YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Presented by- Alfred P. Rockvell Jfro/rb ma ordinal J:: ,,/;:; j,:; :-,:¦¦ .¦:}, .ivs.icx v,y/ , Irving, i. p. 466 ; Frothingham, p. 123. Hill;1 and Colonel Prescott, calling around him the officers of his com mand, communicated to them the or ders he had received,2 and asked their advice respecting the site and plan of the proposed intrenchment.8 Gen eral Putnam and another general, whose name is not given, are said to have been present, and participated in the coun cil,4 but the veteran Gridley — whose noble old ancestor, " an honest poore man," suffered for conscience' sake, with Anne Hutchinson and John Wheel- right5 — was the master-spirit of the con ference.6 The Committee of Safety had recommended Bunker's Hill,7 but orders had been given "to march to Breed's Hill, in Charlestown,"8 and Prescott was too good a soldier to disobey, par ticularly when the latter position was better adapted to secure the object of the expedition,9 and better suited the daring spirits of .his companions.10 The lines of a redoubt, about eight rods square,11 were accordingly drawn by the engineers on Breed's Hill,12 and a little after twelve o'clock the work was commenced.18 More accustomed to ¦Frothingham, p. 123. — " Ibid. — 8 Ibid. ; Irving, i. p. 467 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 409.— 4 Frothingham, p. 123 ; Irving, i. p. 467.—' Winthrop's Journal, i. p. 296 ; Weld's Short Story, &c, p. 31.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 409. * Minutes of Com. of Safety, June 15. 8 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 409. " Bancroft, vii. p. 409 ; Irving, i. p. 467 ; Lossing's Field Book, i. p. 539.— M Bancroft, vii. p. 409 ; Frothing ham, p. 123.— " Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Peter Brown to his mother, June 25 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 409 ; Frothingham, p. 135. 18 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Frothingham, p. 124. 18_Letter from Is. Lothrop, June 22 ; Com. of Safety's account, Document III. ; Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, Chap. V.] BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 53 the use of the shovel and the pickaxe than to that of the musket or the sa bre, and animated with the conscious ness of being engaged in a righteous cause, and of the necessity of securing shelter before the break of day, "the patriotic laborers" silently, but faith fully, prosecuted the work which they had been ordered to perform ; r and rapidly and surely the breastwork " as sumed form, and height, and capacity for defence."2 The close proximity of the enemy, and the consequent danger of discovery, was the source of constant anxiety to Colonel Prescott, notwithstanding the presence of the sentries whom he had posted on the shore ;8 and twice, in company with Major Brooks, he visited the margin of the river to make per sonal examinations of the neighbor hood,4 and heard the drowsy sentinels, like the false prophets of old, proclaim "All's well."5 The last time he went down, a little before daylight, he or dered the sentries to join the main body on the hill.6 By daybreak the work on the re doubt was nearly completed;7 and soon afterwards the sentry on the Lively, July 22, 1775 ; Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Ban croft, vii. p. 409 ; Gordon, ii. p. 39. 1 Bancroft, vii. p. 409 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 39, 40 ; Irving, i. p. 467.— ' Bancroft, vii. p. 409 ; Irving, i. p. 468. 8 Irving, i. p. 467 ; Frothingham, p. 124, 125 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 409. — 4 Irving, i. p. 467 ; Frothingham, p. 125 Bancroft, vii. p. 409. — * Ezekiel, xiii, verse 10 ; Bancroft vii. p. 409 ; Irving, i. p. 468.—" Frothingham, p. 125 Irving, i. p. 468.—' Mass. Cong, to Cont. Cong., June 20. 1775 ; Letter from Boston, June 25 ; Stedman, i. p. 126 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. 410 Heath's Memoirs, p. 18. man-of-war, discovered it,1 and called the attention of the officer on duty to the novel work. Without waiting for orders from the admiral,2 the captain of the Lively immediately put a spring on her cable,8 opened a fire on the re doubt,4 and sent a boat on shore with the strange intelligence.5 The report of the guns, " breaking the calmness of a fine summer morning," 6 alarmed both friend and foe ;T and, in the town es pecially, it was not long before every available spot was occupied by citizens of the town, by the king's troops, or by tory refugees from the country, all anxiously gazing with wonder and sur prise, and with pleasure or indignation, as their sentiments might dictate, upon the work which had so wonderfully arisen from the earth,8 and upon " the rebels," who, like busy bees, were still actively engaged in strengthening their position.9 Admiral Graves immediately ordered the Lively to suspend her fire,10 and the colonists on the hill were per mitted to go on with their work with out further molestation until about nine o'clock,11 when the fire of a battery of 1 Letter from Wethersfleld, June 22 ; Do. from Boston, June 24 ; Do. from Boston, June 25 ; Irving, i. p. 468. 3 Irving, i. p. 468 ; Frothingham, p. 125.— 3 Ibid. 1 Mass. Cong, to Cont. Cong., June 20, 1775 ; Letter from Boston, June 25 ; Gage's Dispatch, Document I. ; Gage to Lord Dunmore, June 26 ; Stedman, i. p. 126. 6 Letter from British officer, June 18, 1775. " Frothingham, p. 125.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 410 ; Gor don, ii. p. 40 ; Frothingham, p. 125. 8 Bancroft, vii. p. 410 ; Irving, i. p. 469. • Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 410 ; Gordon, ii. p. 40 ; Irving, ii. p. 472. 10 Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775 ; Peter Brown's let ter to his mother, June 25, 1775 ; Frothingham, p. 125. 11 Letter from Boston, June 24, 1775 ; Do., June 25. 54 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. three twenty-four pounders and three howitzers1 was opened on them from the works on Copp's Hill, at the north ern extremity of the town ;2 and the Glasgow, man-of-war, which was anchor ed in the neighborhood, also opened her fire on the redoubt.3 About eleven o'clock the colonists mostly ceased their labor on the works, piling their tools in the rear, and pa tiently awaited the arrival of refresh ments and reinforcements, which Gen eral Ward had promised to send to them.4 At this time the redoubt had been supplied with platforms of wood and earth, upon which the troops could stand while firing upon the enemy.5 A breastwork had also been built, extend ing from the northeast corner of the re doubt, in a northerly direction, about a hundred yards, towards a swamp, which laid at the foot of the hill,6 but the fire of the enemy had prevented its comple tion;7 and a sally-port, which had been left between the south end of the breast work and the northeast corner of the redoubt, had been protected by a blind.8 This breastwork had also been supplied with a platform similar to that construct ed within the redoubt.9 1 Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775 ; Gage's Dispatch, Document I. ; Gage to Dunmore, June 26, 1775. 3 Letter from Wethersfleld, June 22 ; Do. from Boston, June 25; Bancroft, vii. p. 410; Bradford's Mass., i. p. 384 ; Gordon, ii. p. 40.— 8 Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775. — 4 Bancroft, vii. p. 412 ; Irving, i. p. 472 ; Froth ingham, p. 129. — ' Frothingham, p. 125. 6 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 410 ; Frothingham's "Who commanded on B. Hill." It did not extend all the distance to ' ' the slough, ' ' as generally supposed, but only towards it. — ' Bancroft, vii. p. 410 ; Page's Map of Bunker's Hill, 1776. — 8 Frothingham, p 135.- -¦ Ibid. The men were suffering from fatigue, heat, and the want of refreshments ; x many of them having neglected to sup ply themselves the preceding evening, in conformity with the orders which had been issued,2 and none had yet arrived from the camp at Cambridge. The ven erable Gridley, whose advanced years rendered him less capable of enduring fatigue, had been compelled to withdraw from the hill,8 although he returned again, in his sulky,4 before the close of the day;5 and Colonel Bridge and Lieutenant-colonel Brickett, being in disposed, could render but little ser vice,6 and the most of the men under their command deserted the party ;7 — leaving Colonel Prescott in the redoubt, with three hundred men of his own regiment;8 and Captain Knowlton, with the two hundred Connecticut troops, stationed behind a fence, to protect the position.9 But all this produced no dismay or hesitation in either Prescott or Knowlton,10 — kindred spirits, than whom none were more worthy to hold the posts of honor which they held on Bunker's Hill, or to receive the un bounded gratitude, yet unpaid, of their redeemed country. The former, to in spire confidence, mounted the parapet, 1 Bancroft, vii. pp. 411, 412 ; Irving, i. p. 471 ; Froth ingham, p. 126.— 3 Frothingham, p. 126. 8 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 410 ; Frothingham, p. 184.— 4 Frothingham, p. 184.— • Ibid. 6 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 411. ' Peter Brown to his mother, June 25, 1775 ; Pres cott's letter, Document IV. 8 After Brickett' s men (Frye's regiment) and Bridge's men had deserted, those of Prescott, Knowlton, and Gridley were all who remained. 9 Frothingham, p. 136.— I0 Ibid., pp. 166, 189. Chap. V.] BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 55 and deliberately passed to and fro, with one of his captains, to examine the works and give directions to his offi cers,1 while the balls from the enemy's artillery whistled around him.2 He had reluctantly consented to dispatch mes sengers to Cambridge for reinforce ments and provisions;8 but, with the exception of Reed's and Stark's regi ments, none had been sent,4 — General Ward feeling anxious to avoid the hazard of a fight.5 In the mean time, the enemy was not wholly inactive. Taking advantage of a flood-tide, several vessels and floating batteries were brought up and moored where their fire could be rendered most effective ; 6 and, at half-past eleven o'clock, pursuant to orders, the ten old est companies of grenadiers and light-in fantry, and the fifth and thirty-eighth regiments, with blankets, ammunition, and provisions for three days,7 marched to the Long Wharf;8 while ten compa nies more of grenadiers and light-infant ry, the forty-third and fifty-second regi- 1 Bancroft, vii. p. 411 ; Frothingham, p. 126 ; Irving, i. p. 469. 3 It is said that while Prescott was thus engaged, Gen. Gage, in company with his officers and some of the lead ing civilians, was examining the works on the hill with a spy-glass. The tall, commanding figure of Prescott arrested his attention, and Willard, a royalist, who was near him, recognized the form of his brother-in-law, and informed the general who it was. "Will he fight?" anxiously inquired Gage ; and when Willard replied, "He will, to the last drop of his blood," the General received an earnest of that which, before the setting of the sun, was confirmed by sad reality. 3 Frothingham, pp. 127, 128, 166 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 411. 4 Frothingham, p. 128 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 411 ; Irving, i. p. 471. — 6 Frothingham, p. 129 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 414. • Frothingham, p. 129.— 7 Stedman, i. p. 128.— 8 Froth ingham, p. 130 ; Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775. ments, received similar orders to march to the North Battery;1 and the forty- seventh regiment, the first battalion of marines, and some companies of light- infantry and grenadiers were ordered to proceed to the Battery, after the former should embark, and there await orders.2 The remainder of the troops in the town were ordered to hold them selves in readiness to march at a mo ment's warning.8 About twelve o'clock the ships and batteries commenced to fire, more fu riously, if possible, than ever.4 The Somerset, two floating batteries, and the battery on Copp's Hill, poured shot upon the works on the hill ; the Falcon and the Lively commanded the low grounds in front of the works and the slope of the hill ; while two floating batteries, the Symmetry, armed trans port, and the Glasgow, man-of-war, com manded the Neck.5 About the same time the troops embarked at the North Battery and the Long Wharf; and when a blue flag was raised as a signal,6 the fleet of barges slowly moved to wards Charlestown,7 under the com mand of Major-general Howe and Brig adier-general Pigot,8 and landed on the 1 Frothingham, p. 130 ; Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775.— 3 Frothingham, p. 130.— 3 Ibid. 4 Mass. Cong, to Cont. Cong., June 20; Irving, i. p. 473 ; Frothingham, p. 131. — * Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775; Frothingham, p. 131 ; Lossing's Field Book, i. p. 539.— ' Frothingham, p. 131.— 'Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 413 ; Gordon, ii. p. 41 ; Irving, i. p. 473 ; Frothingham, p. 181. 8 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Stanley, Document II. ; Gage's Dispatch, Document I. ; Gage to Dunmore, June 26 ; Stedman, i. p. 126 ; Heath, p. 18. 56 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. east side of the peninsula,1 near the mouth of the Mystic River, with the evident intention to outflank the colo nists and make them prisoners.2 Perceiving the object of General Howe, Colonel Prescott proceeded to arrange his men in such a manner as would best counteract the movement.8 Had the breastwork been completed to the low ground on the bank of the Mystic, it had been more difficult to outflank him;4 but the unfinished por tion -of the line had left a way open to the rear,5 and the small number of his troops, reduced by desertion6 to less than six hundred men,7 seemed to ren der a successful defence hopeless. But even then Prescott did not despair. The enemy had advanced no farther than the first rising ground, when he halted, and sent back for reinforce ments,8 — the troops already on the ground quietly eating their dinner.9 Taking instant advantage of this delay, Colonel Prescott ordered Gridley, with his artillery, a company of artillery which had been sent from Cambridge, 1 Mass. Cong, to Cont. Cong., June 20 ; Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Irving, i. p. 473 ; Frothingham, p. 131. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 413 ; Irving, i. p. 476. 8 Frothingham, p. 134 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 413. 4 Page's Map of the Battle. — • Frothingham, p. 135. ' Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Peter Brown's let ter, June 25 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 418 ; Heath's Memoirs, p. 19 ; Frothingham, p. 147 ; Chester's letter to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775. 7 The men belonging to his own regiment, Gridley's artillery, and Knowlton's command. 8 Letter from Boston, June 23 ; Gage's Dispatch, Doc ument I. ; Stedman, i. p. 126 ; Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Gordon, ii. p. 41 ; Irving, i. p. 473 ; Frothingham, p. 132. — • Bancroft, vii. p. 420 ; Irving, i. p. 473 ; Frothingham, p. 132. and Knowlton, with the Connecticut troops, "to go and oppose them."1 About two hundred yards in the rear of the unfinished breastwork — in a northeasterly direction from it2 — stood a line of posts with two rails, set in a low stone wall, extending, for about three hundred yards, from the Mystic towards the high ground in the centre of the peninsula.3 Immediately in the rear of the wall the earth had been cast up to it, forming a slight ditch at its base, and rendering the whole " some thing of a breastwork"4 against small- arms ; and here the noble, lion-hearted Knowlton took his position, posting Gridley's artillery on his left flank, on the margin of the river.5 He speedily strengthened his position by removing a rail-fence6 which stood in the neigh borhood, and placing it a short distance in front of the wall,7 filling up the space between the two with the hay which lay in windrows or was cocked in the neighboring meadows.8 The delay caused by General Howe 1 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Capt. Chester's let ter to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; Peter Brown's letter, June 25 ; Bancroft, vii. pp. 413, 414. Mr. Irving says Putnam ordered Knowlton to this position, hut Putnam exercised no command until after the close of the battle. 3 Page's Map of Battle of Bunker's Hill, 1776 ; Irving, i. p. 474 ; Frothingham, p. 135. 3 Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; Page's Map of Battle, 1776 ; Frothingham, p. 134. 4 Chester to Fish, July 22, 1775. See also Bancroft, vii. p. 414.—" Frothingham, p. 134 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 414. 8 Chester to Fish, July 22 ; Bradford's Mass., i. p. 384. Mr. Bancroft supposes this was "a post and rail fence ;" but a moment's reflection would have shown that posts could not have been "set" without time and tools, which Knowlton did not have. ' Bancroft, vii. p. 414 ; Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Frothing ham, p. 184.— 8 Ibid. Chap. V.] BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 57 sending for reinforcements, also enabled reinforcements to reach the hill from the camp at Cambridge. The landing of General Howe was speedily known at the camp;1 and although General Ward still supposed it was a feint,2 and refused to order any reinforcement,8 the bells were rung, the drums beat to arms, and officers and soldiers, actuated by the same spirit which led them to Boston when "the news from Lexing ton" was heard, hastened off towards the scene of strife, without knowing, or stopping to inquire, if it was agreeable to the General or to the Committee of Safety.4 Earliest on the field — a short time only before the enemy attacked the lines5: — was a party of New Hampshire men, from Stark's and Reed's regiments, led on by Colonel John Stark, a vet eran of the French War.6 Casting his experienced eye along the Mystic River (where the artillery had been ordered to take a position, but had not done so),7 he saw at once the weakness of that important point ; and hastening to complete a temporary shelter to protect them, he posted at that spot a triple line of his men,8 and awaited the ap proach of the enemy. General Putnam 1 Letter from Wethersfleld, June 22 ; Bancroft, vii. pp. 414, 415; Frothingham, p. 132. