Wm":m$m< fflm&M WW! 5B8 shs «!,«¦;¦!¦;: l'V« mm T. and T. Clark's Publications. THE ANTI-PELAGIAN WORKS OF ST. AUGUSTINE. Translated bt PETER HOLMES, D.D., F.R.A.S., DOMESTIC CHAPLAIN TO THE RIGHT HON. THE COUNTESS OF EOTHES. In Three Volumes 8vo (Vol. 3 in preparation). 'It is a privilege of genius to be adapted to the future as well as to the present. This is finely exemplified in the Christian genius of the Bishop of Hippo.' — Record. ' No man can understand the history of doctrine without understanding the works of St. Augustine, and especially his writings against Pelagianism. We are therefore happy to see that these are to be published in our own language.' — Bibliotheca Sacra. Extremely well translated, with scholarly ability and with excellent taste.' — Union ' No uninspired treatise on the subject of sin and grace is better fitted to bring to view the true issues, the seed-truths, and the largest wealth of suggestive thought on this subject, than these great treatises.' — Princeton Review. LECTURES & TRACTATES ON THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. JOHN. Translated by Rev. JOHN GIBB and Rev. JAMES INNES. In Two Volumes. ' Of great and perpetual interest.' — Guardian. ' Beautifully printed and got up ; the translation is careful, accurate, and readable.' — Church Bells. 'In reading this Commentary we are reminded of the frequency with which the sayings of St. Augustine have been repeated by moderii interpreters of the Bible.' — Bibliotheca Sacra. 'We regard the Lectures as a capital illustration of the principles laid down in the treatise on "Christian Doctrine." They display the real greatness of the author's mind, his profound spiritual insight, his vast knowledge of human nature on all its sides, and his rare power of moulding the minds of others after the pattern of his own ; it is both refreshing and re-invigorating to come thus into contact with him.' — Baptist Magazine. THE CONFESSIONS OF ST. AUGUSTINE. An entirely new Translation. With copious Notes, Historical and Explanatory, by Rev. J. G. PILKINGTON, M.A.,. Vicak of St. Mark's, Dalston. In One Volume. T. and T. Clark's Publications. LANG E'S COMMENTARIES ON THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. Edited by Dr. PHILIP SCHAFF. There are now ready (in imperial 8vo, double columns), price 21s. per Volume, OLD TESTAMENT, Eleven Volumes: - COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF GENESIS, in One Volume, EXODUS AND LEVITICUS. One Volume. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, JUDGES, AND RUTH, in One Volume. COMMENTARY ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, in One Volume. COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF JOB. COMMENTARY ON THE PSALMS, in One Volume. 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COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF REVELATION. 1 Lange's comprehensive and elaborate " Bibel werk." . . . We hail its publication as a valuable addition to the stores of our Biblical literature.' — Edinburgh Review. The price to Subscribers to the Foreign Theological Library, St. Augustine's Works, and Meyer's Commentary on the New Testament, or to Purchasers of Complete Sets of the Commentary (so far as published), will be FIFTEEN SHILLINGS FEB VOLUME. Dr. Lange's Commentary on the Gospels and Acts (without Dr. Schaff's Notes) is also published in the Foreign Theological Library, in Nine Volumes demy 8vo, and may be had in that form if desired. (For particulars, see List of Foreign Theological Library.) CLARK'S FOKEIGN IDEOLOGICAL LIBRARY. FOURTH SERIES. VOL. XXVII. gcbmiU'S JSibltcal Cijeologn of tlje $tt» CtitanunL EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38, GEORGE STREET. MDCCCLXXVII. PBINTED BY MUEEAY AND GIBB, FOE T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. LONDON, .... HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. DUBLIN, .... JOHN ROBERTSON AND CO. NEW YORK, . . . SCEIBNEE, WELFOED, AND AEMSTEONO. c BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. BY CHRISTIAN FRIEDRICH SCHMID, D.D., LATE PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY, TOBINGEN, TRANSLATED FROM THE FOURTH GERMAN EDITION, EDITED BY 0. WEIZlCKER, D.D., BY G. H. VE NAB LES. SECOND EDITION. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38, GEORGE STREET. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION, « . PAGE 1 FIRST PART. The Messianic Age, 15 FIRST DIVISION. The Life of Jesus, ....... I. The Early History of Jesus, ..... II. Christ's Preparation for, and Entrance upon, His Public Ministry, ....... III. The Public Career of Jesus, ..... IV. The Conclusion of His earthly Ministry, 2525395181 SECOND DIVISION. The Teaching of Jesus, ...... 90 I. The Glorification of the Father in the Son, 93 God the Father, . . . . • 93 The Son, ...••• 107 The Spirit, ...••• 145 Father, Son, and Spirit, .... 161 II. The Redemption of Man, .... 170 III. The Kingdom of God, ..... 242 VI CONTENTS. SECOND PART. PAGE The Apostolic Age, ....... 270 FIRST DIVISION. The Life of the Apostles, ...... 273 I. The Apostolic Life, ...... 274 II. The Development of the Apostolical Community, . . 291 III. The Commencement of Outward Action in the Apostolic Com munity, . . . . . . . 316 SECOND DIVISION. The Teaching of the Apostles, ..... 323 I. The First Fundamental Form of the various Apostolical Systems of Teaching ; or, Christianity considered in its Unity with the Old Testament. 1. The Apostolical Teaching of James, . . . 338 2. The Apostolical Teaching of Peter, . . .374 II. The Second Form of Apostolical Teaching ; or, Christianity in its Distinction from the Old Testament. 1. Apostolical Teaching according to Paul, . . 4] 7 2. The Apostolical Teaching of John, . . . 5ig BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. INTBODUCTION. § 1. New Testament Theology. j|UR subject is the Christian religion as we find it dis tinctly laid down in the New Testament Scriptures. Hence it follows that it treats only of such parts of the Bible as relate to the Christian religion; and especially, that opinions, either non-religious or non-Christian, — those peculiar to the Jews for instance, — which are occasionally mentioned, concern us here only so far as they tend to throw light upon Christianity. We are bound, moreover, in the treat ment of our subject, to adhere closely t'o the stamp set upon Christianity in the New Testament in opposition to more modern theories, except where these may help to elucidate the former. Our science embraces the New Testament dogmas and morality, consequently the whole of Christianity as contained in the New Testament. We claim for it the title of an historical exposition, as it at once accepts the Christianity of the New Testament as a matter of fact, and as such seeks to investigate it and to set forth its gradual development. The term Biblical Theology, however, is hardly precise enough, because it does not sufficiently dis tinguish between our science 'and either exegesis or systematic theology. But if for the name adopted we were to substitute Biblical Dogmatics, then on the one hand a confusion might readily arise between our science and systematic theology, and on the other hand the term is too narrow, because our subject is not confined, to mere dogma. As regards its relation to other branches of theology, our science must be looked upon as only a A 2 INTRODUCTION. [§ 1- part of biblical theology generally ; for biblical theology deals with both the Old and New Testament, and therefore sets forth religion as laid down in the whole Bible. But on account of the great dis tinction, both external and internal, between these two essentially different stages of development and forms of biblical religion, it is more convenient to keep them separate; and the more so, as every attempt to discuss them together sets their real divergence in a clearer light. Our subject .stands, therefore, in a close rela tion to exegesis, both being concerned with the investigation of the Scriptures. Its aim is to reproduce the thoughts therein ex pressed, taking the statements of Scripture as its basis. But. the exegetical function which it performs is of the highest and most advanced kind. Por exposition is at its lowest stage when it deduces a doctrine from the interpretation of an isolated precept : it is a stage more advanced when it ascertains the sense and pur port of whole books and sections ; or, out of several doctrinal passages which treat of the same subject, by comparison and looking at them as a whole, developes the precise ideas and dogmas which they contain. The third arid highest stage is reached when it ascertains the ideas and doctrines conveyed by a whole body of didactic discourses and passages, by taking a comprehensive view of its different portions in their relation to each other. It is not, however, contented with isolated ideas and propositions, but taking an aggregate of doctrinal ideas and dogmas, it presents both their unity and their variety in a life-like doc trinal whole, which at the same time exhibits the systems of thought as distinguished by their organic gradation. This is pre cisely the province of biblical theology, and is the point to which exegetic theology, if conscious of its vocation, is always tending, and the result in which it is summed up. The relation in which our science stands to systematic theology is somewhat different. Biblical theology has been frequently understood to mean nothing else than a certain kind of positive divinity, which, without re gard to ecclesiastical interpretations, is founded mainly upon the New Testament alone. But although its aim certainly is a systematic summary of its subject-matter, yet it is essentially distinct from the above-mentioned dogmatics by reason of its historical character. It is still further removed from ecclesias tical, speculative, or descriptive dogmatic. It is nevertheless allied to dogmatic and all systematic theology, in so far as this § 1.] NEW TESTAMENT THEOLOGY. 3 is based upon New Testament Christianity and presupposes the question, What it is. The historical character of our science connects it with his torical theology generally ; but it is not identical with church history, because the' subject of the latter is the founding of the church, and the establishment of rules for its guidance in all time to come.Although the absolute interest of our science depends upon its place in the organism, so to speak, of the theological sciences, yet by the circumstances and wants of the age, it is peculiarly enhanced both in an historico-critical and a dogmatic point of view. If the living development of Christianity is to be com prehended, above all things it is necessary for the living germ to be clearly perceived ; and to this end an historical investigation of primitive Christianity is needfuL The greater the difficulty which, through the inquiries of criticism, surrounds this task, the more important does it become to represent faithfully the scope of the original records, and especially of the doctrinal systems founded upon them ; for by so doing we shall obtain the firmest grasp even of the critical questions involved in the New Testa ment. Take for example the question of the gospel narratives. Attention has of late been chiefly directed, especially by Strauss, to the external historical purport of the gospels, and the confiict on this point has lasted for many years. It will, therefore, be well to throw additional light upon the critical question from the side of the doctrinal element contained in the gospels, and by giving the greatest prominence to this element, to carry on the discussion with more calmness and candour than have hitherto marked it. A careful development of our Lord's teaching will enable us to form a judgment as to the relation between the Synoptists and St. John as regards His doctrines, be the differ ence small or great between them. We shall also be able to compare the teaching ascribed by the evangelists to Jesus, with that contained in the other books of the New Testament known to us as apostolical. The result will, moreover, help us to solve the question, whether the doctrine of Jesus, as transmitted to us by the evangelists, really bears the same relation to the apos tolical doctrine of the other New Testament writers as the foun dation does to a finished building ; or whether no such distinction is shown, and it is therefore possible thut what the evangelists 4 INTRODUCTION. [§ 1. ascribe to Jesus Himself as His own teaching, is in truth nothing but the doctrine of the apostles. We shall arrive at some noteworthy results on both these questions. With regard to the latter, it will be shown that what is handed down to . us as the teaching of Jesus is in fact of a nature calculated to serve as the foundation of all other doctrine ; and that the apos tolical teaching in the rest of the New Testament writings is obviously the offshoot and development of this. In the didactic discourses of Jesus we have the pregnant germ and kernel, the root, and the simple yet solid groundwork : in the apostolical doctrine, as presented in the other New Testament scriptures, we have the shoots and branches, the plant developed from the germ, the finished building resting on that simple but firm foundation. The precepts of our Lord in the gospels claim our acceptance as original, pregnant, and bearing the first impres sion of the mould in which they were cast ; and the apostolical doctrine appears to be no less living and life-giving, — both being in accordance, the latter with the circumstances of its further development, the former with the personal details of our Lord's life on earth. But as touching the relation between John and the Synoptists, it will be seen, unless we allow ourselves to be misled by mere form, how, notwithstanding all differences, essen tial unity underlies them ; and that the form itself, even in its manifold diversity, furnishes the key to its own solution. Modern criticism has recognised only four of St. Paul's epistles as genuine, chiefly on the ground that the later epistles do not agree in doctrine with the earlier. New Testament theology will therefore analyze and compare the doctrine of the earlier and later epistles on the points of alleged disagreement. Conse quently, this part of New Testament theology will be found to aid us materially in deciding upon the genuineness of the later epistles. The two epistles of St. Peter have been also attacked and represented as an imitation of St. Paul, by which the later followers of St. Peter were to be persuaded that the teaching of the two apostles was identical. We shall presently inquire whether the doctrines of these epistles, especially of the first, are only an aggregate of Pauline and Judaistic elements, or whether, on the contrary, an independent system of doctrine is not contained in them. In like manner the doctrinal statements in the epistle of St. James are of great importance. § 1.] NEW TESTAMENT THEOLOGY. 5 The interest of our science with regard to systematic theology is, however, peculiarly enhanced by the need of a higher use of Scripture, which need has shown itself generally in the develop ment of systematic theology, and especially in the increased culti vation of its ideal and speculative elements. Systematic theology has, indeed, at times made very light of referring its views to Holy Scripture, especially to our Lord's teaching in the New Testament. Por, on the one hand, it has been thought justifiable to take for granted a general acknowledgment of the identity between what is commonly understood as theological system with the New Testament in general, and Christ's precepts in particular ; and, on the other, it has sometimes been regarded as of little moment whether this agreement was acknowledged or not, and whether, therefore, the truths which systematic theology asserted were known to be drawn from other than scriptural sources. The re sult of this has been, that the exegetical function of systematic theology was often very unsatisfactorily performed. The same may also be said of most methods of treatment even in modern times, especially those which deal with the subject from its speculative side, in which theology is taught as a speculative system supported merely by a few quotations from Scripture. ¦But even where attention was paid to the exegetical function of systematic theology, the difficulty to be encountered is propor tionately greater ; for so many things had to be taken into account, and. the subject-matter was so varied and intricate, that it often appeared necessary to limit the exegetical function as much as possible, in order that the scientific statement might not be too much drawn out. Nothing is gained, however, for systematic theology by such treatment. In its very nature it stands essentially related to Christianity as laid down in the New Testament Scriptures, it must draw its material from this source, and, whatever scientific form it may assume, prove the identity of its doctrine with biblical Christianity. In this alone is presented the divine revelation, — Christianity itself, indeed, in its original depth and purity, attested by authentic documents and with the demonstra tion of the Spirit and of power. No treatment, therefore, can be satisfactory, there can be no true reform and remodelling of systematic theology, which is not based upon Holy Scripture, not on the mere letter, but the spirit which is contained in it. If 6 INTRODUCTION. E§ 1- systematic theology be compelled to own that it has forsaken this source, it may on that very account be doubted whether what it teaches deserves the name of Christianity at all. And for this very reason the necessity has become more plainly apparent that the exegetical function of systematic theology should be duly pre pared on exegetical ground. This exegetical treatment of the Old and New Testament Scriptures, especially the latter, and therein chiefly of our Lord's own precepts, if- shaped so as to constitute it a preparation for the exegetical function of systematic theology, is not limited to isolated exegesis or to mere biblical commentary, but really extends to the development of entire biblical systems of thought as they lie before us in the New Testament ; first in the teaching of Jesus in His- discourses, and then of the different apostles in ' the epistles or other apostolical writings. These systems of thought are to be so investigated that in the first place the individual ideas and precepts contained in all allied writings and statements may be separately examined, and their organic connection brought out by a comprehensive view. But even this is not enough. It is important also to ascertain the mutual relation of these several systems of thought as one of essential agreement, no less than of a certain difference ; for by so doing the characteristic peculiarities of their authors are suc cessively brought to view. In this way truths and ideas them selves identical are found to be exhibited under various aspects, in different combinations with other truths, and under different modes of arrangement. It is exactly this which gives such a many-sided vitality to the Christianity of the New Testament, and by which such a large measure of fruitfulness is ensured. But systematic theology cannot, of course, undertake inquiries of this nature, which belong to exegesis, and furnish a theme for its highest point — the biblical theology of the Old and New Testa ment. New Testament theology, in dealing with the various New Testament Scriptures, enables them to be used as a single record of divine revelation. It sets forth the different systems of thought in their unity and manifold variety, and shows us how their total result presents a united record of the divine word ; not, however, a unity devoid of difference, but rather the harmony of difference, — that is to say, a unity which preserves its harmony through the organic interlacing of differences, and is itself rich in the detail of its component parts. Consequently, where this § 1.] NEW TESTAMENT THEOLOGY. 