest preaching of Paul as the apostle to the Gentiles, as it is to be discovered, partly in the discourse at Athens, partly in the Epistles to the Thessalonians (quoted simply as i. ii.). The real doctrinal system of the apostle we also develope 1 Whereas in Baur the Epistles of the imprisonment (p. 226-277), as well as the Pastoral Epistles (p. 338-351), appear as monuments of different phases of Paulinism as developed in the Gnostic period, to which much is made to refer and is thereby placed in a false light, while the Epistles to the Thessalonians are altogether unmentioned, Pfleiderer still counts First Thessalonians, Philemon, and Philippians among the genuine Epistles, and places the Epistle to the Colossians (in which, according to § 59, c, he assumes a genuine Pauline groundwork) along with the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Epistle of Barnabas as representatives of a Paulinism which was influenced by Alexandrianism, while the Epistle to the Ephesians (along with First Clement and First Peter) shows it in a state of transition to Catholicism, and the Pastoral Epistles (like the Ignatian) show the Paulinism of the Church in conflict with the heretical Gnosis. Even the conception of Paulinism in the Acts of the Apostles finds, at the end of the work, a special representation (p. 495-518 [E. Tr. ii. 228 ff.]). § CO. PREVIOUS WORKS ON PAULINISM. 291 according to the four great doctrinal and controversial Epistles. Here, details which do not cohere with the outlines of his earliest preaching will be incidentally discussed, and, through out, it will be pointed out wherein they also agree. Here, also, we must already point forward to that which is con cordant in the Epistles of the imprisonment, without making use of these for the real representation of the system, except when they incidentally serve as an explanation of it. The third section then discusses the peculiarities of the Epistles of the imprisonment. We shall have here, in the first place, to show, in passing, how far the earlier Paulinism is found, as to its principal characteristics, also in them. We shall then have to bring out those points of the doctrine of the earlier Epistles with which the development of the later Paulinism is connected, that we may then be able to set forth this develop ment in its peculiar connection and in its influence upon the separate articles of doctrine which are here specially discussed. Lastly, the characteristic teaching of the Pastoral Epistles will then be discussed. The representation of this in its inner connection will naturally lead to those points where it is connected with the earlier Paulinism. Following the same method, Sabatier (I'apotre Paid, Strasbourg- Paris 1870) has recently described, in a lively manner, the history of the development of the Pauline method of teaching, which is in his opinion, however, also a development of the apostle's theology, and concludes with a spirited sketch of his system, in which, starting from the person of Christ as the . principle of the apostle's Christian consciousness, he developes it in its psychological, historical, and metaphysical aspects. Immer follows the same scheme. He discusses the Epistles to the Thessalonians as monuments of undeveloped Paulinism, although he regards the second as spurious (p. 212-224). In his representation of the fully developed Paulinism of the four great Epistles, he starts from the " Jewish element in the teaching of Paul," wherein he already finds, in consequence of the apostle's rabbinical education, a union of abstract juristic reason and mysticism (p. 247-257), and then considers that which is specifically Christian in his teaching (the crucified and risen Christ, justification, the life of faith, the doctrine of the Church, of the divine decree, and of Christian hope). The 292 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. Epistles of the imprisonment, regarding whose genuineness he has not reached a definite conclusion, he treats of as monu ments of the Gnostic development of Paulinism (p. 357-382), and the (spurious) Pastoral Epistles as monuments of weakened Paulinism (p. 3 8 2-3 9 9).2 SECTION I. THE EARLIEST PREACHING OP PAUL AS AN APOSTLE TO THE GENTILES. CHAPTEE I. THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM THE JUDGMENT. § 61. The Ground of Salvation. The preaching of the apostle as a missionary to the Gentiles is essentially a proclamation of the approaching judgment, which He who has been appointed by God to be the judge of the world will administer, and which should lead the Gentiles to turn to the one true God and to Christ as the divine Lord. (b) The glad tidings regarding the way of deliverance in this judgment is also published by the ambassadors of Christ as a divine call to this salvation ; but it is only in the elect that, with divine power, it works the salvation-bringing acceptance of the message, (c) Election is accomplished in baptism, in which the elect are consecrated by the bestowal of the Spirit to be God's possession, and become by faith in the truth members of His Church, (d) The mediation of Christ, how- 2 Besides such writings as confine themselves strictly to individual loci of the Pauline system, and which will therefore be cited in their proper place, I name here a few which also treat of various aspects of the system. Among these are : Ernesti, vom Ursprung der Sunde nach paidinischen Lehrgehalt, Wolfen- biittel 1855, 1862 ; Die Ethik des Apostel Paidus, Braunschweig 1868. R. Schmidt, die Christologie des Apostel Paulus, Guttingen 1870. A. Schumann, der weltgeschichtliche Entwicklunqsprozess nach dem Lehrsystem des Apostel Paidus, Crefeld 1875. § 61. THE GROUND OF SALVATION. 293 ever, is looked at almost exclusively in its bearing upon the completion of salvation, while, in its bearing upon the work of the grounding of salvation, it is still kept strikingly in the background. (a) The discourse of the apostle upon the Areopagus, attaching itself to what remains of the Gentile consciousness of God, proclaims, in the first place, the one true God (Acts xvii. 22-29). Then follows the proclamation of the approach ing judgment of the world, supported by the fact that God has already appointed a man who will execute this judgment, and that He has given the strongest reason to believe in it by raising Him up from the dead (ver. 31). Upon this message Paul bases his demand that they repent, and this repentance will consist in their turning away from vain idols to the living God (cf. xiv. 1 5), and in serving Him, in view of the impend ing judgment, according to His will as it is proclaimed by His ambassadors. Their fate in the judgment will depend upon their attitude to this demand ; for God is willing to overlook the past as the time of ignorance (xvii. 3 0). It is \ in a similar manner that Luke makes the apostle usually characterize his preaching as a missionary to the Gentiles' (xx. 21, xxvi. 20). Its fundamental thought is, accordingly,1, the nearness of the Messianic judgment. It was not the pro mising, but only the threatening aspect of the Messianic prospect of the future (cf. § 40, d, 50, d, 57, c) that could, in the first place, be set before the Gentiles, if they were to be startled out of their sinful life ; for them faith in the Messiah- ship of Jesus becomes faith in Him as the judge of the world, upon whom, then, their salvation in the judgment also depends (xvi. 31). That his missionary preaching at Thessalonica had not been different appears from his own retrospect of it (l,i. 9, 10). According to this, the motive which had led the Thes salonians also to turn from idols to the service of the living and true God was the proclamation of the coming wrath, i.e. of the impending judgment, which must bring divine punish ment (2, i. 8) upon all who, without knowing the true God, walked in their lusts (1, iv. 5). They had learned that Jesus, who was raised from the dead, was to be looked for as the judge of the world coming from heaven, and that therefore also He alone could deliver from the wrath of God (1, i. 10, 294 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. cf. 2, i. 7 ff). Seeing that he had begun his preaching in Thessalonica in the synagogue, where he proclaimed Jesus as the Messiah promised by God (Acts xvii. 2, 3), Paul could there, following the precedent of the Old Testament (§ 17, b), call Him the Son of God (1, i. 10 ; cf. Qebs iraTijp, 2, i. 2), or even the Christ.1 But although the idea of His glory as a ruler was already implied for the Jewish consciousness in this name (cf. § 39, c, 50, a, 52, c), no sufficient point of contact would have been found in his preaching to the Gentile- Christians for an allusion to Old Testament promise with its picture of the king anointed by God, and therefore in it the name Kiipio<; is always used instead.3 And although this proclamation of the tcvpioTiyi of Christ drew political suspicion upon the apostle in Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 6, 7), yet it is plain from the function of judge of- the world that is assigned to Him, that this ku/hot^? was thought of in the sense of divine sovereignty over the world.3 It is as their divine Lord who has been exalted to heaven, and who comes from heaven, that Jesus can save the Gentiles in the coming judgment; for them, accordingly, His quality as the Mediator of salvation is summed up in this name ; and hence it is this name which is glorified when the converted Gentiles attain, through Him, the completion of salvation (2, i. 12). (b) In this preaching of Paul, which shows to the Gentiles 1 Here also this name, when it stands alone (1, iii. 2 ; 2, iii. 5, and therefore also without the article, 1, ii. 6, iv. 16), or when it is combined with the name Jesus (cf. § 48, a, footnote 1, 52, c, footnote 4), has already become a nomen proprium ; yet 'iwots XputTos, which is so common in Peter, never occurs with out additions (cf. footnote 3). On the other hand, the name is found inverted in the formula h Xpmm 'iwrou (1, ii. 14, v. 18). 2 It is significant that, apart from 1, i. 10, it is only in 1, iv. 14, where the death and resurrection of Jesus are spoken of, that this, His historical personal name, occurs alone. Even in 1, ii. 15, where it is meant to describe the great ness of the sin of putting Him to death, Jesus is called the xip ios ; and through out He is usually called o xipios h^uy (or o xipios) 'l»aiv ; cf. 2, ii. 1 0). For it is of Christ that the glad tidings treat (1, iii. 2 ; 2, i. 8, where tov Xpio-Tov is to be taken as gen. obj.), and it is Christ Himself who has sent forth the messengers whom God has esteemed worthy of such a service (1, ii. 6 : XpiaTov aTroaToXoi), in order that they should bear witness to the divine glory of the exalted Christ, which Paul himself has seen (2, i. 10 : to fiapTvptov rjfioiv). Through this message the call to salvation is now addressed to them (2, ii. 14 : et? o refers to et? o-aTvpiav, ver. 13, = et? to am^eo-dai), and those who have received it (1, i. 6) know themselves as chosen by God out of the mass of the Gentile world (ver. 4). For as, in the Gospels, the knowledge which brings salvation is not obtained without a divine operation (§ 29, d), so here also God is thanked that the readers have received the message, which was addressed to them by the apostles, as a word of God (1, ii. 13). Here also it is the message itself, in its quality as the word of God (1, i. 8 ; 2, iii. 1), which works upon the heart with divine power; only, that while in Peter and James (§ 46, a, 52, b), expression also occurs frequently (a circumstance which Gess, ii. p. 55, over looks), after the manner of the Old Testament, as the name of God, just as in § 39, c, 50, a, 52, c. Thus 1, i. 8 ; 2, iii. 1 : 0 Xoyos tou xipiov = 1, ii. 13 : x'oyos tov 8iou ; 1, v. 27 : lyopxl%u roy xipm ; 2, iii. 3, 5 (cf. ver. 4 : \y xuploi), cf. 1, v. 24 ; 2, iii. 16 : o xipios tyis ilpwvs = 1, v. 23 : o Qios t»s ilpwvs ; 2, ii. 13 : JiyxTv/aivot vto xuplou = t. &iou, 1, i. 4. It is specially characteristic that such an Old Testa ment expression as iipipx xvpiou (1, v. 2 ; cf. 2, ii. 2 : >i V- T°" !i"P-)i in which the xipios- Jehovah is meant there, is transferred, without more ado, to Christ. In such passages as 1, iii. 12, iv. 6, it can scarcely be decided with certainty whether God or Christ is meant (an ambiguity which Hofmann, in loco, even regards as intended), and in 2, iii. 16 it is probable that, as in Jas. v. 14, 15, o xipios is used first of God, and immediately thereafter of Christ. On the other hand, that in 2, i. 12 it is meant to describe Christ as our God and Lord (Hofmann) is little likely, seeing that xipios 'ln? vfiwv ; ver. 1 0 : aaTapriaai t? vuSiv). Those whom God has taken to be His pos session in consecration by the Spirit and in faith in the truth (2, ii. 13) now form His i/acXwo-ia (1, ii. 14; 2, i. 4). (d) From > this it is evident that his preaching as an apostle to the Gentiles is from the first a message of grace, a message which not only promises a salvation which is altogether undeserved, but which also itself works in the obedient that which is most necessary for the attainment of that salvation. But however decidedly the salvation which is to be brought through the exalted Christ (1, v. 9) forms the central point of this message of salvation (note a), yet the mediation of Christ in the grounding of the Christian's state of salvation is still kept strikingly in the background. Only once is it mentioned, and in a very general way, that Christ died for us in order to procure salvation (1, v. 10) ; there is no more particular discussion whatever of the saving significance of His death. Although forgiveness of sins is certainly given to Christians with their consecration to God (cf. note c), it is not traced back to Christ ; the divine sonship of Christians is not grounded upon their justification. It is only because all the hope of Christians ultimately rests in the fatherly love of God (note b), and in the sovereignty of Christ as the Mediator of salvation (note a), that Paul grounds his salutation upon these (1, i. 1 ; 2, i. 1 : iv Qea> iraTpl k. icvp. 