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 416. 3 Ibid. ; Irving, i. p. 471.— 4 Bancroft, vii. pp. 416, 417. 6 Bancroft, vii. p. 418 ; Irving, i. p. 474 ; Frothing ham, p. 134.—" Peter Brown (letter, June 25) says they numbered five hundred men. Bancroft, vii. p. 418 ; Irving, i. p. 474 ; Frothingham, p. 134 ; Col. Stark to N. H. Cong. , June 19. — 7 Prescott' s letter, Document IV. ; Peter Brown's letter, June 25 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 418. 8 Bancroft, vii. p. 419. Vo!. I.— 8 also,1 and the veteran Pomeroy,2 and the youthful but noble Warren,8 each serving as volunteers,4 assuming no com mand,5 were oh the field, — Pomeroy at the fence,6 Warren at the redoubt,7 and Putnam wherever he supposed he could render any service.8 No others reached the field before the attack was com menced,9 and not over a hundred and fifty, of different regiments, and under various officers, before the retreat;10 al though many more reached the Neck, but hesitated to venture over it, in the face of the enemy's fire -,11 or still later, reached the neighborhood only in season to wit ness the retreat of their gallant country men from the field of glory.12 There is reason, therefore, to believe that the statements of those who participated in the action were correct,13 when they as serted that the whole number of those engaged, on the part of the colonists, including all such as reached the ground in time to participate, to any extent, in the affair, did not exceed fifteen hundred. At length the reinforcements which General Howe had ordered reached the 1 Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Frothingham, pp. 133, 134. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 417 ; Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Frothing ham, p. 133. — 8 Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 417 ; Irving, i. p. 475. — 4 Frothingham, pp. 133-136 ; Ban croft, vii. pp. 417-420.— " Bancroft, vii. pp. 417-420; Heath, p. 20.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 417 ; Frothingham, p. 136.— 7 Heath's Mem., p. 20; Bancroft, vii. p. 418; Irving, i. p. 475 ; Frothingham, p. 136. 8 Frothingham, p. 136 ; Irving, i. pp. 474, 477, 483. • Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 419. 10 Bancroft, vii. p. 419.—" Letter from Camp, June 27, 1775 ; Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; Peter Brown to his mother, June 25 ; Gordon, ii. p. 46 ; Marshall, ii. p. 293.— '3 Frothingham, p. 176.— " Bancroft, vii. p. 421 ; Gordon, ii. p. 46 ; Marshall's Washington, il. p. 294. 58 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. hill,1 consisting of several companies of light-infantry and grenadiers, the forty- seventh regiment, and the first battalion of marines, under Major Pitcairn, the hero of Lexington,2 — the whole making his force " near upon three thousand men W8 Immediately afterwards, and before he advanced towards the lines,4 General Howe sent orders to Clinton and Bur- goyne, who stood on Copp's Hill bat tery and witnessed the battle,5 to set the town of Charlestown on fire,6 under the pretence that his flanking parties had been fired upon from the houses,7 the truth of which has been express ly denied.8 The order was promptly obeyed;9 a quantity of shells thrown from Copp's Hill,10 and a party of men sent from the Somerset,11 effectually de stroying this fine town,12 and leaving 1 Frothingham, p. 137.— 3 Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775 ; Frothingham, p. 137.— 8 Frothingham, p. 137 ; Gordon, ii. p. 41 ; Marshall, ii. p. 293; Ramsay, i. pp. 202, 203.— 4 Letter from Boston, June 25, 1775. 8 Burgoyne to Lord Stanley, Document II. ; Bancroft, vii. 422. — • Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II. 7 Ibid. ; Gage to Dunmore, June 26, 1775 ; Stedman, i. p. 126 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 422. 8 Gordon, ii. p. 41. The Mass. Com. of Safety (Docu ment III.) state that "one or two regiments of provin cials had been posted there," but they evidently refer to the guard which " were already removed." • Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 422.— ,0 Mass. Cong, to Cont. Cong., June 20; Letter from Boston, June 25 ; Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 422 ; Gordon, ii. p. 42. 11 Bancroft, vii. 422 ; Frothingham, p. 143. 13 Letter from Boston, June 24 ; Do. from Is. Lothrop, June 22; Mass. Cong, to Albany Com., June 28, 1775 ; Stedman, i. p. 126 ; Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. 422 ; Frothingham, pp. 143, 144. Dr. Bartlett {Sketch of Charlestown) says : "This fire destroyed a meeting-house, court-house, prison, county-house, two school-houses, and a work-house, with upwards of 380 dwellings and other nothing standing therein except the chimneys. About half-past two,1 General Howe, being now ready to advance against the lines, addressed his troops, appealing to their national pride and to their sense of the danger of their position in case of defeat.2 " Gentlemen," he said, " I am very happy in having the honor of commanding so fine a body of men : I do not in the least doubt but that you will behave like Englishmen, and as be- cometh good soldiers. If the enemy will not come from their intrenchments, we _must drive them out, at all ' events, otherwise the town of Boston will be set on fire by them. I shall not desire one of you to go a step farther than where I go myself at your head. Re member, gentlemen, that we have no recourse to any resources, if we lose Boston, but to go on board our ships, which will be very disagreeable to us all." The enemy then advanced in two divisions,8 under a tremendous cannon ade from the ships, the batteries, and the field-pieces ;4 — the right division, un der General Howe, advancing against the rail-fence;5 the left, under General Pigot, advancing against the breast work and redoubt.6 As soon as Colonel Prescott saw the enemy was in motion, he ordered buildings, valued, under oath, at $523,000, and 2000 per sons were reduced from affluence and mediocrity to pov erty and exile." 1 Bancroft, vii. p. 422.—' Frothingham, p. 137. 8 Stedman, i. p. 126 ; Bancroft, vii. -422 ; Frothingham, p. 138.— 4 Stedman, i. p. 126 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 422 ; Irving, i. p. 476.—* Ibid.—8 Ibid. Chap. V.] BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 59 Lieutenant-colonel Rob.nson and Major Woods, both of his own regiment, with separate detachments, to flank the ene my,1 a duty which they discharged to his entire satisfaction.2 At the same time he went through the lines, encour aging his men, and instructing them in the line of their duty.8 " The red-coats will never reach the redoubt," said he,4 " if you will but withhold your fire till I give the order, and be careful not to shoot over their heads." At this moment the scene was terri bly grand. In front, on the one hand, the king's troops, advancing slowly up the hill,5 with all the pomp and circum stance which, especially at that time, characterized the European armies, pre sented a magnificent spectacle ; and, on the other hand, a noble town of five hundred buildings bursting into a blaze,6 proclaimed, in language which could not be misunderstood, the presence of van dals acting under the authority of a gracious sovereign. Beyond these, in the stream, lay the vessels of war and floating batteries,7 belching forth vol umes of fire and smoke, and appearing to compete, each with the others, in the work of death and destruction ; while farther still in the rear rose the towers, and steeples, and masts of the shipping at the wharves of the town of Boston, — all of which, with the heights and tree- tops in the surrounding country, were 1 Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Frothingham, p. 138. 3 Ibid. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423. — 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 423. 4 Ibid. ; Frothingham, p. 140— s Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II.—6 Ibid. ; Gordon, ii. p. 43 — 7 Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II. ; Bancroft, vii. 422. crowded with anxious spectators,1 wit nesses of the deed which was to con firm the assumptions of a despot, or es tablish, for all time to come, the great fundamental truths of civil and reli gious freedom. On the hill-top, behind the temporary "screen" which they had thrown up, undismayed by the novel but terrible scene which was spread before their inexperienced eyes, stood one hundred and fifty2 of the yeomanry of Massachusetts, each suffering from fatigue, and hunger, and thirst ; 8 and all sadly deficient of the ammunition which was necessary to supply their trusty firelocks. At their head, it is true, were the cautious, experienced Prescott, and the zealous, true-hearted Warren, in both of whom the gallant band reposed the utmost confidence ; yet the hundred and fifty were but novices in war, who had come forth to defend an abstract right rather than to contend for a questionable privilege. On their left, but farther in the rear, behind a screen, still more temporary than Prescott's, stood Knowlton and his two hundred companions, and Stark and Reed, with their five hundred men, who had come from distant States to 1 Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423 ; Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Irving, i. pp. 478, 479 ; Mar shall's Washington, ii. p. 292. — 3 Prescott's letter, Docu ment IV. Gen. Putnam having insisted upon the re moval of the intrenching tools from the lines on Breed's Hill, where they had been used, to the rear of Bunker's Hill, a large party had left Col. Prescott's command, with Gen. Putnam, to take them, and, a6 the colonel supposed would be the case, they never returned to their post, preferring to remain, with Gen. Putnam, on the rear of Bunker's Hill, out of the range of the shot fired by both parties. 3 Irving, i. p. 471 ; Frothingham, p. 133. 60 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. sustain their brethren at Boston, and now calmly awaited the moment when they could seal the bond of union with their blood. There, too, with firelock in hand, stood the veteran Pomeroy,1 whose seventy summers would have furnished a reason for repose, had a subject less important than this occu pied the care and the attention of his country. "With steady steps, and slow,"2 the king's troops advanced to the attack, occasionally halting to allow the artil lery to clear the way,8 and discharging their muskets, without judgment and without effect, on the works above.4 Encumbered with their heavy knap sacks, weighing upwards of a hundred and twenty-five pounds,5 with the grass reaching to their knees,6 and frequently interrupted by the fences and walls which intersected the slope,7 the men advanced with difficulty. In the redoubt, and the adjacent breastwork, all remained silent until the enemy had advanced within eight rods,8 when Colonel Prescott gave the order to " Fire," and, at once, every gun was discharged.9 Accustomed to the 1 Frothingham, p. 136.— 3 Mass. Com. of Safety, Docu ment III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423 ; Heath's Mem., p. 19 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 41, 43 ; Frothingham, p. 140.— 3 Gordon, ii. p. 41 : Marshall, ii. p. 291 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423. 4 Bradford, i. p. 385 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423 ; Frothing ham, p. 140.— ' Stedman, i. p. 128 ; Frothingham, p. 140. 8 Ibid. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423. — 7 Gage to Dunmore, June 26, 1775 ; Stedman, i. p. 128 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 423 ; Frothingham, p. 140. — 8 Col. Prescott, cited by Mr. Ban croft (vii. p. 424). The Mass. Com. of Safety (Document III.) say "ten or twelve rods," but I consider Prescott better authority. — " Stedman, i. pp. 125, 126 ; Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Irving, i. p. 476 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Froth ingham, p. 141. use of their pieces in the woods which surrounded the dwellings of most of them, and to cripple, if not to kill, the objects of their aim, it is not surprising that the effect of the colonists' fire was severe and unexpected to their enemy. It is said that nearly the entire front rank fell, and that the rest were brought to a stand.1 Hastening to re load under the shelter of the parapet, and exposing themselves only while they stood upon the platform to take aim,2 the colonists continued to pour an irregular, but constant and deadly, fire upon the enemy for several minutes,8 until, overcome with dismay, they re treated, in disordered masses, to the foot of the hill,4 and some even entered the boats.5 Nor was the column under Howe more successful in its attack on Knowl ton, Stark, and Reed, at the fence on the bank of the Mystic. Having less elevation to ascend than their fellows, they moved forward over the marsh with great gallantry,6 although their field-pieces, in consequence of the soft ness of the ground, had to be left behind.7 When they had approached within eighty or a hundred yards of 1 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Gordon, ii. p. 43 ; Frothingham, p. 141. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Frothingham, p. 141. 8 Stedman, i. p. 127 ; Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 43, 44 ; Froth ingham, p. 141.— 4 Stedman, i. p. 127; Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Bradford, i. p. 385 ; Gordon, ii. p. 44. 8 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Gordon, ii. p. 44 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424.— 8 Bancroft, vii. p. 424. * Frothingham, p. 139 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Irving, i. p. 476. Chap. V.] BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 61 the fence,1 they deployed into line2 with all the regularity and elegance of troops on the parade-ground, and ad vanced to the attack. Here, too, the colonists reserved their fire until the enemy had approached within a few yards ;8 and here, as on the hill, unable to withstand a spirit which they could not comprehend, and a fire whose dead-* ly character had swept whole ranks be fore it,4 the king's troops recoiled, and sought safety in an inglorious retreat,5 amid the joyful exultations of the wea ried colonists.6 After an interval of about fifteen minutes, the enemy again advanced in the same order as before.7 The column under Pigot approached the redoubt and breastwork on the hill with evident reluctance,8 firing, as before, as soon as they approached within musket-shot.9 This time, desir ing to make every grain of his powder do the full amount of execution, Colonel Prescott ordered his men to withhold their fire until the enemy had come within thirty yards,10 when the order was given, and the effect was, if possi- 1 Bancroft, vii. p. 424. — 3 Ibid. ; Frothingham, p. 141. 3 Gordon, ii. pp. 44, 45 ; Frothingham, pp. 141, 142 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 424. 4 Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; S. Gray to Mr. Dyer, July 12, 1775 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 43, 44 ; Frothingham, p. 142. 8 Stedman, i. p. 127 ; Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III ; Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775; Bancroft, vii. p. 424 ; Bradford, i. p. 385 ; Gordon, ii. p. 44. — 6 Frothingham, p. 142 ; Irving, i. p. 477. 7 Bancroft, vii. p. '425 ; Frothingham, p. 143. 8 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document HI. ; Gordon, ii. p. 44. 8 Bancroft, vii. p. 425 ; Frothingham, p. 143. 10 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Prescott's let ter, Document IV. ; Gordon, ii. p. 44. ble, more fatal than ever.1 With great spirit, however, the enemy pressed for ward;8 but, "from the whole American line there was a continuous stream of fire,"8 and, notwithstanding the efforts of the king's officers, who were seen using unusual means to urge on their men,4 they could not reach the re doubt ; and, in a short time, they gave way in greater confusion than ever.5 A similar fate awaited General Howe's second attack on the fence near the river.6 He reached it, but could not penetrate it. "Indeed," wrote a survivor,7 " how could we penetrate it ? Most of our grenadiers and light-infant ry, the moment of presenting them selves, lost three-fourths, and many, nine tenths of their men. Some had only eight or nine men in a company left, some only three, four, or five." Howe was left nearly alone, so gener ally had the officers fallen around him.8 This second retreat afforded the col onists an opportunity to consult ; 9 and among those in the redoubt it was an nounced that the ammunition was al most exhausted.10 The supply which 1 Gordon, ii. p. 44 ; Frothingham, p. 145. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 425 ; Frcthingham, p. 145. 8 Prescott, cited by Bancroft ; Frothingham, p. 145. 4 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 425 ; Gordon, ii. p. 44. — 8 Mass. Com. of Safety, Doc ument III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 425 ; Frothingham, pp. 145, 146 ; Irving, i. p. 478. — • Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; Gordon, ii. p. 45 ; Frothingham, p. 145. ' Cited by Bancroft (vii. pp. 425, 426). See also, in almost the same words, Gordon, ii. p. 48. 