7 function of New Testament theology is first in operation, the way is opened for that use of Holy Scripture which has become a necessity to systematic theology. But in order that our science may prove competent to its task and maintain its high interest, it must adhere closely to the historical method involved in our very notion of it as distin guished from any dogmatic treatment. This latter was for a long time its usual mode of treatment. Men proceeded on the idea of Scripture being a divine book, the work of the Holy Spirit, a codex of divine revelation possessing a strict character of unity ; whence it followed that biblical theology was necessarily treated dogmatically and not historically. Now, although Christian theology must undoubtedly admit a dogmatic conception of Holy Scripture, yet this forms only one side of it. The other side is that the Scriptures are composed by men under certain historical conditions : they must therefore be regarded as affected by the time of their appearance, and, consequently, not as possessing absolute unity, but a unity subject to a variety in historical development. It is a mistake to suppose that these two sides contradict each other : so far from it, one idea clpsely followed up will lead to the other. The dogmatic idea can, .however, only be the gainer by our adopting here the purely historical mode of treatment, and treating the Scriptures like any other book whose purport is to be ascertained by a critical and exegetical process. The historical method, however, must not of course keep merely to the idea of what is actually recorded. History is the unfold ing of life, in which a unity is broken up into details, and thus represents a certain regular course of events. It will thus be the provmce of New Testament theology to trace out the organic con nection of New Testament teaching. And further, inasmuch as all history gains by the comparison of other facts analogous to its own subject-matter, this branch of inquiry must not here be lost sight of, and we shall have specially to deal with the parallels afforded by the Old Testament. Nor must reference to the re^ ligious idea be neglected, without, however, disturbing the his torical point of view, and thereby allowing the distinctive method of our science to be transformed either into speculative inference or dogmatic treatment. Its system must descend to even minute division and classifications of the subject-matter itself, and of the combination of parts which is inherent in its historical character. 8 INTRODUCTION. [§ 2. But a merely external juxtaposition of the parts is as much for bidden as would be their fusion into one indiscriminate mass. For the very reason that Christianity itself is our subject, there can be no question as to the impropriety of treating- it from an outwardly historical point of view, in which persons or writings are merely taken as a basis of division, and dealt with accordingly. It is not individualities but the life in them with which we are concerned ; not Holy Scripture per se, but the religion contained in it. Our subject must be treated and regarded as an historical phenomenon, as indeed it shows itself to be. Apologetic, polemic, and other tendencies may of themselves claim a place in the treatment of the subject ; but their only right use is as accessories, not impairing the force of the historical procedure. § 2. New Testament Christianity. The writings of the New Testament are what we regard as the/ historical sources from which our knowledge of primitive Chris tianity is derived. In our system, although Christianity is con sidered as a religion which is historically presented to us, it will not be followed throughout the whole course of its historical development, but only so far as it is presented in the writings of the New Testament. For the New Testament is to us the com plex of the most ancient memorials of Christianity, wherein it appears in its earliest form. What these New Testament. Scrip tures consist of must here be taken for granted as the result of our introductory inquiry : only we must bear in mind, that it is almost impossible to arrive at any conclusion on this point which can be regarded as of universal validity. Perhaps only the first four of the Pauline epistles can be accepted as unquestioned in their authenticity. Therefore all that we are entitled to demand, is the acknowledgment of the New Testament Scriptures* as the oldest memorials of the Christian religion. At any rate, they present it with a fulness and power of thought, which favours the supposi tion that they proceed from the most gifted amongst the ancient witnesses of Christianity. Ready as some are to place them as late as the second century, the question still remains, where are the men to whom we can ascribe the genius requisite to produce them ? Are the writings of the apostolical fathers calculated in any way to invite us to adopt the above-named supposition ? But even if we widen the limits for their origin so as to reach § 2.] NEW TESTAMENT CHRISTIANITY. 9 the middle of the second century, yet they still remain the oldest monuments which have come down to us. On the other hand, if no more than those four Pauline epistles were unquestionably genuine, we should still have in them an ample test for deciding the question of what is or is not apostolic doctrine. Indeed, so sufficient would this little be, that we could gladly make it our groundwork in the investigation of primitive Christianity. As a new rehgion, Christianity appears in contrast to all earlier ones, according to the words with regard to the " fulness of time" (GaL iv. 4; Eph. L 10). According to the latter of these pas sages, Christ gathers together in one all which was before con fused in a scattered and manifold variety. That Christianity stands in a positive connection with the Old Testament, needs no special proof : the individual doctrinal systems show that it is, and in what sense it is, everywhere regarded as the fulfilment of the Old Testament. On the other hand, its relation to Gentile religions seems at. first sight to be only that of contradiction, as when Christ (Matt, vi 7, 8, 32) contrasts the Christian praying with that of the heathen as based upon an entirely different con ception of God, or when He forbids religious community with the heathen (Matt, xviii 17). His view of the Samaritan religion also includes a like judgment upon heathenism (Matt. xv. 24). No less does this opposition express itself in apostolical dicta, such as Eph. ii. 3, GaL iv. 8 (cf. 1 Pet. iv. 3), and also in the apostolical discourses in the Acts of the Apostles, which speak of the darkness (xxvi 18) of the times of ignorance (xvii 30), or, less strongly, of the "own ways" (xiv. 16) of the heathen But as on the other side, also, Christianity everywhere is con trasted with the state of childhood (GaL iv. 3, 9 ; CoL ii 8), the curse (Gal. iii 13, cf. 2 Cor. iii 9), and the letter which "killeth" (2 Cor. iii .6 sq.) of legal religion, it must equally be borne in mind that the heathen no less than the Jews are regarded as re ceptive of salvation (Matt, xxviii 19 ; Luke xxiv. 47 ; CoL i 23 ; GaL ii 7-9 ; Rom. xi 13 ; Eph. iii 1). Jesus not only acknow ledges the same (Matt. xv. 28, cf. 24; Luke vii 9), but He also announces the future participation of the heathen as a great fact (Matt, viii 10 sq. ; John x. 16). The apostolical view also is early brought out in the fact, that the heathen were not obliged to be first admitted through Judaism (Acts xv. 6-11, x. 44-48). And this capability of salvation on their part was very soon 1 0 INTRODUCTION. C§ 2. established as an historical fact. From this position of suscep tibility thus much at least follows as the view taken in the New Testament, that the underlying religious element is not absolutely destroyed by the influence of heathenism, and consequently that something besides unmixed error may be found in it. Now comes the question, whether this element is consciously recognised in the New Testament. We find Jesus Himself in actual contact with those heathens only who received miraculous help from Him. And it is only on the supposition that the Greeks (John xii. 2 0 sq.) were really heathen who took part in the feast after the manner of proselytes of the gate, that contact of a more general nature can be said to have taken place. But since He refers them to the future, it follows that, as regards any conscious recognition on His part, it was merely with a view to the future that He put His religion within their reach. The Apostle Paul, however, pronounces more closely as to the above-named positive relation, discovering real points of union with the heathen, and on that account confessing himself able to conform to some of their usages (1 Cor. ix. 19-22). In the Epistle to the Romans he depicts the natural, religious, and moral disposition of the heathen, and in the Areopagus at Athens alludes to this disposition and to their guesses after truth, — quoting, indeed, the utterance of one of their own poets, by the confession contained in which the tendency of his apostolic discourse is suggested. He addresses himself to their conscience (Rom. ii.), and therefore refers them in the Areopagus to the future judgment. But with all this, Christianity remains throughout the New Testament the only true and perfect religion (John viii 32, xvii 14, 17 ; 1 John i 2 ; Gal. iii 1; 2 John 1 ; Eph. i 13; CoL i 5, 6; 2 Thess. ii 10 sq; 1 Pet. ii 6), standing everywhere in contrast to "weak and beggarly elements" (a-TOi'xfla, GaL iv. 9; Col. ii 8, 20), amongst which the Old Testament religion itself is included. Christianity, although a system of doctrine, is never confined to mere doctrine. It is only in its low forms that religion pre sents itself in symbol and myth as a bare expression of feeling and imagination. Even the Old Testament is of a much more didactic character than the heathen religions ; and still more so Christianity, a special attribute of which is producing and mould ing into shape a connected and intelligible system. Still the gospel message itself is a sufficient proof that every later scho- § 2.1 NEW TESTAMENT CHRISTIANITY. 1 1 lastic and rationalistic view which could find in it nothing but doctrine, takes a one-sided view of the question. The word is from beginning to end the explanation of a fact, — of the fact that the kingdom of God is come near, and that the Saviour has appeared, — that He has perfected His work, and poured out His Spirit upon all who believe in Him. Nothing, therefore, could be further from the truth than the rationalistic distinction between the religion of Jesus and His religious teaching. Jesus HimseK teaches, but His whole rich store of precept is nothing else than the announcement of Himself as the manifested Christ. Everything besides is merely preparation for, or explanation and application of, that one statement. In St. John's Gospel it is clear that all the teaching relates to the Person of Jesus ; but in the other three also this Person is the centre and groundwork of the whole new religion: Him we must confess (Matt. x. 32), and suffer for His sake (Matt. v. 11). Here also we have, as the real essence of Christianity, a fact on which all the teaching is based, the history of an actual life. The whole body of apostolic doctrine has reference to the same fact, especially to the turning-point of the life of Jesus. To this, however, is added a further historical basis, the communication of the Holy Spirit, and the life of the community of believers in Jesus which is founded thereon. These two leading facts, then, are the groundwork and hypothesis on which all development of apostolic doctrine must rest. If we take them away, the New Testament teaching is without either foundation or vital power, a plant decaying of itself. The simple view of the New Testament Scriptures leads us to the same result. They are partly histori cal, partly doctrinal writings. The historical writings have been admitted into the canon because Christians regard as the very source of their- belief the historical appearance of the Messiah of Nazareth, and the advent and development of the life proceeding from Him, and depending on the communication of His Spirit. As a first consequence of this fact, Christianity presents itself on one side as a system of doctrine, and on the other as an estab lished community. The teaching is an essential element, because some announcement of the fact is necessary. The teaching of Jesus is the statement of His self-consciousness, and in like manner the apostolic doctrine expresses the consciousness of the life gradually developing itself in the community. The historical life which constitutes Christianity appears in the 12 INTRODUCTION. C§ 2. New Testament as life from God. The life of Jesus depends upon His being in the Father, and the Father in Him ; the ful ness of the Godhead dwelling in Him bodily, and streaming forth from Him. The life of believers owes its existence to God, and depends upon a birth from the Spirit, the awakening of men through the word of truth. Hence the word which contains the announcement of this historical life is itself endowed with a divine life-giving power (cf. Rom. i 16), and is the power of God and the wisdom of God (1 Cor. i 24). As life from God, it is the living manifestation of God, and indeed the one perfecting manifestation which redeems mankind (John vi 45-47 ; Matt. xi 25-27). The doctrine and fellowship which are developed from it, are therefore divine teaching and a divinely established fellowship, the foregoing fact remaining equally the source of both. Such is the general aspect of Christianity in the New Testament. It thus finds its parallel in the Old Testament, where also fact rather than doctrine takes the foremost place. This fact is the old preparatory covenant between God and man, — at first, indeed, limited to one family, and afterwards to one nation. Old Testament theology has, therefore, to represent this revelation of the covenant first in patriarchal times, and then in the national development, as Mosaism, Prophetism, and lastly Judaism. Both Testaments rest on a common foundation of the divine revelation, the first with particular limits in kind and degree, the second with the character of universal religion. The fundamental fact which when received into human con sciousness is also the fundamental doctrine of Christianity, is the life which proceeds from God, or, God manifested for the salvation of mankind. The treatment of this falls naturally under two heads : (1st) the appearance of this life, immediately followed by (2d) the commencement of its great work for man's salvation ; — or, firstly, its manifestation in Jesus Christ ; and, secondly, the foundation of the primitive apostolic church. Thus we have two periods, the Messianic and the apostolic, which are distinct both as to time and character. The first comprehends the days of the Son of man (Luke xvii. 22 ; John viii 56 ; Heb. v. 7; Matt. ix. 15; Mark ii 19 ; Luke v. 34), and its subject is Jesus Christ come in the flesh (1 John iv. 2), and the mani festation of God in Him (John xvii 6 ; Matt, xi 2 7). The apostolic period, which is established through the Spirit (Acts i ! 2.] NEW TESTAMENT CHRISTIANITY. 