'I. Xp.), and begins, in his second Epistle, to derive from both the %apt? Kal elprjvrj which he beseeches for his readers (ver. 2 ; cf. ver. 12 : tcard t. j(dpiv t. Qeov rgxwv ical icvp. 'I. Xp., and 7 The reference of this ipyoy to love (cf. Reuss, ii. p. 184 [E. Tr. ii. 167] ) is ren dered impossible by the uyxT» which stands alongside of it. On the other hand, the 'ipyoy t'kttius of 2, i. 11 appears to stand for every doing which faith involves. § 62. THE DEMANDS OF THE GOSPEL. 299 ii. 16); just as his readers are also commended to the guidance of the grace of Christ (1, v. 28 ; 2, iii. 18), in whose name the completion of their salvation is founded (2, i. 12). It is both that direct the way of the apostle (1, iii. 11) upon which he seeks to help his readers to the perfecting of their faith. It cannot certainly be thought that, when the apostle wrote our Epistles, he had not yet worked out, even in its outlines, that aspect of his doctrine of salvation which treats of the ground ing of salvation through Christ. But it is also certainly not accidental, that in his earliest preaching as an apostle to the Gentiles this aspect is so completely in the background. As the exalted Lord had appeared to himself as the sole Saviour and Mediator of divine grace (§ 58, e), so he preaches Him to the Gentiles, in order to lead them to the way of deliver ance in the approaching judgment. The fuller knowledge which he had received, and which he will receive more and more richly, regarding the interpositions which this revelation of grace presupposes, is reserved for the more thorough instruc tion of believers. His initiatory missionary preaching did not require it ; nor could it communicate it, seeing that its pre suppositions were still awanting in the case of his hearers. § 62. The Demands of the Gospel. The normal development of the life of salvation is con ditioned by the preservation of the condition of being consecrated to God which is established in the believer, a condition which excludes the vicious life of the Gentiles, and includes the fulfilment of the will of God, as it is proclaimed by the apostle by command of Christ, (b) The central point of its demands is, in addition to faith, love to the brethren, as weU as to all men, and hope, which manifests itself in patience and stedfastness. (c) For the fulfilment of these demands, however, God, in answer to their prayer, lends the needed strength, by making the apostobc exhortation efficacious. (d) The Holy Spirit also appears already as the God-given prin ciple of the new life, as well as of inspiration and prophecy. (a) In order that they may be led to salvation, Christians have been translated by God Himself into the condition of being consecrated to Him (§ 61, c) ; and yet, seeing that 300 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. they live in the midst of the sinful world, there is always, manifestly, the danger that they be defiled anew with sin. This very fact implies that an ever progressive sanctification, by means of which they are always anew laying aside that which is not in keeping with their condition as being con secrated to God, is the will of God regarding them (1, iv. 3), and that they must therefore guard themselves against the lusts and sins of the Gentiles, and specially against unchastity and avarice (vv. 3, 6), as well as against every form of evil (v. 22) which defiles men (cf. § 45, d, footnote 6) and makes them unworthy of their condition of belonging to God. For the final attainment of salvation, therefore, it is necessary that man be preserved blameless in the state of holiness (a/ieytt7TT0? ev dyiacrvvg : 1, iii. 13), and that, too, in the judgment of God (euirpoadev tov Qeov), and that thus the condition of being consecrated to God be more and more com pletely realized in him (v. 23 : dyidaat £/ta? oXoTeXeis), by body, soul, and spirit being preserved blameless.1 In the first passage the divine claim is, exactly as in Christ's teaching and in that of the original apostles (§ 26, c, 47, a, 55, b), expressly made upon the heart (o-Trjplgai igiSiv Ta? icapBlas a/xe/i7TTou?, cf. 2, ii. 17, iii. 5), because it is God who proveth the hearts (1, ii. 4), so that every manner of good pleasure in goodness (2, i. 11, in opposition to evBo/celv iv t$ dBifcla, 2, ii. 12) is demanded of Christians. For the Gentiles, however, it is necessary that they should learn what the divinely willed goodness is, in which they are to have delight, and our Epistles show no trace that the apostle has referred them for that knowledge to the Old Testament law. The revelation of the will of God which is appointed for them is given in Christ Jesus (1, v. 18), and that, too, not in any law which Jesus has given during His earthly life (as in § 52, a), but inasmuch as His ambassadors are authorized by Him to 1 In this popular description of man according to all the sides of his nature, especially seeing it is Christians that are spoken of, who are distinguished from other men by the possession of the Spirit of God (§ 61, c), we certainly must not, with Dahne (p. 61), Usteri (p. 415), and Neander (p. 677 [E. Tr. i. 421]), seek a trichotomy. How far this passage is from being regulative of the fully developed Pauline anthropology appears already from the circumstance that its most important idea, that of the o-xpi,, does not occur at all in our Epistles ; ii. 12 : to irepi- •TraTelv a^t'tu? tov Qeov tov koXovvto';). These precepts, accordingly, Paul gives them in the name, i.e. by the com mand, of the Lord Jesus Christ (2, iii. 6), whether they refer to their Christian moral life in general, or to individual special relationships (2, iii. 4, 10 ; 1, iv. 11) ; his exhortation rests in the Lord Jesus, who has given him the necessary authority (1, iv. 1 ; 2, iii. 12), and what they have therefore received from Him (1, iv. 1 ; 2, iii. 6), that they are bound to observe in obedience to his word (2, ii. 15, iii. 14). Thus even the preaching of the apostle has a legal side, according to which it seeks to regulate the Christian moral life of the converted Gentiles. (b) As in the teaching of Christ and of the original apostles (§ 25, 47, a, 52, a), love appears the central point of all the apostle's precepts to such an extent, that even their preservation in holiness is made dependent upon its perfection (1, iii. 12, 13). Alongside of faith, which must also be more and more established and perfected (1, iii. 2, 10 ; cf. § 61, c), it is love which characterizes the gratifying continuance (1, i. 3, iii. 6) and the healthy growth of the Christian life (2, i. 3). If the question is as to the weapons with which Christians must be equipped as children of the day, which has dawned upon them with the light of the Gospel, in order that they may maintain the watchfulness and the sobriety (1, v. 5 ff.) which secure them against the impure motions of sinful inclinations (cf. § 30, b, 46, b), the apostle names, along with the faith which appropriates the enlightening truth of the Gospel, the love which fulfils the fundamental commandment of the Gospel (ver. 8). This love is, in the first place, love of Christians to one another, or brotherly love (1, iv. 9, 10; cf. 2, i. 3); for, as in the teaching of Jesus and in Peter (§ 25, 47, a, 52, a; cf. also § 41, b), Christians are brethren (1, iv. 6, v. 26, 27 ; 2, iii. 6, 15), who are at peace with one another, assist one another (1, v. 13 f), and pray for one another (1, v. 25; 2, iii. 1). But the love of Christians extends not 302 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. only to one another, but also to all men (1, iii. 12); for, following the example of the divine love (2, iii. 5 ; cf. § 25, a, c) which they have experienced, they do not render even unto their enemy evil for evil (l,v. 15).2 In addition to faith and love, hope of salvation in the approaching judgment of the world (v. 8), or in Christ, through whom they have to look for this salvation (i. 3), appears to be characteristic of Christians as distinguished from the Gentiles, who have no hope (1, iv. 13). Because Christians have in this good hope an eternal comfort (2, ii. 16), with which they can also encourage the fainthearted (1, v. 14), the apostle can exhort them to rejoice alway (ver. 16), notwithstanding all the afflictions which they suffer and must suffer (iii. 3, 4 ; cf. Acts xiv. 22), and can point them to the joy with which, as imitators of him and the Lord, they once received the Gospel in much affliction (1, i. 6); because of it he can also sum up all his wishes for them in that of a peace of soul that cannot be shaken (2, iii. 16). This joy which arises from hope will show itself in the patience (1, i. 3) which endures affliction after the example of Christ (2, iii. 5),3 and which is already demanded by Christ and the original apostles (§ 30, a, 46, d, 55, c). With this patience there is then connected faithful ness under the persecutions and afflictions which they have to endure for the sake of the kingdom of God (2, i. 4, 5) ; the Christian does not allow himself to be moved in these afflictions, although the devil attempts to seduce him by them (1, iii. 3, 5 ; cf. § 46, d, note 6) ; he maintains the standpoint which he has taken as a Christian (2, ii. 15: aTrjiceTe) ; he remains stedfast by Christ (1, iii. 8 : o-Tij/ceTe iv Kvpim). Thus this demand also ultimately refers to the maintenance of their faith. 2 When Paul commands Christians to lead a quiet life of labour (1, iv. 11 ; 2, iii. 12), the reason is partly that they may give no offence to their Gentile neighbours (1, iv. 12) ; a point of view which, according to § 47, d, Peter also maintains so emphatically. The exhortation to esteem their superiors highly (1, v. 12, 13) reminds us of § 47, a, footnote 1. 3 Here Ritschl (ii. p. 99, note 4) thinks of their resting their assurance of salvation upon the love of God and Christ's fidelity to His calling ; but, apart from the change of meaning which this interpretation gives to vTo/toyri, it is opposed by the circumstance that, according to the connection with ver. 4, the point in question in his wish is the fulfilment of his confidence that they will do what he has commanded them. § 6.'. THE DEMANDS OF THE GOSPEL. 303 (c) These demands, however, which are made upon the Gentiles who have become believers, are by no means thought of as if they were thereby thrown upon their own resources. Just as, following the precedent of Christ and the original apostles (§ 30, b, 46, a, 55, d), he urges them to pray, with thanksgiving, for themselves (1, v. 17, 18) as well as for one another (1, v. 25 ; 2, iii. 1), a practice in which he himself gives them an example (1, i. 2 ; 2, i. 11), so he thanks God for every progress which his readers have made in the Christian life (1, i. 2, iii. 9 ; 2, i. 3), and thereby traces it back to the working of divine grace. Nor is the assistance of divine grace ever entreated in vain. Upon the faithfulness of God as the one that calls them there is grounded the assurance that He will also lead the Christian to the salvation which He has made him hope for (1, v. 24), by strengthening (o-Tvpl^eiv, as in 1 Pet. v. 10 ; cf. § 46, a) him for the fulfil ment of the necessary conditions, and guarding him from the evil one (2, iii. 3), or by helping him to attain to the com pletion of his sanctification (1, v. 23). It is God who teaches him to show brotherly love (1, iv. 9 : OeoBiBaicToi earre et? to dyairdv dXXrfXovi), and directs his heart unto love and patience (2, iii. 5). He does this, however, by continuing His calling activity through the exhortation of the apostles (1, ii. 11, 12 ; cf. § 61, b, note 4), inasmuch as their word, which has been received as a word of God, is now also pro ducing a further effect in them that believe (ver. 13; cf. iii. 2). So also, of course, the encouragement and strengthening, which the Christian needs for the unhindered development of his Christian life, can be wished from Christ and God at the same time (2, ii. 16, 17, cf. 1, iii. 11). Nevertheless, the doctrine of the living fellowship with Christ, upon which the new life of the Christian rests in the later Pauline system, is still altogether awanting in our Epistles. No doubt the formula (iv XpiaTm or ev icvpia) which was coined later for this idea already appears here ; but it may be reasonably doubted whether it already has its specific meaning.4 4 Certainly this is not the case where the Church is described as being founded in Christ (1, ii. 14). In an altogether similar manner, however, dead Christians are called ol vixpo) iy Xpio-Tx (1, iv. 16), and the Christian overseers Tpoi'o-Txpciyoi ti/xay Iv xupicf (1, v. 12). Although we could take the TiToiSiyxi sv xvploj of 2, iii. 4 304 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. (d) On the other hand, the characteristically developed Pauline doctrine of the working out of the new life in the Christian already appears at another point. In 1, iv. 8 God is described as the one who is continually bestowing His Holy Spirit upon Christians (read : BiBovto) ; and the reason why He is so described is, that it may be brought out how doubly inexcusable it is in one to despise the will of God, which is proclaimed by the apostle, and according to which Christians should more and more sanctify themselves (note a). This Spirit must therefore be conceived of as a spirit which urges men to sanctification from within, as the word of the apostle urges them from without ; and, in keeping