8 Stedman, i. p. 127 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 426 ; Frothing ham, p. 145. — ' Frothingham, p. 146. ,0 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Prescott's letter, Document IV. ; Bancroft, vii. 426. 62 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. had been sent for had not arrived, and recourse was had to a few artillery car tridges, which remained, to supply the demand.1 After a brief period of time, occupied in consultation with his officers, General Howe made preparations for a renewal of the contest,2 although some of his officers remonstrated against it, declar ing it to have been " downright butch ery" to attempt to carry the lines.3 His plan of operations, however, was somewhat changed to meet the exi gencies of the case.4 His cannon were brought to bear so as to rake the inside of the breastwork,5 and all those who had occupied that portion of the works, during the previous attacks, were obliged to find shelter within the redoubt,6 and leave one of the most im portant parts of the lines without pro tection. He next ordered the troops to remove their knapsacks and fix their bayonets;7 and, while the light-infantry and part of the grenadiers were dis patched against the rail-fence,8 the rest of the troops were concentrated on the redoubt.9 At this moment, General Howe was strengthened by the arrival, on the ground, of General Sir Henry Clinton,10 the next in command, who witnessed the trouble from Copp's Hill, 1 Frothingham, pp. 147, 148 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 427. 3 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Irving, i. p. 478. 3 Frothingham, p. 148.—* Irving, i. p. 479 ; Frothing ham, p. 148. — 8 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 429 ; Frothingham, p. 148. * Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Irving, i. p. 479 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 429.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 428 ; Frothingham, p. 148. — 8 Frothingham, p. 149 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 428.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 428. — " Burgoyne to Stan ley, Document II. ; Stedman, i. p. 127. and pushed off in a boat to render such aid as was in his power.1 Throwing himself at the head of the marines and the forty-seventh regiment,2 who had hesitated to move from the beach,8 he led them up the southern slope of the hill;4 while the fifth, thirty-eighth, and forty-third regiments advanced from the east; and the grenadiers and the fifty-second regiment forced the now deserted breastwork, and attacked the redoubt from the rear.5 Within the redoubt the same cool, deliberate spirit prevailed, although none had over three or four rounds of ammunition left, and the greater part had not so many.6 Colonel Prescott directed his men to reserve their fire until the enemy was within twenty yards,7 when they poured upon them a well-directed volley;8 but the enemy, without returning it, pressed forward to the attack.9 Prescott immediately ordered those who had bayonets to form in front, within the redoubt, to oppose those who attempted to enter it; while those who had none were formed in the rear, with orders to fire on such as might show themselves on the parapet.10 Clinton, at the head of the troops who had ascended the southern slope of the hill, first reached the redoubt;11 1 Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 428.— 3 Burgoyne to Stanley, Document II.—3 Ibid. 4 Bancroft, vii. p. 428.— 8 Ibid., p. 429.—' Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; Frothingham, pp. 147-149 ; Ban croft, vii. p. 429.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 429 ; Frothingham, p. 149.— 8 Frothingham, p. 149.—' Bancroft, vii. p. 429 ; Frothingham, p. 149.— M Frothingham, p. 150; Irving, i. p. 480.—" Bancroft, vii. p. 429. Fainted, by Ciia-ppel Engr avecl "byPliiIlibri JBATTTILIE CQJ.IF ESIOTWIKEIRS MEILIL, Irvmfaaryinalpaintintvitiepassessw/i ^OeJUiHskers. Johnson, Fry fc c° Mjkahcrs, IWTork Chap. V.] BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 63 and many of his party were shot while attempting to scale the parapet;1 and Major -Pitcairn, of the marines, — he who figured so conspicuously at Lex ington, — fell mortally wounded as he was entering the redoubt.2 But the ammunition had been expended;8 and a volley of stones, thrown with desper ate energy, while it revealed the weak ness of the colonists, filled the enemy with hope.4 The works were speedily scaled on every side,5 and the contest was carried on hand to hand.6 With a determination worthy of their cause, the colonists confronted their enemies with the butt-end of their firelocks,7 dealing blows in every direction, and continuing the contest with the gun- barrels after the stocks had been broken.8 Such a contest, however, could not be long continued, and when the re doubt had become half-filled with the enemy,9 about four o'clock,10 Colonel Prescott gave orders to retreat.11 The smoke of the battle, and the dust aris ing from the dry, loose dirt, were so dense as to conceal, in some measure, the withdrawal of the colonists.12 Col- i Frothingham, p. 150 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 429. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 429.— ' Mass. Com. of Safety, Docu ment III. ; Frothingham, p. 150. 4 Frothingham, p. 150 ; Irving, i. p. 480. 8 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Prescott's let ter, Document IV.—' Frothingham, p. 150 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 429 ; Irving, i. p. 480. 7 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Marshall, ii. p. 293 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 429 ; Irving, i. p. 480. 8 Bancroft, vii. p. 429 ; Frothingham, p. 174. • Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Marshall, ii. p. 293— 10 Bancroft, vii p. 429.—" Frothingham, p. 150. 13 Ibid. ; Bancroft, vii. p. 430. onel Prescott was among the last to withdraw from the redoubt; and, not withstanding the enemy attacked him, he so skillfully parried the passes that he escaped without injury, although his banyan and waistcoat were pierced by bayonets in several places.1 It has been said by an eye-witness, that when the Colonel withdrew, " he did not run, but stepped along with his sword up ;"2 and his companions, as they found opportu nity, made their way through the ranks of their enemies, who were too much exhausted to offer any serious opposi tion to the movement ; 3 while a charac teristic blunder, on the part of a quarter master in Boston, who supplied twelve- pound shot for six-pound guns,4 saved the fugitives from the effects of a can nonade while they were retiring from their intrenchments.5 In the mean time, the party behind the fence had been strengthened by the arrival of men under Captains Chester, Coit, Harris, and others,6 to the number of about a hundred and fifty;7 and when the light-infantry approached them the third time, they were easily checked,8 and the retreat of Colonel Prescott and his men satisfactorily se cured.9 When it was perceived that 1 Frothingham, p. 150 ; Bancroft, i. p. 429. 3 Frothingham, p. 150. — 3 Stedman, i. p. 127 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 430 ; Frothingham, p. 151.— 4 Stedman, i. p. 129 ; Gordon, ii. p. 41 ; Bancroft, vii. 430.—' Frothingham, p. 153.— 8 Letter from Wethersfleld, June 22, 1775 ; Capt. Chester to Rev. Jos. Fish, July 22, 1775 ; Samuel Gray to Mr. Dyer, July 12 ; Frothingham, p. 151. 7 Bancroft, vii. p. 419.— 8 Frothingham, p. 151. 8 Mass. Com. of Safety, Document III. ; Frothingham, p. 151, 152 ; Bancroft, vii. p. 430 ; Irving, i. p. 481. 64 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. Prescott was safe,1 Knowlton and Stark led their men from the field with great coolness and in good order,2 taking with them one of the field-pieces belonging to the party.8 The aged Pomeroy, dis daining to show his back to the foe, walked backwards from the field, and brandished his musket, in defiance to the enemy, until it was struck and marked by a ball.4 Passing over the brow of Bunker's Hill,5 the fugitives were exposed to the fire of the shipping and batteries,6 and here, and on Charlestown Neck, more than on any part of the field, their loss was very heavy.7 The great body, how ever, succeeded in reaching the camp, or, taking positions on Winter and Pros pect Hills,8 lay on their arms until morning ; 9 while the King's troops, equally fearful of an attack, threw up, during the night, a line of breastworks on the northern side of Bunker's Hill, and anxiously awaited the return of daylight.10 The loss of the enemy, by his own account,11 was two hundred and twenty- six killed and eight hundred and twen ty-eight wounded ; of whom thirteen of 1 Gordon, ii. p. 45 ; Frothingham, p. 152. 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 430 ; Gordon, ii. p. 45 ; Frothing ham, p. 152. — 3 Bancroft, vii. p. 430 ; Frothingham, p. 186. 4 Bancroft, vii. p. 430 ; Frothingham, p. 152 ; Irving, i. p. 481. — 8 Frothingham, p. 152 ; Irving, i. p. 481. 8 Stedman, i. p. 127 ; Gordon, ii. p. 46 ; Marshall, ii. p. 293.— 7 Bancroft, vii. p. 430 ; Heath's Mem., p. 19 ; Gordon, ii. p. 46 ; Frothingham, p. 152. 8 Letter from Wethersfleld, June 22 ; Gen. Greene to Jacob Greene, June 28, 1775 ; Gordon, ii. p. 47. 8 Bancroft, vii. p. 431 ; Frothingham, p. 153. 10 Gordon, ii. p. 47 ; Frothingham, p. 153. 11 Gage's- Dispatch, Document I. ; Stedman, i. p. 127. the killed and seventy of the wounded were commissioned officers. Truly was it said, in view of this loss, "By this rule the Americans will put the whole army into the grave or hospitals in three or four nights' work, and an hour's fire in each morning."1 The loss of the colonists amounted to one hundred and forty-five killed and missing, and three hundred and four wounded ; the principal of whom was General Warren.2 This distinguished man was shot in the head, just as he was leaving the trenches, and was buried on the field by the enemy.8 Such was Bunker's Hill, and well was it said of it by Governor Johnstone, in the House of Commons: "To a mind who loves to contemplate the glorious spirit of freedom, no spectacle can be more affecting than the action at Bun ker's Hill. To see an irregular peasant ry, commanded by a physician,4 inferior in numbers, opposed by every circum stance of cannon and bombs that could terrify timid minds, calmly await the attack of the gallant Howe, leading on the best troops in the world, with an excellent train of artillery, and twice repulsing those very troops, who had often chased the chosen battalions of France, and at last retiring for want of ammunition, but in so respectable a manner that they were not even pur sued — who can reflect on such scenes 1 Observations on Government Account of the late Battle of Charlestown, London, August 1, 1775. 3 Document V.—3 Frothingham, p, 171. 1 Supposing Dr. Warren had the command. Chap V.] DOCUMENTS. 65 and not adore the constitution of gov ernment which could breed such men !" "It was the first regular battle be tween the British and the Americans," says a distinguished writer of our own State,1 "and most eventful in its con sequences. The former had gained the ground for which they contended ; but, if a victory, it was more disastrous and humiliating to them than an ordinary defeat. They had ridiculed and de spised their enemy, representing them as dastardly and inefficient; yet, here their best troops, led on by experienced officers, had repeatedly been repulsed by an inferior force of that enemy, — mere yeomanry, — from works thrown up in a single night, and had suffered a loss rarely paralleled in a battle with the most veteran soldiery." The good effects of this action were counteracted by the intelligence of the death of Doctor Warren. Eloquent, self-sacrificing, and zealous, without rash ness, no person had secured, at that early day, a deeper hold of the affec tions of the people ; and the loss of none could be more severely felt. Poetry, and the fine arts, and his tory have all, in their turn, been en listed in the good work of cherishing his memory ; and the Congress of Mas sachusetts expressed the sense of the whole country, when it declared its " veneration for Joseph Warren, whose memory is endeared to his country men, and to the worthy in every part and age of the world, so long as virtue and valor shall be esteemed among men.' DOCUMENTS i. OFFICIAL REPORT OF GEN. GAGE TO THE SECRE TARY OF STATE : FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE. Whitehall, July 25, 1775. This morning arrived Captain Chadds, of His Majesty's ship Cerberus, with the following let ter from the Honorable Lieutenant-general Gage to the Earl of Dartmouth, one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State. Boston, June 25, 1775. My Lord : I am to acquaint your Lordship of an action that happened on the 17th instant, 1 Irving's Washington, i. p. 482. Vol. I.— 9 between His Majesty's troops and a body of the rebel forces. An alarm was given at break of day on the 17th instant, by a firing from the Lively, ship- of-war; and advice was soon afterwards re ceived that the rebels had broke ground, and were raising a battery on the heights of the peninsula of Charlestown, against the town of Boston. They were plainly seen at work, and in a few hours a battery of six guns played upon their works. Preparations were instantly made for landing a body of men to drive them off, and ten companies of grenadiers, ten of light-in fantry, with the fifth, thirty-eighth, forty-third, and fifty-second battalions, made a third line. The rebels upon the heights were perceived to be in great force, and strongly posted: a re- 66 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. doubt thrown up on the 16 th, at night, with other works, full of men, defended with cannon, and a large body posted in the houses in Charles town, covered their right flank, and their centre and left were covered by a breastwork, part of it cannon-proof, which reached from the left of the redoubt to the Mistick or Medford River. This appearance of the rebels' strength, and the large columns seen pouring in to their as sistance, occasioned an application for the troops to be reinforced with some companies of light- infantry and grenadiers, the forty-seventh bat talion, and the first battalion of marines, — the whole, when in conjunction, making a body of something above two thousand men. These troops advanced, formed in two lines, and the attack began by a sharp cannonade from our field-pieces and howitzers; the lines advancing slowly, and frequently halting, to give time for the artillery to fire. The light-infantry was di rected to force the left point of the breastwork, to take the rebel fine in flank, and the grena diers to attack in front, supported by the fifth and fifty-second battalions. These orders were executed with perseverance, under a heavy fire from the vast numbers of the rebels ; and, not withstanding various impediments before the troops could reach the works (and though the left, under Brigadier-general Pigot, who en gaged also with the rebels at Charlestown, which, at a critical moment, was set on fire), the brigadier pursued his point, and carried the redoubt. The rebels were then forced from other strongholds, and pursued till they were drove clear off the peninsula, leaving five pieces of cannon behind them. The loss the rebels sustained must have been considerable, from the great numbers they car ried off during the time of action, and buried in holes, since discovered, exclusive of what they suffered by the shipping and boats. Near one hundred were buried the next day after, and thirty found wounded in the field, three of whom are since dead. I inclose your lordship a return of the killed and wounded of His Majesty's troops. This action has shown the superiority of the .King's troops, who, under every disadvantage, attacked and defeated above three times their number, strongly posted and covered by breast works. The conduct of Major-general Howe was con spicuous on this occasion, and his example spir ited the troops, in which Major-general Clinton assisted, who followed the reinforcement. And in justice to Brigadier-general Pigot, I am to add, that the success of the day must, in a great measure, be attributed to his firmness and gal lantry. Lieutenant - colonels Nesbit, Abercrombie, Clarke ; Majors Butler, Williams, Bruce, Spend- love, Smelt, Mitchell, Pitcairn, and Short, ex erted themselves remarkably ; and the valor of the British officers and soldiers in general, was at no time more conspicuous than in this action. I have the honor to be, &c, Thomas Gage. Return of the officers, non-commissioned offi cers, and privates killed and wounded, of His Majesty's troops, at the attack of the redoubts and intrenchments, on the Heights of Charles town, June 17, 1775 : ***** Total — One lieutenant-colonel, two majors, seven captains, nine lieutenants, fifteen sergeants, one drummer, one hundred and ninety-one rank and file, killed ; three majors, twenty-seven cap tains, thirty-two lieutenants, eight ensigns, forty sergeants, twelve drummers, seven hundred and six rank and file, wounded. N. B. — Captain Dowries, of the fifth regiment, and Lieutenant Higgins, of the fifty-second, died of their wounds on the 24th instant. II. EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GENERAL JOHN BURGOYNE TO LORD STANLEY. Boston, June 25, 1775. Boston is a peninsula, joined to the main land only by a narrow neck, which, on the first troubles, General Gage fortified ; arms of the sea and the harbor surround the rest on the other side. On one of these arms, to the north, is Chap. V.] DOCUMENTS. 