13 8 ; John xiv. 26 ; Matt. x. 20), embraces the time of the apostles' testimony (Acts i 2 1), and carries on the representation of the revelation as having for its object to make known and glorify the Father and the Son in and through the Spirit (John xv. and xvi). But i inasmuch as Jesus spoke of the communication of this, Spirit only under the form of a promise, John remarks (vii. 39) that the Holy Ghost was not yet given (cf. Luke xxiv. 49 ; Acts i 8). Thus the New Testament itself distinctly recognises two periods of the revelation it unfolds. At first the divine life is contained exclu sively in the person of Jesus and streams forth from Him alone ; subsequently it appears as an independent life in all believers. Some persons, indeed, have despaired of being able to carry out the above-named distinction, and therefore represent everything as apostolic doctrine, because a line cannot be clearly drawn between the latter and the historical purport of Christ's teaching and appearance.1 But the apostolic church itself was conscious of possessing a true conception of Jesus. This she has presented in the gospels ; and New Testament theology must accept it from her, although still permitted to investigate its historical truth. But neither has its general credibility been seriously shaken hitherto, nor will it ever be possible to give a really historical representation of the origines ot Christianity without adhering to this distinction. The very nature of Christianity requires that it should in every age first appear as life in an historical form ; then, and not till then, as doctrine. Every period will thus be divided into an historical and a didactic portion. The former of these, however, will not be an enumeration of every isolated fact ; for this would not suffice us. .What we require is New Testament Christianity as such, that is to say, the characteristics of the divinely human life of Jesus, and of the inspired lives of those who believe in Him. It is not a question of outward events, which are only taken into account so far as they are manifestations of this peculiar life. Hence arises the selection of the facts and the mode of their representation. In treating of the Messianic period, we do not therefore propose to give a biography of Jesus, but to trace in the details of His history the unity of the divine life in Him. We shall, therefore, notice in the first place those facts only in which this divine life is manifested ; but where many facts reveal 1 So Matthai, and more recently Hahn. 14 INTRODUCTION. [§ 2. only one side of it, they may be grouped together under one head, so that, instead of treating the miracles and discourses of Jesus separately, our subject would be His effectual working in both combined. Similarly, in the apostolic period, we are concerned not so much with the persons of the apostles as with the new life in the apostolic church, and consequently with the statement of those facts which are calculated to throw light upon the nature of the new life of the Spirit. We must also at this point endeavour to draw out the spirit from the history before us. A mode of treatment might be devised by which the historical and doctrinal elements might be exhibited in a form of internal unity ; but since this unity is not directly represented in the New Testament itself, there would be danger of treating the subject rather from a dogmatical than from an historical point of view. It will there fore be better to take the historical element by itself, which can be done the more briefly, inasmuch as it is concerned only with traits of character. FIRST PART. Hp5 -..i! G4L- THE MESSIANIC AGE. § 3. Introduction. — Our Sources of Knowledge. HE direct sources of information for the Messianic period of New Testament Christianity, are the four canonical gospels and some few passages of the other New Testament Scriptures. Inasmuch as light is thrown upon the contents of these prin cipal sources in more than one way through comparison, partly with the apostolic period of New Testament Christianity, partly with the oldest non-biblical accounts of the Messianic period, we are also indirectly concerned with the consideration of certain collateral and subsidiary sources. These are of three kinds : (1.) Those writings of the New Testament which relate to the apostolic period ; (2.) Records of the times of Jesus not comprised in the canon, especially the Jewish history of that period; and (3.) Traditional accounts of His life. Among these sources, that matter is of the greatest importance which we -have at our com mand in respect to the Jewish history of the period, whether in classical writers or in the known Jewish authors of the time ; whilst other writings of obscurer origin, whether Jewish or mixed, as the Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, are of more doubtful credibility. Less importance attaches to the special extra-biblical sources for the life of Jesus. This is due partly to their scanti ness, — a defect which attaches not only to the few traces of a knowledge of the person of Jesus to be found in the classics, but even to the traditional fragments which have been handed down amongst Christians ; partly also to the manifest distortion of his torical truth which appears, for instance, in the apocryphal gospels, and in the traditions based upon them. The canon contains four gospels, in accordance with the system which everywhere runs through it of giving a plurality of writ- 16 16 THE MESSIANIC AGE. tPART I. ings, which set forth the genius of primitive Christianity, and respectively throw light upon and supplement one another. They are not biographies, for they give the life of Jesus only with a view of proving His Messianic character. Consequently they aim at producing a true, but not a complete, picture, by a systematic grouping of characteristic features ; and thus they combine some thing of a dogmatic with their historical character. This shows itself most in John and Matthew (but compare the beginning of Luke with the end of John). They may, therefore, one and all be said to represent the public life of Jesus from His baptism onwards, not offering reflections upon the facts related, but only putting them together in such a way as to exhibit the true cha racter of the Messianic life. The Hellenistic language is at the same time common to them all The Synoptists, however, are distinguished from John by describing our Lord's 'ministry in Galilee only, extending their account subsequently to Persea and. the final scene at Jerusalem. John, on the other hand, repre sents the appearances of Jesus in Judea and Galilee alternately. "In John the discourses are more central, in the Synoptists less so. From the sixth chapter onwards John gives for the most part the direct testimony of Jesus Himself as to His person and His work ; the others abound more in such discourses as stand in preparative reference to this. The Sermon on the Mount is of this kind : it introduces us to the moral spirit of the kingdom of God, and so far cannot be said to be entirely uncentral in its character, yet its precepts do not aim at directly representing that spiritual kingdom, the righteousness of which it describes, as the kingdom to be founded, ruled, and perfected by Him, Jesus Christ. Intimations to this effect are not wanting, but they appear more in the background. Of discourses of this kind the synoptic gospels contain also, for instance, certain collections of parables (Matt. xiii. ; Luke viii., xiv. ff.). But inasmuch as the synoptic gospels also are not wanting in elements of doctrine, which are entirely of the nature of central truths, because they treat directly of the Messiah's person, or of the relation of Jesus of Nazareth to His work, they too favour the conviction that with due regard to time and circumstance our Lord always incorporated both kinds of doctrinal elements in His discourses. And although those re corded by John appear to bear more immediate reference to Jesus as the Christ, the Son of God, the a-mrr/p tov koo-/iov, this exactly J 3.] OUR SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE. 17 falls in with the whole scheme of this gospel, which from begin ning to end aims at representing the divine manifestation of the Logos made flesh in the person of Jesus of Nazareth. But this does not occasion any deficiency of matter, which, although quite characteristic of John, yet shows the most decided points of con tact with elements of doctrine found in the synoptic evangelists ; and this statement will be fully borne out in the following pages. In John, again, there is more precision of historical structure ; for not only does he give the progress of events in exact chrono logical order, but he shows also their development from the very first towards the final catastrophe, in the gradually increasing hostility to Jesus, of which, as well as of its consequences, He Himself is represented as fully conscious. In short, John's stand point is more universal in its character ; that of the synoptics more national. This distinction, however, is not absolute: even the author of the fourth gospel plainly shows himself to belong to the Jewish nationality. Amongst the Synoptists Matthew shows the most regard to events, and often attends more to facts than to their chronological order. Luke shows that he has combined fragments collected from external sources, but at the same time deals with our Saviour's youth as a systematic and beautiful whole. If Matthew writes for the Jewish Christians, Luke on the other hand writes from the Pauline standpoint for the use of Gentile converts. Mark is distinguished by little else than his brevity. Although we no longer possess the original of Matthew's Gospel, which, according to the unanimous tradition of Christian antiquity, was written in the Aramaic language, yet the Greek text has been always unhesitatingly acknowledged to be identical with the gospel written by Matthew, and there is no sufficient ground for not regarding it as a genuine translation of that Aramaic original It may be easily supposed that this original was at an early period altered by the Jewish Christian sects, and thus lost in its integrity, on which account the translation in which alone it was accessible acquired all , the more value. The quota tions from the Old Testament in many cases do not correspond either with the LXX. or with the Hebrew text, and in this very probably follow the Aramaic gospel, which no doubt even in quotations paid regard to the interpretations of a passage which prevailed in the current paraphrases of the day. The statement B t; 1 8 THE MESSIANIC AGE. [PART I. that we have nothing more of Matthew's own than a collection of discourses, does not seem probable from the testimony adduced on the subject. The objections, however, which have been made to the historical part of the gospel admit of a different explana tion. The didactic element is certainly the strongest, and a preference is shown by its author for the combination of more numerous or longer discourses. When, therefore, he condenses the historical element into a few leading features, this is suffi ciently explained by the predominant direction of his mind, and by the design of bringing prominently forward the conception of the Messiahship of Jesus, which was the guiding principle in his selection of topics. The other Synoptists are, like him, silent as to the earlier period of Christ's ministry in Jerusalem, although allusions to it are to be found both in Matthew (xxiii. 3 7) and in Luke (xiii. 34); cf. also Luke x. 38 ff. This has been already accounted for in a general way by the structural feature visible in them all, whereby we are led on, from the preparation and consecration of Jesus, through the characteristic events of His public ministry to the closing scene. Now, as it is certain that Matthew afforded a type for the other gospels, his late call also affords a point of explanation (Matt. ix. 9) ; and, further, the cir cumstance that without doubt Jesus was not accompanied by the whole number of His disciples on all His journeys even to Jeru salem (cf. John vii., and the sending forth of the disciples, Matt. x. ; also Luke x.). Now, if Matthew was either partially or wholly absent at the festival visits, this sufficiently accounts for his only mentioning what occurred in Galilee and Persea. No doubt he had, as an apostle, delivered the purport of his gospel by word of mouth many times before he committed it to writing. In this way, then, the narration of his own experience naturally fell into its present shape, and this was passed on as a type from him to th'e others. The Gospel of JMark, although it displays less originality than the others, yet contains enough that is peculiar to itself, partly in particular narratives, partly in the independent treatment of individual circumstances, to show that it cannot have been en tirely formed from the Gospels of Luke and Matthew, although it may have been partially derived from them. But other sources besides must have been at his command. And individual traits such as the statement of events at Gethsemane,,in which he alone § 3.] OUR SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE. 1 9 has the address to Simon, are best explained by adhering to the tradition of his connection with Peter. The deficiency of earlier history in his gospel may be accounted for in the same way. This is strange even if his work were original, but incomprehen sible if the other gospels lay before him, unless we suppose that he was guided by the recollection of the method adopted by Peter in his didactic discourses, as we know them from the Acts of the Apostles. In Luke, the parabolic element specially prevails, and he has, besides, many narrations in which the didactic and historical elements are combined. His history of the resurrection is par ticularly copious, as well as the account, peculiar to himself, in the ninth chapter, of a circuitous journey to Jerusalem. This gospel has a strong historical testimony in its favour, in its early misuse by Marcion, and also in its connection with the Acts of the Apostles, which are evidently written in part by an eye witness. And if Luke was really for any considerable period the companion of the Apostle Paul, this would account for his being able to make personal investigation in Palestine of the events related in the gospeL As regards our fourth gospel, the testimony of Christian anti quity bearing partly on the gospel itself, and partly on the first of the epistles connected with it, and also its internal distinc tive features, authenticate it as the genuine work of the Apostle John sufficiently to overcome the doubts even of modem criticism. As internal evidence in its favour, may be mentioned not only individual traits, which betray an eye-witness's exact knowledge of facts, but, above all, the historical unity of the whole, in which a development so much in accordance with facts is revealed. Its universality of scope, and freedom from national limitations, have in particular been thought suspicious ; but this arises only from the fact of their having been exaggerated and represented from a one sided point of view. Moreover, it depicts the Jewish surround ings of Jesus both as a whole and in detail with sharply defined Jewish characteristics. John relates only a smaller number of characteristically selected miracles, but these well represent the whole miraculous agency of Jesus. The evangelist shows himself to have a thorough insight into the latter as a whole, and gives to it the importance due to it amongst the causes of Jesus' success. Thus, for example, in Jerusalem (ii. 23, viii. 30 ff); 20 THE MESSIANIC AGE. [PART I. and also in Galilee ; for the activity . in that place is plainly enough put forward (iv. 45, vi. 1-15, cf. 66). That the con ception found of Jesus Himself is not a really different one in the Synoptists and in John, has to be shown by the setting forth of the teaching so as to form one single conception of Him de rived from both sources. Again, the general course of our Lord's career is not differently represented in the two accounts ; — at least, any one must have greatly prejudged the question who could venture to maintain that, according to the Synoptists, there were no drawbacks to the success of our Lord's ministry, even up to the time of the final catastrophe ; and likewise that John's conception of the character of Jesus is stiff, lifeless, and unvary ing. In conclusion, we must remark that the evangelist knew how to distinguish the discourses and doctrine of Jesus from his own ideas. We are in a position to show that it is quite possible to exhibit separately the Apostle John's system of doc trine, and that of Jesus as set forth in this gospel ; albeit a cer tain colouring in the rendering of the discourses may belong to the narrator. The gospels generally give the grandest picture of a divinely-human personality, whose superhuman claims are yet comprised in all their ethical greatness, and pervade the whole mass of the narrative. To have produced such a picture far exceeds the power of a mere narrator. But, in John's Gospel especially, the discourses of Jesus are drawn so much out of the inmost depths of this life itself, that there can be no difficulty in deciding whether to acknowledge their authenticity or to ascribe them to an author of the second century. Not even to an apostle could we venture to attribute them. - To speak, in the next place, of the different ways in which these writings have been understood, The allegorical interpreta tion sprang up on a field foreign to Christianity ; it was soon con tinued in the Church only in the form of edifying application, and, subsisted in this way for a long time side by side with the historical mode of interpretation, and on the same basis. It was reserved for the last century to resuscitate the revolting hypo thesis of a deceptive design brought forward by the exasperated and desperate enemies of Christianity ; but this soon succumbed to the verdict of public opinion. On the other side, the so-called natural explanation was involved in difficulties which soon made it impossible, . Thus nothing remained for those who would not § 3.] OUR SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE. 21 acknowledge the historical truth of the gospels, but the assumption that they were traditions which had their origin in the inventive and poetizing spirit of the people. And this view was adopted more eagerly in proportion to the interest taken in the traditions of antiquity. But it is, moreover, .on external grounds impossible that tradition should have been able to substitute a mass of fictions for genuine historical records in the Church. For, as the most unsuspected apostolical testimony in the epistolary portions of the New Testament show, the life of Jesus was never left to be attested by tradition of this kind ; but, being at first in the hands of the apostles themselves, was handed down from them by means of a well-ordered ecclesiastical ministry. The more impossible it became on historical grounds to regard the whole existence and life of Jesus as a myth, the more inducements there were for endeavour ing to assume signs of a mythical element in the narratives them selves. These signs, however, are not restricted to the universal criteria of historical truth ; but those which possess most force and widest application are always deduced from a view of nature and history, which excludes miracles, or from a lower view of the per son of Jesus, which is opposed to everything that tends to glorify Him, and consequently bases the history on nothing better than dogmatic hypothesis. But what tells most decisively against the mythical view, is the fact which cannot be got over, that the origin of these myths does not admit of a sufficient explanation, either on a retrospective or prospective view of the history. For, as regards the first, the Christian Messiah was, notwithstanding the basis laid for Him in the ground of the Old Testament, an entirely different person from him whom the Jews expected ; and, as for the second, the original Christian conception, from which Jesus is said to have sprung, is based simply on history. The characteristic of this conception plainly is, that it has its origin in a redeeming life. And the fact of the redemption of mankind, which lay from the beginning in the Christian consciousness, does not consist in the existence of the idea, but in the reality of the life sought for. Without "this, Christianity would sink to the level of ante-Chris tian religions; it would be, like them, an endless seeking after truth, instead of wearing as its distinctive characteristic that it has found it in Christ. Apart from the external evidence in their favour, which lies in the Style and recognition of the gospel writings themselves 22 THE MESSIANIC AGE. [PART I. and is referred to in biblical introduction, the decisive ground for their acceptance as real history lies in the existence of the apostolic church, and in its inner growth and incorporation with the life of Jesus. This apostolical church, however, offers us direct as well as indirect proofs. In the apostolic letters, as didactic and hortatory epistles addressed to already existing communities, we cannot, of course, expect to find any description of the life of Jesus ; but the principal facts of His life are con stantly referred to as historically known and certain. Cf. on the subject of His life and parentage, 2 Cor. viii. 9 ; Phil ii 7 ; Rom. i 3, cf. ix. 5 ; 2 Tim. ii 8 ; Gal. iv. 4 ; — on His suffer ings, death, and resurrection, 1 Cor. ii. 8 ; 1 Cor. xv. 