with this, sanctifi cation, which is traced back in 2, ii. 13 to the Spirit, must also be already the effectual commencement of a new life. To what an extent, however, the Spirit is conceived of as the divinely-given principle of the new life, appears from 1, i. 6, where the joy of the Christian under affliction is described as the work of the Spirit (however, cf. § 51, c). As in the original apostolic teaching (§ 40, a, footnote 1, 44, h, 46, a; cf. § 18, a, footnote 2), it also appears as that which lends to the apostolic preaching its divine power and efficacy (1, i. 5), and as the principle of the gifts of grace, especially of pro phecy (v. 19, 20). Yet there is always need of proving that which is spoken under spiritual influence (ver. 21), because a lying spirit, sent by the devil, can also inspire man and deceive the Church (2, ii. 2). From the former significance of the Spirit we perceive how it is that God Himself is con ceived of as qualifying man for the fulfilment of His demands, while from the latter we perceive how the apostolic preaching and exhortation can, as the word of God, accomplish its by itself in the sense of the more fully developed Pauline doctrine, yet the con text of this passage, as well as the Txpp-no-io%urlxi \y &tu of 1, ii. 2, shows that we are to think there of his confidence having its ground in God, just as we think here of God being the ground of Christian boldness. The o-rhxuy h xvply of 1, iii. 8 corresponds most of all to the later use of the formula ; but, according to note b, it can also be regarded as meaning stedfast adherence to Christ. On the whole, the use of the formula in our Epistles corresponds rather to that which we observed iu Peter (cf. 1 Pet. v. 14 ; see § 46, c) ; and it is natural to conjecture that we have to do here with a common Christian mode of expression, which denoted, in the first place, only the Christian state as such, and upon which Peter and, later, Paul and John, in a more fully developed manner, have stamped a peculiar meaning in their respective systems of doctrine. § 63. THE PAULINE APOCALYPSE. 305 specific working in the commencement (§ 61, b) as well as in the development of the life of salvation (note c). § 63. The Pauline Apocalypse. Cf. Schneckenburger, "zur Lehre vom Antichrist,'' in the Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie, 1859, 3. Weiss, " Apocalyptische Studien, 2 " (Stud. u. Krit. 1869, 1). While the Gentiles, it is true, often remained disobedient to the Gospel and persecuted its followers, still it was only unbelieving Judaism that had as yet shown itself to be the real seat of radical hostility to Christ, (b) This hostility of Judaism to the Gospel must now increase until it comes to be a total apostasy from God and His law. (c) Not till then could there issue forth from it the pseudo-Messiah, who, with blasphemous arrogance, and equipped with Satanic powers, will seduce the world to believe in his lies, (d) The Eoman government, it is true, still stood as an obstacle in the way of the pseudo-Messianic revolution ; but when once, the Eoman power being overthrown, Antichrist has attained full dominion, then the true Messiah must also come to make an end of His adversary, and even the present generation is to witness this catastrophe. (a) Paul also starts from the fundamental thought of apocalyptic prophecy (cf. § 33, b), that, while the close of the development of the world is brought about by a supernatural interposition of God, yet the moment of this catastrophe is conditioned by the development of the world itself, and especially by mankind having made full the measure of its guilt, and having thus become ripe for judgment. Hence the great day of the Lord, which brings at once the consummation and the judgment, cannot come until evil has reached its fullest development (2, ii. 2, 3). The only question is, where in the historical situation of the apostle could such a develop ment be looked for. That the Gentiles were exposed to the judgment of God on account of their ignorance of the true God, and their dissolute, vicious life, was the presupposition of the whole missionary preaching of the apostle (§ 61, a). That their liability to punishment was increased, if they dis obeyed the summons to believe in the Gospel (2, i. 8), that VOL. i. u 306 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. they were exposed to the righteous judgment of God, if they persecuted and afflicted their fellow-countrymen who had become believers (vv. 4-6), was self-evident; and ever since the commencement of the preaching of the Gospel in Thessa lonica (1, i. 6) they had in many ways made themselves par takers of such guilt (ii. 14, iii. 3, 4). Nevertheless, the apostle, in his activity, had never met with a fundamental opposition from the Gentiles. The evil and unreasonable people, who everywhere stood in his way (aToiroi ical irovrjpol dvOpcoTToi), to be delivered from whom was, in his opinion, the condition of an unhindered activity of the word of God (2, iii. 1, 2), and by whom Satan had already often hindered him (1, ii. 18), were the fanatical Jews. They had for the most part remained disobedient to the Gospel (2, i. 8), they had perse cuted him from the commencement of his missionary activity (Acts ix. 23, 24, 29, xiii. 8, 45), they had everywhere stirred up the heathen populace against him (xiii. 50, xiv. 2, 5, 19, xvii. 5, 13), and had shown themselves his deadly enemies (xviii. 6, cf. 1, iii. 7). It was against their evil calumnies and slanders that he had to defend himself, in the first Epistle, before the young Christian Church, which they sought, by these means, to turn away from their teacher (cf. § 59, a). Therefore the whole wrath of the apostle breaks out against the unbelieving Jews in the middle of that apologetic section (1, ii. 14-16). As they had once slain the prophets, so they have put to death the Lord Himself (cf. Matt, xxiii. 30-34 = Luke xi. 47-49) ; as they have persecuted the Churches in Judea, so they persecute the apostle and his companions ; as they please not God, so they are contrary to all men, inasmuch as they seek to hinder the mission to the Gentiles, and, thereby, their salvation through the preaching of the Gospel. It is as if they wished to make full the measure of their sins (Matt, xxiii. 32), although the wrath of God is already resting upon them (efdaae) in the highest degree (et? t&o?). They are therefore the real opponents of Christ and His Gospel; it is in them that the antichristian principle re veals itself. It is in conscious opposition to the Mediator and finisher of salvation that the sin, which He has come to destroy, must reach its climax. (b) In 2, ii. 3, Paul describes the impending apostasy as § 63. THE PAULINE APOCALYPSE. 307 the point which the development of evil must reach ; for under all circumstances the sin of the apostate is more heinous than the sin of him who has not yet known and served the true God. For this very reason there cannot be any word whatever of an apostasy within the province of heathendom ; that which is spoken of can only be the apostasy of the nation, which, as contrasted with the Gentiles, is the worshipper and servant of the one God. If we could assume that Paul had really thought of the apostasy which is foretold by Daniel (Hofmann in loco), then it would be perfectly clear that it is only an apostasy within the province of Judaism that can be thought of; for the direct transference of that which is pro phesied of the Old Testament people of God to the New Testament Church is not indicated by anything in the sphere of thought of our Epistle ; nor is there the slightest indication in the Epistle itself that Paul expects an apostasy in the Church, while the whole of the description in vv. 3-12 plainly speaks rather of events which take place outside of it, and which affect it only in so far as they ultimately bring about the coming of Christ. Now, in what foUows, this diroaTaala is characterized by dvofiia ; and hence it is as impossible to seek the latter as the former upon the soil of heathendom, which, besides, cannot really be accused of a rejection, in prin ciple, of the law (dvop,la) as the culmination of its sin, seeing that it does not possess the divine vo/j,o<; in the specific sense. Now since, according to 2, ii. 7, the still hidden nature of this highest form of the development of sin (to jjuvaT-^piov- t?j? dvofilas) is already working, and since, according to note a, it was only within the province of Judaism that the apostle had met sin as an antichristian principle, it is only in the hostile opposition of Judaism to the mission to the Gentiles that he can have seen the first motions of that mysterious power, which was one day to reveal itself in the coming apostasy. If Judaism proceeded upon this path, it could not but come, ultimately, to a complete apostasy from the God whom it had hitherto worshipped, but whose Gospel it had rejected, and whose ambassadors it had persecuted. Then, however, that would be revealed, which still appeared concealed, viz. that, in its deepest essence, the nature of this Judaism, which was zealous for the law of God, was hostility to Him and His will ; 308 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. it would be revealed that it was, in principle, dvofila, as the apostle, not without a fearful irony, describes the essence of full-grown hostility to Christ. While the original apostles still hoped to see the consummation of all things coming with the conversion of the whole of Israel (§ 42), the apostle to the Gen tiles, who was persecuted by Jewish fanaticism, and who had, as a Jew, persecuted Christianity himself, conceived the final catastrophe as dependent upon the completion of the obduracy of unbelieving Judaism. Although this view is conditioned by the circumstances of the time, it is, nevertheless, also charac teristic of this period of extreme tension between him and his Jewish past.1 As to the rest, Paul and the original apostles agree in this, that the definitive decision of the Jewish nation with regard to the message of salvation is the condition of the commencement of the end, although it is still hoped by the apostles of the circumcision that that decision will turn out to be different from that expected by the apostle to the Gentiles. (c) As in Daniel, so here also, the highest potentiation of sin is ultimately concentrated in one person, who is described as the man of sin, the son of perdition (2, ii. 3), the adversary (ver. 4), and simply as 6 avofios (ver. 8). By this person some have thought, erroneously, of a Eoman emperor,2 and have attempted to explain the description of this adversary (ver. 4) by means of their apotheoses. But the man of sin who raises himself out of the apostasy of Judaism, and in whom its dvofita, which is still operative in secret, comes to its fullest revelation, can only be a Jew himself, and that, too, the pseudo-Messiah (cf. Sabatier, p. 104). Christ had already 1 For this very reason it need not surprise us if, in Rom. xi., Paul has already given up this view ; and yet this is the only argument which is always being still used against this, the only possible explanation. Gess, indeed (ii. p. 61), also objects that Paul could not have imagined that the Jewish nation would reject the law ; but even according to the representation given above, he is as far from meaning that, as he is from crediting it, according to note d, in ver. 7, with the overthrow of the xsri^v ; for it is not the appearing, but only the full revelation of the uyopos in his antichristian character that follows upon that overthrow (ver. 8). By the mte^w, Gess himself thinks, with Hofmann, of the angel in Daniel, who is allied with the Prince of Israel, and ' ' comes forth from the midst" in due time (p. 67 f.). - In particular, the attempt of Baur to explain the passage, on the assump tion of the spuriousness of our Epistle, as referring to the first appearance of a § 63. THE PAULINE APOCALYPSE. 309 warned against false Messiahs (§ 33, a), and enmity to the true Messiah could not but ultimately come to a head in their setting up a lying imitation in opposition to Him. Since God Himself came to His people in the true Messiah (Luke i. 17, 76), the behaviour of the pseudo-Messiah could only be described as a blasphemous usurpation of divine honour and worship (cf. Mark xiv. 64). The description in 2, ii. 4, which leans upon Dan. xi. 3 6 ff, states that, even when looked at from the standpoint of the Gentiles, he will appear as a blasphemer against the majesty of God, inasmuch as he exalts himself above everything which is called God, and above every object of divine worship, and, finally, to show his divine dignity, sets himself down in the temple of God (at Jeru salem). Even from this it is plain that it is only a Jewish pseudo-Messiah that can be thought of, since this presupposes that he regards the temple at Jerusalem as the dwelling-place of God. The apotheosis of self, which apparently is not in keeping with the Jewish image of the Messiah (cf. also Acts xii. 21, 22), is easily explicable from the circumstance that here it is meant to characterize the blasphemous assumption of the Messianic dignity, in its inmost essence, as an apostasy of Judaism from God and His law (dvofita). This pseudo- Messiah is, however, also the false prophet. Christ had already spoken of false prophets, who would, with lying wonders, tempt men to believe in the false Messiahs (Mark xiii. 21, 22; cf. § 33, a); and the Jewish jugglery of his- time, which Paul had also occasionally come into contact with (Acts xiii. 6—11; cf. viii 9, 10), suggested to him the idea. that this form of the manifestation of evil would also come to false Nero (cf. Theolog. Jahrb. 