67 Charlestown, or rather was, for it is now rub bish, and over it is a large hill, which is also (like Boston) a peninsula. To the south of the town is a still larger scope of ground, containing three hills, joining also to the main by a tongue of land, and called Dorchester Neck. The heights, as above described, both north and south (in the soldier's phrase), command the town ; that is, give an opportunity of erecting batteries above any that you can make against them, and consequently are much more advan tageous. It was absolutely necessary we should make ourselves masters of these heights, and we proposed to begin with Dorchester; because, from the particular situation of batteries and shipping (too long to describe, and unintelligible to you if I did), it would evidently be effected without any considerable loss. Every thing was accordingly disposed ; my two colleagues and myself (who, by the by, have never differed in one jot of military sentiment) had, in concert with General Gage, formed the plan. Howe was to land the transports on the point ; Clinton in the centre ; and I was to cannonade from the causeway or the neck : each to take advantage of circumstances. The operations must have been very easy ; this was to have been executed on the 1 8th. On the 1 7th, at dawn of day, we found the enemy had pushed intrenchments with great diligence during the night, on the Heights of Charlestown, and we evidently saw that every hour gave them fresh strength ; it therefore be came necessary to alter our plan, and attack on that side. Howe, as second in command, was detached with about two thousand men, and landed on the outward side of the peninsula, covered with shipping, without opposition; he was to advance from thence up the hill which was over Charlestown, where the strength of the enemy lay ; he had under him Brigadier-general Pigot. Clinton and myself took our stand (for we had not any fixed post) in a large battery di rectly opposite to Charlestown, and commanded it, and also reaching the heights above it, and thereby facilitating Howe's attack. Howe's dis position was exceeding soldier-like ; in my opinion it was perfect. As his first arm advanced up the hill, they met with a thousand impediments from strong fences, and were much exposed. They were also exceedingly hurt by musketry from Charlestown, though Clinton and I did not per ceive it until Howe sent us word by a boat, and desired us to set fire to the town, which was immediately done ; we threw a parcel of shells, and the whole was instantly in flames ; our battery afterwards kept an incessant fire on the heights ; it was seconded by a number of frigates, floating batteries, and one ship-of-the- line. And now ensued one of the greatest scenes of war that can be conceived ; if we look to the height, Howe's corps ascending the hill in the face of intrenchments, and in a very dis advantageous ground, was much engaged ; to the left the enemy pouring in fresh troops by thousands, over the land ; and in the arm of the sea our ships and floating batteries cannonading them ; straight before us a large and noble town in one great blaze — the church-steeples, being timber, were great pyramids of fire above the rest ; behind us, the church-steeples and heights of our own camp covered with spectators of the rest of our army which was engaged ; the hills round the country covered with spectators ; the enemy all in anxious suspense ; the roar of cannon, mortars, and musketry; the crash of churches, ships upon the stocks, and whole streets falling together, to fill the ear ; the storm of the redoubts, with the objects above described, to fill the eye ; and the reflection that, perhaps, a defeat was a final loss to the British empire in America, to fill the mind ; made the whole a picture, and a complication of horror and im portance beyond any thing that ever came to my lot to be witness to. I much lament Tom's ' absence ; it was a sight for a young soldier that the longest service may not furnish again ; and had he been with me he would likewise have been out of danger ; for, except two cannon- balls that went a hundred yards over our heads, we were not in any part of the direction of the enemy's shot. A moment of the day was crit ical ; Howe's left were staggered ; two battalions had been sent to reinforce them, but we per ceived them on the beach seeming in embarrass ment what way to march. Clinton then, next 1 His nephew, Hon. Thomas Stanley (brother of Lord Stanley), who had gone a volunteer to Boston. 68 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. for business, took the part without waiting for orders, to throw himself into a boat to head them ; he arrived in time to be of service ; the day ended with glory, and the success was most important, considering the ascendency it gave the regular troops ; but the loss was uncommon in officers, for the numbers engaged. Howe was untouched, but his aid-de-camp, Sherwin, was killed; Jorden, a friend of Howe's, who came engage le de coeur, to see the campaign (a shipmate of ours on board the Cerberus, and who acted as aid-de-camp), is badly wounded. Pigot was unhurt, but he behaved like a hero. You will see the list of the loss. Poor Colonel Aber- crombie, who commanded the grenadiers, died yesterday of his wounds. Captain Addison, our poor old friend, who arrived but the day before, and was to have dined with me on the day of the action, was also killed ; his son was upon the field at the same time. Major Mitchell is but very slightly hurt, he is out already. Young Chetwynd's wound is also slight. Lord Percy's regiment has suffered the most, and behaved the best ; his lordship himself was not in the action. Lord Rawden behaved to a charm ; his name is established for life. III. EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE MASSA CHUSETTS COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. July 25, 1775. The following account of the late battle of Charlestown, prepared in obedience to a resolu tion of the Provincial Congress, was presented, accepted, and ordered to be transmitted to Great Britain : In Provincial Congress, i Watertown, July 7, 1775. | In compliance with a resolve of the Commit tee of Safety, recommending that a committee be appointed to draw up, and transmit to Great Britain, a fair and impartial account of the late battle of Charlestown, as soon as possible : Ordered, That the said Committee of Safety be a committee for that purpose, and that they likewise be a standing committee for that and like purposes.1 (A true extract from the minutes.) Samuel Freeman, Secretary. In Committee op Safety, July 25, 1775. In obedience to the above order of Congress, this committee have inquired into the premises, and upon the best information obtained, find that the commanders of the New England army had, about the 14th ult., received advice that General Gage had issued orders for a party of the troops under his command to post them selves on Bunker's Hill, a promontory just at the entrance of the peninsula of Charlestown, which orders were soon to be executed. Upon which it was determined, with the advice of this committee, to send a party, who might erect some fortifications upon said hill, and defeat this design of our enemies. Accordingly, on the 16th ult., orders were issued that a detachment of one thousand men should that evening march to Charlestown, and intrench upon that hill. Just before nine o'clock they left Cambridge, and proceeded to Breed's Hill, situated on the farther part of the peninsula next to Boston; for, by some mistake, this hill was marked out for the intrenchment instead of the other. Many things being necessary to be done preparatory to the intrenchments being thrown up (which could not be done before, lest the enemy should discover and defeat the design), it was nearly twelve o'clock before the works were entered upon ; they were then carried on with the ut most diligence and alacrity, so that by the dawn of the day they had thrown up a small redoubt, about eight rods square. At this time a heavy fire began fi-om the enemy's ships, a number of floating batteries, and from a fortification of the enemy's upon Copp's Hill, in Boston, directly opposite to our little redoubt. An incessant shower of shot and bombs was rained by these upon our works, by which only one man fell ; the provincials continued to labor indefatigably 1 This committee, appointed February 9, 1775, con sisted of Messrs. John Hancock, Dr. Joseph Warren, Dr. Benj. Church, jr., Richard Devens, Capt. Benj. White, Col. Joseph Palmer, Abm. Watson, Col. Azor Orne, John Pigeon, Jabez Fisher, and Col. Wm. Heath. Chap. V.] DOCUMENTS. 69 till they had thrown up a small breastwork,, ex tending from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, but were prevented com pleting it by the intolerable fire of the enemy. Between twelve and one o'clock a number of boats and barges, filled with the regular troops from Boston, were observed approaching to wards Charlestown. These troops landed at a place called Moreton's Point, situated a little to the eastward of our works. This brigade formed upon their landing, and stood thus formed till a second detachment arrived from Boston to join them. Having sent out large flank guards, they began a very slow march towards our lines. At this instant smoke and flames were seen to arise from the town of Charlestown, which had been set on fire by the enemy, that the smoke might cover their attack upon our lines, and perhaps with a design to rout or destroy one or two regiments of provincials who had been posted in that town. If either of these was their design, they were disappointed, for the wind shifting on a sudden, carried the smoke another way, and the regiments were already removed. The pro vincials, within their intrenchments, impatiently awaited the attack of the enemy, and reserved their fire till they came within ten or twelve rods, and then began a furious discharge of small-arms. This fire arrested the enemy, which they for some time returned, without advancing a step, and then retreated in disor der, and with great precipitation, to the place of landing ; and some of them sought refuge even within their boats. Here the officers were ob served, by the spectators on the opposite shore, to run down to them, using the most passionate gestures, and pushing the men forward with their swords. At length they were rallied, and marched up with apparent reluctance towards the intrenchment. The Americans again re served their fire until the enemy came up within five or six rods, and a second time put the regu lars to flight, who ran in great confusion to wards their boats. Similar and superior exer tions were now necessarily made by the officers, which, notwithstanding the men discovered an almost insuperable reluctance to fighting in this cause, were again successful. They formed once more, and having brought some cannon to bear in such a manner as to rake the inside of the breastwork from one end of it to the other, the provincials retreated within their little fort. The ministerial army now made a decisive ef fort; the fire from the ships and batteries, as well as from the cannon in the front of their army, was redoubled. The officers in the rear of their army were observed to goad forward the men with renewed exertions, and they attacked the redoubt on three sides at once. The breast work on the outside of the fort was abandoned ; the ammunition of the provincials was expend ed ; and few of their arms were fixed with bayo nets. Can it then be wondered that the word was given by the commander of the party to retreat? But this he delayed till the redoubt was half filled with regulars, and the provincials had kept the enemy at bay some time, confront ing them with the butt-end of their muskets. The retreat of this little handful of brave men would have been effectually cut off, had it not happened that the flanking party of the enemy, which was to have come up on the back of the redoubt, was checked by a party of provincials, who fought with the utmost bravery, and kept them from advancing farther than the beach. The engagement of these two parties was kept up with the utmost vigor ; and it must be ac knowledged that this party of the ministerial troops evidenced a courage worthy of a better cause. All their efforts, however, were insuf ficient to compel the provincials to retreat, till their main body had left the hill. Perceiving this was done, they then gave ground, but with more regularity than could be expected of troops who had no longer been under discipline, and many of whom never before saw an engagement. In this retreat the Americans had to pass over the neck which joins the peninsula of Charles town to the main-land. This neck was com manded by the Glasgow man-of-war, and two floating batteries, placed in such a manner as that their shot raked every part of it. The in cessant fire kept up across this neck, had, from the beginning of the engagement, prevented any considerable reinforcement from getting to the provincials upon the hill, and it was feared would cut off their retreat, but they retired over it with little or no loss. 70 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. With a ridiculous parade of triumph, the min isterial troops again took possession of the hill, which had served them as a retreat in their flight from the battle of Concord. It was ex pected that they would prosecute the supposed advantage they had gained, by marching imme diately to Cambridge, which was distant about two miles, and which was not then in a state of defence. This they failed to do. The wonder excited by such conduct soon ceased, when, by the best accounts from Boston, we were told that of three thousand men who marched out upon this expedition, no less than fifteen hun dred (ninety-two of whom were commissioned officers) were killed or wounded, and about twelve hundred of them either killed or mor tally wounded. Such a slaughter was perhaps never before made upon British troops in the space of about an hour, during which the heat of the engagement lasted, by about fifteen hun dred men, which were the most that were at any time engaged on the American side. The loss of the New England army amounted, according to an exact return, to one hundred and forty-five killed and missing, and three hun dred and four wounded. Thirty of the first were wounded and taken prisoners by the ene my. Among the dead was Major-general Joseph Warren, a man whose memory will be endeared to his countrymen, and to the worthy in every part and age of the world, so long as virtue and valor shall be esteemed among mankind. The heroic Colonel Gardner, of Cambridge, has since died of his wounds ; and the brave Lieutenant- colonel Parker, of Chelmsford, who was wound ed and taken prisoner, perished in Boston jail. These three, with Major Moore and Major Mc- Clary, who nobly struggled in the cause of their country, were the only officers of distinction which we lost. Some officers of great worth, though in ferior in rank, were killed, whom we deeply la ment; but the officers and soldiers in general, who were wounded, are in a fair way of recovery. The town of Charlestown, the buildings of which were in general large and elegant, and which contained effects belonging to the unhap py sufferers in Boston to a very great amount, was entirely destroyed; and its chimneys and cellars now present a prospect to the Americans, exciting an indignation in their bosoms which nothing can appease but the sacrifice of those miscreants who have introduced desolation and havoc into these once happy abodes of liberty, peace, and plenty. Though the officers and soldiers of the minis terial army meanly exult in having gained this ground, yet they cannot but attest to the bravery of our troops, and acknowledge that the battles of Fontenoy and Minden, according to the numbers engaged, and the time the en gagements continued, were not to be compared with this ; and, indeed, the laurels of Minden were totally blasted in the battle of Charles town. The ground purchased, thus dearly pur chased by the British troops, affords them no advantage against the American army, now strongly intrenched on a neighboring eminence. The continental troops, nobly animated from the justice of their cause, sternly urge to decide the contest by the sword ; but we wish for no farther effusion of blood, if the freedom and peace of America can be secured without it. But if it must be otherwise, we are determined to strug gle. We disdain life without liberty. Oh, Britons ! Be wise for yourselves before it is too late, and secure a commercial inter course with the American colonies before it is forever lost ; disarm your ministerial assassins ; put an end to this unrighteous and unnatural war; and suffer not any rapacious despots to amuse you with the unprofitable ideas of your right to tax and officer the colonies, till the most profitable and advantageous trade you have is irrevocably lost. Be wise for yourselves, and the Americans will contribute to and rejoice in your prosperity. J. Palmer, per order} IV. LETTER DESCRIBING THE ACTION, BY COLONEL WILLIAM PRESCOTT. Camp at Cambridge, August 25, 1775. Sir : — I have received a line from my brother, which informs me of your desire of a particular 1 The foregoing document was sent to London, accom panied by n. letter to Arthur Lee, and was published in the newspapers in that city. Chap. V.] DOCUMENTS. 