3, 4 ; Rom. vi. 9, 10 ; — on His dignity and sinlessness and His work, Rom. viii 3, 4; 2 Cor. xiii. 4; Rom. viii. 17, 34, xiv. 9, 10, cf. ii. 6, 16 ; 2 Cor. v. 21 ; Rom. iv. 25, v. 11 ff.; 1 Cor. xv. 45 ; 1 Cor. viii 6 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ; Rom. viii. 9 ff. Upon this rests the whole Pauline Christology. Now Paul was certainly not an eye-witness, and his evangelical announcement was quite an original one (Gal. i.) ; but yet he was in communication with eye witnesses of the facts (GaL ii), and must have collected from them information about what had happened. We see, for in stance, how, with regard to the Last Supper, he appeals to some definite information on the subject (1 Cor. xi.) ; and, in speaking of the resurrection, to the minutely detailed external testimony on which it rests (1 Cor. xv.). He is also careful, where precepts of life are concerned (1 Cor. vii.), to distinguish between matters actually determined by Jesus, and his own or any other opinions respecting them. Thus we find both requisites, — that he rests upon history, and that he deals with it in the most conscientious manner. Equally strong testimony to the same principal facts is borne by the Apostle John, who, in his first epistle, speaks of himself in the most positive terms as an eye-witness ; and the evidence of Peter (1 Epist.) and of James is of the same kind. So also, outside the canon of Scripture, the unvarying tradition of the ancient church speaks of a firmly rooted and abiding conviction on this subject. The very silence of Josephus is a testimony for the life of Jesus ; for1, had he been able to disprove the validity of the Christian statement, he would certainly have done so. The con clusion is irresistible, that the existence of the Christian church and of the idea on which it rests is a fact which can be explained § 3.] OUR SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE. 23 in no other way than by the extraordinary personality and history which are claimed for it. It is contrary to all historical analogy that a number of obscure individuals should have been the authors of. these world-transforming ideas, except under the genuine guid ance of a master spirit. And without doubt it would have far exceeded the capability of such narrators, and still more of the disciples in general, to work out by their own unaided powers the conception of such a personality ; and herein exactly lies its historical probability, or, indeed, truth. All objections to the miraculous element in the appearance of Jesus are easily removed, if we look at the grand inner harmony of the picture of His life which is presented to us. It is a per fect human personality which meets us there. Where it tran scends the limits of mere humanity, it still exhibits amidst all its personal power a discretion so meek and lowly, that we are compelled either to regard Him as a fanatic or an impostor ; or, failing to reconcile either of these suppositions with His human character, to acknowledge that He was neither one nor the other, but that His supernatural claim rests in the inmost depths of His consciousness, and was therefore a true one. Understood in this way, this absolutely unique personality agrees with the historically unique character of Christianity. But, notwithstand ing its miraculous nature, it also forms a part of an organized system, which has its roots in the whole period of revelation antecedent to the appearance of Jesus, and, in its subsequent effects, buds, blossoms, and bears fruit. Indeed, it has been thought to be a characteristic of the myth, that the fact shows itself as the highest development of an historically antecedent idea. But why should not God -carry out the purposes for which He has so prepared the way ? The effects are, however, quite homogeneous to the miraculous beginning. The more firmly, therefore, the main fact is established, the greater right we have to demand that the first question asked by an impartial inquirer should be, What has taken place? and then, How is it to be accounted for ? Also, that characteristics should not be pre supposed of everything which has taken place which run counter to the very character of the facts, and make them antecedently impossible, because a certain philosophical view looks upon every miracle as impossible. But the rejection of all that is miraculous cannot constitute itself the law of historical inquiry. 24 THE MESSIANIC AGE. [PART I. The true critic will hold fast to the' main historical facts and all that is necessarily involved in them ; and, in the next place, he will apply to the accounts in question the test of their internal agreement. These accounts exhibit some points of difference. But this is the case with the most notorious facts of profane history, without any one dreaming of its being necessary on that account to call in question the facts themselves. Many difficul ties, arising from this varied mode of presentation, vanish of themselves as soon as the task of forming a judgment is simply set about with an honest purpose. So far as some of these state ments bear a peculiar stamp, the fact is explained by the copious ness of form and expression assumed by the grandeur of our Lord's personality. On the other hand, we see in the above-cited example of the Apostle Paul (1 Cor. vii.), how conscientiously, in apostolic times, the authentic discourses of Jesus were selected and handed down. With this agrees the careful transmission of the discourses in Matthew ; and even in John it can be shown how well he distinguishes the discourses of Jesus and their type of doctrine from his own. The subjective nature of the repre sentation takes nothing from its historical character. It is itself only an indirect proof of the powerful influence which was at work But, where the same circumstances are differently re ported, the critic has to decide whether the facts are really identical or not, only he must do this on historical, not on philosophical grounds. No theory of inspiration can prevent our acknowledging the existence of such elements of uncertainty. The method of biblical theology is of necessity purely historical, and hence the manner alone in which the Scripture expresses itself can here be considered. And here the general possibility must be admitted, that even a decided theory of divine inspiration may be compatible with the admission of individual elements not strictly authentic, provided only that the transmission of that which regards the nature of Christianity lies under no suspicion. DIV. L §4.] THE LIFE OF JESUS. 25 FIRST DIVISION. THE LIFE OF JESUS § 4. Nature of the Subject. Christianity in the Messianic period is essentially bound up with the person of Jesus of Nazareth ; and herein a distinction must be drawn between His historical appearance and the didactic expression of the Messianic consciousness in the teaching of Jesus. Now, all that is aimed at here being to describe the essential features of Christianity during this period, our sketch will certainly embrace the whole life of Jesus, but not in its details. Hence it is clearly not a biography of Jesus, — a subject, however, which has possessed a copious literature of its own since the last quarter of the 18 th century. The essential facts are what we are most concerned with, and these are the turning-points in our Lord's history, as His birth related by two, His death, resurrection, and glorification by all four, evangelists ; and also a compendium of historical details, so far as they display the nature of the Messianic person. It is not necessary, for instance, to describe every individual miracle, but only in general our Lord's activity in works of that kind, and its characteristic features as an essential phase of His historical manifestation. The early history of Jesus must also form a part of our pre sent plan ; and it will be necessary to investigate the question, in which sense the birth and youth of Jesus form essential parts of His personal manifestation. I. THE EARLY HISTORY OF JESUS. I 5. A General View of the Above. The accounts of Jesus' early years, compared with those of His public life, stand in a different relation to the gospel preaching of 26 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. the apostles and their coadjutors. For only the later events could form the topic of a discourse intended to make proselytes. It was the public life only which could found a new faith ; other things could do no more than contribute to its support. And it was of importance before unbelievers that the facts should be attested by contemporary evidence. On this account Mark and John begin with the public life, and even in the Acts, John's baptism is adhered to as "the starting-point of the apostolic testi mony (Acts i 21, 22, x. 36-41, 37, 39, xiii. 24); and for the same reason also the feast of the Epiphany is prior in historical importance to that of Christmas. But/ as the interest a believer takes in the subject is different from that of an unbeliever, it be comes necessary to trace the life of Jesus to its source ; and this requirement had to be satisfied in the gospels written for the church. A more general Christian interest than that exhibited in St. Matthew must be presupposed in the man to whom Luke's Gospel is addressed. The evangelist himself evidently possessed the extensive scheme and comprehensive grasp of the true his torian ; and his aim had in view the whole province of the attain able. Although this might have been possible by fictitious narrative, either intentional and conscious, or unintentional and mythical, yet authentic traditions and liistorical investigation would be equally available for the same purpose ; and these were - accessible to the apostles and their contemporaries, who had our Lord's mother living amongst them (Acts i. 14, cf. John xix. 26, 2 7). The objection that even the family of Jesus had no belief in Him (John vii. ; Mark iii.) cannot be maintained. In the expression of doubt concerning Him recorded by Mark (iii. 21) Mary herself took no part ; and it is quite in the nature of things that she should prefer to ponder in her own thoughtful spirit over the earlier events, rather than make them known prematurely even to her nearest relatives. In the case of our Lord's brethren, the proverb about the prophet in his own country was certainly ful filled to the letter ; yet they also believed after the resurrection. Whether the accounts relating to this period are to be re-1 garded as trustworthy, obviously depends upon the genuineness of the opening chapters of Matthew and Luke. (a) The genuineness of the first two chapters of Matthew has been often attacked and defended since the last quarter of the last century, The external reasons against them founded on the nature DIV. I. § 5.] GENERAL VIEW OF HIS EARLY HISTORY. 27 of the manuscripts will not bear investigation. The use of the chapters in question amongst the fathers extends as far back as Justin, who, in his dialogue with Trypho, quotes as from Matthew the Old Testament passages therein referred to, and manifestly makes free use of him himself. Celsus, on the other hand, as we learn from Origen, disputed the genuineness of these accounts. They make good their claim, however, to be regarded as original portions of ( Matthew's Gospel, not only by their language, which might be laid to the account of the Greek translators, but also by their whole general mode of expression. The Ebionites and the Gnostics alike rejected them on dogmatic grounds. For these dogmas made them necessarily averse not only to the history of our Lord's birth, but also to the genealogy (in which, ver. 16, Mary is mentioned), and to the story of the magi ; for, according to the Ebionites, who held that Jesus first became the Messiah at His baptism, His star could not have shown itself so early. (b) Against the genuineness of the first two chapters of Luke only Marcion can be adduced, but his criticism proves nothing at all. The only inference which can be drawn from the Jewish vein of thought which runs through them, is that Luke met with some earlier sources of information, which he regarded as com pletely trustworthy. It only remains, therefore, to apply the principles of internal criticism to the narrative itself, and that chiefly on the formal ground of the relation which the two accounts bear to each other, and their discrepancies or incompatibility. Both accounts are .undeniably of a fragmentary character. The only circumstances they possess in common are the proof of our Lord's descent from David (but dealt with in different ways), the account of His super natural generation, and of His birth at Bethlehem. Matthew's narrative, however, is given from Joseph's standpoint, Luke's from that of Mary; and the two are therefore quite independent of each other. Matthew's object is to demonstrate the Messianic character of Jesus from His earliest youth by means of the history of the magi, and of His rescue from the consequent peril of His life, no less than by the genealogy and proof of His supernatural birth/ He is satisfied when he has attained this object, which he clearly indicates by referring back to the Messianic prophecies themselves. Luke has essentially the same object in view, re tracing as he does the connection between Jesus and John the 28 ' THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. Baptist to its source, adding some scenes from the childhood of the former, which had impressed themselves deeply on the mother's heart. Now, the fragmentary character of such a history of his youth almost necessitates that one statement should deviate from the other even to the extent of appearing to contradict it. But there is no real discrepancy. For we can easily suppose that the presentation in the Temple may have taken place before the ar rival of the magi. The statement at first sight opposed to this (Luke ii. 39) is merely the form in which the evangelist passes on to his main subject, the events which took place at Nazareth. The return to Nazareth, by a journey of several days, imme diately after the presentation, is not in itself very probable ; but the presentation must by no means be regarded on that account as having taken place after the flight into Egypt. The fragment ary character, therefore, of these notices' explains the difficulty of the return to Nazareth appearing, according to Luke's account, to follow upon the presentation, whereas it took place, as Matthew relates, from out of Egypt ; and also the appearance, according to St. Matthew, of Bethlehem having been their earlier abode. But we must also notice that Joseph, from whose standpoint Matthew proceeds, certainly belonged to Bethlehem, even though he may have had no house there. (As to the double pedigree, see below.) Thus much, at least, is proved by the existence of two accounts, that there was not originally any one of sole and undisputed authority, — a fact perfectly consistent with the credibility of the various existing narrations, of which each of the two evangelists has handed down a portion in internal agreement with the other, Matthew giving greater prominence to its retrospective bearing on the Old Testament, Luke to matters of more purely historical interest. Thus the chief objection to the accounts, entertained even by biographers of Jesus who otherwise admit the historical character of the individual, — which, too, has afforded such facilities for attacks like that of Strauss, — lies entirely in the tenor of the accounts them selves. People demur to the supernatural occurrences which are related, not considering that the same objection, if valid, attaches to the whole life no less than to the early childhood of Jesus : the one is not more full of wonders than the other. If the truth of the former be admitted, — of the noble and harmonious picture of the life of Jesus as it is presented in the gospels, with every re- DIV. I. § 6.] HIS DESCENT AND BIRTH. 29 quisite not only for leading captive but also for completely satis fying the human soul, the only picture which is at all adequate to the true idea of Christianity and its world-wide importance and activity, — then must we allow that the early history in Matthew ancf Luke fully corresponds to the harmonious whole. It is entirely owing to this miraculous manifestation that the higher life has attained even its present degree of development in human nature. And it is a sufficient answer to the speculation which finds this miracle impossible, to point to the course of history developed during the last two thousand years as the superstructure resting on that foundation. It must, indeed, be allowed that these accounts occupy a dif ferent position to that of the apostolic testimony to our Lord's later life. For, as regards these earlier events, the apostles were not eye but ear witnesses. We have, therefore, only two accounts of this history, and there is but little which is related in both. This circumstance, however, does not affect their credibility. | 6. Bescent and Birth of Jesus. The principal fact of the conception is unequivocally and unanimously indicated by both evangelists. Matthew implies it (i 16) by the omission of the form iyevvrjae in the genealogy, and verse 18 leaves no doubt on the point. The preposition etc excludes every other explanation, as, for instance, in conformity with the Holy Ghost, i.e. with foregoing prophecy, or in a manner well pleasing to the Holy Ghost, approved of God, and not criminal in the eyes of man. In addition to this, however, all such interpretations are excluded by the historical connection in re gard to the behaviour of Joseph. A natural conception by another man, — a crime, according to national ideas, worthy of death, — does not agree with either of the above-mentioned explanations. The sense is therefore clear. It is a conception brought about without man's participation by the creative power of God. And precisely the same fact is undeniably asserted by St. Luke also. The negative side of it is expressed by Mary (i. 34), and the positive by the angel (i. 35). The &yiov (neuter, because it is the yet impersonal fcetus) will be the Son of God, in the same immediate creative sense as Adam (iii. 38) ; so that here also we are referred to the creative power of God, to the exclusion of any masculine human agency. 