1855, 2), is altogether mistaken ; for the warn ing of the apostle does not presuppose that they had too hastily taken any one- for the Antichrist ; it rather presupposes the very opposite, viz. that they appeared to have forgotten what events had still to precede the return of Christ (2, ii. 3). Hofmann's opinion is that it refers to the reappearance of Antiochus Epiphanes from the supermundane world ; but for this opinion I can find no reason whatever either in the echoes of the words of Daniel, or in the parallelism with the returning Christ, and, least of all, in the xToxxxiTTio-lxi which is asserted of him, since the latter merely refers to the highest personification of evil, a personification which comes to the light in a historical person, and is described by S xy(p. t. xpcxpr., S xyo/tos. Cf., against this opinion, also Gess, who himself thinks only of a false prophet of Gentile- Christian libertinism (ii. p. 64-67), whose followers are meant in ii. 7, and himself in ver. 3. 310 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. a head in the pseudo-Messiah himself, and that he would in this way imitate the true Messiah with His divine miracles. The avop,os, who for this very reason cannot be thought of as a Eoman emperor, will perform lying wonders by the power of Satan (2, ii. 9), in order thereby to seduce those, who have not received the truth, to believe a lie, and so become ripe for the approaching judgment of God (vv. 10-12). (d) The pseudo- Messiah could only be thought of as the hero of the Jewish revolution, whose outbreak Christ, according to § 33, b, already foresaw. He must proclaim the Messianic kingdom in the sense of fleshly Judaism, and win the dominion of the world for the elect nation, in order that he might then extend his work of temptation over the whole world. It is true there still stood in his way a great obstacle, viz. the Eoman world-power and its civil government. As this had already repeatedly protected the apostle against the attacks and accusations of the Jews, and of the populace which was roused to fanaticism by them (Acts xvii. 5-9, xviii. 12—16, cf. also xvi. 37—39), so he saw in it (2, ii. 6 : to /caTe%ov), or in its representative, the Eoman emperor (ver. 7 : 6 tcaTe^mv), the dam which still stood in the way of the advance of Jewish anti-Christianity, and which was to remain standing in its way till the time appointed (ver. 7) for its revelation (ver. 8). Not until the Jewish revolution had, under its Messiah, who was equipped with Satanic, and therefore with superhuman powers, overthrown this rampart, did nothing more stand in the way of the full unfolding and dominion of the anti- Christian principle ; not until then had the world become ripe for the judgment of Christ who was coming from heaven. "The coming of Christ (rvapovo-ia, 1, ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15, v. 23 ; 2, ii. 1, as in James, § 57, c) necessarily takes place, when once the development of sin in Antichrist has reached the highest point. The coming of Antichrist, which is purposely denoted by the same word, seeing that it is the Satanic counterfeit of the expected coming of the true Messiah to complete the kingdom of God (2, ii. 9), is the immediate occasion of the latter. The judgment can be no longer delayed, when once the measure of guilt has become full ; the coming of Christ must destroy His counterfeit. For that purpose there is no need of a special battle ; He slays him § 64. THE PAROUSIA AND THE COMPLETION OF SALVATION. 311 with the breath of His mouth (cf. Isa. xi. 4), and annihilates him by the mere appearance of His coming (2, ii. 8). No doubt the day of this final catastrophe remains uncertain, because it comes like a thief in the night (1, v. 2, cf. Matt. xxiv., 43) ; but as Jesus held out the prospect of His return even during the current generation (§ 33, a), so Paul also hopes to witness the day of the coming along with the majority of the Church, since he identifies those who are still Eving with him, on the whole, with the ¦irepCXenrofj^voi (1, iv. 15, 17).3 The excitement of men's minds in Thessa lonica, an excitement which had almost reached the point of fanaticism, and which it was only with difficulty that he could suppress (1, v. 1—3 ; 2, ii. 2, iii. 6—15), shows sufficiently with what emphasis Paul had proclaimed the nearness of the return of Christ. § 6 4. The Parousia and the Completion of Salvation. Christ comes down from heaven in divine glory and accom panied by angels, as He Himself has prophesied, (b) The day of the Parousia is the day of the Lord, when the divine judg ment of wrath brings eternal destruction upon all the godless. (c) Those Christians who have died, however, will, after being raised up, be gathered together along with the survivors to the coming Lord, (d) Then commences their enduring life in His fellowship and in the glory of the heavenly kingdom of God. (a) In § 6 3 we have already repeatedly met with echoes of Jesus' words of prophecy, and although it is only in 1, iv. 15 3 The attempts to get4 rid of this clear state of the case by means of exegesis (cf. Holemann, Neue Bibelstudien, Leipzig 1858-1866 ; and, against him, Theolog. Literaturblatt, 1858, No. 45) are always supporting themselves with the argument that Paul could not assume that no more of them would die before the Parousia. But this assumption is not implied even in the right conception of his words ; for even according to it they are not at all meant to answer the question, who will witness the Parousia ; they only assert with respect to the present generation, as contrasted with those that have fallen asleep, what he has to say regarding those who will see it. Whoever, therefore, of the present generation dies (possibly even himself), will then be one of the xm/wiivris ; but without the presupposition that he and the majority of the Church would not die, Paul could never, by means of the Ji/tsTs, have applied to himself and his contemporaries that which he has to say of the « ZfiyTis. 312 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. that he expressly appeals to a word of the Lord, the description which Paul gives of the return of Christ is plainly based upon His discourse regarding His Parousia. Quite in the spirit of the prophecy of Christ he taught the Thessalonians to look for the Son of God from heaven (1, i. 10 ; cf. iv. 16 : KaraBrjcreTai air ovpavov; 2, i. 7), and in 1, iv. 17 it is assumed that He comes in the clouds of heaven (Mark xiv. 62). The glory of His might in which He is then glorified (2, i. 9, 10) is none other than the glory of His Father (Mark viii 38 ; cf. Matt. xxiv. 30), in which He is to appear on the occasion of His return ; and seeing that, although the Jesus who is exalted to be Kvpios already possesses this glory (2, ii. 14), it is then that it is to be first revealed, the Parousia is called the diroicdXvtyK; tov Kvpiov 'Ivaov (i. 7; cf. § 50, c). In this divine glory He is, as in the prophecy of Christ (§19, d), the Lord of the angels ; these accompany Him as the executors of His decrees (2, i. 7), and are called His holy ones (1, iii. 13; 2, i. 10, after Dan. iv. 10). According to 1, iv. 16, the return takes place upon a word of command given by God, while an archangel calls together the angels to form the retinue of Christ, and the trump of God (cf. Matt. xxiv. 31) announces to the whole world the coming of the great day of the Lord. (b) That the day of the return is the day of judgment, is already evident from this, that the wishes of the apostle for the completion of the sanctification of his readers are every where expressed in view of the Parousia (1, iii. 13, v. 23 ; cf. ii. 19). From the connection of 2, ii. 1, 2, however, it is clear that the Old Testament designation of the great Messianic day of judgment (fj rj/iepa tov Kvpiov: Joel ii. 30, 31 ; Acts ii. 19, 20 ; cf. § 40, d) is transferred to it (cf. also 1, v. 2 ; ver. 4: rj r}uepa ; 2, i. 10 : r\ tfuepa i/ceivrj). The annihilation of Anti christ (§ 63, d) is nothing else than the first act of this judgment. Christ appears that day in flaming fire (2, i. 8 : ev Trvpl Xoyo<;), i.e. in the symbol of the divine judgment of wrath (1, i. 10, v. 9 ; cf. § 34, d), as the one who takes ven geance (e/cSt/co?) upon the godlessness and wickedness of the Gentiles (2, i. 8 ; cf. 1, iv. 6), upon their careless and secure worldly life (1, v. 3 ; cf. Matt. xxiv. 37-39 ; see § 33, c), as well as upon their unbelief (2, i. 8, ii. 1 2) and hostility to the § 64. THE PAROUSIA AND THE COMPLETION OF SALVATION. 313 Gospel (2, i. 6). As the judge of the world He brings an eternal destruction upon all the godless (2, i. 9 : oXedpov alcoviov ; cf. 1, v. 3), a destruction which is also called dird>Xeia (2, ii. 3, 10), as in the discourses of Christ and in James (§ 34, c, 57, d). Once it is described, in general, as dXtijrK, in order to set forth, in the same manner as we found in the teaching of Christ and the original apostles (§ 32, d, 51, d, 57, b), the equivalence of the righteous recompense of God in the very expression (2, i. 6, 7).1 (c) According to § 6 2, a, it is to those who are found blame less at His coming that Christ brings salvation from this destruction which is threatened in the judgment (1, iii. 13, v. 23). It is plain that, in his first missionaiy preaching, Paul had, no more than Christ and the original apostles (§ 34, b, 50, c, footnote 5), spoken expressly of the fate of the dead, seeing that he still hoped to live to -see the Parousia along with all the faithful (§ 63, d). Hence the first cases of death in the young Church at Thessalonica had given rise to the apprehension (1, iv. 13) that the dead would either not at all be partakers of this salvation, or not in the same manner as the survivors, but that the latter would rather have some advantage over the former. Now Paul refers them, 1 Since the double-sided recompense which Christ is to bring to the ixifatns as well as to the tXifiopciyoi is expressly described as that which is Vixxioy Txpx %iZ, the righteous judgment of God (ver. 5) must consist in this same double-sided equivalent recompense, a recompense which brings to the former the txi-^is which they have brought upon others, and to the latter relief from that which they suffer. It is in vain that, in opposition to this, Ritschl (ii. p. 113 f.) seeks to maintain his false conception of the idea of lixtutcmv (cf. § 50, d, foot note 6) ; for not only through the prominence given to this equivalence in ver. 6, but also directly in ver. 8 f., the fate of the ixlfioyris in this judgment is described as a punishment and not as " a means for the completion of the salvation of the Pxifiouiyoi ; " and, indeed, this consummation is thought of as an exaltation into the kingdom of God, and therefore as altogether independent of that punishment. The xvins which is promised them as a recompense is not even described as a deliverance from those that afflict them. For the very reason, however, that, as Ritschl remarks in note 7, their reception into the kingdom of God itself is not thought of as a recompense (and therefore not as a judicial act), the righteous ness of the divine judgment cannot come into consideration at all as "the consistent behaviour which guarantees the completion of salvation to the pious ; " and that the recompense of the Ixlfioyns is mentioned first, "although the interest of the pious is, primarily, in their own fate," only shows how, in the mind of the apostle, it is the recompense of punishment that is mainly implied in the idea of the hxxlx xplo-is. 314 THE GOSPEL AS THE WAY OF DELIVERANCE FROM JUDGMENT. in ver. 15, to the word of Christ, according to which alt His elect will be gathered together around Him at His return (Matt. xxiv. 31 ; cf. § 33, c). To this end the Christians who are dead will then rise first (ver. 16). The irpwTov is by no means meant to contrast this resurrection with a second general resurrection, which would be separated from the first by a thousand years' reign. It rather appears from the con text that what is to be made prominent by it is only, that, by this resurrection, the dead will be placed on a level with the survivors, before the hour of blessedness has struck for the latter, and that therefore these can in no wise precede the former (ver. 15). Then the survivors, along with the dead who have been thus raised up, will be caught up in the clouds and borne into the air, in order to meet the Lord who is descending from heaven (ver. 17). Nothing, however, is indicated as yet as to the manner in which their earthly bodies are made capable of such an emancipation from the limits of the earthly life. Thus, then, there is effected that gathering together of the elect unto Christ (2, ii. 1 : ¦qfi&v iTriavvayooyr] eV ainov), with which their salvation from the world, which is delivered up to destruction, as well as their greatest blessedness, commences. (d) The life, which the saved attain to according to the preaching of the original apostles (§ 50, c, 57, d; cf. § 34, h), is here more particularly described as an enduring (irdvTOTe) life in fellowship with the Lord (1, iv. 17). So certainly as we beEeve that Jesus has risen again from the dead, will God through this Jesus, who has risen again, and who has thereby been exalted to be the Mediator of salvation, one day bring with Him those who are fallen asleep (ver. 14). From this it naturally follows that they will then find themselves in a condition which is analogous to that of the exalted Christ. Where God will bring them is not said. But as it is by no means indicated that Jesus leaves His heavenly dwelling- place at the Parousia, in order to receive dominion in an earthly kingdom, ver. 17 can only be understood to mean that they will be brought to meet the Lord, not for the pur pose of fetching Him down to earth, but to be led home by Him. And since the dead and the Eving are one day to live together with Him (v. 10), the former, however, being raised § 06. HUMAN AND DIVINE RIGHTEOUSNESS. 