71 account of the action at Charlestown. It is not in my power, at present, to give so minute an account as I should choose, being ordered to decamp and march to another station. On the 1 6th June, in the evening, I received orders to march to Breed's Hill, in Charlestown, with a party of about one thousand men, con sisting of three hundred of my own regiment, Colonel Bridge and Lieutenant Brickett, with a detachment of theirs, and two hundred Con necticut forces, commanded by Captain Knowl ton. We arrived at the spot, the lines were drawn by the engineer, and we began the in- trenchment about twelve o'clock; and plying the work with all possible expedition till just before sun-rising, when the enemy began a very heavy cannonading and bombardment. In the interim, the engineer forsook me. Having thrown up a small redoubt, found it necessary to draw a line about twenty rods in length from the fort northerly, under a very warm fire from the enemy's artillery. About this time, the above field officers, being indisposed, could render me but little service, and the most of the men under their command deserted the party. The enemy continuing an incessant fire with their artillery, about two o'clock in the afternoon, on the sev enteenth, the enemy began to land at a north easterly point from the fort, and I ordered the train, with two field-pieces, to go and oppose them, and the Connecticut forces to support them ; but the train marched a different course, and I believe those sent to their support fol lowed, I suppose to Bunker's Hill. Another party of the enemy landed and fired the town. There was a party of Hampshire, in conjunc tion with some other forces, fined a fence at the distance of threescore rods back of the fort, partly to the north. About an hour after the enemy landed, they began to march to the at tack in three columns. I commanded my lieu tenant-colonel, Robinson, and Major Woods, each with a detachment, to flank the enemy, who, I have reason to think, behaved with pru dence and courage. I was now left with perhaps one hundred and fifty men in the fort. The enemy advanced and fired very hotly on the fort, and meeting with a warm reception, there was a very smart firing on both sides. After a considerable time, finding our ammunition was almost spent, I commanded a cessation till the enemy advanced within thirty yards, when we gave them such a hot fire that they were obliged to retire nearly one hundred and fifty yards before they could rally and come again to the attack. Our ammunition being nearly exhaust ed, could keep up only a scattering fire. The enemy being numerous, surrounded our little fort, began to mount our fines, and enter the fort with their bayonets. We were obliged to retreat through them, while they kept up as hot a fire as it was possible for them to make. We having very few bayonets, could make no resist ance. We kept the fort about one hour and twenty minutes after the attack with small arms. This is nearly the state of facts, though imper fect and too general, which, if any ways satis factory to you, will afford pleasure to Your most obedient humble servant, William Prescott.' To the Hon. John Aoams, Esq. THE NUMBER OF THOSE KILLED, WOUNDED, AND MISSING, LN THE ENGAGEMENT ON BUNKER HELL. (From General Washington's letter to Congress, dated " Camp at Cambridge, July 10, 1775.") Colonel Frye's regiment, 10 killed, 38 wound ed, 4 missing ; Colonel Little's regiment, 7 killed, 23 wounded; Colonel Brewer's regiment, 12 killed, 22 wounded ; Colonel Gridley's regiment, 4 wounded ; Colonel Stark's regiment, 15 killed, 45 wounded ; Colonel Woodbridge's regiment, 5 wounded ; Colonel Scammon's regiment, 2 wounded; Colonel Bridge's regiment, 17 killed, 25 wounded ; Colonel Whitcomb's regiment, 5 killed, 8 wounded, 2 missing ; General Ward's regiment, 1 killed, 6 wounded; Colonel Ger- rish's regiment, 3 killed, 5 wounded; Colonel Reed's regiment, 3 killed, 29 wounded, 1 miss- 1 This letter was first published in the invaluable "History of the Siege of Boston," by B. Frothingham, jr. , to whom it was furnished by Hon. Charles Francis Adams. 72 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. ing ; Colonel Prescott's regiment, 43 killed and missing, 46 wounded ; Colonel Doolittle's regi ment, 6 killed and missing, 9 wounded ; Colonel Gardner's regiment, 7 wounded ; Colonel Pat terson's regiment, 1 wounded ; Colonel Nixon's regiment, 3 killed and missing ; Connecticut regiment, 13 killed, 26 wounded. Total, 145 killed and missing; 304 wounded. VI. COLONEL WILLIAM PRESCOTT. Colonel William Prescott, " the hero of Bun ker's Hill" and of Throgg's Neck, was born at Groton, Massachusetts, in 1726. His father, Benjamin, was a member of the council of the colony; his grandfather, Thomas Oliver, also held a seat in that body ; and from them he in herited a large estate. In the expedition against Cape Breton he served as a lieutenant, giving so good an account of himself that he was offered a commission in the regular army, which he de clined, and returned to his farm at Pepperell, where he resided until the troubles in Massachu setts called him into the field again. At the head of a regiment of minute-men he promptly responded to the call when the " news from Lexington" reached him ; and he hastened to Boston. To him, as we have seen, was in trusted the important duty of occupying Breed's Hill on the evening of June 16, 1775, and he has the proud distinction of enjoying the honor of having been " the hero of Bunker's Sill:'' Zealous friends of other officers, and bitter ene mies of our country, have strangely combined to rob him of this honor, some in favor of one officer and some of another ; yet the question, — if question it may be called, — through the un wearied industry and careful examination of R. Frothingham, jr., mainly, seems now to have been settled, and the name of Prescott no longer remains obscure or unknown. At the close of the contest he repaired to Cambridge, went be fore the Committee of Safety, and urged it to give him three regiments, with which to attack the enemy on Bunker's Hill, assuring it that he could carry the hill with such a force. When General Howe landed, with the entire army, on Throgg's Neck, in Westchester county, New York, with the intention of falling in the rear of the continental army, then encamped at Kingsbridge, Colonel Prescott, with his regi ment and a company of artillery, were sent to oppose him at Westchester Creek, and, notwith standing the disparity of numbers, General Howe was kept on the Neck six days, and final ly retreated. In the beginning of 1777 he resigned, and returned to private life ; but when the northern frontier was threatened by General Burgoyne, he returned to the field, as a volunteer, and con tinued to discharge his duties until the cap ture of the enemy at Saratoga. He then re turned to his farm at Pepperell, became a mem ber of the legislature, and from 1786 until his death, was a magistrate in the town where he lived. He died at Pepperell, October 13, 1795, aged sixty-nine years. It has been well said of him, that "he was a genuine specimen of an ener getic, brave, and patriotic citizen, who was ready in the hour of danger to place himself in the van, and partake in all the perils of his coun try ; feeling anxious for its prosperity, without caring to share in its emoluments; and main taining beneath a plain exterior and simple hab its, a dignified pride in his native land, and a high-minded love of freedom." VH. MAJOR-GENERAL JOSEPH WARREN. Joseph Warren was born at Roxbury, near Boston, Massachusetts, in 1740. His father, who was a farmer, was killed by falling from an apple-tree, in 1755. Joseph entered Harvard College in the same year, and graduated in 1759 with great credit. Adopting medicine as his profession, he studied under Dr. Lloyd, and rapidly rose to the front rank of that profession in Boston. Of an active, sympathetic tempera ment, and living at a time when all were poli ticians (and mostly partisans), it would have been strange if he had not become interested in Chap. V.] DOCUMENTS. 73 political matters ; and stranger still if he had not been active, when the boldness, the sincerity, and the disinterested patriotism of his character are considered. He was, accordingly, an early member of "The Sons of Liberty,'1'' in Boston — one of the associations from which sprung that glorious Revolution which secured the rights and privileges which the people of our country so poorly appreciate and so slightly protect. In constant correspondence with Lamb, McDougal, Willett, Sears, and Scott, in New York ; Van Rensselaer, Rosenbaum, and Young, in Albany ; Hendrickson, of Freehold ; Bradford and How ell, of Philadelphia, Adair and Allison, of Balti more ; and Paca and Chase, of Annapolis, re ceiving from them (and especially from those first named) the lessons of daring patriotism which led to resistance to stamps, tea-tax, and other usurpations of the crown, he fostered the same spirit in those among whom he moved ; and by his fearless example, in all proper undertakings, promoted, more than any other person in New England, except Samuel Adams, the great cause of the American Revolution. When most of his associates wavered, he aroused them by his elo quence ; when they moved forward, he cheered them on by his prudent examples. Without rashness, he was bold ; without malignancy, he was denunciatory of wrongs ; without disloyalty Vol. I.— 10 to his sovereign, he loved America and de manded her rights. When Hancock went to the Continental Con gress, Dr. Warren was elected to the presidency of the Provincial Congress in his stead. On the evening of the 1 8th of April, it was Warren who stood sentry on the watch-towers of freedom, in Boston; detected the purpose of General Gage in sending troops to Concord, when all the subordi nates under Gage, except Percy, were ignorant of it ; dispatched Hawes and Revere with the messages to Lexington; and flung out the lan terns from the tower of the old North Church, which aroused the people along the line of the enemy's march. He had been appointed a major-general of Massachusetts but four days, when he fell on Breed's Hill, on the 17th of June, 1775, and was buried in the trenches on the following morning. After the enemy had evacuated Boston, in 1776, his remains were disinterred, and carried from the Representatives' Chamber to King's Chapel, where they were buried with military and masonic honors. The King Solomon's Lodge of Freemasons — of which order he was the Grand Master of North America — erected a monument on the hill in Charlestown, which has since given place to the Bunker Hill Monument. CHAPTER VI. April 19, 1775, to March 17, 1776. THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. Among- the several sieges which have occupied the attention of mankind, in different ages, whether considered in respect to the belligerents or the re sults, none possess more importance than the siege of Boston in New Eng land. A body of armed men, — yeomanry of the country, — led by officers of their own selection, from their own ranks; without a military chest, commissariat, or pay-table ; without ammunition, and with but a few pieces of light-artillery, had left their ploughs or their work shops to redress grievances imposed upon them by the sovereign of the land, and by the officers whom he had sent among them. In the prosecution of this design, and in the defence of positions which they occupied, the royal army, plentifully supplied with every thing that the wealth of the nation could procure, had been met with varied success, ending with the investment of a town in which that army had taken refuge, and the establishment and pros ecution of a siege with a degree of de termination, skill, and success, which would have reflected honor on vet eran generals or properly appointed troops. Extending through the space of eleven months, with constant and ever- changing scenes of patient endurance, of disinterested patriotism, and of reck less daring, the general and more prom inent features of the siege can alone find places in these pages, leaving to another the field of minute examination and description, which he has so com pletely explored and reported.1 The " siege," as we have seen, began on the evening of the eventful nine teenth of April, when Lord Percy and Lieutenant-colonel Smith, at the head of their jaded and terror-stricken forces, found refuge on Bunker's Hill from the vengeance of the colonists who had fol lowed them from Concord and Lexing ton ;2 and General Heath, at the foot of Prospect Hill, " ordered a guard to be formed, and posted near that place, sentinels to be planted down to the Neck, and patrols to be vigilant in 1 K. Frothingham, jr., of Boston, whose "Siege of Bos ton ' ' has so completely exhausted the subject that nothing appears to have been left for future investigation or de scription. — * See Chapter I., p. 20. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 75 moving during the night; and an im mediate report to him, in case the ene my made any movements." J The " Bat tle of Bunker's Hill" was but an inci dent of the siege, wherein a sortie from the town expelled the besiegers from an advanced position which they had occupied, without touching, or attempt ing to touch, the lines which the colo nists had occupied for nearly sixty days ; or decreasing, in the least, the vigilance with which the siege was conducted, or the distress, within the town, which it had produced. The "Battle of Bunker's Hill" was not unproductive, however. The king's troops, and the officers who commanded them, from "the trials" they had ex perienced, had learned that " the rebels were not the despicable rabble too many had supposed them to have been ; " and " that the conquest of this country was not easy, and could be effected only by time and perseverance, and strong ar mies attacking it in various quarters, and dividing their forces ; " 2 while, throughout the colonies, the extraordi nary news, hurried from place to place by special express,8 increased the indig nation of the people and made them more resolute in their determination to withstand the encroachments of the crown.4 To this, in Massachusetts and 'Heath's Mem., p. 15.— * Gen. Gage to the Earl of Dartmouth, June 25, 1775 ; Letter from an officer in Boston, June 18, 1775 ; Letter from naval officer in Bos ton, June 23, 1775.— 8 Mass. Com. of Supplies to Com. of Safety, June 18, 1776 ; Col. Bartlett to Gen. Folsom, June 18, 1776.— 4 Albany Com. to Prov. Cong, of Mass., June 23d ; Stedman, i. p. 130 ; Letter from Philadelphia, July 10, 1775. Connecticut especially, was added the anxiety which the fate of absent friends would necessarily produce, in the midst of ten thousand rumors of carnage and of misery. On the day after the battle (Sunday, June 18) the enemy renewed the can nonade which had been suspended dur ing the night, and this circumstance, added to visible movements of his troops, led the colonists to suppose that he would make another attempt to move out of Boston.1 Accordingly the Committee of Safety issued a circu lar to the militia in the neighboring towns, stating that "the troops under General Gage were moving from Boston into the country," and ordering their officers, immediately, " to muster the men under their command, see them properly equipped, and march them forthwith to Cambridge;"2 but, in the afternoon, the cannonade ceased,8 and the order was countermanded, although they were, at the same time, ordered to " hold themselves in complete readiness to give assistance when called upon."4 On Monday, the 19th, General Gage indulged himself by issuing " a procla mation," charging the inhabitants of Boston with bad faith in their promise to surrender their arms, requiring them to surrender such fire-arms, immediate ly ; and threatening them with his ven geance in case they disobeyed.5 1 Minutes of Mass. Com. of Safety, June 18. 8 Minutes of Com. of Safety, June 18, 1775. 8 Frothingham, p. 207.— l Minutes of Com. of Safety, June 18. — s ' ' By the Governor. A Proclamation, ' ' dated "at Boston, 19th June, 1775." 76 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. The works on Bunker's Hill, which General Howe commenced on the pre ceding Saturday, after the retreat of the colonists, were steadily carried on under the directions of that officer;1 while, on the other hand, the colonists diligently prosecuted the works they were throwing up on Prospect2 and Winter Hills,8 at Cambridge,4 Boxbury,5 Brookline,6 and Dorchester.7 Both par ties occasionally cannonaded their op ponents,8 but it could not be considered any thing more than an irregular war fare until the third of July, when General GEORGE WASHINGTON, who had been appointed Commander- in-Chief, took the command;9 and the colonists whom he found at Cambridge and its vicinity, became, in some degree, THE CONTINENTAL ARMY.10 On Tuesday, July 8th, about two hun dred volunteers, from the Massachusetts and Rhode Island lines, commanded by Majors Tupper and Crane, attacked the enemy's advance guard on Boston Neck, routed them, captured some arms, burned two houses, and returned with- 1 Gen. Washington's dispatch to Congress, July 10. 8 Heath, p. 22 ; Nath'l Greene to Jacob Greene, dated "E. Island Camp, June 28, 1775;" Gen. Washington's dispatch, July 10. 8 Sparks, p. 133 ; Nath'l Greene to Jacob Greene, "B. I. Camp, June 28, 1775." 4 Letter from Camp, June 27. — 8 Heath, p. 22 ; Gen. Washington to Congress, July 10. " S. Gray to Mr. Dyer, July 12.— ' Ibid. 8 Heath, pp. 22, 23 ; Frothingham, pp. 212, 213. 8 Sparks' Washington, p. 133. 10 General Orders, July 4, 1775. Although the army wag not fully on ' ' the continental establishment ' ' until Jan uary, 1776, it was commanded by continental officers, and, to some extent, was under the control of the Con- out injury, after creating considerable alarm in the enemy's quarters.1 The first care of General Washington was to ascertain the number and posi tion, both of his own troops and those of the enemy, and for this purpose, on Wednesday, July 9th, he called a Coun cil of War, which was attended by all the general officers in camp, the result of whose deliberations was, that " the force on the side of the enemy then amounted to eleven thousand five hun dred men;" that "the public service requires the defence of the posts then occupied" by the continental army ; that the army ought to be increased to "at least twenty-two thousand men;" that the colonies should be called upon to complete their quotas ; that " the Welsh Mountains, near Cambridge, and in the rear of the Roxbury lines, was a suitable place" for rendezvous, in case of misfortune ; and that it was not ex pedient either to take possession of Dorchester Point or to oppose the ene my should he attempt to do so.2 At the same time the army was found to consist of thirteen thousand seven hundred and forty-three men fit for duty, exclusive of officers, and five hundred and twenty men attached to the artillery.8 On Tuesday, July 2 2d, the army was divided into brigades and divisions, and posted as follows: Ward's, Thomas's, Fellows', Cotton's, Danielson's, and 1 Heath, pp. 23, 24 ; Letter from Camp, July 9, 1775. 