30 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I The foremost objection urged against these accounts is, that they are internally contradictory. Although the details follow one another easily and conformably to fact, — viz. the announcement to Mary, Mary's visit to Elisabeth, the announcement to Joseph, and our Saviour's birth, — still a contradiction is supposed to lie in the fact, that the second angelic message followed as a simple repeti tion, without reference to the first, and with no blame for disbelief in the earlier one, and that between Mary and Joseph themselves no explanation had taken place. Now, there could have been no such reference or blame if Joseph were unaware of the earlier angelic message. But if he knew of it, the mere agreement be tween the two messages would doubtless have at once removed all uncertainty from his mind. And yet the very naturalness of the doubt, in the face of the unprecedented nature of the fact, would have removed all cause for blame. Besides which, it is uncertain whether Mary had thus early communicated it to him. But, in our ignorance whether she had in the interval any oppor tunities of confidential intercourse with him on the subject, or was not rather obliged to leave it in higher hands, we must pronounce her too free from blame. Thus no blame attaches in any case to either, and the accounts are natural and consistent. But the event itself has of late been impugned on physico- theological grounds, — the attack being directed (1) physiologically against the circumstance of the miracle ; (2) theologically against the purpose of it. As regards the latter, others have adopted Schleiermacher's view, that the exclusion of the merely paternal participation would not have sufficed to secure perfect sinlessness in the new life, which end, however, might have been attained by the mere purification of both sources of parentage alike. But this view quite overlooks the main point involved, namely, the exclusion of the sensual act of generation, which exclusion would entirely alter the maternal participation (cf. John i. 13). Thus, then, the fact appears quite adequate to the object in view • and, this object being parallel to that of creation itself, it is difficult to understand why a creative ""act, setting aside the laws of nature, could not possibly have been performed, those laws being them selves established only by the act and purpose of creation. A further objection against the supernatural conception is of an Lristorico-exegetical character, and is founded partly on the silence of the rest of the New Testament on this point, partly on doctrines DIV. I. § 6.] niS DESCENT AND BIRTH. 31 and facts held to be opposed to it. (a) The evangelists Matthew and Luke, it is said, make no further allusion to it. But this was unnecessary, since they had already given such decided promi nence to the fact. And when the expressions parents and father occur (Luke ii. 41, 48), we must surely assume that they are used in the sense required by the immediately preceding narra tive. In the same way the fact of the Davidical genealogies running through Joseph is a proof that' the evangelists at least did not regard these genealogies as contradicting the conception. Again, to suppose that Jesus Himself, in the face of depreciatory expressions as to His descent, should have referred to the mode of His origin, is nothing less than absurd ; for this would only have exposed Him to fresh obloquy. He did all that could pos sibly be required in bearing witness to Himself simply as the Son of His heavenly Father, in the only true sense of that expression. (b) Allowing that the epistolary portion of the New Testament does not mention the fact (not even Rom. i 3 ; Gal. iv. 4 ; Heb. vii. 3), the omission is of no importance. For it was not neces sary to put this truth prominently forward in founding Chris tianity, but it was much more to the purpose of the apostles' teaching first to plant a faith in the higher nature of Jesus, from which faith the admission of the fact in question would neces sarily follow, (c) But it has also been said that John's view of the incarnation, and of the indwelling of a divine hypostasis in Jesus, contradicts the conception by the Holy Ghost. So far from contradicting, his doctrine even requires it ; for how could the result have been brought about without such a conception ? This argument becomes irresistible when supported by the statement in John's Gospel, that what is born of the flesh is flesh, (d) Nor is it of any importance that Mark also, in his abridgment, passes over this fact unmentioned. To the untenableness of the above-named objections, must be added the difficulty of assigning a mythical origin to the narrative. The facts brought forward to connect it with Old Testament ideas are of an entirely different nature. Something beyond a differ ence in degree must surely exist between distinguished men bom of aged parents, and also the term son of God as applied to kings and heroes on the one hand, and to Him who owed His origin to no human father on the other. It is not only probable, from the scantiness of our information, but, from Justin's Dialogue with 32 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. Trypho, it is certain, that Isa. vii. was not interpreted messiani- cally by the Jews. We must also bear in mind that the truth in question was most violently attacked by the Ebionites ; and that the LXX. has been blamed for its translation irapOevos in this passage. But if the Jewish line of reference is closed against us, still less can the origin we are contending for be explained by an appeal to heathen analogies of sons of gods and various incarnations, all resting on entirely different hypotheses, apart from the ex trinsic improbability of the idea as regards a narrative which belongs to the Hebraistic elements of St. Luke. This much alone is evident from these analogies, that the premonitory tendency of subjective religion is towards a reunion of the divine and human, which finds its completion in the divine origin and person of Christ. The Christian doctrine of a regeneration by the Spirit, the whole tenor of which being so entirely different, cannot have given occasion to the narrative. And still less can it be referred to an over-estimate of the unmarried life ; for the gospels presup pose that a real marriage between Mary and Joseph was after wards consummated. Thus the mythical view is refuted by its internal impossibility. On the other hand, it may be assumed that the whole course of New Testament development, which leads on from facts to ideas and doctrines, will not prove to have belied itself. Even the conferring of the name of Jesus is, if not a convincing, yet a supporting proof, of the historical nature of the occurrence. The significance of the fact, — and that it has significance is evident from the "therefore" (Bio) of Luke i 35, — lies in its being the starting- point of a new life for mankind, a life of pure humanity. The proportions of the synoptic view have not yet reached the point of the incarnation, nor is absolute sinlessness as yet asserted any more than in the case of Adam. But, by the exclusion of the generative act from the origin, a higher degree of purity was at all events secured for the offspring. The personality, which was thus spared from being interwoven with the continuity of our sinful nature, adopted from it so much only as was homogeneous to its divine origin, and consequently bears within itself a purity and power resulting from the divine consciousness, enabling it to become a new starting-point for humanity. This is the synoptical idea, answering to the Pauline comparison of Christ with Adam, and to his apprehension of Him as the Lord from DIV. I. § 6.] HIS DESCENT AND BIRTa 33 heaven (1 Cor. xv. 47), and as the life-giving Spirit (xv. 45, cf. Rom. v. 12 ff). The reverse of the generation without paternity is the descent from the race of David. Matthew and Luke give genealogies which aim at proving Jesus to have been descended from David, as in the character of the Messiah He must have been, and also from Abraham as the first recipient of the theocratic promise. But whilst Matthew confines himself to this, Luke goes back to Adam. By connecting Jesus with the first man, he also places Him in historical connection with all mankind, thus proving himself to be a universalist of the Pauline school The genealogy of Matthew traces the descent from David through Solomon and famihar royal names ; that of Luke, on the other hand, by a series of obscure names through Nathan. The latter has therefore been believed to be a genealogy of Mary, — an- opinion the more readily embraced, because it appeared to har monize better with the story of the conception. An old tradition also speaks of the descent of Mary from David. This explanation, however, does not harmonize with the words in Luke iii. 23, whether Heli be regarded as father-in-law or grandfather. Further, it appears to result from Luke ii. 4 and i 27 that the evangelist ascribed a descent from David to Joseph only ; and, lastly, the genealogy of the mother would, according to Jewish ideas, have had no weight at all. For this very reason, the union of the con ception with the genealogy, even if regarded as Joseph's, would be in no way opposed to Jewish views of legitimate descent. Nor do the two genealogies, even if they both refer to Joseph, exclude each other. Their existence side by side may be explained either by a marriage of two half-brothers, or more simply by assuming that one gives the natural, the second the legal descent through adoption. If we choose the latter supposition, the marriage of Mary as an heiress into the line of David would at any rate help to explain the old tradition of her descent from him. All that has been proved hitherto is that such a mode of recon ciling the genealogies is not improbable. Other difficulties re main behind, such as the double mention of Zorobabel, and the omission of the three kings. But the genealogy may still be credible as a whole in spite of these difficulties, especially those of them which arise from the abridgments not unusual in such cases. Everything combines to prove that the descent of Jesus from C 34 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. David was not questioned by His contemporaries (cf. Matt. ix. 27, xii. 2\.l, xx. 30 f. [Mark x. 47 ; Luke xviii. 35 ff.], xxi. 9; [Acts ii. 30 ; Rom. i 3, ix. 5 ; 2 Tim. ii. 8 ; Rev. v. 5, xxii 16]) ; nor is His own testimony (Matt. xxii. 41-46) in any way opposed to it. The importance attaching to this feature serves also to explain His acknowledgment as the Messiah ; and the fact being once admitted, it became a matter of the deepest moment on historical grounds to trace out and compile the genealogies. In accordance with a prevailing idea founded on Micah v. 1, Bethlehem was the place of Jesus' birth. This is only mentioned incidentally by Matthew (ch. ii. 1) ; but Luke states in detail, that Joseph and Mary left Nazareth, their usual abode, and for the pur poses of the census travelled to Bethlehem, where the birth took place. The supposition that Nazareth was their earlier dwelling- place is not contradicted by Matthew (ii. 22, 23) ; for it might very well have been a question with them at that time (having the child- > Messiah committed to their care), whether it would not be better for them to live at Bethlehem on account of its near neighbourhood to the sanctuary, and in order to avoid the associations connected with Nazareth. That this is not more plainly expressed is due to the fragmentary nature of the account. But Luke enters more minutely into particulars, mentioning a Homan census as the occasion of what followed. Now, it has been thought improbable that either of them, and especially Mary, should have gone to the place of their ancestry for such a pur pose. Yet recent investigations have shown that among the Romans every one was assessed at the place where he was a municipal freeman ; and, moreover, according to later enactments, women of independent fortune were liable to taxation. It is not, however, stated that Mary was obliged to appear : she might have followed so as to avoid being left behind without protection, and exposed to slanderous reports at Nazareth. The question now arises, whether at this time, under the government of, Herod, a Roman census could have taken place. This is affirmed by the fact that Augustus left behind him a complete rationarium and breviarium of the whole empire, which could be based only on a census ; that he availed himself of the opportunity to assume' universal proconsular power ; and that on another occasion excep tions are cited to the universality of such a census, which prove universality to have been the rule. DIV. I. § 7.] FIRST COMING INTO PUBLIC NOTICE, AND EARLY LIFE. 35 We are here met by the difficulty that Quirinius (Luke ii. 2) was not proconsul at this time, and that under him undoubtedly a well-known census did take place (mentioned in Acts v. as well as by Josephus), which, however, occurred twelve years later. To avoid the necessity of altering the text, a distinction has been drawn between the planning or beginning of the census, and its actual carrying out or completion ; or Quirinius is not considered as pro consul, but only as commissary. But a better expedient than either is to understand irpmrri as a comparative, this usage occur ring both in Hellenistic and classical Greek. But even then the expression would be ambiguous. Thus much, however, is certain, that Luke, who was very exact in his dates, cannot have mistaken the taxation twelve years later mentioned by himself, and that even a chronological inaccuracy in this respect could not upset the entire fact.1 It need occasion no surprise that Bethlehem is not mentioned elsewhere in the gospels as our Lord's birthplace. If the con temporaries of Jesus took offence at His being a Nazarene (cf. John vii. 41), the most obvious way of convincing them of His Messiahship would have been to maintain against them the erroneousness of their supposition ; but it was much more to His purpose to do this in a different manner. On John i 46 it is to be observed, that Philip might perhaps not have been aware of the birth in Bethlehem. And, moreover, had prominence been given to this fact in the gospels, critics would no doubt have inferred from it premeditation and untruthfulness. § 7. First coming into public Notice, and early Life. Luke relates how the wondrous birth was made known to *%ome shepherds of Bethlehem by a revelation of angels, and sub- . sequently, at the presentation in the temple, to two very aged persons by a, spiritual impulse from within. Matthew tells of the appearance of an unusual star, under the influence of which some eastern magi, having arrived at the conviction of the birth of the Messiah, came to do homage to Him. According to Luke, the announcement was made to the shep herds of Bethlehem in the field by a vision of angels (first, ii. 9, 10, of one; then, 13, 14, of many). The angelic appearance can 1 [On this vexed and intricate question the treatise of A. W. Zumpt, recently republished in a more complete form, Bhould by all means be consulted.— Tb.] 36 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. excite no surprise in those who are at all conversant with the spirit of the Scriptures. The world of spirits is represented throughout the New Testament as forming with mankind the one family of God (Eph. i 10, [iii. 15 ;]¦ Col. i 20 ; Luke xv. 10 ; John i 52). In the present case, the appearance of angels fulfils its loftiest aim, first in the shepherds, whose Messianic faith is proved by their conduct ; next in the parents of Jesus, to whom they impart it ; and lastly in the whole Christian Church which takes part in it. All the circumstances are in harmony with the whole life of Jesus ; and there are no grounds for a mythical hypothesis founded on such inadequate analogies as are afforded by divine appearances to shepherds, and the glorification attend ing the birth of some great men. The second announcement is connected with the religious acts which were commanded, partly with reference to the mother, partly to the child (Lev. xii. 2-8 ; Ex. xiii. 2 ; Num. xviii 15). The child, brought by His mother with this object to Jerusalem, two miles from Bethlehem, was there recognised by Simeon, a very aged man living in constant expectation of the Messiah (whom some without any ground have wished to identify with the father of Gamaliel), and also by an aged prophetess called Anna. No merely natural explanation of this incident will suffice. The whole is brought about by the stirring of the divine Spirit. Susceptibility to impression meets by divine arrange ment with a fulfilment, which in the narrative is described as miraculous, by everything being directly traced back to the work ing of the Holy Spirit. Simeon speaks as one deeply imbued with Messianic aspirations under the Old Testament dispensation ; and the manner in which the widow is introduced is full of historic truth, without a trace of mere embellishment and display. J(P were a disparagement of individual religious need to misjudge the divine purpose, on account of its limitation to these indi-' viduals. Neither the parallel between this scene and that of John's circumcision, nor the desire of glorifying both, will at all explain how the account can have originated in a myth. So far from this, each event bears a construction of its own. The third announcement differs from the two preceding in referring to heathen, — certain Persian priests and astrologers, for this without doubt the magi were, — who, having had their atten tion aroused -by some celestial phenomenon, inquire after the DIV. I. J 7.] FIRST COMING INTO PUBLIC NOTICE, AND EARLY LIFE. 37 Messiah in Jerusalem, are directed to Bethlehem, and there find Him. Messianic hopes had spread from Israel over the whole eastern world. Here they became connected with astrology. These men were led either by an astrological conjecture, or by some extraordinary phenomenon in the heavens ; most probably the latter, for there is nothing surprising in the connection of such an appearance with the birth of Jesus. Thus the hopeful forebodings of men in widely different spheres received their fulfil ment (Mic. v. 2), and were brought home to expectant hearts. The natural and supernatural react upon each other in every part of this occurrence. What the magi experienced in Jerusalem, and what led them thence to Bethlehem, has a perfectly natural appearance. Again, the danger and delivery of the young child, which followed these events, form a narrative perfectly consistent in itself, and bearing the stamp of unvarnished history. Certainly some passages from the Old Testament are applied to it by a forced interpretation. This can only be due to the impression made by the facts on the public mind having called forth this interpretation. Here also the supernatural element steps in, but always in harmony with the natural course, as in the dreams which always further the progress of events. The history, too, harmonizes in a singular degree with the well-known cruel and cowardly character of Herod. His calculations, resting on the guileless nature of the magi, and guarding against the possibility of arousing any suspicion in their minds, were perfectly accurate, 'and must have succeeded but for the divine interposition. Josephus relates nothing of this, as, upon principle, he says nothing about Jesus. Tradition has, indeed, often associated scenes of danger with the early history of great men ; but this %is no reason why all extraordinary