315 up by a resurrection which is of the same nature as that of Christ (iv. 14), and therefore not to an earthly, but to a heavenly life, every thought of an earthly reign of Christ is excluded ; here too, rather, the completed kingdom of God, to which believers are caEed (1, ii. 12 ; 2, i. 5), is plainly conceived of as a heavenly kingdom such as Christ had held out the pro spect of (§ 34, a; cf. the BaaiXeia of James, § 57, d, and the icXi)povo/j.ia of Peter, § 50, c). It is there also, accordingly, that they attain to participation in the divine glory (1, ii. 12), or in the glory of the exalted Christ (2, ii. 14), as in Peter. It by no means follows, however, that Paul has here already worked out the idea of So^a, which he had received from the original apostolic preaching (cf. § 50, c, note 5), in the more definite manner in which this is done in his later system. SECTION II. THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM OF THE FOUR GREAT DOCTRINAL AND CONTROVERSIAL EPISTLES. CHAPTEE II. UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. § 65. Hitman and Divine Righteousness. From his Pharisaic past Paul had already brought with him the view, according to which everything depends in religion upon the realization of righteousness, (b) Eighteous- ness, however, is that condition of man in which he corre sponds with the rule of the- truth or of the will of God, which is revealed in the law. (c) The righteousness of God consists in this, that, without respect of persons, He judges and recom penses man according to his doing, (d) The summum honum, which He bestows wherever righteousness has been realized, is the life which has no end. 316 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. (a) That it was through the exalted Christ alone that salvation was to be obtained in the judgment, and that this salvation was assured to him ever since God had, in a wonderful manner, converted him to believe in His Son, — this was the saving fact from which the development of the Christian consciousness of Paul, as well as his preaching of the gospel, started. But since we saw that, in his earliest preaching to the Gentile Christians, the question as to the manner, in which such a salvation through Christ had become possible and necessary, was still kept altogether in the back ground (§ 61, d), it is only gradually that, in the development of his consciousness, the need of a complete answer to this question will have made itself felt; and since the form of teaching, which he has coined in this respect, is manifestly conditioned by his opposition to the Judaistic movement, it is very natural to assume that it was in his conflicts with that movement that Paul first gave his teaching its characteristic shape. Now it is true that even the Judaistic movement did not deny that it was through Christ that salvation was brought; but by making participation in that salvation dependent, for the Gentiles, upon their incorporation with the people of the promise, an incorporation which had to be purchased by the acceptance of circumcision and the law, it was always giving fresh support to the idea that salvation was somehow or other also brought about by a human perform ance, while Paul had from the first received and proclaimed it as a gift of free divine grace. In order to put an end for ever to such an aberration, the question had to be thoroughly discussed, upon what the salvation and destruction of man in the judgment really depended; for, from the answer that was given to this question, it must then further appear, whether the condition of eternal salvation is to be satisfied or not by a human performance, and whether the manner in which Christ has satisfied it still leaves room for any human per formance whatever. If, in his earliest preaching as an apostle to the Gentiles, Paul could simply count upon their conscience bearing him testimony, when he assumed the lost condition of aU men in view of the approaching judgment, he must now enter more particularly into the question, how such a wretched condition has been brought about, and why it is § 65. HUMAN AND DIVINE RIGHTEOUSNESS. 317 that man cannot himself perform that which is necessary for his salvation. If he could formerly simply assume that it was through the Christ, the proclamation of whom in the gospel was to lead the Gentiles to the way of deliverance, that salva tion must also be grounded, it must now be more particularly shown, in how far salvation was grounded through Him in such a manner as was sufficient and excluded all other means, and also how thereby that was effected which men could not effect for themselves. The idea, however, around which the whole of this further development of the Pauline theology turns, is the idea of righteousness ; it is in it, therefore, that that fundamental condition of salvation must lie.1 Yet Paul has by no means formed this idea himself. Even the polemic which Jesus made upon the Pharisaic mode of interpreting Scripture (Matt. v. 20) shows that they gave special attention to the question of righteousness. Paul had brought this idea with him from his Pharisaic past ; even as a Pharisee he had busied himself specially with the question, how man could attain to righteousness ; and, to him, this had not been a question of the school, but a question of life. To him the idea of righteousness was no idea formed by reflection, it was the received expression for that which his deepest religious need desired. As soon, therefore, as he once reflected more particularly upon the grounding of salvation in Christ, the only question for him to consider could only be, why man does not possess and cannot attain to righteousness of himself, and in how far it is to be attained through Christ and through Him alone. 1 Certainly we cannot say with Baur (p. 132) that Paul has defined the nature of religion by means of this term, in order that he may be able to subsume Judaism and Christianity under a higher idea, and so contrast them with one another. It is true, however, that this term denotes for him the highest religious-ethical ideal, the realization of which every religion must ultimately strive after, because it is only in consequence of its realization that man knows himself to be standing in that right relation to God which guarantees his salva tion. According to the context of 1 Cor. vii. 19, there is no doubt that the primary meaning of the verse is only, that that which is of importance is not the possession or want of circumcision per se, but only that each one fulfils the commandment of God, according as it bids him continue in the concrete relation ships of his life circumcised or uncircumcised (vv. 17, 18) ; but inasmuch as circumcision and uncircumcision are so often, for the apostle, expressions for the two pre-Christian religions, he could not state the proposition so generally, if the thought were foreign to him, that the aim of every religion is ultimately the fulfilling of the diviue will, i.e., however, the realizing of righteousness. 318 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. (b) Paul nowhere explains the meaning of the term righteousness ; he assumes it as known and granted. It is altogether vain, however, to seek to explain it by means of the classical meaning of the word Bucaioo-vvt], as even Schmid does (ii. p. 241 [E. Tr. p. 430]); the origin of the idea is rather to be sought in the Old Testament. There P"JJf or n^V denotes, first of aE in the physical sense, that which is straight, normal. In Lev. xix. 36, pnv ^K», ?Vl vnx are right balances and weights ; in Ps. xxiii. 3, PTC v|VP are right, straight paths; and in Joel ii. 23, God gives the rain i"1!?"!??, i-e. according to a normal measure. Applied to that which is moral, the word denotes the normal character of moral conduct. Looked at from the religious point of view, however, the rule of moral conduct is not the nature of man himself or his relation to other men, but the nature or will of God and man's relation to Him. He alone is righteous, who is righteous in the judgment of God (Bom. ii. 13 : oY/eato? irapd Qem ; cf. 2 Thess. i. 6 : Bltcaiov Trapd Qea>). Eighteous- ness, therefore, is not an individual virtue, in accordance with which we give, in word and deed, to each man that which is his due; it is the quality or condition of man in which he corresponds with the rule of the divine will.2 So Deut. vi. 2 5 already explains the meaning of the term njJiy j so we found it in the teaching of Jesus (§ 24, a), in Peter and James (§ 45, c, 53, h). But while here the pious men of the Old Testament are throughout called BUaioi, without its being thereby assumed that their religious-ethical life was of an absolutely normal character, Paul, who had already learned in his Pharisaic past to seek the essence of salvation-bringing righteousness in the most painful fulfiEing of 'the divine will, has given the term a more precise dogmatic meaning, and, with the term so defined, has then raised the question as to the way of obtaining salvation. If, however, the question is as to the absolutely perfect fulfilment of the divine will, then the knowledge of it, or the truth, is of primary import- 2 In Rom. vi. 13 the antithesis of "bixxioeim is xSixlx ; and although this word, along with others from the same root, is also used of unrighteousness in the narrower sense (Gal. iv. 12 ; 1 Cor. vi. 7, 8 ; 2 Cor. xii. 13, vii. 2), it usually stands, in the comprehensive sense, for the opposite of that normal condition (1 Cor. xiii. 6, vi. 1, 9 ; Rom. i. 18, 29, ii. 8 ; cf. 2 Thess. ii. 10, 12). § 65. HUMAN AND DIVINE RIGHTEOUSNESS. 319 ance.3 Now, however, the Jews possess a copied representa tion (fi6pcpcoai<;) of the truth in the Old Testament law (Eom. ii. 20) with its ordinances (ii. 26, viii. 4), inasmuch as it teaches them to know the normative will of God, and to prove thereby the difference between good and evil (ii. 1 8 ; cf. xii. 2). Accordingly, the truth which is revealed in the law states, in conformity with the divine will, what is good and evil, in order that, in consequence of its demand, the former may be done.4 In the estimation of him who had been a Pharisee, and who looked speciaEy at the legal side of the Old Testament revelation, righteousness was to be attained only by the doing of the good which is described in the law as the will of God, just as, in his opinion, even the remnant of morality, which is to be found in heathendom, is a iroieiv Ta tov vofxov (Eom. ii. 14). It is by no means 3 The truth in the absolute sense is that which we really know of God and divine things in consequence of revelation, and therefore in an authentic manner. Thus, in Rom. i. 25, h xXhhtx tou @iou stands for the true nature of God as known in consequence of the revelation of nature (cf. i. 18 : « xxUux simply) ; and in 2 Thess. ii. 10, 12, 13, Gal. v. 7, 2 Cor. iv. 2, vi. 7, n xxMux is the substance of the divine will relating to salvation as revealed in the Gospel (cf. Gal. ii. 5, 14 : k xxM. rou ilxyy.xiou). Elsewhere h xXriiux likewise denotes the agreement of a matter of fact with a statement or a judgment (2 Cor. xii. 6, vii. 14 ; Rom. ix. 1 ; cf. Rom. ii. 2), corresponding with the adjective xXnhy'os (1 Thess. i. 9), or, conversely, the agreement of a human statement with the matter of fact, i.e. subjective truthfulness (1 Cor. v. 8 ; 2 Cor. vii. 14, xi. 10 ; Rom. iii. 7, xv. 8), corresponding with the adjective ikiHs (2 Cor. vi. 8 ; Rom. iii. 4). If now, to the apostle, the principal matter in religion is not any theoretical knowledge of the divine nature, but the knowledge of the divine will, inasmuch as its fulfilment produces righteousness, then, to him, the leading import of all truth will be the substance of this divine will, and thus the truth can be thought of as an ethical principle, as the rule of righteousness. In this sense iTuSiiy tji xXnklx, stands opposed to Tiiho-lxi t£ xiixia. (in the com prehensive sense, Rom. ii. 8 ; cf. 1 Cor. xiii. 6), and in 2 Cor. xiii. 8 it is the truth which is realized by to xxXoy Toi(iy (ver. 7 = tou7v xxxoy ,k»Sw). 4 This more general description of that which makes up the contents of right eousness is found by no means unfrequently. Paul speaks of the doing of that which is good (n xyxi'oy, Gal. vi. 10 ; 2 Cor. v. 10 ; Rom. ii. 10, vii. 19, ix. 11, xiii. 3 ; cf. Rom. xii. 9, 21 ; 1 Thess. v. 15) or honourable (to xxxiy, Gal. vi. 9 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 7 ; Rom. vii. 18, 21 ; cf. Gal. iv. 18; 2 Cor. viii. 21; Rom. xii. 17; 1 Thess. v. 21 ; 2 Thess. iii. 13), and of ipyx xyxli. (2 Cor. ix. 8 ; Rom. ii. 7, xiii. 3 ; 2 Thess. ii. 17). On the other hand, cf. the analogous expressions : tpxuXoy Tpxro-uy (Rom. ix. 11) or ™ Toynpiy (Rom. xii. 9 ; cf. Gal. i. 4 ; 1 Thess. v. 22), t»- xxxh woiuy (2 Cor. v. 10, xiii. 7 ; Rom. ii. 9, iii. 8, vii. 19, xiii. 4, 10 ; cf. 1 Cor. x. 6, xiii. 5 ; Rom. xii. 17, 21, xiv. 20, xvi. 19 ; 1 Thess. v. 15), 'ipym xxxoy (Rom. xiii. 3). 320 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. implied in this that righteousness is conceived of only as an external performance as distinguished from the disposition (cf. Eeuss, ii. p. 22 [E. Tr. ii. p. 18]) — a perversity which lay, no doubt, in the practice, but by no means in the principle of Pharisaism; but it is implied that it is looked at as a righteousness which is to be realized by a human performance, and to be attained by a definite course of conduct. (c) It is only in Eom. iii. 5 that, for reasons which lie in the context, the term Bucaioavvr] is so applied by Paul to God that, as in the case of man, it denotes the normal behaviour in general.5 But even here it by no means denotes " the consistency of God's way of acting " in abstracto, and still less in its one-sided reference to the men who are appointed to salvation (Eitschl, ii. p. 115) ; it denotes the character of His behaviour as corresponding with the rule set up by Himself. Since this, however, is really self-evident, the righteousness of God is usually spoken of only in reference to the fact that, in His judgment of men, and in His behaviour towards them, He binds Himself to the rule of justice which He has set up (cf. § 50, d, footnote 6), i.e. it is thought of almost exclusively as judicial, as is also most frequently the case in the Old Testament (Ps. vii. 11, ix. 4; Jer. xi. 20; cf. Ps. xcvii. 