8 Minutes of Council, inclosed in Gen. Washington's letter to John Hancock, July 10, 1775. 8 General Keturn of Army, July, 1775 ; Do. Gridley'B artillery, July 20, and Crane's artillery, July 21, 1775. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 77 Brewer's regiments composed a brigade under General Thomas ; Spencer's, Par sons', Huntington's, Walker's, J. Read's, and Independents, composed another brigade, under Brigadier-general Spen cer, the whole forming the right wing of the army, occupying " Roxbury and its southern dependencies," and commanded by Major-general Ward. Stark's, Poor's, Reid's, Nixon's, Mans field's, and Doolittle's regiments formed a brigade, under General Sullivan, and were stationed at Winter Hill; Var- num's, Hitchcock's, Church's, Whit- combe's, Gardner's, Little's, and Brew er's, composed another brigade, under Brigadier-general Greene, and were sta tioned on Prospect Hill, the whole forming the left wing of the army, com manded by Major-general Lee. General Heath's, Patterson's, Scammon's, Phin- ney's, Gerrish's, and Prescott's, formed a brigade, under Brigadier-general Heath ; and General Putnam's, Glov er's, Frye's, Bridge's, Woodbridge's, and Sergeant's regiments, formed another brigade, under the senior officer, the whole forming the centre of the army, stationed at Cambridge, Maiden, Chel sea, Medford, and Brookline, and com manded by Major-general Putnam.1 In the mean time, General Washing ton was diligently employed in bring ing his rude army into order, in strengthening his position, and in con fining the enemy to his quarters.2 Un der the constant expectation of an as sault, every precaution was taken to 1 General Orders, July 22— 3 Frothingham, p. 223. prevent surprise, both by night and day ; x and skirmishing parties were sent out nearly every day to harass the enemy and to accustom the men to the details of the service.2 The army was gradually gaining strength by the arrival of recruits, not only from New England, but from the Middle and Southern colonies ; 8 and new works, advancing still nearer to the enemy's lines, were being constantly opened.4 The principal cause of anxiety, how ever, was the small supply of gunpow der, of which, on the 3d of August, only nine thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven pounds were on hand ; 5 and letters were addressed to the dif ferent colonies, urging them to forward the supplies of that article as speedily as possible.6 During all this time the enemy suf fered severely from the want of sup plies, and from a fear which prevailed, that General Washington was preparing to assault the town. The scarcity of fresh provisions and vegetables, and the intensity of the heat, had produced much sickness in the town, notwith standing the troops were encamped on 1 Frothingham, p. 223. Parties in whale-boats did guard duty, every night, to prevent a surprise by water. ' Heath's Mem., pp. 24-27 ; Letter from Cambridge, July 12 ; Gen. Heath to Gen. Washington, July 21 ; Letter from Cambridge, July 31. 8 Sparks' Washington, p. 143 ; Weekly Keturns of the Army, Document V.—* Heath's Mem., pp. 26, 27 ; Froth ingham, pp. 233-235 ; Letter from Camp, Aug. 31. 5 Minutes of Council of War, Aug. 3, inclosed in Gen. Washington's letter to Congress, Aug. 4, 1775 ; Jos. Reed's to Thomas Bradford, Aug. 21, 1775 ; Do. Aug. 24. 8 Letters of Gen. Washington to Governors of E. I. and Conn., to the N. H. Com. of Safety, and to Cont. Cong., Aug. 4. 78 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. the Common and other open places.1 At length, on the 24th of July, a notice was published, requesting that such of the inhabitants as wished to leave the town should register their names at the Town-Major's office, and in two days up wards of two thousand names were left, notwithstanding many hesitated to do so with the certainty of suffering from the plunder of their property by the soldiers, if it was left unprotected. To some of those who thus applied, permis sion to leave the town was not granted ; and none were allowed to take their plate, nor over five pounds in cash.2 No important military enterprise was carried out on either side, during the months of August and September — General Washington having been com pelled, by the force of circumstances, to pursue a defensive policy, notwithstand ing the spirit of dissatisfaction which evidently prevailed, both in and out of the ranks.8 The same scarcity of pow der still prevailed,4 and yet it was un known to all, except a few, in whom the utmost confidence could be placed. Ignorant of the cause, the people at large began to complain of the inactiv ity of the army;5 and even the Conti nental Congress delicately intimated its anxiety on the subject.6 On the 11th of September the subject of the attack on Boston, with all the attending cir- Hall's Civil War, p. 106.— J Frothingham, p. 237. 8 Ibid., p. 242.—* Gen. Washington to Gov. Trumbull, Aug. 14 ; Same to Gen. Schuyler, Aug. 15 ; Same to Cont. Cong., Aug. 23 ; Same to N. Y. Cong., Aug. 30; Eeed to Thos. Bradford, Aug. 21 ; Same to same, Aug. 24. 5 Sparks, p. 145. — " Minutes of Cong., cited by Froth ingham, p. 265. See also Gordon, ii. p. 137. cumstances, was laid before a council of war, but that body, after full delibera tion, unanimously agreed, " That it was not expedient to make the attempt, at present, at least."1 On the 10th of October, General Gage surrendered the command of the King's troops and sailed for. Eng land ; and his successor, General Howe, promptly advised the evacuation of the town2 for reasons which were fully and frankly expressed. What seems rather remarkable, in this connection, in view of the supposed obstinacy of the gov ernment, the Earl of Dartmouth, at an earlier day than that, had recommended to General Howe the same measure, in terms so clearly expressed, and so judi cious in their character, that they will interest those who have been accus tomed to look for nothing from that source but that which was arrogant and overbearing. " The intelligence and in formation of every day since," says he,3 " have shown more clearly both the ob vious advantages which would arise from taking post at New York, and the hazard of the army's continuing at Boston in the winter ; and the situation of the troops cooped up in a town, ex posed to insult and annoyance, if not to surprise, from more places than one, deprived of the comforts and necessaries of life, wasting away by disease and desertion faster than we can recruit, and no longer either the objects of 1 Minutes of Council, inclosed in the general's letter to Cong., Sept. 21.— a Letter to Earl of Dartmouth, Oct. 9, 1775.— 8 Letter of Earl of Dartmouth to Gen. Howe, "Whitehall, Sept. 5, 1775." Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 79 terror or cause of distress to the rebels, is truly alarming, and demands the most serious consideration ; and I am commanded by the King to say, that if no alteration for the better should have happened before this letter reaches you, or any unexpected advantages of carry ing on the war on the side of New England should have opened them selves, it seems not only advisable, but necessary, to abandon Boston before the winter, to dismantle Castle William, and, having embarked all the stores and artillery, and afforded every means to the well-disposed inhabitants of get ting safely away with their families and effects, to remove with the troops either to New York or some other place to the southward, which considerations of superior advantage, safety, and conve nience, shall point out as the most proper, and where a squadron of the King's ships may not only lie, but carry on operations with security during the winter." The anxiety to remove from Boston, which had been manifested both by the ministry and the general, was strangely overruled by the want of means of transit ; and, much against the will of all parties, — the " rebels," as well as the loyal, — the King's troops were com pelled to remain in Boston. In a dis patch, written subsequent to the re ceipt of the governmental dispatch of the 5th of September,1 General Howe thus clearly points out the difficulty by 1 Gen. Howe's dispatch to Earl of Dartmouth, ' ' Boston, Nov. 26, 1775." which he was controlled : " By the esti mate, No. I,1 your lordship will observe the insufficiency of the tonnage of trans ports now in port, to carry the troops, the artillery, the stores of all denomi nations, the well-disposed inhabitants, with their effects, and such merchan dise as it may be thought prudent to remove. If all our vessels were in port, the whole could not have gone at one embarkation, by a deficiency of eleven thousand six hundred and two tons, even with the addition of the ships and small craft to be procured in the har bor. And when I reflect upon a divis ion of the army for two embarkations, in its present weak state ; upon the sit uation this garrison and the troops sent to New York would be in, with respect to the enemy, it appears to me, that more would be hazarded than prudence could justify, especially, as I should, in that case, be dependent upon the return of transports, at a season when the nav igation on this coast, from the violence of northerly winds, is so very preca rious." Thus unwillingly made the occupant of Boston, with the knowledge of the energetic character of his enemy, and a constant dread of his power to assault, General Howe continued the work of defence, which his predecessor had com- 1 By this estimate, the tonnage necessary to transport the troops, artillery, stores, loyalists, &c, as per details given, was : Tons 35,172 Tonnage in port 9,721 Tonnage out on service 7,039 Small craft in port 6,810—23,570 Deficit, as stated (Tons) 11,602 80 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. menced, on Bunker's Hill and the Neck,1 and provided quarters for the accom modation of his troops.2 He also took severe measures with those who sought to leave the town "without his order or permission given in writing;"8 and recommended the inhabitants to associ ate themselves into companies to be em ployed in preserving order within the town.4 During the month of October, Gen eral Washington was also actively en gaged in making preparations for win tering his troops,5 and in reorganising his army.6 The camp was visited by a committee from Congress, who had been appointed to consult with other committees, in relation to a new organ ization of the army.7 Dr. Franklin, Thomas Lynch, of Carolina, and Col onel Harrison, of Virginia, formed the committee ; and while they remained at Cambridge, delegates from the four New England colonies met with them in conference.8 After a full interchange of opinions, and a careful examination of the subject, occupying several days, it was determined to provide for the enlistment of twenty-six regiments, of eight companies each, besides riflemen and artillery.9 . While the committee was in the camp, the subject of an as- 1 Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 9 ; Gen. Washington's dispatch to Cong., Oct. 12. — "Gen. Howe to Earl Dart mouth, Oct. 9 ; Gen. Washington's dispatch to Cong., Oct. 12. — ' Gen. Howe's second proclamation, Oct. 28. 4 Gen. Howe's third proclamation, Oct. 28. 8 Gen. Washington to Gen. Schuyler, Oct. 4. 8 Sparks, p. 146, 147. — 'Committee's letter to Cong., Oct. 24, 1775. — 8 Ibid., and Minutes of the meetings thereof, Oct. 18 to 22, 1775.— ' Minutes of Conference, from Oct. 18 to Oct. 22, 1775. sault on the town was again referred to a council of war, and a unanimous opin ion, adverse to the project, was again given.1 About this time active measures were also taken to intercept the supplies which might be sent to Boston by sea, and for this purpose several armed ves sels were fitted out, both by the colonial and the continental authorities.2 The Assembly of Rhode Island had author ized two vessels to be fitted out under the command, respectively, of Abra ham and Christopher Whipple, and they had been cruising for several weeks.8 The government of Connecti cut had also authorized the preparation of two armed vessels as cruisers;4 and the General Court of Massachusetts was also considering the question.5 Early in the preceding month, General Wash ington, deeply impressed with the im portance of the object, had issued a commission to Captain Broughton, of Marblehead,6 and early in October he made contracts for several other ves sels,7 six of which — the Lynch, the Franklin, the Lee, the Warren, the Washington, and the Harrison — sailed 1 Minutes of Council, Oct. 18, inclosed in Gen. Wash ington's dispatch, Oct. 24. 3 Letter from camp, Oct. 1, 1775 ; J. Reed to the Gen eral Court, Oct. 2 ; Same to Com. of Bristol, R. I., Oct. 20 ; Instructions of Gen. Washington to Col. Glover and Mr. Moylan, Oct. 4, 1775. * Gov. Cooke's letters to Gen. Washington, Aug. 30, Sept. 9, Sept. 14, Sept. 18, Sept. 26, Sept. 29, Oct. 10, Oct. 25.—* Minutes of Com. of Safety, Aug. 2, 1775, and Oct. 2, 1775.— 8 Minutes of the General Court, Sept. 28, Oct. 6, Nov. 1, Nov. 10.— 8 Instructions to Capt. Nichol son Broughton, Sept. 2 and Oct. 16, 1775. ' Gen. Washington to Cong., Oct. 12, 1775. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 81 about the close of the month, and cruised with various success.1 On the 9th of November, a skirmish occurred at Lechmere's Point, between a foraging party from the town, about four hundred in number, and a party of riflemen and Pennsylvania troops sent out to oppose them. Although the enemy were covered by the Cerbe rus, man-of-war, and several floating batteries, and the continental forces had to wade through water of consid erable depth, the latter marched gal lantly to the attack, killing two of the enemy, with two of their own number wounded. The gallantry manifested by the troops was well calculated to raise the spirits of the people ; and, although, in itself, the affair possessed no especial interest, it was the subject of much ex ultation throughout the colonies.2 On the night of the 22d of Novem ber, a strong detachment, under Gen eral Putnam, occupied Cobble Hill, working until break of day, and then retiring.8 On the following night, a similar party, under General Heath, completed the works, without interrup tion from the enemy.4 At this time the continental forces occupied an exceedingly critical posi tion,5 and General Washington made the best possible disposition for a de fence, should the enemy, who was ap- 1 Joseph Reed's " List of the armed vessels, and a state of them," Oct. 29, 1775.— * Heath's Mem., p. 30.— 8 Ibid. 4 Gen. Washington to Cong. , Nov. 28, 1775 ; Same, Dec. 11 ; Heath, pp. 30, 31.—" Gen. Washington's dis patch, Nov. 28 ; Same to Col. Reed, Nov. 28 ; Same to the General Court of Mass., Nov. 29. Vol. I.— 11 prised of the troubles,1 feel inclined to attack him.2 With a continued scarcity of ammunition, and a large part of his force on the eve of departing for their homes, — some of them even anticipating the expiration of their terms of service by a shameful desertion,8 — he was poor ly prepared to withstand an attack, and much less so to make one, although the country appeared impatient with his inactivity.4 Fortunately, however, the enemy was also incapacitated, in some vital points, and could make no move ment with any prospect of success ;5 and thus, through the weakness of each, the respective armies could but watch each other, and wait for some dispensa tion of Providence which might enable them to assume an offensive position. Fortunately the cruisers which had been sent out were tolerably successful,6 and while the enemy's means were re duced, — all his stores, even fagots for fuel, having to be sent from Europe, — the capabilities of the continental army were increased to a corresponding ex tent. This was especially the case when the Lee brought into Cape Ann the ordnance brig Nancy, on board of 1 Gen. Howe's dispatch, Nov. 27. — 3 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Nov. 28. — 3 Gen. Washington to Gov. Trum bull, Dec. 2'; Same to Cong., Dec. 4. * Frothingham, pp. 254, 255. 6 Gen. Gage to Earl of Dartmouth, Oct. 1 ; Gen. Howe to same, Oct. 9. 8 Wm. Bartlett to Gen. Washington, Nov. 4 ; Wm. Watson to same, Nov. 6 ; Capts. Broughton and Selman to same, Nov. 6 ; Gen. Washington to Cong., Nov. 8 : Wm. Bartlett to Gen. Washington, Nov. 8; Stephen Moylan, to Capt. Glover, Nov. 9 ; Wm. Bartlett to Gen. Washington, Nov. 9 ; Gen. Washington to Cong., Nov. 11 ; Same to same, Nov. 30. 82 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. which was a full assortment of military stores.1 In December, the continental army advanced their works to Lechmere's Point, where a bomb-battery was erect ed without interruption from the ene my;2 and, on the 17th of the same month, ground was broken for a water- battery by a party under General Put nam.8 This called forth the fire of the enemy, and the men were driven from the work ; but, on the following day, General Heath, with another party, re sumed the work, and continued until it was completed, much to the annoyance of the enemy, who kept up a constant fire, both from Bunker's Hill and the town.4 The Lee, during December, continued her cruises and made several important captures, one of which contained the mail from Europe.5 During the same month, the general was harassed by disaffection in the Con necticut line, who demanded a bounty^ and because it was refused, deaf to the entreaties of their superior officers, re gardless of the danger to the cause which such a course would produce, and in defiance of their own govern ment, they resolved to leave the camp on the 6th of December — four days be fore the expiration of their terms of ser vice.6 Steps were immediately taken to 1 Gen. Washington to Cong., Nov. 30, inclosing a list of the stores ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, Dec. 3. — 3 Gen. Washington to Cong., Dec. 25.