destinies should be untrue. There is nothing in the Old Testament on which such a myth can rest. The whole narrative is so simple and free from all the exaggeration of tradition, that it even gives no intimation of the full signification of the principal event. The history of the magi is followed by the settled residence of Jesus at Nazareth during His youth. Matthew derives His appellation of Nazarene (ii 23) from a passage in prophecy, pro bably referring in his own mind to Isaiah xi., where the Messiah appears as a tender branch [TO (netser)] springing out of an old and mutilated stem. Jesus dwelling in the dim obscurity of 38 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. Nazareth thus appears to the evangelist, who is guided rather by deeper associations of a general prophetic character than by the wording of any particular passage, but still retains the formula of quotation (Sia r&v irpo^T&v). We see, moreover, by his application of Hos. xi. 1, and Jer. xxxi. 15, that he has also in mind a deeper connection and the typical analogy of the sacred history. Luke mentions the gradual and undisturbed development of the boy, for which the retirement of Nazareth was exactly suited. Some excitement from without may be necessary to the develop ment of a nature even the most original ; but the more original a nature is, the better the commonest conditions will suffice. These are here supplied in a pious family life, in the national traditions, and, above all, in the grand revelations of Holy Scrip ture to which the youthful Jesus had access. It was perfectly natural for Him to visit the temple in His twelfth year, at which age children were considered old enough to do so ; and while there He mixes with the doctors, according to the usual custom of the disciples of the rabbis. In all this, as well as in a moderately wealthy rabbi taking an interest in the child, or even inviting Him to his house, there is nothing at variance with the spirit and customs of the time. The case of Samuel presents only a very general resemblance to this. A peculiar conscious ness is shown in the reply of Jesus to His mother, especially on account of the antithetical tone of these words ; but He expresses nothing more than perception of a deeply-seated unity with God. Whether the Messianic idea was as yet joined with this in His self- consciousness, is of course uncertain ; but that idea is so simple and genuinely human in its universality, that it is difficult to see how it could be absolutely incompatible with the self-conscious ness of a child. The narrative is also a voucher for the absence of all special means of cultivation in His earlier years. Even if the term rabbi was subsequently applied to Him from the very com mencement of His public life, this proves nothing as to any special education, for any one setting up as a teacher might be so called. TkicTiov also may mean carpenter's son, but no objection can be founded upon His having shared Joseph's occupation. Nothing can be more unhistorical than to picture Him in connec tion with any particular sect. DIV. I. § 8.] MINISTRY OF THE BAPTIST. 39 II. CHRIST'S PREPARATION FOR, AND ENTRANCE UPON, HIS PUBLIC MINISTRY. § 8. Ministry of the Baptist. The gospel history was regarded by the evangelists as begin ning with that of John the Baptist : this was also the view taken by Jesus Himself (Luke xvi. 1 6, etc.), and the evangelists there fore gave it an early and prominent place in their accounts (Matt. lit 1-12 ; Luke iii. 1-20 ; Mark i 1-8). Even John has in effect adopted the same plan, by commencing with the Baptist's testimony of Jesus (John i 1 9-3 7) ; and his later history is inter woven with the gospel narrative (Matt. xi. 1 ff., xiv. 1 ff. ; John iii. 23 ff). The sources are copious enough; and we have, in addition, the testimony of Josephus for it (Ant. 18). Luke only gives also John's early history, the extraordinary events of which are less to be wondered at, if looked upon as showing the divine arrangement, by their suitability both to tihe existing circum stances and also to the prophecies of the Messiah's forerunner. The early history of John is, besides, so interwoven with that of Jesus, that the two must stand or fall together. The gospels understand his appearance not as something accidental, but as a high, necessity attested by Old Testament prophecy. Isaiah (xl. 3) and Malachi (iii. 1,23) had both predicted the forerunner ; and, according to the latter, the expectation of Elias' coming had grown into a popular belief (Matt. xvii. 10 ; John i 21). Jesus Himself declares this prophecy to have found its fulfilment in John (Matt. xi. 14, xvii. 12). Before the appearance of the Messiah, the fiery spirit and incorruptible judicial severity of Elias were to recall the people and their leaders to the true mean ing and spirit of the old law, and the moral side of the Messianic expectation was thus to be introduced. Such was John's voca tion (Matt. xvii. 11), not arbitrarily assumed, but delegated to him expressly from above (Luke iii. 2 ; John i. 33). The whole scope of John's preaching was in harmony with this design. By the requirement of repentance, he announced the near approach of the kingdom of God, and also its moral cha racter ; showing his insight into the nature and divine economy of this kingdom, by declaring that it did not depend upon descent from Abraham, but upon a moral and religious conversion. In 4Q THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. the universal requirement of repentance he taught the universality of sin, and accordingly depicted the Messiah as the all-searching Judge ; but he applied himself also to the various forms of sin, — to the most deeply seated corruption as well as to the special modes of individual wrong-doing. The Baptist, too, stood forth as the personal embodiment of repentance, and thus strengthened the effect of his exhortations. His chief course of action was the combination of symbolical baptism with his preaching. The direct and indirect objects of this baptism were, respectively, repentance and the forgiveness of sins. At the same time it pointed to the Messiah ; but, not being effectual for securing the Messianic salvation, merely having been a baptism of water in contradistinction to the baptism of the Spirit, only a symbolical character can attach to it. It was a divine summons to repentance with reference to belief in the Messiah ; and as a personal acknowledgment of the need of redemption, confession of sins was joined with it. If we ask on what grounds the choice of this symbol for the Baptist rested, Jesus Himself (Matt, xxi 25) points in a sufficiently marked manner to the prophet's divine authorization. But this does not supersede the want of an occasion connecting the rite with some external cir cumstance. It was long thought that such a link had been dis covered in the Jewish custom of baptizing proselytes ; but more careful researches have shown that the existence of this custom cannot be traced back further than the .destruction of Jerusalem.1 Nor would such an origin accord with the intention of John's baptism, which did not involve the idea of admission into a new community. The most probable explanation is, that it . was a prophetico-symbolical act, such as we find recorded of prophets in the Old Testament, and connected with a prophetical type of the prior dispensation. The idea of a moral purification was associated with the Messianic times, and this was expressly represented under the form of cleansing with water (cf. Ezek. xxxvi. 25, [xxxvii. 23 ;] 1 [This assertion can hardly be maintained. The hostility felt by the Jews to Christianity renders it highly improbable that, after the promulgation of the new faith, the Jews should have adopted so distinctively Christian a rite. There is good reason to believe that this simple and natural custom, so prevalent among all the religions of antiquity, was really in use from the captivity, if not as some think, long before. Cf. Bengel, das Alte der Jtid. Proselytentaufe Tubingen, 1814.— Tr.] ' DIV. I. § 8.] MINISTRY OF THE BAPTIST. 41 [Jer. xxxi 31-34;] [Joel iii. 1 ;] Zech. xiii. 1, [xii. 10]). John embodied this type in the symbolical act of his baptism. The Messiah, whom John regarded as too high above himself to receive at his hands a service which was too menial even for a disciple to render to his master, is thus depicted by him in rela tion to His work : (a) As the spiritual Renewer who was to bap tize with the Spirit and with fire. The idea of the spiritual baptism was arrived at, by combining the two Old Testament views of the outpouring of the divine Spirit on these times, on the one hand, and with the personal endowment of the Messiah, on the other. (6) A second characteristic of this work is the judgment of the Messiah. This is directly contained only in the synoptic accounts of the Baptist's discourses ; yet in John, too, whose narrative, (in part) more copious and therefore more ex posed to critical doubt, must always be compared, the same idea is to be found in the exclusion (iii. 36) from life of whosoever does not believe on Him. (c) A third mark follows, occurring only in John, viz. the Messiah's ministry in purifying from sin (John i. 29). The older interpretation here referred to the typical paschal lamb and a sin-offering ; to which view it may fairly be objected, that the lamb was not an offering of that kind, although the name of atonement cannot be entirely excluded from it. Against the obscurity of this interpretation must be set the clearness which will result if we find therein an allusion to Isaiah liii. The only question, then, is whether cupeiv means to take away merely, or involves also the notion of personal suffering : both which views are in themselves possible. But even in the first case, the taking away would still, according to Isaiah's imagery, be effected by an act of endurance ; so that in any case the whole expression con tains the idea of a purification from sin through suffering, since a third explanation, that of bearing suffering (ap-aprla), is impos sible. This idea, however, John must have already arrived at through his own baptisms, the very intention of which was to prepare the way by repentance for the forgiveness of sins, which was to be attained only through the Messiah. And even if John afterwards entertained any doubt as to the character of Jesus, nothing more is implied than his inability to account for the delay, in the Messiah's work. For a proper idea as to Jesus had certainly not become familiar to the people ; and the disciples of John, and even of Jesus, might not have attained to- it. 42 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. As to the person of Jesus, we have some express declarations of the Baptist in John's Gospel. The first of these occurs at i. 27 and 30, where His pre-existence is declared certainly in •n-p&Tos, and probably in epvrrpotrdev also ; for the latter can scarcely be interpreted to mean no more than pre-eminence, the succeeding clause with on being merely explanatory. The material for this view of the Baptist is to be found in the 7 th chapter of Daniel, and also in the 5 th of Micah, which at least admits of such an interpretation ; and, finally, in the many passages where the coming of the Messiah is represented as the complete manifestation of Deity, which might easily result in the recogni tion of a deeper relation between His person and God Himself. Here, then, we have merely a recapitulation in its more spiritual features of what was foreshadowed in the Old Testament, and one which first explains to us John's depreciation of himself as compared with Jesus, as recorded by the synoptic evangelists. Another passage (John iii. 32-36) presents greater difficulty, be cause it is an open question whether the evangelist or the Baptist is speaking. The former view appears to be favoured by the fact, that from the 3 2d verse onwards the personal mode of ex pression is not adopted ; that the paragraph contains some expres sions (as avcoOev ep^o/ievo?) which elsewhere occur from the lips of Jesus ; and lastly, that the thoughts contained from ver. 32& would not be expected from the Baptist at this juncture. On the other hand, the mention of the Spirit (ver. 34), and of the wrath of God (ver. 36), does not harmonize so well with the evangelist's range of thought, as with that of the Baptist from his purely pro phetical point of view. The opinions expressed are, doubtless, mainly those of the Baptist, possibly with some colouring of the evan gelist's own views, but in all essential points true to their original. Preaching of this kind, enforced by the whole bearing of the man breathing the spirit of ancient prophecy, and standing out in sharp opposition to the manners of the age, produced a great popular excitement quite sufficient to account for the deputation of the Sanhedrim mentioned by the evangelist (John i. 19). But although John could not fail to draw down upon him the public notice of the governing body, his views, especially his apprehension of the Messiah, were not yet so decidedly developed as to allow them to take in at first sight the distance which really lay between the Baptist's sphere of thought and their own. The DIV. L § 9.] PERSONAL RELATION OF THE BAPTIST TO JESUS. 43 impression he made, however, although it procured him some real enemies (Matt, xxi 24 ff. ; Luke vii. 30), led also, as is specially mentioned by Luke (iii. 15), to some genuine feeling of expectation. It is true, indeed, that there were many — the Phari sees especially — who took no part in it (Matt. xxi. 24 ff.) ; and even his own disciples, whom he had under special instruction (John i. 35, iii. 25 ff. ; Matt. ix. 14 ; Luke xi 1), could not in all cases reach his standpoint, and were on that very account unable for a time to accept Jesus as the Messiah (Matt. xi. 2 ff. ; Acts xix. 1 ff.), — yet the more thoughtful amongst them found no difficulty afterwards in becoming disciples of Jesus (John i. 35 ff). And in the fact of many of the inhabitants of Perea going forth of their own accord to meet Him (John x. 40 ff), we see an afterworking of the first lively impression made by John's preaching. How John gradually moved out of Perea into Herod's dominion, rebuked his sins, and hereupon was first detained prisoner with a certain amount of liberty, and then sacrificed by Herod, is known from the gospels, and corroborated by Josephus, since the reason he gives for Herod's conduct, — viz. that the king feared the influence of the Baptist upon the people,— is a natural complement of the other. It was through this influence that the censor of morals would first be thought dangerous. § 9. Personal Relation of the Baptist to Jesus. Jesus and the Baptist were contemporary ; and the statements in Luke as to the appearance of both in public quite harmonize with what we know about the time of the birth of each. The difference of a year or less in their entrance upon public life is quite sufficient to account for all that was done by John before the appearance of Jesus. Their work was still for a time con temporaneous ; and if in Matthew and Mark John the Baptist appears to have been thrown into prison before Jesus began His work in Galilee, this must be understood of His second sojourn there, which is later than that recorded in John ii. The relation ship of their mothers allows us to suppose that they were per sonally known to each other ; but whether any closer intimacy existed between them is uncertain, and John's Nazarite vows make rather against such a supposition. At the baptism, it is shown (Matt. iii. 13-15) that John knew Jesus even on the side of His spiritual and moral personality ; but an insight into 44 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. our Lord's Messianic vocation, or at least the divine certainty on the point, was not opened to him until after that event, and in this sense he had not before known Him (John i. 33). Their first meeting, as well as their subsequent conduct, claims for both of them a completely independent and self-reliant position. Each follows his own divinely appointed calling. Jesus was no disciple of John ; nothing was concerted between them ; and John still pursued his own course, even after his meeting with our Lord. ¦ The fourth gospel alone relates that John expressly bore wit ness to Jesus as the Messiah in familiar intercourse with his own disciples (John i 29 ff). That the Synoptists do not mention this is sufficiently explained by their plan : in them the history of the Baptist is made to precede the public appearance of Jesus, whilst in the fourth gospel it is from the very first interwoven with the texture of the narrative. Notwithstanding that testi mony, the Baptist did not attach himself to Jesus ; so long as men had to be prepared for the coming of the Messiah, his special vocation also continued. He remained a prophet, although gifted with the clearest prophetical view of the immediately pending fulfilment ; and, consistently with his pure moral cha racter, he readily subordinated himself to the higher and freer spirit. But as soon as John came to regard his imprisonment as the divinely appointed limit to his mission, he expected the immediate public appearance of the Messiah, and the rapid de velopment of powerful attestations of His work. And when appearances seemed rather to belie this expectation, the dark stillness of his dungeon called up doubts in the prophet's mind, and he sent to demand from Jesus Himself the solution of the difficulty ; but at the same time that he put the question, bore witness that his confidence was not yet extinct (Matt. xi. 2 ff.). As John bore witness to Jesus, so did Jesus testify of him before the people and His disciples as His forerunner and the promised Elias (Matt. xi. 11 ff., xvii. 11-13). In the first passage He declares him to be, if not the greatest prophet, at least surpassed by none, but yet inferior to any member of the heavenly kingdom: this expression, however, does not exclude John from all knowledge of Jesus and the gospel. It is plain that our Lord presupposes John's divine calling, since He (Matt. xxi. 25-27) refers the chiefs of the people to it. In John v. 33 He appeals from the Jews to John's witness, but not as to his DIV. I. § 10.] THE BAPTISM OF JESUS. 