2, Ixxxix. 14). He wiE judge the world in righteousness (Acts xvii. 31). It is not because " He visits the unrighteous also with His wrath, instead of leading all men to salvation by His righteousness" (Eitschl, ii. p. 115), but because the un righteousness of men only contributes to the establishing of the righteousness of God, and is thus in keeping with the 5 In Rom. iii. 4, viz., the point in question is that, by keeping His word even though men are unfaithful, God proves Himself to be true (cf. ver. 7 : h xxMux tov 6iov), while every one who maintains that the unfaithfulness of men could do away with the faithfulness of God is made a liar. In this case, therefore, ¦ the unfaithfulness of men only contributes to the manifesting of the faithful ness of God under the severest test ; and since, in ver. 5, the former is looked at under the general point of view of xb'ixix, the latter is, by way of contrast, called "hmxioo-iyvi, because truthfulness, or the keeping of his word, is, in the case of man, a part of his moral normal behaviour. Here, however, the transference of this idea to God was natural in consequence of the circumstance that, in the passage quoted in ver. 4 (Ps. Ii. 4), God was, with a daring anthropomorphism, represented, as it were, as an accused person who is found innocent (righteous) in the judgment, and therefore comes forth from it as a conqueror. Even here, on the other hand, %ixxio^»), i.e. by its fulfilment, the bond is broken which connects us with Christ (xxTnpyvfaTt xto tov Xpurrov) considered as the ground of our salvation ; there likewise ceases our connection with divine grace (tks X«-piros \\it'wxti, Gal. v. 4) ; in that case it has nothing more to do to us, since, § 66. THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF A RIGHTEOUSNESS OF OUR OWN. 325 be a matter of certainty to the Christian consciousness, that no man is declared to be righteous in God's sight on the ground of the law (Gal. iii. 11), i.e. that no man will ever be justified before God on account of works of the law (Eom. iii. 20). (o) The impossibility of becoming righteous by means of works of the law can, however, also be proved by facts. This impossibility, indeed, is by no means owing to the circum stance that works of the law are in themselves an imperfect fulfilment of the divine will, as if by its fulfilment were under stood only an external performance of all manner of prescrip tions from sensuous motives, as even Neander (p. 660 ff. [E. Tr. i. 418 ff.]) and Usteri (p. 57 ff.) think (cf. on the other hand, Pfleiderer, p. 78 [E. Tr. i. 77]). Nowhere does Paul distinguish between the doing of the law, which, accord ing to Eom. ii. 13, can of itself justify, and the works of the law, by which no one is justified (iii. 20). If the law were not the perfect revelation of the divine will (which, however, it is according to § 65, b), then only a completion of the law, and not a new way of salvation, would be given in Christianity. Paul, however, who was well aware that the law demands the love of our neighbour (xiii. 10) and forbids wicked lusts (vii. 7), cannot have understood by the demands of the law a sum of external rules.2 The works of the law, per se, could there fore easily justify, if they only existed ; and they should do so, for the law was given unto life (vii. 10) ; but, as a matter of fact, they never exist to such an extent that they could alone secure the righteousness of man.3 Paul starts from the fact of according to His righteousness, God already declares the doer of the law to be righteous. 2 It is also altogether arbitrary to understand by the 'ipyx per se, or by the miuy and Tpxa-o-iiy which the law demands, mere external performances. Among the %fyx t*s o-xpxis (Gal. v. 19), which are described in ver. 21 as a, Tpxo-o-uy, there are counted also such dispositions as 'ixfy"> &*-<'*< Ovp'S, Ipihlx tptiyos (cf. 2 Cor. xi. 15), and, conversely, even the preaching of the gospel (1 Cor. iii. 13-15, xv. 58, xvi. 10) and every truly Christian mode of living (Gal. vi. 4 ; 2 Cor. ix. 8) are 'ipyx ; yea,' Paul even speaks, in 1 Thess. i. 3, of an ipyoy tUtiois. 3 Paul asserts the solidarity of all the individual commandments of the law as decidedly as Jesus (§ 24, c) and James (ii. 10). Whoever once submits himself to the law by the acceptance of circumcision, thereby comes under the obligation of keeping the whole law (Gal. v. 3) ; and the law pronounces its curse upon every one who does not keep all its commandments (iii. 10, after Deut. xxvii. 26). 326 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. experience, that no one has kept all the commandments ; for all have sinned (Eom. v. 12), all fall short of the glory which God bestows when He declares one to be righteous (iii. 23), and stand under the curse of the law which excludes the blessing of Abraham (Gal. iii. 9, 10).4 The moral corruption of heathendom, as Paul describes it in Eom. i., required no proof ; but even the Jews, notwithstanding all their apparent zeal for the law, nevertheless fail to keep it (ii. 1, 2), and that, too, not because their fulfilment is an external one and proceeds from impure motives, but because, in their doing, they trans gress the simplest commandments, such as the sixth and seventh (vv. 21, 22), and by this transgression dishonour the law of God, whose honour demands the keeping of His com mandments (ver. 23). What experience teaches, Scripture confirms. In a series of Old Testament passages (Eom. iii. * Ritschl (ii. p. 306, 311), indeed, maintains very emphatically that the actual non-fulfilment of the law, or the impossibility of fulfilling it, was not, for the apostle, the real ground of the impossibility of justification by the works of the law and of the appointment of a new way of justification. But from the argu mentation in Gal. iii. 11, 12, to which he appeals, it only follows that the thoroughgoing non-fulfilment of the law, which can never be proved empiri cally, is, a priori, a matter of certainty to the apostle, because of the incompati bility of faith as the condition of salvation, which is borne witness to in prophecy, with the condition of doing which is stipulated in the law. Pfleiderer (p. 78 [E. Tr. i. 77] ) is right in distinguishing this logical ground from that real ground ; but we cannot even say that the latter was for Paul "only secondary and derived, " since he felt the need of seeking to discover an actual proof of that of which he was, & priori, assured (note a). Above all, however, that assertion of Ritschl's rests upon the altogether untenable presupposition that the discus sions in Rom. ii. 6-13 were only an argumentum e concessis, which was meant to refute the Pharisaic assumption of a double-sided recompense of reward and punishment (p. 152, 155). The Pauline thesis, that, according to the original appointment of God, man could and should be justified by works of the law only in consequence of a righteous recompense, rests no doubt upon his conception of the Old Testament, which, according to § 58, b, looks one-sidedly at its legal side (cf. Ritschl, p. 305, 308) ; but its force is by no means weakened, as Ritschl (p. 314) thinks, by the circumstance that, according to it (under the empirical circumstances), a>universal punishment would be necessary. Paul rather finds in that very circumstance a proof of that of which he was convinced, d priori, viz. of the necessity of a new way of justification. For this very reason, neither is there in Rom. ii. 6-13 any " antinomy " with liis doctrine of the impossibility of the fulfilling of the law ; for the imagined "ordinary moral and specially Jewish legal view," from which this passage is written according to Pfleiderer (p. 79 [E. Tr. i. 78] ), is, according to the apostle, only the expression of that original appointment of God, which was hindered from attaining its purpose by the coming in of human sin. § 06. THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF A RIGHTEOUSNESS OF OUR OWN. 327 10-18) Paul finds a description of the universal sinfulness of man ; for in ver. 1 9 he declares expbcitly that, according to the intention of Scripture, the Jews should apply these passages also to themselves ;5 and, according to Gal. iii. 22, the Scrip ture has shut up everything under sin, by declaring that all men, with all that they do, are equally sinful. This very fact is likewise the presupposition of the preaching of Jesus (§21, a), as well as of the original apostles, only that for Paul, with his idea of Bucaiocrvvrj (§ 65, h), it involves also the impossi bility of the realization of righteousness on the part of man. If it belongs to the idea of righteousness that the religious- ethical life be absolutely normal, then every experience teaches that no man is St/cato?. (c) This experience, however, to which there is no excep tion, must have a deeper reason. This Paul finds in the circumstance that man is dominated by a power which hinders him from fulfilling the law, and therefore from realizing righteousness. This is the power of d/iapTta. Whoever makes himself a servant of sin has thereby freed himself from righteousness (Eom. vi. 20) and made his members weapons of dBiKia (ver. 13), by means of which, therefore, there is realized, not the divinely-purposed Biicaioavvrj, but dBiicia.e So long as man stands under the control of this power of sin (Eom. iii. 9, cf. Gal. iii. 22), so long as it has an absolute 5 With altogether untenable exegetical reasons, Ritschl (ii. p. 315 f.) denies that this verse refers to what precedes it. He does so, in order to find in it the thought that the law (in the narrower sense) has only the design of making the whole world liable to punishment, so that it could not, in the judgment of Christians, be looked at as the original way of attaining to righteousness. But this statement regarding the design of the law has no connection whatever with the preceding discussion ; and even it would by no means prove that it was only hypothetically or dialectically (for the purpose of refuting it) that Paul had pre viously asserted the significance of the law as the measure for the double recompense (cf. footnote 4). For it would still be meant only from the empirical point of view, and would therefore by no means exclude the possibility that, supposing the law were fulfilled, it would award life to7s h yi/ap, just as it now delivers them over to the judgment. 6 When the thought of Rom. vi. 13 is resumed in ver. 19, sin is described according to its essence, partly as moral pollution (cf. i. 24), partly as an express negation of the divine will (xyou-lx ; cf. 2 Cor. vi. 14, where it is opposed to "Sixxioo-im), wherefore the development of sin reaches its climax in the revelation of the xyopoos (2 Thess. ii. 8, cf. § 63, c). The individual manifestations in which sin is realized (i^xpTixi : Gal. i. 4 ; 1 Cor. xv. 3, 17 ; Rom. vii. 5 ; cf. 1 Thess. ii. 16; Col. i. 14; Eph. ii. 1; xp.xpTr,fixrx : 1 Cor. vi. 18; Rom. iii. 25) are 328 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. dominion over him (Eom. v. 21 : BaaiXevei) and makes him its weak slave (vi. 17, 20), he cannot realize the righteousness, the opposite of which it is the endeavour of the power of sin to realize. The original apostles already teach that he is dominated by this power (§ 46, b, 52, h), only Paul has with greater psychological precision analyzed the manner in which man comes to be conscious of this state of bondage. The power of sin, which is in man, is apparently dead, until it gives the first indication of its vitality by exciting evE lust in him (vii. 8).7 Lust is neither sin itself, since it is by sin that it is produced, nor is it the only form in which sin appears ; but it is that form in which the nature of sin as a power which dominates man comes out most distinctly. For lust obtains the mastery of man and puts him into a passive condition, it begets the 7ru#o? eVi#u/t/a? (1 Thess. iv. 5 ; cf. Eom. i. 26: Trady aTtyat'a?), the TraQrifxaTa (GaL v. 24: Trad/gj-ara ical iiridv/^lai ; Eom. vii. 5 : nvadrgjiaTa TOiV dp.apTioov). Through this passive condition, into which lust puts him, man becomes conscious of the power of sin, which dwells in him (Eom. vii. 17, 20), as a power which is distinct from his ego, and which is able to stir up in him something which he does not recognise as his own, in opposition to which he feels himself, not free, but dependent, not active, but passive. Of his own accord he would not do that which called transgressions (iv. 15 : o! . . . ovx io-Tiy yo/tos, o'vTi Txpx^xo-is ; cf. Gal. ii. 18 ; Rom. ii. 25, 27) when there is a reference to the law which forbids it (Gal. iii. 19 ; Rom. ii. 23), or to an express commandment of God (v. 14). But sin remains punishable even when it cannot be accounted a transgression on the ground of a positive commandment forbidding it (Rom. v. 13, 14, cf. ii. 12). The expression TxpxTTu/ix also denotes primarily the transgression of a positive commandment (Rom. v. 15, 17, 18, 20, xi. 11, 12) ; but it stands also for sins in general (Gal. vi. 1 ; 2 Cor. v. 19 ; Rom. iv. 25, v. 16 ; cf. Col. ii. 13 ; Eph. i. 7, ii. 1, 5). 