— 8 Heath, p. 32.—* Ibid. 8 Gen. Washington to Cong., Dec. 4 ; Wm. Bartlett to Gen. Washington, Dec. 9 ; Gen. Washington to Cong., Dec. 18, with inclosures. • Gen. Sullivan to N. H. Com. of Safety, Nov. 29 ; Do., secure the presence of three thousand minute-men from Massachusetts and New Hampshire, — a call which was nobly responded to,1 — when many de serted, carrying off their arms and am munition, even before the day which they had assigned for their departure.2 It is exceedingly doubtful if the loss of such troops was really an injury to the army. Possessing no interest beyond that which arises from the present per sonal gain which they secured, they could not have been depended upon in any trying moment, and it was well; probably, that their places were filled with those whose motives were purer, and whose actions, therefore, were more reliable. But still farther than this was the desertion of the Connecticut troops productive of good to the cause of the colonies. The general and his officers breathed more freely, and their anxiety, so far as men were concerned, was removed ;3 while the army at large showed a better disposition and a great er degree of cheerfulness.4 Provisions were plentifully supplied, the men were promptly paid, and comfortable bar racks afforded good quarters to the men, and secured their health. Fuel was the only article of which the army Nov. 30 ; Washington to Gov. Trumbull, Dec. 2 ; Same to Cong., Dec. 4 ; Trumbull to Washington, Dec. 7. 1 Gen. Sullivan to N. H. Com. of Safety, Nov. 29 ; Same to same, Nov. 30 ; Gen. Washington to Gov. Trum bull, Dec. 2 ; Gen. Sullivan to N. H. Com. of Safety, Dec. 8 ; Gen. Greene to Gov. Ward, Dec. 10. 3 Gen. Washington to Gov. Trumbull, Dec. 2 ; Same to Cong., Dec. 4 ; Same to General Court of Mass., Dec. 5; Minutes of Conn. Com. of Safety, Dec. 6. 3 Gen. Washington to Cong. , Dec. 11. * Gen. Greene to Henry Ward, Dec. 18. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 83 experienced any scarcity,, and that was speedily procured.1 Meanwhile the enemy's troubles in creased. The successes of the conti nental and colonial cruisers, " taking advantage of the weakness or necessi ties" of his transports and storeships, had " already been too successful ; " 2 difficulties which could not be sur mounted had prevented the comple tion of the quarters, and kept the troops in the field ;8 the advances of the continental troops had changed the plans of defence, and compelled the withdrawal of troops from one point, and the suspension of necessary works there, to other points where the neces sity of defences appeared to be more urgent ; 4 transports which had been sent to Quebec for forage had been de tained by Governor Carleton to meet the exigencies arising from the invasion of Canada by General Montgomery and Arnold ;5 and, lastly, " Mr. Washington, commanding the rebel army, presuming upon the number and rank of the pris oners in his possession, had threatened retaliation in point of treatment to any prisoners of theirs in his power, and proposed an exchange, which was a cir cumstance he could not answer in posi tive terms, nor would he enter upon such a measure without the King's or ders."6 Two transports, under convoy 1 Letter from Camp, Dec. 13, cited by Frothingham, p. 274. — 3 Gen. Howe's dispatch to Earl of Dartmouth, Nov. 27, 1775. See also dispatches of Dec. 3, Dec. 13. 8 Gen. Howe's dispatch, Nov. 27.—' Ibid. 6 Ibid., Dec. 3. — * Gen. Howe's " Private" dispatch to the Earl of Dartmouth, Dec. 19, 1775. of a man-of-war, and two armed schoon ers, had also been sent to Savannah after cargoes of rice, so great were the necessities of the garrison;1 and the distress, both of the troops and the un fortunate inhabitants, was "great be yond all possible description."2 To ob tain fuel, the poorest buildings in Bos ton, and what remained of Charlestown, were razed ; and fences, and other prop erty of a kindred character, were thus destroyed.3 It has been well said, by one of her sons, that " Boston, at this period, pre sented its most deplorable aspect. Hos tile cannon were planted on its hills and lawns, and an insolent soldiery sat around its hearth-stones, or used its buildings for fuel, or wantoned in its temples of worship. Its Faneuil Hall was a play-house, where the efforts of the Sons of Liberty were turned into ridicule. Its patriotic population, ex posed to the ill-treatment of the army and to the espionage of its adherents, in want of the necessaries of life, and cut off from relief which friends would gladly have extended, were obliged to endure the severest trials. The pur suits of commerce and of the mechanic arts, the freedom of the press, of speech, and of public meetings, the courts, the churches, and the schools, were all in terrupted. Even the air was filled with unwelcome noise, as the morning and evening guns sounded from Beacon 1 Gen. Howe's "Private" dispatch to the Earl of Dart mouth, Dec. 19, 1775. — 3 "Advices received in England from America, Dec. 14, 1775."—' Gen. Washington to Cong., Dec. 11 ; Letter from Boston, Jan. 29. 84 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. Hill, or as the relief guards marched with their music to perform their stated duties. In a word, Boston, under rigid martial-law, was like a prison, and it is not strange that the inhabitants who sided with the patriots longed to leave a place so filled with hated sights and sounds, and to breathe, although in ex ile, the free air of the surrounding hills."1 On the first of January, the army — which, before that time, had been some what colonial in its character, notwith standing the Continental Congress ex ercised a control over it, and one of its officers commanded it — became in name, as well as in fact, the Continental Army ; and, for the first time, the Fed eral Flag, bearing the thirteen stripes, was flung to the breeze.2 On the same day the King's speech, at the opening of Parliament, on the 26th of October previous, was received in the camp, and conveyed to the res olute colonists the information that measures would be adopted to enforce obedience to the authority of the King ;s leaving many to suggest, with General Greene, that, "thanks to God, since Providence has so determined it, Amer ica must raise an empire of permanent duration, supported upon the grand pil lars of truth, freedom, and religion, based upon justice, and defended by her own patriotic sons."4 The terms of service of many of the troops were 1 Frothingham, p. 282.—' General Orders, Jan. 1, 1776 ; Gen. Washington to Col. Reed, Jan. 4, 1776. 8 Gen. Washington to Col. Reed, Jan. 4 ; Gen. Greene to Gov. Ward, Jan. 4.— « Letter to Gov. Ward, Jan. 4. expiring, and thousands of them were hurrying home, some dissatisfied with one measure and others with another ; 1 recruits, entire strangers to the duties of the camp, were slowly taking their places ; 2 ammunition and arms were still in demand;8 and the country and. Congress, ignorant of the causes which prevented it, were anxiously looking for the commencement of offensive op erations against the enemy.4 In the midst of all these anxieties the general again submitted the question of an at tack to a " council of general officers," at which Messrs. John "Adams and Joseph Warren were present, when it was agreed, "that a vigorous attempt' ought to be made upon the ministerial army in Boston as soon as practicable, all concurring circumstances favoring the wished-for success ; and advised his Excellency to request from this, and the neighboring colonies, thirteen regiments of militia to his aid, to be at Cambridge by the 1st of February, and to consist of the same number of men and officers as those upon the continental establish ment, and to remain (should occasion require) until the last of March."5 Three of these regiments, it was ad vised by a subsequent " council of war," were to be detached to Canada, from which unfavorable news had been re ceived, "the feeble state of the regi- 1 Gen. Washington to Col. Reed, Jan. 4 ; Heath's Mem., p. 35.— 2 Gen. Washington to Col. Reed, Jan. 14. 8 Gen. Washington to Cong., Jan. 4 ; Gen. Greene to Gov. Ward, Jan. 4 ; Gen. Washington's dispatch, Jan. 14 ; Same to Col. Reed, Jan. 14.— 4 Gen. Washington to President Reed, Feb. 10, 1776.— 8 Minutes of Council of General Officers, inclosed in letter to Cong., Jan. 19, 1776. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 85 ments" at Cambridge rendering it "im proper to detach any force from the lines to Quebec or Canada."1 During January the continental army engaged in no enterprise of importance, except one in which Major Knowlton, of Connecticut, with Brigade -majors Henly and Cary, and two hundred men, destroyed the few remaining houses at Charlestown, which had escaped the destruction by fire on the 17th of June, and the subsequent demolition for fuel. With great gallantry, and greatly to the annoyance of the enemy, he burned eight of the houses, killed one man, and carried off five prisoners, without sus taining any damage, and without firing a shot.2 The cruisers, during the same month, sent in several prizes, much to the annoyance of the enemy and the advantage of the army.8 General Howe's troubles, during the same month, were not decreased or di minished, and his want of facilities for evacuating Boston greatly troubled him.4 His troops, regardless of his ef forts to prevent it, were plundering the inhabitants,5 and one of them was exe cuted for the offence, while a second, who had been convicted of the same crime, was reprieved, and recommended to the King for pardon. The month of February also passed without any movement worthy of no- 1 Minutes of Council of War, inclosed in letter to Cong., Jan. 19, 1776. — 3 Gen. Washington to Cong., Jan. 11 ; Same to Col. Eeed, Jan. 14 ; Heath's Mem., p. 35. 3 Lord Stirling to Cong., Jan. 24 ; Wm. Watson to Gen. Washington, Jan. 26 ; Same, Jan. 29. — * Dispatch to the Earl of Dartmouth, Jan. 16, 1776.— 8 Ibid., Jan. 22, 1776. tice ; and, although the enemy's condi tion invited an assault, the army was not prepared to take advantage of it.1 On the 9th of that month, up wards of two thousand of his men were without firelocks;2 while, on the 16th, of the force at the camp, only eight thousand seven hundred and ninety- seven men, exclusive of officers, were fit for duty.8 On the 16th of Febru ary, another " council of war" was held, when the general submitted the strength of the army, and informed the generals who met with him, " that the stock of powder was so small as to afford but little aid from cannon and mortars ; and, therefore, that small-arms must be the principal reliance, in any event, till a supply could be obtained ; that in the state Boston harbor had been all that year, and then was, a bombard ment might probably destroy the town, without doing much damage to the ministerial troops within it, as there were transports, wooded and watered, with a view, more than probable, to take them in upon any sudden emer gency ; consequently that might not produce the desired effect, if those transports were sufficient for the em barkation of the army; that from the best intelligence which had been pro cured, the strength of the army in Bos ton did not much exceed five thousand 1 Two letters from Gen. Washington to Gov. Trumbull, Feb. 8, 1776 ; Same to Pres. Reed, Feb. 10 ; Same to N. Y. Com. and to the Mass. Assembly, Feb. 10. 3 Gen. Washington to Cong., Feb. 8. 8 Minutes of Council, Feb. 16, inclosed in letter of Gen. Washington to Cong., Feb. 18, 1776. 86 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. men, fit for duty ; that considerable re inforcements were expected, and, when arrived, they would undoubtedly en deavor to penetrate into the country, if their strength should be sufficient, or remove to some other part of the con tinent, if not; and, thereby, greatly harass and fatigue our troops, by con stant marching and countermarching, for which, in the present situation of affairs, they neither were nor could be provided ; therefore, that a stroke, well aimed, at this critical juncture, might put a final end to the war, and restore peace and tranquillity, so much to be wished for. For these reasons, and un der these circumstances, and as part of Cambridge and Roxbury Bays were so frozen as to admit an easier entry into the town of Boston than could be ob tained, either by water or through the lines on the Neck, the general desired to know the sentiments of the general officers respecting a general assault upon the town. The questions being put, and their opinion demanded," the council passed this resolution : " Resolved, That an assault on the town of Boston, in the present circumstances of the conti nental army, is, for the following rea sons, judged improper: Because it is the opinion of this council that the King's forces in Boston, comprehend ing new-raised corps, and armed tories, amount to a much larger number than five thousand, furnished with artillery, assisted by a fleet, and possessed of every advantage the situation of the place affords ; the officers, in proportion to the number of men, are so many, that the troops there may be said, with propriety, to be double officered ; be cause our army is at present very de fective in the numbers this council de clared to be sufficient for the purposes of offensive war ; and, also, deficient in arms to the amount of two thousand stands. The militia ordered and ex pected to be here, by the first of the month, are not more than half arrived, so that to assault the town of Boston, guard the works and stores, there re main only twelve thousand six hundred men, militia, commissioned, and non commissioned officers included, a force not more than sufficient to defend the lines and maintain the blockade. Be cause, it appears to the council, by a report of a majority of the generals commanding brigades, that upon dis coursing with the field officers of their respective regiments upon the subject of an assault, they, in general, declared a disapprobation of the measure, as ex ceedingly doubtful. Because, if an as sault should be found practicable and expedient at any time, it was declared highly necessary that it should, for some days, be preceded by a cannon ade and bombardment. His Excellency, the commander-in-chief, then required the opinion of the council, whether it would be advisable to begin a cannon ade and bombardment, with the pres ent stock of powder." When the fol lowing resolution was adopted : " Re solved, That a cannonade and bom bardment will be expedient and ad visable, as soon as there shall be a proper supply of powder, and not be- Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 87 fore j1 and that, in the mean time, prep arations should be made to take posses sion of Dorchester Hill, with a view of drawing out the enemy, and of Noddle's Island, if the situation of the water and other circumstances will admit of it."2 At length the Continental army was enabled to act offensively. The Sons of Liberty in New York had seized a quan tity of stores at Turtle Bay,8 and these, added to those captured in an ordnance brig by the Lee, Captain Manley,4 and a small supply sent from Providence, and some other cities, enabled the Gen eral to change his policy. The works on Lechmere's Point were completed ; and, on the 25th of February, some heavy cannon were mounted on them.5 On the 1st of March " several mortars were sent over to Roxbury, and great prep arations were made to annoy the ene my."6 On the night of the 2d, another severe cannonade and bombardment be gan from the American works against the enemy, probably for the purpose of concealing the movements which were in preparation in the camp.7 On Mon- 1 A "Return of cartridges for cannon," signed by Henry Knox, Feb. 19, 1776, shows that, at that date, only 2527 rounds of cartridges, of all kinds, and 7238 pounds of cannon-powder, were on hand ; a " Return of musket-cartridges, ' ' signed Ezekiel Cheever, Feb. 8, shows that 136,520 were on hand ; and a return of "Powder in the magazines," over the same signa ture, Feb. 18, shows that only 143 barrels were on hand. • Minutes of Council of General Officers, Feb. 16, in closed in Gen. Washington's letter to Cong. , Feb. 18, 1776. 8 Gordon, ii. p. 192. These stores were seized, April, 1775, and a portion of them had been forwarded to the camp at Cambridge. — 4 The Nancy, before referred to. • Heath's Mem., p. 39.—" Ibid. ; Gordon, ii. p. 191. * Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7 ; Same to Gov. Trumbull, March 9 ; Col. Moylan to the commander at N. T., March 9. day night, March 4th, it was renewed with great energy, under cover of which, about seven o'clock, General Thomas, with two thousand five hundred men, took possession of Dorchester Heights.1 Eight hundred men formed the advance guard, followed by carts containing the tools; then followed the main body, under General Thomas in person, and a train of three hundred carts, loaded with fascines and trussed hay, brought up the rear. Moving with the greatest silence,2 the party reached the ground about eight o'clock, one half of the ad vance guard proceeding to the point nearest Boston, the other to that near est the castle.8 Notwithstanding the moon shone brightly, the cannonade so completely occupied the attention of the enemy that the work progressed without his knowledge, and by morning the works on both the hills were nearly completed.4 " Perhaps there never was so much work done in so short a space of time," the veteran Gridley overseeing the work, and the enemy were filled with astonishment and dismay.5 " The adjoining orchards were cut down to make the abatis; and a very curious and novel mode of defence was added to these works. The hills on which 1 Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7 ; Same to Gov. Trumbull, March 9 ; Col. Moylan to the commander at N. Y., March 9 ; Joseph Trumbull to Wm. Hooper, March 6 ; Letter from British officer, Boston, March 5 ; Gen. Howe to Earl of Dartmouth, March 21. 3 Gordon, ii. p. 192.