45 highest testimony. It is evident that He does not rest upon this alone, His consciousness having a different basis ; but He attaches importance to it solely on the Jews' account. And this is no leas in accordance with the position of the forerunner as an in tegral member of the history of Jesus, than it is consistent with the independence of both. This historical conception of the gospels is best attested by the fact of its essential correspondence with the Old and New Testa ment dispensations, as well as with the historical relations. The appearance of Jesus would, but for this, be an accidental and isolated fact, and that of the Baptist alone both obscure and pur poseless. Christianity was based upon, and predicted in, the Old Testament ; and their intimate connection was stamped at the very beginning of the gospel by the appearance of a great restorer of the law. This is according to nature, and thus God works in history. § 1 0. The Baptism of Jesus. Matt. iii. 13-17 ; Mark i. 9-11 ; Luke iii. 21, 22 ; John i. 31-34. The fact is related only by the synoptic evangelists. because John's narrative begins at a later period, but he also plainly alludes to it. The fact of Jesus having submitted to this baptism loses all its obscurity and its apparent opposition to His Messianic consciousness, if we rightly understand how His will was kept in subordination to the divine preparation for the development of His life, and also regard the rite itself as something different from a baptism of repentance. This baptism was rather a divinely ordered preparation for the introduction of the Messiah's kingdom, and therefore subjectively a declaration of willingness to take part in it. This declaration it was both possible and necessary for Jesus to take part in. Herein He fulfils all righteousness (hiKatoawrj), although He was of course exempted from the confes sion of repentance. And here we have the explanation of John's scruples, who indeed expected Him at His preparatory baptism, but failed to penetrate the reason of His participation in it. But it was nothing less than our Lord's Messianic consciousness that brought Him. to the Baptist, whereby He saw clearly that the time and manner of His public manifestation were not left to His own choice. He therefore resigned His will entirely to the Father's keeping, and thus submitted to baptism as much for His own sake as for the effect of His example upon the multitude. 46 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. With this baptism, however, is closely connected a miraculous phenomenon, the opening of heaven, the descent of the Spirit on Jesus in the form of a dove, and the testifying voice from on high. Matthew and Mark describe this as a vision seen by Jesus ; John gives it as the experience of the Baptist, his object being to relate the testimony of the latter which resulted from it rather than to record the fact itself. But none of the accounts exclude the further manifestation which might be shared by the people. Luke represents the occurrence for the most part in a purely objective manner. That a miraculous event is in question cannot be doubted. Some have thought this miracle opposed to educated conceptions of God and heaven. But, inasmuch as the evangelist John, whose idea of God is of the purest kind, has not taken offence at it, the whole need not necessarily be regarded merely as an inward vision, against which idea the accounts speak pretty clearly. We must, however, regard the vision as of a symbolical character, in which case there is nothing repugnant either in the heaven cleft as it were with dazzling brightness, or in the form of the emblematic dove, or in the voice from heaven. But although presumptions derived from the Old Testament can not fail to be applied to the occurrence and its consequences, they are totally inadequate to account for a poetical origin of the narrative. Least of all can this be explained by the wish of Judaizing Christians to make out that Jesus then first became the Messiah. In the Ebionite account of the matter, as we know it through the fathers, the Bible narrative has been evidently trans formed and dressed up to further the peculiar dogmas of that sect. Jesus did not arrive at His Messianic consciousness through His baptism and its attendant miracle. If He always possessed this, its development was identical with that of His personal self- consciousness, as is evident , from the occurrence in His twelfth year. The natural bringing about of that development lay in His intimate acquaintance with the divine word on the one side, and with the human race and its need of redemption on the other. For the Baptist himself, and through him for the people also, the baptismal miracle was the unveiling of the Messianic person of Jesus, and consequently the culminating point of John's baptism, as well as the decisive turning-point for the beginning of the Messianic kingdom. It was also the sign by which Jesus would recognise the commencement of His Messianic activity: it was DIV. I. § 11.] THE TEMPTATION OF JESUS. 47 for Him the word of the Father pointing out His path, — of the Father who reserved to Himself to determine the epochs of His kingdom (Mark xiii. 32 ; Acts i 7). But with this was doubt less also connected an inner operation, a change in our Lord's consciousness. The anointing with the Holy Ghost is only a general expression for this. He had the Messianic consciousness : He knew Himself to be sinless and in unity with God in a way which distinguished Him from all other men. But there might be something still wanting to the activity of His Messianic con sciousness. This is the perception of the explicit existence of His Messianic power. The Word made flesh may easily be conceived apart from His stepping forth thus into public life and action. And with this something new springs up within Him ; and just as external, no less than internal, causes contribute to every kind of natural development, so in this case also divine influence from without must needs be exerted, through which His latent Messiah- ship was roused into activity. In this public manifestation it assumes the decidedly prophetic form ; and the descent upon Jesus of the Spirit of prophecy constitutes this stage in the development of the God-man's personality. « §11. The Temptation of Jesus. There is an internal connection, independent of mere sequence, between the baptism of Jesus and His temptation (Matt. iv. 1 ff. ; Mark i 12 f. ; Luke iv. 1 ff.) ; for it is the Spirit which came upon Him on the former occasion that leads Him into the wilder ness. Ere He makes His public appearance, He must first be inwardly proved to be the active Messiah. The temptation thus belongs to His Messianic position. But this act of temporary seclusion may be explained equally well on psychological grounds. After the consecration, a season of earnest contemplation must precede the Messianic activity He has now assumed. With this is connected fasting, as a help to contemplation and undisturbed communion with God. That it is a partial fast appears from a comparison of several passages, such as Matt. xi. 18, cf. iii. 4; Luke vii. 33 ; Acts xxvii. 33. The solitude brings home to Him the position in which He stands as the Messiah, alone, and desti tute of all human aid. Hence the features of Mark's account (i 13). Here there is nothing accidental, but everything is brought about in accordance with a higher divine necessity. But 48 THE LIFE OF JESUS.. [PART I. the evangelists are consciously giving a history of what really occurred. Thus they represent it, and assign it its proper place in relation to their whole statement. By them, at all events, it was regarded as a fact. John's account does not begin until after all this had occurred. But although the evangelists represent what they are relating as a real event, it still remains an open question whether it was an external or an internal one. This much, at any rate, is cer tain, that on the latter supposition the subjective origin of the temptation must be ascribed to Satan, since it cannot possibly be supposed to have arisen in the person of Jestis. We must abso lutely reject the view that it was a mere inward operation, a mere conflict of opposing thoughts in the growing mind of Jesus Himself. The assumption of a dream is equally unsupported in the text. The theory of a vision wrought by Satan has more pro bability, and even finds some support in the narrative, because an external manifestation of the person of Satan is unprecedented elsewhere in the sacred history, and because the change of loca lities in the temptation may be thought to present difficulty if regarded as an actual occurrence. This, indeed, applies particu larly to the exhibition of all the kingdoms of the world in a moment of time, which can hardly be regarded as a literal fact, unless we suppose a vision to have added completeness to it. The fact of Jesus being led by the Spirit into the wilderness has also been interpreted in the same way. We are not, however, tied down to this view in either case, particularly as at other times Jesus Himself comes into supernatural contact with the spirit- world, as was the case at the transfiguration and in Gethsemane ; and also that Satan, if he exists, must also be capable of becom ing visible. The possibility still remains that, in the intention of the evangelists, the event may have rested not on any outward and material perception, but on an internal view, of such a kind, how ever, as not to interfere with the objective reality of the temptation. The acts of the temptation itself are three. The tempter assails Jesus in the threefold tendency of the universally prevail ing impulses in human nature — the love of life, the desire for honour, and the thirst for rule and acquisition. The temptation has accordingly for its objects ungodly enjoyment, the tempting of God, and self-seeking in its most perfect form ; and so far is a moral trial universally applicable to human nature. The first DIV. I. § 11.] THE TEMPTATION OF JESUS. 49 temptation was connected with a real need, and was intended to cause Jesus to forsake His earthly vocation of suffering. The object of the second was to induce Him to allow Himself to be singled out as the object of God's special care in a danger of His own seeking. The resources of individual temptation being exhausted, it re mained only to present to Him all the splendour of world-wide dominion ; but here, too, Satan must needs manifest himself in his true character, by exacting divine homage. Jesus repelled him with the fundamental principle on which the Old and New Testament alike rest. Step by step had He unmasked the evil designs of the tempter, and at length opposed him with indigna tion. Two points may be observed in the twofold character of the temptation. In the first place, Jesus remained free from all evil inclination within, and was only accessible to temptation from without. He was, too, throughout conscious of its complete opposition to the divine order of things. Added to this, the fact that neither His understanding nor His will for a moment faltered, sufficiently proves the incorruptibility of His nature. Moreover, upon this discomfiture of the tempter a threefold principle is stamped, which we see running through the whole .of our Lord's Messianic life : (1) never to employ the power which He possessed in that character for His own advantage ; (2) never arbitrarily to challenge extraordinary divine assistance ; and (3) never to make the least concession to the kingdom of darkness for the sake of attaining what seemed to be the most brilliant result. The unhistorical view of the temptation explains it partly as a parable, and partly as a myth. The first view is not only unsup ported by the narrative itself, but all analogy forbids us to believe that without a figure Jesus would introduce His own person in a parable. Nor is it much easier to admit that limitation of the historical sense, according to which Jesus related parabolically a real inward occurrence which was historically misunderstood by His disciples ; for this would be to regard Jesus as the author of such misapprehension, as He Himself on other occasions speaks of Satan objectively and didactically. It was, however, the reluctance tp the embodiment of Satan which gave rise to this expedient. But in the distinctive teaching of Jesus this reluctance finds no support, and cannot therefore impel us to the mythical view which is derived from it. The explanation of the narrative as a myth involves considerable difficulties resting on external points. The D 50 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. occasion and purpose of the forty days spent by Moses and Elias in the wilderness were both different ; and the fact of this num ber being of old customary among the people, only shows that as a round number it might easily be applied to the narrative of this event. But not only is the Satanic temptation of the Messiah, which is the leading idea, without parallel in the Old Testament and the Jewish consciousness, but there are also certain indica tions that in the latter it would have been inadmissible. For, on the one hand, they conceived too highly of the Messiah ; and, on the other, they regarded Him only as the outward .conqueror of Satanic power, and that not, in a mere ethical conflict. Neither can the purport of the individual temptations be derived from the Old Testament parallel of the temptation of the peqple in the wilderness, the second and third temptations especially ; but, in the case of the first also, the similarity is only apparent, inas much as with Jesus the fact of hunger is merely incidental, the temptation essentially turning upon the working of miracles. The historical truth of the narrative is further confirmed by the com plete harmony between the conduct of Jesus and the general scope of His teaching ; which harmony rivets the whole upon HimseK. This conclusion is confirmed if we inquire where the myth, if such it be, can have originated. Not certainly in a circle biassed by Jewish prejudice ; for the views presented by the tempter lay closer to the sentiment of that people than the ethical ideal of the Messiah emanating from Jesus Himself. Conse quently the myth could have proceeded from no other source than a narrow apostolical circle ; and here again such a violation of historical truth is inconceivable. Doubtless Jesus Himself imparted the history, hardly not till after the resurrection, as has been supposed, but on such occasions as Matt. xvi. 21 ff. As it ¦ is a fragmentary statement, He may perhaps have chosen from the temptations to which He had been exposed, the three in which the leading principles of His Messianic working were em bodied. The event itself possesses both a dogmatic and an historico- dogmatic significance. With respect to the first, it proclaims in Jesus His true but sinless humanity, and the also purely divine and no less purely human character of His work. The suscepti bility to temptation is a point in the progressive development of His life, at which its whole spiritual capacity must be gradually DIV. I. § 12.] HIS PLAN. 51 absorbed in His divine life. Over against Him stands the world and sin concentrated in the person of Satan, who here comes in as the tempter -of the second Adam, as he had once before done at the fall of the first, striving in both cases to frustrate the work of God, truth and righteousness in mankind. Historico-dogmatieally the narrative indicates the time at which the idea of the Messianic work, which Jesus was now on the point of realizing, assumed within Him the form of a completed moral fact. And thus the baptism and the temptation (the consecration of the Messiah, the proving of the Messiah) may be regarded together as the starting-point and type of His public life just then commencing. In the one case, we have the manifestation of the Son's divinity in the person of Jesus, and His complete subjection to the Father; in the other, the most determined opposition to the spirit of the world, set forth in action by His persistence in the divine wilL And thus both accounts become not heterogeneous, but homogeneous elements in the evangelical history ; and their omission by St. John (apart from their being excluded by the late commencement of his history) need cause no surprise, if we con sider the decided way in which he gives expression to the con sciousness possessed by Jesus, of the active opposition of Satan to His person and His work (John xiv. 30). III. THE PUBLIC CAREER OF JESUS. § 12. Jesus' Plan. In applying the word " plan" to the course which Jesus pur sued, we must be careful to avoid the notion of anything arbi-* trarily fabricated, or generally resulting from His own inward reflection. The ministry of Jesus was fhe unfolding of His per sonality ; but, by His grasping in the requisite manner that which was inherent in Him, it assumed in Him the shape of definite thought, and the work before Him became a decided resolution. Using the word " plan" with the above limitation, we shall avoid the error of applying it to any abstraction such as the kingdom of truth and virtue, but .shall take it as referring to the definite position in which the self-consciousness of Jesus stood to man kind of a certain race and at a particular time. The develop ment and guidance for thousands of years, firstly of the Israelitish 52 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. people, and indirectly of the whole human race, prepared the way for His work His plan was therefore of a Messianic character. He has Himself declared as much by His connection with John the Baptist, by declaring Himself as the Messiah before the people (Matt. xxi. 15, 16), before individuals (John iv. 26, ix. 37, x. 25), and before the tribunal of judgment (John xviii. 3 7 ; Matt. xxvi. 64), as well as by the result of these declarations in the acknow ledgment of the disciples after His death. The only point of difficulty here is, to determine how soon He declared Himself as the Messiah (cf. § 30). In consequence, as is asserted, of John differing from the Synoptists, as well as the supposed uncertainty of their statements, it has been inferred that Jesus did not until a late period fully comprehend HimseK as the Messiah (Matt, xvi); that He was at first, perhaps, only a disciple of the Baptist, and then only timidly and gradually appropriated the Messianic idea to HimseK, forbidding, and being alarmed at, its expression on the part of others. In this way also have been explained the different views into which popular opinion diverged concerning Him, the more decided declarations of His character having been transferred, as is supposed, to an earlier period by mistake. But the hypothesis is erroneous, both that the declara tions of Jesti-!