7 By lusts (intvpclxi) Paul, like Peter and James (§ 46, b, 56, a), understands, not the natural appetites of the body, because in empirical humanity these no longer appear as such, but the sinful, godless inclinations (Rom. i. 24), whether these be of a sensuous or of a spiritual nature. He purposely quotes the Old Testament commandment against sinful lust (Ex. xx. 17 ; Deut. v. 21) in such a manner, that it is not any definite objects of lust, but the iTilvpoiiy as such that he calls forbidden (vii. 7). In his sense every lust is a product of sin (ver. 8), which compels us to obey the lusts of the body (vi. 12) ; every natural appetite may be perverted by sin into an ItiSv/iIx (xiii. 14). Such passages as 1 Thess. ii. 17 and Phil. i. 23 have naturally nothing to do with this technical use of the word iTilvpolx. § CO. THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF A RIGHTEOUSNESS OF OUR OWN. 329 is evil, as soon as he has learned from the divine law to know that which is good ; and now, seeing that, along with the law, he must condemn his own unlawful deeds, he consents to the law that it is good (vii. 16). As it is only in that which is good that the law has pleasure, so he delights with the law in that which is good (ver. 22), he would do good (ver. 21). But this volition remains inoperative, it never comes to per formance (ver. 1 8). He does not do the good which he would, but the evil which he would not (vv. 15, 19). This incomprehensible self-contradiction (ver. 15 : o xaTepydfruai, ov yiyva>crica>) is solved only by the assumption that a foreign power dwells in man (vv. 17, 20), viz. the power of sin. This always makes evil so present to him who would do good, that he first of all lays hold of the former, and must do so (ver. 21). In the conflict between sin and the better volition, the former always remains victorious, and brings man, as to his better ego, into captivity under its law, so that he must serve it (vii. 23, 25), and feels himself as sold into slavery to it (ver. 14). What the apostle thus states to be his own expe rience, he can also regard as the universal experience of man. If the sin which exists in man always attains supremacy even where, in consequence of the revelation of the law, and of such a very high estimation of it as was found in him as a Pharisee, there exists the knowledge and the willing of that which is good, it must exercise this dominion everywhere, and only the more absolutely wherever this knowledge or willing of that which is good is obscured or awanting. (d) In consequence of this subjection to sin, which hinders them from realizing righteousness, men are exposed to the judgment of God (Eom. iii. 19, 20), who demands BiKaioavvrj, and must therefore, in His righteousness, punish its absence, just as He recognises its presence by His judgment and behaviour (§ 65, c). This execution of justice God has reserved to Himself (Eom. xii. 19, after Deut. xxxii. 35); it is the necessary expression of His wrath (xiii. 4 : eicBiico'i et? 6pyr;v) against sin ; and they are to give place to this wrath by not anticipating it in avenging themselves. The law works this wrath, inasmuch as it gives man's sin the character of a transgression of its express commandment (iv. 15); it is revealed, however, against all dSiicia (i. 18), even where sin 330 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. is not accounted irapaBaaK (v. 13, 14), because committed by such as had no positive law which condemns sin as punishable (ii. 12). The judgment of God, from which the evil-doer is not to imagine that he will escape (ii. 3), is nothing else than an expression, on the day of wrath and of the revelation of the righteous judgment of God, of the divine wrath which he has heaped up for himself by his transgression of the law (vv. 5, 8).8 As in the original apostolic preaching (§ 50, d, 57, d), so also in Paul, physical death expressly appears, according to the Old Testament view, as the punishment appointed for sin (vi. 21, 23, vii. 5, viii. 10) in consequence of the judicial ordinance of God (Bucatooaa, i. 32).9 No doubt, however, death as distinguished from life in the pregnant sense (§65, d) can be thought of only as a death to which there is' no termination (by means of the resurrection), which s Although it is in the day when God judges the world as the righteous One, that this wrath will, as it were, discharge itself upon the sinner (Rom. iii. 5, 6, v. 9, ix. 22), yet preliminary revelations of it are not excluded (i. 18). The attempt of Ritschl (ii. p. 142 ff.) here, as well as in 1 Thess. ii. 16 (where the allusion to Zeph. i. 18, even if it were not incapable of being proved, is far from being sufficient to preserve "the eschatological meaning of the divine wrath "in the " judgment in the present time"), to conceive of the revelation of wrath as eschatological, by regarding ii. 5 as a resumption of i. 18, breaks down on the impossibility of taking together i. 32— ii. 4 (p. 145), since the xplyoins tsv 'iTipoy of ii. 1 cannot possibly be identical with the iTiyy'oyns of i. 32, who even o-vyiv%oxouiriy to~s Tpxmrovm (cf. also xiii. 4, where the authorities as the servants of God are ministers of the divine wrath in their execution of justice). It is altogether unjustifiable to make the salvation of believers from the judgment of wrath (Rom. v. 9 ; cf. 1 Thess. v. 9) refer to their preservation from ' ' the refusal of obedience to the grace of God " (p. 150 f. ), for this salvation is expressly based, at least in Rom. v., upon their justification, i.e. upon their absolution from the pre-Christian sins which would have drawn this wrath upon them. It is a matter of indifference whether we regard the wrath in Rom. iv. 15 eschatologically (although this idea is very remote) or not ; at any rate, it is implied that the transgression of the law already calls forth this wrath, and there is no justification whatever for the assertion that this thought "belongs to the pre-Christian standpoint " (p. 151). 9 It is pure arbitrariness to think here of anything else than physical death, and to drag in, as Schmid (ii. p. 253 [E. Tr. 437 f.]) and Lechler (p. 98) still do, the idea of spiritual death, an idea which, like that of spiritual life, belongs to a totally different line of thought ; or to assume, with Usteri (p. 35), that without sin death would only not have stood in any connection with the evils which we feel to be the consequence of sin, and would not itself have appeared as an evil (cf. Pfleiderer, p. 81 [E. Tr. i. 80]) ; for what 1 Cor. xv. 56 asserts is not that sin gives its bitterness to death, but that sin, which has death as its conse quence, gives it the sting with which it slays man (cf. Jas. i. 15). § 67. THE TRANSGRESSION OF ADAM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 331 no new Efe follows (cf. § 34, c), and which therefore endures etemaEy like that life (Eom. vni. 13). In this sense death is the fate of the diroXXvp,evoi (2 Cor. ii. 15, 16), and this dTroXXvo-Gai (cf. 1 Cor. i. 18, viii. 11, xv. 18 ; 2 Cor. iv. 3, 9) is identical with being judged (Eom. ii. 12), where that expression stands sensu malo. According to Eom. ix. 22, the cricevrj opyrjs are appointed to dirmXeia, and hence this term, which here, as in § 34, c, denotes primarily a violent death (1 Cor. x. 9, 10), appears as an expression for the definitive destruction, to which man is delivered over in the judgment (cf. also Phil. i. 28, iii. 19), being used interchangeably with the synonymous expression : cpdopd (Gal. vi. 8 ; cf. 1 Cor. iii. 17); cf. § 64, h. § 6 7. The Transgression of Adam and its Consequences. Cf. A. Dietzsch, Adam und Christus, Bonn 1871. It is a fact that, in the present age, mankind is determined by a godless power, and bears in itself the character of sinful ness, (b) Paul traces back this fact to the transgression of their common ancestor, (c) In consequence of the fact that death was appointed the punishment on the occasion of his sin, it has also become the universal punishment of all sinners. (d) It may also be assumed with the greatest probability that Paul has traced back the pernicious influence of Adam upon his race to the blood relationship which is brought about by procreation. (a) That which each individual is taught afresh by his own experience is naturally true also of humanity as a whole, or the koo-uos (2 Cor. i. 12 ; Eom. i. 8).1 Because it serves sin, the whole world is exposed to the judgment of God (1 Cor. iv. 13, vi. 2, xi. 32; Eom. iii. 6, 19), and needs reconciliation with Him (2 Cor. v. 19 ; Eom. xi. 12, 15). Its spirit is opposed to the spirit of God (1 Cor. ii. 12), its wisdom is godless (1 Cor. i. 20, 21, 27, 28, iii. 19), its sorrow 1 It is seldom that S xio-poos stands in Paul for the universe in general (1 Cor. iv. 9, viii. 4, xiv. 10 ; Rom. i. 20), or for the sum-total of all earthly things (Gal. vi. 14 ; 1 Cor. iii. 22, vii. 33, 34 ; Rom. iv. 13), as in Peter and James (§ 46, b, footnote 3, 55, a). Inasmuch as the present world ends with the expiry of the present aeon of the world, it is also called i xispios oZtos (1 Cor. vii. 31). 332 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. leads to death (2 Cor. vii. 10). In the term o K00710?, which has become a term, techn., there is therefore expressed the idea of the sinfulness of the human world as known by experience. No doubt it is not humanity as such which is thought of when this term is used, but only humanity inasmuch as it belongs to the almv ovtos, i.e., in accordance with the terminology of later Judaism, the pre-Messianic age of the world (ffln D?iyn), an age whose character is sinful (Eom. xii. 2 ; cf. Gal. i. 4 : irovijpo^), and whose wisdom is ungodly (1 Cor. i. 20, ii. 6, 8, iii. 18). Inasmuch as the sinful human world belongs to this aeon of the world, it is also called o /eoV/to? oSto? (1 Cor. iii. 19, v. 10). The world, however, which is in the service of sin, stands, as in § 23, a, 55, b, under the dominion of Satan ; he is therefore called the god of this age (2 Cor. iv. 4), and will yet equip the perfected manifestation of the man of sin, or of lawlessness, with his wonder-working powers (2 Thess. ii. 9). It is his spirit which, as it were, animates and moves the /cocr/xo? (1 Cor. ii. 12), and impresses upon it its sinful, ungodly character.2 It is by no means meant, however, that the universality of sinfulness is hereby explained ; this is never traced back to the circumstance that it is the power of Satan which moves every individual to commit sin. Eather, just as certainly as the transgression of our first parents is, notwithstanding the temptation of Satan, conceived of, in the manner of the Old Testament, as a free deed and moral guilt, so certainly is the universal sinfulness of humanity not the consequence but the ground of its having fallen under the dominion of Satan. Only because it serves sin does humanity become the kingdom of Satan. Now, however, since Paul cannot possibly abide by the mere fact of the dominion of sin in the koo-/ao?, he must take another way of explaining it. (b) To the apostle humanity is not merely the sum-total of all the separate human individuals, it is rather an organic human race. This is of such importance in his mind that, in 2 He is also apparently already conceived of as the tempter of our first parents. With an evident allusion to the narrative of the fall (Gen. iii.), it is said in 2 Cor. xi. 3 that the serpent beguiled Eve by his craftiness, and there is scarcely any doubt that, with the current Jewish theology (Sapient, ii. 24), the serpent is conceived of here as an organ of the devil, who thus led the first human beings to their disastrous transgression. § 67. THE TRANSGRESSION OF ADAM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 333 his elementary preaching as a missionary to the Gentiles, he connects with the proclamation of the one God also the proclamation of the descent of the nations from one (Acts xvii. 26). The universal condition of servitude to sin, which is found throughout the whole human family, can therefore be traced back only to that which constitutes the unity of the race, viz. to its connection with its ancestor. In Eom. v. 12 it is said expressly that sin has entered into the human world through one man (i.e. Adam, according to ver. 14) ; and since we have already met it there as a dominant power, this position of authority which it has in the human world will also have been brought about through the first man.3 With this assertion the assumption is absolutely incompatible, that the principle of sin, which was immanent in man from the beginning, only first appeared in actuality in the transgression of Adam (Baur, p. 138, 191; Holsten, p. 413, 418), and that Paul, accordingly, knows nothing of a fall of Adam. If the latter assumption is already excluded by the undoubted allusion to the Old Testament narrative of the fall (cf. also 2 Cor. xi. 3), of which we are expressly reminded by Adam's transgression being traced back to a irapaicor) (Eom. v. 19), so is also the former by the elaep^eadai et? tov icoo-fiov. At least it should have been said that the irapdBaai^ has come into the world through Adam, or, more accurately, that in Adam, or with his transgression, sin has become actual (cf. also E. Schmidt, p. 43; Dietzsch, p. 76, 77). It is, however, said expressly that through him, and that, too, according to what follows, through his irapdirTcofia (vv. 15, 17, 18), sin has come into the world as a principle (or as a dominant power), 3 That in a passage, which is so important doctrinally, I xlo-pos is to be taken in its technical sense (note a) is, a priori, very probable ; it is, however, made undoubted by the circumstance that, in the second clause of the verse, us to» x'otr/ioy is resumed by ils tx>txs xytpuTovs. No tautology arises from this view, as Dietzsch (p. 88) thinks. Rather, when one understands it of the physical world, the sphere of earthly human existence (which o xinrpjoos per se by no means signifies), the expression becomes quite meaningless ; for it is self-evident that if sin insinuated itself into this earthly world, it could do so, first of all, only at one spot (and that, too, according to the nature of the case, only into one man), whereas the very nerve of the thought lies in this, that through one man sin and death have entered into the multiplicity of the xio-pos, and that, too, into all its individual members, as is immediately more particularly explained. 334 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. and has therefore become operative, in the first place, in him self, and then in the human race which is organically connected with him. In consequence of this assertion, accordingly, it can be assumed in what follows that all (without exception) have sinned. To think that he means that all have sinned in Adam as their forefather (cf. Philippi and Meyer in loco) is perfectly arbitrary, if once it is admitted that the catholic- traditional reference of i(f>' w to Adam (in quo) is altogether mistaken ; for the aorist, which simply represents the fact that all have sinned as a completed fact (in consequence of that very elo-r[XQev), by no means compels us to think of something which has taken place in and with the individual trans gression of Adam. Hence neither can v. 19 be understood as meaning that, in the judgment of God, the sin of the fore father was imputed to all; it can only be understood as meaning that through the disobedience of the one the many (i.e. as a matter of fact, all the members of the human race) were made sinners (icaTeo-Td6r)o-av). As appears already from the Bid t?5? irapaKor\ = eVt tovto> oti) all have sinned, and now their sin has drawn death upon aE (Eom. v. 12).4 4 Following Hofmann, Dietzsch (p. 48) and Pfleiderer (p. 39 [E. Tr. i. 39]) make ollras mean simply that death has reached all men through one man. But if death has come into the human world (in the sense of footnote 3) through one man, it is self-evident that its passing unto all the individuals of that human § 07. THE TRANSGRESSION OF ADAM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 335 Thus by the transgression of one the many died (ver. 15, cf. ver. 17), because of one the judgment of God against their sin (to Kplfia) has become condemnation (/caTa/cpiua, ver. 16, cf. ver. 18). Here we have therefore the plain explanation of what is meant, when it is said in 1 Cor. xv. 21, 22 that death has come through one man, or that it is owing to him (or rather, more particularly, to their vital connection with him) that all die. It is vain to appeal against the assumption, that death in the Old Testament sense is conceived of as a punish ment of sin (§ 66, d), to the fact that Adam was mortal in world could only be also brought about by him, and the Si' his xytpuTov is so far from being more strongly emphasized than the Si* t*s xpxpTlxs, that it is rather only the latter that is spoken of in connection with the coming in of death, it being of course self-evident from what was already stated that the sin of the one man is meant. This being the case, however, o'irus can only point back to the fact that, on the occasion of this first sin, death was appointed to be its punish ment ; and in plain agreement with this is the prominence which is expressly given to the circumstance that the passing of death unto all men had its ground in the sinning of all. Yet it must not be overlooked that this sinning of all is not something accidental or independent of the transgression of Adam : accord ing to the first hemistich, when rightly understood, it is caused by it, so that in the *a»«s Hpxproy there is only expressed directly, and without exception, that which was already indirectly implied in the ii xpxpTlx ilo-nXky sis Toy xoo-poy. It should not at least be urged against this interpretation, which is the simplest, and does most justice to the words, that in this way of looking at the origin of the dominion of sin and death in humanity, the dogmatizing casuistic question as to the death of children, who are still incapable of sinning, is left out of account, while Hofmann's interpretation of i (Gal. ii. 20 ; 2 Cor. x. 3 ; cf. Phil. i. 22) stands where only the present corporeity is thought of. In all this there is nothing which deviates from the common New Testament idea of the o-xpl (cf. § 27, a). 7 In Paul, also, just as in § 27, b, the soul is the bearer of the bodily life. It is it that is aimed at when one seeks to kill a man (Rom. xi. 3, after 1 Kings xix. 10) ; it is threatened by death (Rom. xvi. 4 ; cf. Phil. ii. 30) ; it is it that VOL. I. Y 338 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. evidently conceived of as being also begotten.8 If, therefore, the sin which has become, through Adam's transgression, the dominating power, first of all in himself, has passed over to all his descendants, it can have done so with the S3"^3, Rom. ii. 9, xiii. 1, and the ix -fyvxns of Col. iii. 23, Eph. vi. 6), so that one delivers oneself up for the soul (the ego) of others (2 Cor. xii. 15 ; cf. the /xix -tyvxy and cip-^vx" °f Phil. i. 27, ii. 2). Through it as the subject of every sensuous perception, the flesh, which is possessed of a soul, also becomes capable of feeling, and therefore of suffering (txl-^is tZ o-xpx!, 1 Cor. vii. 28 ; cf. Col. i. 24). 8 While the first man, who was formed out of the dust of the earth, became a ¦fyvxn Z,Zo-x by the inbreathing of the divine breath of life (1 Cor. xv. 45, after Gen. ii. 7), every descendant of Adam becomes a living soul by procreation ; for the earthly corporeity, with which each one is born, is one that is formed out of a substance of flesh (cf. 2 Cor. iii. 3), as well as one whose nature is determined from the very first by the -4>uxn ('apx -tyvxixiy, 1 Cor. xv. 44). As the same flesh and blood, so also, so to speak, the same soul essence is propagated through the human race. 0 Just as little as the aZ^x -tyvx'x'ov of 1 Cor. xv. 44 can be a body " which § 68. THE PAULINE ANTHROPOLOGY. 339 § 68. The Pauline Anthropology. Cf. Tholuck, " fiber ^f?als Quelle der Siinde" (Studienund Kritiken, 1855, 3); Krumm, de notionibus psychologicis paulinis, 1858 ; Holsten, dicBedeutung des Wortes axpl im Lehrbegriff des Paulus, 1855 (reprinted in Holsten, zum Evan- gelium des Patdus und Petrus, iv., Rostock 1868) ; H. Liidemann, die Anthro pologic des Apostel Paulus, Kiel 1872 ; Ecklund, o-i.pl voc. quid apud P. Ap. signified, Lundae 1872. Paul has neither thought of the material substance of the body as being evE in itself, nor of sensuality as the principle of all sin. (h) By flesh he rather denotes man according to his natural being, in so far as it is originally specifically dis tinguished from God, and made hostile to Him by the sin which dweEs in it. (c) Paul knows also of a side of man which is godlike ; but in opposition to the power of sin in the flesh this remains powerless, and is unable to determine man's practical behaviour, (d) Because, on this account, this better ego of man never asserts itself externally, Paul calls it the inner man as distinguished from the dominion of sin, which alone manifests itself in the body and its members. (a) It has recently been frequently asserted that the Pauline anthropology has altogether forsaken the soE of the Old Testament view, and has passed over to the dualistic view of the world of HeEenistic philosophy. It is true that if Baur ascribes to the apostle the opinion that the material body, with the appetites and faculties that dwell in it, forms the real substantial being of man, which as such could only be opposed to the divine (p. 143 f.), Holsten has avoided this evident confusion of cru>(ia and adp%, and describes the adpi; (which is possessed of a soul) as the living material substance of man, which stands in an absolute antithesis to God, and is the principle of all evE (p. 396, 398). Since this, however, is plainly at variance with the fact that the coming in of sin into humanity is traced back to the trans- envelopes an earthly ^i/x« " fWendt, p. 130), since, when this o-Z/tx o-Ttlpsrxi, i.e. is placed in the grave, the soul has already severed itself from the body, so little is the ^vx'xis xykmTos of ii. 14 a man " who possesses in his ^u^ii merely the organ of purely human knowledge " (p. 128), for the TyiZpox in the antithesis does not denote the " organ of religious knowledge," but the divine principle of revelation, whose activity is hindered by the condition of man which is deter mined by his ^"X^- 340 UNIVERSAL SINFULNESS. gression of Adam (§ 67, h), Pfleiderer has assumed that this dualistic view, according to which the material crdp% is itself an anti-spiritual causality and the principle of sin, which is therefore derived from the nature of man, and more par ticularly from the material of his corporeity, is held by Paul along with the other, which traces it back to the sin of Adam (p. 46, 61 f. [E. Tr. i. 46, 60 ff] ; cf. Lipsius, p. 334).1 But apart from the improbability of such an unsolved antinomy in Paul, this opinion is already refuted by the fact that (as Pfleiderer himself allows, p. 48 [E. Tr. i. 48]), according to Eom. vii. 18, the flesh is not itself sin, i.e. in Paul, who always thinks of sin as a^i_j3pj3rjitive_p_ower, the principle of sin ; but sin only dwells in it. If sin, however, is rooted in the material substance of the body, inasmuch as the nature of the flesh is evil in itself, then, previous to the transformation of this its substantial basis (1 Cor. xv. 44), the body could not belong to the Lord (vi. 13, 15), be God's temple (ver. 19), be a sacrifice well-pleasing to God (Eom. xii. 1), or serve righteousness with its members (vi. 13, 19), as Wendt (p. 109) has conclusively shown.2 Stripped of its philoso phical form, this view would only amount to this, that the crap!; is the sensuous nature (Usteri, p. 410 ; cf. Dahne, p. 64), i.e. the totality of the appetites which are rooted in the bodily organism or in its material substance. If, now, the 1 In another way Liidemann assumes in Paul two radically different lines of thought, which move upon contrary anthropological bases. Expression is given to the first of these in Rom. i.-iv., and to the second in Rom. v. -viii., the latter resting entirely upon the Hellenistic dualistic view, the former upon that of the Old Testament. But (according to Liidemann, p. 206) these two lines of thought are found in Paul, only because, in chaps, i.-iv., "he purposely places himself upon the standpoint of the Jewish-legal consciousness. " Although, on the other hand, Biedermann also regards sin as a necessary outcome of the fleshly nature, which was from the beginning implanted by God in man, in its resistance to the influence of his spirit, he sees therein no dualism, but only a moment employed by the decree of God for the purpose of revealing His love as pure grace (p. 200) ; and he is so far from finding therein a contradiction with the narrative of the fall, that he sees the genesis of sin represented in accordance with it even in Rom. vii. 7, refusing, indeed, to entertain any thought of an original sin. 11 On this account Holsten has been at last obliged to come to the conclusion that 2 Cor. vii. 1 is un-Pauline (p. 387). If the o-ip\ is, according to its nature, the principle and source of every sinful defilement, it cannot, of course, be the object of such defilement ; and since Paul undoubtedly speaks of a defilement of the flesh, the tip\ is not conceived of as being sinful in itself. § 68. THE PAULINE ANTHROPOLOGY. 341 flesh, as such, is a principle which is opposed to God, these are sinful in themselves, and the sanctification of the body could consist only in the mortification of all sensuous appetites and impulses, in which, however, it does not, as a matter of fact, consist according to Paul. At the most, therefore, sin could dwell in the material o-dp%, only in so far as the prepon derance of the sensuous appetites and impulses over the spiritual nature of man, which ought to have the supremacy, is the ground-form and principle of all sin. In reality it is to this that E. Schmidt comes, when, holding firmly by the physical meaning of crdp^, he ultimately declares that the materiality of the human nature is the source and ground of every individual sinful action, not in itself, but only in so far as, in its present condition, there belongs to it the significance of an operative principle of life (p. 44). But even this cannot be made good in the case of Paul. Among the works of the flesh (Gal. v. 19-21) there are named by no> means only such sins as owe their origin to the sensuous-. nature, but also sins of uncharitableness ; the false irpovoia- t->5? crapicos begets not only revelling and unchastity, but alsa strife and jealousy (Eom. xiii. 13, 14), and in Gal. v. 13 love- forms the antithesis of the licentious freedom of the flesh. Because of their jealousy and strife the Corinthians are- aapKiKoi (1 Cor. iii. 3). Not only a (pp6vvp.a (Eom. viii. 7),. but even the restlessness of a fear and an anxiety, whicb was by no means of a sensuous nature (2 Cor. vii. 5), is attributed to the o-dp%, and 2 Cor. i. 12 speaks of a aocj>la aapKi^ (cf. 1 Cor. i. 26 ; 2 Cor. i. 17).3 If it follows from 3 To this R. Schmidt (p. 25) replies that it is not necessarily logically implied in a view which finds the empirical ground of sin in general in the material corporeity, that it must be possible to trace back every individual sin with the same directness to this ground (cf. also Pfleiderer, p. 55 [E. Tr. i. 54 f.]). But here purely spiritual sins are directly traced back to the