| as recorded by St. John, and also that the demean our of men towards Him, were from the beginning fixed and invariable. What at first brought disciples to Him was merely the testimony of the Baptist ; and then undoubtedly the powerful impression produced by His own person, which nevertheless He confirmed in those who came to Him, not by any actual testimony to His Messiahship, but only by hinting at the incomparable height of His majesty (John i 51), of which they were soon to have other and different proofs. Appeals of this kind, however, were only made to individuals peculiarly susceptible of them. He comported HimseK differently before a mixed multitude. He performed miracles in Galilee, but did not declare HimseK to be the Messiah ; and similarly at Jerusalem He gave the sign of the cleansing of the 'temple, but what He said of His own person was still veiled in darkness ; and, indeed, it is expressly stated that He did not confide in them, because He knew what was in them (John ii. 24). He behaved differently in Samaria (ch. iv.), where He was again met by a more open susceptibility, and the Jewish idea of a political Messiah did not confront Him. But to the DIV. I. §12.] HIS PLAN. 53 Jews in Galilee and Judea He always speaks with the greatest reserve as to the Messianic idea. In the 9 th chapter we see Him after the miracle of feeding withdraw Himself from the excited multitude. He certainly speaks of the sublimity of His person and mission, but at the same time keeps the Messianic idea in the background, and clothes His discourse in an intentional obscurity. Everything, including the mention of His death, points to the idea of a spiritual aim, and is, in short, rather repellent to the general multitude. The same reserve already shown to Nicodemus, Jesus expressly manifests on principle in dealing with questions and appeals on the subject of His Messiahship, both from His own disciples (John vii. 2 and sq), and from the people (x. 24, and cf. vii. 40). This procedure formed part of His plan. In Galilee He necessarily shunned the danger of fostering the idea of a political Messiah, and of bringing on in Jerusalem a premature catastrophe ; and the conduct of the disciples (Matt. xvi.) is quite in accordance with that of their Master in this re spect. Peter's confession was no fresh rising light, but the con centration of all the rays which had hitherto shone upon them ; and was brought about by Jesus as a conscious confirmation of their faith against the shifting opinions of i the multitude. If public opinion still continued to fluctuate concerning Him, this is accounted for not by any uncertainty in His own conduct, but simply by the fact that the people expected quite a different Messiah, — not a prophet going about the country teaching and working miracles, but one who would seize the reins of government. From all this we may conclude that Jesus, in unveiling His Messianic dignity, observed that wisdom without which His plan could not (humanly speaking) have succeeded. Nowhere, how ever, from the very first does He decline to acknowledge His Messiahship, but rather admits it on every occasion (Matt. viii. 10-13, 29-32, ix. 18-26, 27-29, xii. 23 f.). From the very first He gives Himself out as the Messiah, most decidedly in the sermon on the Mount, and in the discourse about John (Matt. xi. 12 ff); but at the same time the confession of Him must grow out of the contemplation of His deeds, for no otherwise could it rest upon its true inward foundation. Even when He forbade the blazing abroad of isolated deeds, no inward uncertainty is implied, but, on the contrary, the most decisive seK-consciousness which employs wise reserve as circumstances may require, either to 54 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART l prevent a momentary success only injurious to the true aim of His ministry, or to lead those whom He healed to commune with their own hearts, whenever loud rejoicing might have made any deeper influence within them impossible. This intention is most plainly seen in the prohibition which followed His Transfiguration. Thus, then, everything leads us to the conclusion that, although Jesus from the first apprehended His work as Messianic, He was yet most carefully on His guard against allowing it to fall in with the Messianic ideas of the time, and thus to cloud the purity of His intentions. The more decidedly we can trace this pur pose, and the perfect discretion and self-denial which it gave rise to, so much the more certain is it that from the very first He was at full accord with HimseK on the point. The very opposition in which He thus placed HimseK excludes the idea of any purely political scheme on His part, such as some, violating all history both of the gospel and the world, would have wished to ascribe to Him. The whole spirit of His IKe-teaching and ministry, no less than of His suffering and death, is against it. There is no trace of political manoeuvre of any kind : the choice of His apostles and disciples was clearly opposed to the idea. His last entrance into Jerusalem was not, indeed, a purely acci dental circumstance, but intentionally pre-arranged, but yet is of an entirely symbolical and prophetic character. He thus essayed the last solemn impression of His person upon the people, but with no political design, since He entered only to work as a prophet by word and deed in the city and in the temple. But it has been said that although Jesus did not Himself wish to precipitate the catastrophe — the restoration of the throne of David — by external violence, He yet expected it to be brought about by divine arrangement through the interposition of angels and higher powers. But the dominion which Jesus ex pected (Matt. xix. 28 ; Luke xxii. 30) was a renewal of the world, called by Matthew •n-aXvyyevecria, which comprehends the resurrection, into the alcov p,e\\cop, in which, according to Luke (xx. 35, 36), men shall be as angels. This surely is no political expectation. Moreover (Matt. xxvi. 53), Jesus does not say that He expects angels, but just the contrary. He could ask for them, but then the Scripture would not be fulfilled (Matt. xvi. 2 7, xxiv. 30, 31, xxv. 31). The expected angelic appearances themselves are far from having anything in common with the aims of worldly DIV.I. §12.] HIS PLAN. 55 policy; and these are absolutely excluded by the fact that He looks for the inauguration of His kingdom at a time when His own suffering and death are presupposed (Luke xvii. 25 ; Matt. xvi. 27, 28, 21, xxiv., xxv., xxvi. 1 ff). It is this expectation also which forbids our limiting His plan to a moral, and conse quently external, regeneration of His nation ; and the testimony we possess to the universality of this renewal, no less than the decided expectation of the fall of the Jewish nation, are equally opposed to any such limitation. An attempt has been made to vindicate the political side of Jesus' plan, by assuming that in this respect His life is divisible into two periods. According to this view, His original purpose was to found a theocratic kingdom by spiritual means ; but this object He afterwards relinquished. Above all, a great contrast is pointed out between the cheerful, and the melancholy frame of mind which characterized the earlier and later portions of His life respectively. The contrast between earlier cheerfulness and later melancholy is not very well defined; compare only Matt. xi. 25-30, and also 20-24. And how clearly, according to Matthew (ch. xiii.), He represented the diverse effects of His word and everything connected with it even at an early period ; and in the sermon on the Mount He foretold the persecution of His disciples ; and in the conversation with Nico demus He spoke of His death (cf. § 13, 1). Hence these ideas fall by their own weakness, since, as regards the assumption on which they rest, no trace of the existence of such periods is to be found in the evangelists. What Jesus had in view was, therefore, the foundation of God's kingdom as identical with the work of redemption (cf. § 39). In the sermon on the Mount, this kingdom was represented as the kernel and substance of His work, and is so far ethical in its character. And. K this idea is not placed so prominently in the foreground "in the discourses chosen by John, it is nevertheless borne ample witness to as a central idea in the conversation with Nicodemus and in the answer to Pilate. His aim was a spiritual and universal kingdom, as the consideration of His teaching on the subject must show. And the cases of the centurion and of the Samaritan woman go to prove that His only reason for limit ing His own operations, and, at first, those of the disciples, to the Jewish nation, was to gain a firm foothold and starting-point for His entire scheme ; but that He turned to the Gentile world 56 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART L wherever it could be done without hindrance to His higher aims. His commission to preach to the whole world is quite consistent with the fact that His disciples, even after His death, only gradu ally learned to fulfil it. Their prejudice was merely that the Gentile world, in order to have a share in God's kingdom, must allow themselves to be admitted into the theocratic union. This theocratic union prescribed in the old covenant He HimseK did not as yet desire to dissolve, but rather to fulfiL He does not, therefore, set HimseK in revolutionary opposition to it ; indeed, keeps the law in His own person, seeing that the old covenant remains in force until superseded by the new, which it could not be until after His death. His task was from the national form to develope the eternal purport of the Jewish law; and His own general expressions as to the object of His life identify it partly with the spiritual deliverance of the sinner, partly with the estab lishment of God's kingdom. Both are united by the doctrine that repentance or moral renewal is the condition of participation in the kingdom of God. Thus it is represented in the Synoptists ; and according to this, Jesus collects believers around Him, and urges them to union with HimseK. He seeks to awaken them to a sense of their moral need, and attaches HimseK most closely to those who give the clearest tokens of it. His person appears still more in the foreground in John?s Gospel, because His actions are there represented rather in their life-giving than in their saving aspect, and He is thus their positive Gentral-point. The fact of His person and its manifestation being the most important inci dents in the scheme, proves the significance of the proposition that we must not attempt to take an abstract view of it. Not only must we hold firmly to its historical foundation, but also to the identity of Jesus' work with His historical appearance as that of the divine life in mankind. The universal and essential spirituality of His plan, taken in connection with its entire de pendence on His person, gives it a perfectly unique character. No founder of a new religion, no lawgiver, no philosopher, has ever appeared with such an entirely universal aim, for none could ever believe that he could redeem mankind. History abounds with great projects of great men ; but the idea of the redemption of a world, as it was realized in Him, stands absolutely alone : it could only have proceeded from one whose nature was exalted far above humanity. DIV. I. § 13.] EXECUTION OF THE PLAN. 57 § 1 3. Execution of the Plan. In speaking of the difficulties of this plan, it must be borne in mind that Jesus was Himself perfectly aware of them, and also that the word is in its strict sense inapplicable, since the so-called difficulties were included in the necessity of the divine scheme, and belonged to the scope and tenor of the plan itseK. Having the deepest insight into human nature, He could not be deceived as to the kind of reception which awaited Him. But deeper still lay the knowledge of His intent to redeem the world. He there fore sets Himself and His mission in direct antagonism to it, and regards the defeat of its opposition as His peculiar task. His view of this opposition was, however, most comprehensive. According to the parables in Matt, xiii., He foresaw not only that His word would meet with a very unequal reception in the field of the world, but also that the mass even of those who received it would retain its heterogeneous character, and that no separation of true believers before the judgment was advisable. He foresaw, too, that the progress of His work, where it made any, would be slow and gradual ; and, in accordance with these prospects, He early prophesied His own death, and predicted to His disciples the hatred of the world ; as, for instance, in the sermon on the Mount, and in the charge He gave to His disciples (Matt. x.). Thus He invited those who would follow Him to take up their cross and deny themselves (Matt. xvi. 24, cf. Luke xii. 50 ff, xxi. 16,17; John xv. 19, 20, etc.). With the clearest conscious ness He sees consummated in Himself and in His work, the same opposition which the old covenant also had to encounter in the world (Matt. v. 12 ; Luke xiii. 34; Matt. xxii. 29, 32 ff). Jesus' plan could only be carried into effect by the framer of it being also the divine Redeemer and one with the Father, as represented by the evangelists ; and then the plan is merely the revelation, and its execution the development, of His own being. And so it appears throughout the gospel history. Thus He invites (Matt. xi. 25-30) the weary and heavy-laden to Himself, but refers .to the fact that the Father has committed all things into His hands, and that He knows Him. So also in John xvii. Hence the discourses which relate to the development and completion of the kingdom of God refer also to His second coming, because the completion of His work is identical with the gradual unveiling of 58 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART L His person. The more inseparable His work is from His person, the less ground there is for the assertion that He relied upon the ethical force of what He did, which force would continue to operate without the influence of His Life and name. On the contrary, He Kved in the conviction of the abiding continuance of His name. The hypothesis that Jesus was connected with, or at the head of, a secret society, carries with it its own overthrow. For no traces of such a society are to be found in Palestine, with the exception of the Essenes (and with them Christianity has nothing in common as regards its origin), a sect characterized by an ideal and reformatory character. But whereas the fundamental prin ciple among6t the Essenes was obedience, not to the Levitical law, but to an ascetic rule peculiar to themselves, the spirit of freedom, which is the very essence of Christianity, finds no explanation amongst them. There is another important difference between Christianity and the Essenes, the latter, as it appears, excluding any idea of a Messiah. And besides this, the supposition of a secret society finds no support in the gospel history. The conduct of Jesus is throughout entirely open. The fact that He frequently sought solitude, and that Nicodemus came to Him by night, may be otherwise explained. His every step was soon watched and scanned with hostile intent ; yet there is no trace of any secret system of instruction or discourse. Matt. x. 2 7 treats of the un veiling of what had up to that time been hidden (cf. also ch. xiii.). In John xviii 20, He refers to the publicity of His office as our instructor ; and He draws the attention of His disciples to this (Matt. x. 26, 27 (cf. v. 14-16); Luke xii. 3). In accord ance with this, too, they lived and acted after His death. Thus, then, His ministry consisted in His prophetic life and in His death, which was thereafter to be accomplished. IV. EXTERNAL VIEW OF HIS PUBLIC MINISTRY. § 14. Choice and Education of the Bisciples. The synoptic accounts represent the public ministry of Jesus to have begun after the temptation, and almost immediately upon the imprisonment of John the Baptist, when Jesus withdrew into Galilee (Matt. iv. 12). This was no doubt His second visit DIV. I. §14.] CHOICE AND EDUCATION OF THE DISCIPLES. 59 thither, preceding a short stay in Galilee, during which the miracle at Cana occurred, as well as a sojourn at Jerusalem, when He purified the temple, and in Judea generally, where His disciples met with John ; all these incidents being related by the fourth evangelist. The synoptic statement mentions only one visit of Jesus to Jerusalem, at the last passover; whereas, according to John, He was often there. This is explained by supposing that Matthew's scheme was the groundwork for the others (cf. § 3). The latter, however, was called to the apostleship later than others (ix. 9, cf. iv. 22), and he, as well as the others, record a temporary absence of the disciples (Matt. x. ; Mark vi. 7-13). Jesus might weU have repaired to Jerusalem at such a time accompanied by a select few ; and this is rendered more probable by comparing Luke ix. 1 2 with John vi., according to which the miracle of feeding was preceded by a temporary absence of the disciples, as well as by a sojourn of Jesus in Jerusalem. The Synoptists, and Matthew especially, only follow the chronological order so far as to make the end develope itseK from a certain point (Matt, xvi.), the earlier discourses as preparatory to this being clearly distinguished from the later. Distinctly marked chronological periods are found in John only, who mentions altogether three passovers (ii. 13, vi. 4, and xi. 55 [xii. 1 ff.]). The feast mentioned at v. 1 is certainly not a passover ; and from this results a period of two years and a few months, in which Jesus' public ministry is comprehended. Jesus spent the greater part of this time in Galilee, a half-heathen district, which He no doubt chose on account of the powerful race who dwelt there, and because the- inhabitants being less exposed to pharisaic influences, He was safer there from insidious attacks. On the other hand, the disaffection which prevailed there de manded greater caution in unveiling His Messianic purposes. It is hardly necessary to take into account the short sojourns in Samaria (John iv.), and in Syrophenicia (Matt. xv.). Herein Jesus acted on the principle pronounced in Matt. x. 5. A longer time, on the whole, is allotted to Judea and Jerusalem; for, although we cannot determine certainly how long He stayed there after the first passover, it appears, from a hint in His conversation with the Samaritan woman, to have been late in the autumn when He re turned into Galilee. Some part of the second year, before the third passover, was spent in Perea (Matt. xix. ; Mark x. ; John x. 40-42) ; and in the interval Jesus attended several feasts at 60 THE LIFE OF JESUS. [PART I. Jerusalem, of which John mentions that of tabernacles (vii), and of the dedication (x.) in the winter. Add to this the time of His sojourn at Jerusalem during the unknown feast, and at least a year remains for the duration of His active IKe in Galilee. This also explains the partial view of Christian antiquity derived from the synoptic account, that the whole of Jesus' public ministry lasted only one year, thus excluding the times of His attendance at the feasts. There are, however, some traces even in the Synoptists of an earlier sojourn in Jerusalem, before the final one (see § 3). Although Jesus selected Capernaum especially as the scene of His ministry, yet He also passed through Galilee in various directions, and made use of the institutions of the synagogue for giving lectures on the Sabbath. But, not limiting HimseK to this, He taught in the open air, on the sea-shore, from a moun tain, etc. Add to these His operations in Jerusalem, where at the feast He met with His countrymen coming from foreign countries (the "EXKr)ve