— 8 Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7, 1776 ; Gordon, ii. p. 192.—' Gen. Washington to Cong. , March 7, 1776 ; Letter from British officer, March 5. 8 Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7, 1776 ; Gen. Howe to Earl Dartmouth, March 21. 88 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. they were erected were steep and clear of trees and bushes. Rows of barrels, filled with earth, were placed round the works. They presented only the ap pearance of strengthening the works ; but the real design was, in case the enemy made an attack, to have rolled them down the hill. They would have descended with such increasing velocity, as must have thrown the assailants into the greatest confusion, and have killed and wounded great numbers."1 "The situation of the royal army now became critical ; no alternative re mained but that of evacuating the town, or that of driving the Continentals from the possession of these works," and Gen eral Howe promptly " adopted the lat ter expedient. It was resolved to at tempt to dislodge them, by hazarding an attack on the newly-erected works on the heights of Dorchester in two different points at the same time."2 Accordingly twenty-four hundred men, under the Earl Percy, were ordered to proceed to Castle William, from whence they were to make the attack on the right flank of the party, while another body moved against it in front.8 In the Continental lines the most in tense excitement prevailed ; and, under " the expectation of seeing the scenes of Bunker's Hill acted over again, the surrounding heights were again filled 1 Heath's Mem., p. 40 ; Stedman, i. pp. 166, 167 ; Gor don, ii. p. 196.— 3 Lieut. Hall's History of the Civil War, pp. 108, 109. — "Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7; Same to Gov. Trumbull, March 9 ; Letter from Cam bridge, March 21 ; British officer's letter, March 6 ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, March 21. with spectators.1 General Thomas was strengthened by a reinforcement of two thousand men;2 and General Washing ton visited the works, and cheered the men, reminding them it was the 5th of March, and calling upon them to avenge the death of their brethren.8 At the same time a detachment of four thou sand men paraded at Cambridge, ready to proceed, in boats, and attack the town of Boston, the moment the enemy withdrew his forces to attack Dorches ter. It was arranged that this expedi tion should proceed in two divisions — the one under General Greene, the other under General Sullivan ; that they were to embark near the mouth of Charles River; that General Sulli van's command was to land at the pow der-house, and take possession of Bea con Hill and Mount Horam, while General Greene's was to land near Bar ton's Point, take possession of that post, and then join General Sullivan, force the gates and works at the Neck, and let in the troops from Roxbury. The command of this part of the army was given to General Putnam.4 The preparations on both sides seem ed to be complete, and a bloody affray appeared to be inevitable. Yet the sac rifice of life and property which such an assault would produce was provi dentially spared, and the better course pursued by both parties. About mid- 1 Gordon, ii. p. 195.— 3 Frothingham, p. 299. 3 Gordon, ii. p. 195.— * Gen. Washington's dispatch, March 7 ; Report of the Generals to Gen. Washington, inclosed in his dispatch, March 7 ; Heath'B Mem., pp 38, 40, 41. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 89 night a violent storm arose ; the wind, which was from the south, forcing in the windows, blowing down sheds and fences, driving vessels ashore, and doing other serious damage. The transports in which the enemy's troops had em barked were unable to reach the places of rendezvous, and a heavy surf, beat ing on the shore where the landing was to be made, rendered the use of boats entirely impracticable.1 The storm con tinued through the succeeding day;2 and the Continentals having been con stantly engaged in strengthening their works, General Howe reluctantly aban doned his plan, and determined to evac uate the town, without delay.8 On the morning of the 7th of March General Howe's troubles reached their height, and his situation was at once humiliating and critical. The fleet, that engine of British power, of which Brit ons have never ceased to boast, had been defeated in its efforts by a few fishing-schooners, despoiled of its con voys, and now rode at anchor in safety, only through the forbearance of the Colonists ; while the army, with all its boasted prowess — with the accumulated glories of ages clustering around its banners, and the honor of its Sovereign committed to its keeping — had been compelled to take refuge from a rustic foe whom it had affected to despise, 1 Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7 ; Joseph Trum bull to Wm. Hooper, March 6 ; Letter from British offi cer, Boston, March 6 ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, March 21 ; Heath, p. 41. — 2 Jos. Trumbull to Wm. Hooper, March 6 ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, March 21. 8 Gen. Washington(to Gen. Schuyler, March 19 ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, March 21. Vol. L— 12 whose numbers and appointments were not equal to its own, whose officers had been made the subject of its elegant ridicule only a few evenings before. The loyalists, true to their Sovereign, but false to themselves, their country, and mankind, clustered around him and claimed that protection against their outraged countrymen which had been so frequently and so emphatically guar anteed to them, while the inhabitants of the town, many of whom had been unsuccessful applicants for permission to retire, now wore more cheerful coun tenances, and looked forward to the day when their troubles would be re lieved. No sooner was it known that General Howe had determined to evacuate the town, than steps were taken by the in habitants to preserve it from destruc tion — a threat having been issued that such a course would be pursued if the Continental army moved to the assault.1 To make this threat more effective, the admiral moored his ships around the town in such positions as were best cal culated to carry such a threat into exe cution ; and it was also stated that com bustibles had been so disposed that a very short space of time would be re quired to reduce the town to ashes.2 This course was not without effect. A number of influential citizens waited on General Robertson, and, probably with the sanction of General Howe, although without his signature, the following pa- 1 Lieut. Hall's Civil War, pp. 110, 111. 3 The History of the War in America, i. p. 152 ; Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 111. 90 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. per was sent to the Continental lines by a flag of truce:1 " Boston, March 8, 1776. " As his Excellency, General Howe, is determined to leave the town, with the troops under his command, a number of the respectable inhabitants, being very anxious for its preservation and safety, have applied to General Robertson for this purpose, who, at their request, has communicated the same to his Excel lency, General Howe, who has assured him that he has no intention of destroy ing the town, unless the troops under his command are molested during their embarkation, or at their departure, by the armed force without ; which decla ration he gave General Robertson leave to communicate to the inhabitants. If such an opposition should take place, we have the greatest reason to expect the town will be exposed to entire de struction. Our fears are quieted with regard to General Howe's intentions. We beg we may have some assurance that so dreadful a calamity may not be brought on by any measures without. As a testimony of the truth of the above, we have signed our names to this paper, carried out by Messrs. Thomas and Jonathan Amory, and Peter Jo- honnet, who have, at the earnest en treaties of the inhabitants, through the Lieutenant-governor, solicited a flag of truce for this purpose. JomT SCOLLAY, Timothy Newell, Thomas Maeshall, Samuel Austin." 1 Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7, 1776. This paper was received at the lines by Colonel Learned, who carried it to head-quarters ; and, on the next day, under instructions from General Wash ington, the same officer, in his own name, answered that he had laid the paper before the General, and was an swered, " That as it was an unauthenti- cated paper, without an address, and not obligatory upon General Howe, he would take no notice of it."1 Notwithstanding the apparent cold ness with which this paper was treated, it was well known that neither party desired to resume active operations, and the practical result was all that was desired by either party, although Gen eral Washington had made ample prep arations to make an assault at any mo ment that General Howe made the least attempt to injure the town or maltreat the inhabitants. At the same time General Washing ton continued actively engaged in com pleting his works around the town. On the 9th he planted a battery on the northeast of Bird's Hill, near the water at Dorchester Neck;2 and, on the same night, a detachment was sent to occupy and strengthen Nook's Hill, also in Dorchester, which completely com manded Boston, and placed the enemy entirely at his mercy. By an impru dent act of some of the men, in lighting a fire, the movement was discovered, and a terrible cannonade, from both sides, ensued; the Continentals being 1 Gen. Washington to Cong., March 7, 1776. See also Gen. Washington to President Eeed, March 7. 3 Frothingham, p. 305. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 91 driven from the hill with the loss of five men killed, and the work tempo rarily suspended.1 Perceiving, from this, that General Washington intended to act promptly, before the arrival of reinforcements to General Howe could strengthen his force, the latter made immediate prep arations to leave the town.2 On the 10th, he issued a proclamation requir ing the inhabitants to deliver all their woollen and linen goods to Crean Brush, a tory from New York, on board the Minerva, at Hubbard's Wharf;8 and the inhabitants were mercilessly plun dered by this scoundrel, under the cloak of this proclamation.4 On the same day, part of the transports were ordered to fall down to Castle William ; many of the cannon were spiked or had their trunnions knocked off, and some were thrown overboard ; carriages were bro ken ; and ammunition destroyed.5 For several days these scenes were contin ued, the embarkation of stores and people being steadily carried on. On the 14th, the streets were barri caded, in different parts of the town, to prevent interruption from the inhabit ants or the army;6 and, on the 15th, when it was intended to leave the town, proclamation was made that the inhab itants should not leave their houses, after eleven in the morning, in order that the troops might be insured against 'Letter from Cambridge, March 10; Heath's Mem., pp. 41, 42. — 3 Gen. Howe's dispatch, March 21. 8 Proclamation of Gen. Howe, March 10. 4 Letter from British officer, Boston, March 10. 8 Ibid.—8 Frothingham, p. 308. annoyance during their last moments in Boston.1 The wind changed, however, and, for two days longer, the town was subjected to insult and pillage from the sailors, as well as from the troops.2 During this time General Washington had but little information of the pro ceedings in the town, and grew impa tient — in fact, the suspicion that General Howe was deceiving him, with the in tention of remaining until his stores and reinforcements came in, began to be en tertained;8 and, on the 13th, a Council of War was held, in which, among other measures, it was determined to fortify Nook's Hill, on the next day, "at all events," if the enemy had not previ ously evacuated the town.4 On the 16th (Saturday), the General sent a strong detachment to Nook's Hill, which the enemy discovered and attempted to dis lodge by a severe cannonade. Without returning it, however, they continued at their work, and maintained their ground.5 On Sunday morning, at a very early hour, the embarkation commenced, and, about nine o'clock, the troops from Bunker's Hill and the last of the refu gees left the wharf.6 The troops sta tioned at Cambridge and Roxbury, as soon as this movement of the enemy was discovered, were ordered to parade ; 1 Letter from Cambridge, March 21.— 3 Ibid. 8 Irving, ii. p. 194 ; Frothingham, pp. 308, 309. 4 Minutes of Council of General Officers, March 13, in closed in Gen. Washington's dispatch of the same date. 8 Gen. Washington to Gen. Schuyler, March 19 ; Same to Congress, March 19 ; Letter from British officer, March 17._« Gen. Washington to Cong., March 19 ; Letter from British officer, Nantasket Eoads, March 17. 92 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. and a detachment was sent forward to take possession of the Hill and the town ; although, in consequence of the prevalence of small-pox in some parts of the town, the main body of the army did not enter Boston until the following Wednesday, March 20th.1 The effective force of General Howe, including seamen, at the time of the evacuation, was about eleven thousand men ;2 and more than two thousand refugees also found shelter on the ships, and, with the troops, proceeded to Hal ifax.8 After destroying the block-house and barracks, and Castle William, the fleet proceeded to Nantasket Roads,4 where it laid ten days; and, on the 27th, it sailed for Halifax,5 with the exception of a few vessels, which were left to guard the entrance of the harbor, and direct the reinforcements and stores to Halifax or other places of safety.6 The Continental forces gradually re tired from the town, and marched to wards New York, which was known to be the point which General Howe would seek to occupy;7 yet five regi ments, — one at Dorchester, one at Bev erly, one at Charlestown, and two in Boston, — the whole under General Ward, were left near Boston to guard against any sudden movement on the part of the enemy's vessels, several of 1 Frothingham, pp. 310, 311.— 3 Gordon, ii. p. 199. 3 Stedman, i. p. 167 ; Gordon, ii. p. 199. 4 Gen. Howe's dispatch, March 21. 8 Frothingham, p. 312. 8 Gordon, p. 200 ; Hist, of the War in America, i. p. 154. 7 Stedman, i. p. 168. which still hovered around the entrance of the harbor.1 On the 17th of May, the Franklvn, Captain Mugford, one of the Continen tal cruisers, captured the transport ship Hope, and brought her into Boston. She was freighted with a fine assort ment of military stores, including fifteen hundred whole barrels of gunpowder.2 On the 19th of May, the Franklin, and the Lady Washington, a privateer, which lay at anchor off Point Shirley, were attacked by thirteen boats from the enemy's vessels. The crews of the schooners fought with desperate ener gy, and drove off their assailants, with the loss of two of their boats. In the conflict, Captain Mugford, of the Frank lin, was mortally wounded, but he con tinued to animate his men, exclaiming, " Don't give up the ship, you can beat them -off!" until he died. No other person on the schooners was seriously injured.8 At length measures were taken to re move the enemy from the harbor, and General Benjamin Lincoln was ordered to take the command. About twelve hundred men were assembled at Pet- tick's Island and Hull, composed mostly of militia, only a few of the Continental troops being engaged in the enterprise. About six hundred militia and a de tachment of artillery took post on Moon Island, at Hoff's Neck, and at Point Alderton ; while Colonel Whit- comb, with a detachment of the army • Frothingham, p. 312.— 3 Gordon, ii. p. 264. 8 Frothingham, p. 313 ; Gordon, ii. p. 265. Chap. VI.] THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 93 and two eighteen-pounders and a thir- teen-inch mortar, took post on Long Island. The troops reached their sta tions on the morning of June 18th, when a cannonade was opened on the ships from Long Island, which was re turned with spirit by Commodore Banks, the officer in command, until a shot struck his upper works, when he made signals for the fleet to weigh anchor, and, after blowing up the light house, he went to sea, and Boston har bor was cleared of the enemy.1 As the intelligence of this event spread throughout the Colonies it was received with manifestations of delight, and General Washington and the army received congratulations from every quarter.2 The selectmen of Boston,3 the General Court of Massachusetts,4 and the Continental Congress5 vied 1 Gordon, ii. pp. 266, 267.— 3 Frothingham, p. 316. 8 This address, and the General's reply, can be found in the American Archives, 4th series, vol. v., folios 758, 759. * This address is copied at length in the minutes of the Massachusetts Council, March 27, 1776. — 6 The resolu tions of thanks will be found in the Journals of Congress, March 25th, and the letter conveying it, signed hy "John Hancock, President," was dated April 2, 1776. with each other in the terms with which they expressed their gratitude, while the letters from individuals " were more spirited than those from public bodies."1 In England the intelligence was received with astonishment ; and the opposition in Parliament, headed by Edmund Burke, and David Hart ley, and Colonel Barre, in the House, and the Duke of Manchester, the Mar quis of Rockingham, and the Earls of Sherburne and Effingham, in the Lords, pursued the Ministry with awful se verity. Thus ended the "siege of Boston;" and General Washington, " wishing for no other reward, than that arising from a conscientious discharge of his import ant trust, and that his services might contribute to the establishment of free dom and peace, upon a permanent foun dation, and merit the applause of his countrymen and every virtuous citi zen," sought, in the neighborhood of New York, fresh laurels and additional strength for the cause of his country. J Frothingham, p. 320. DOCUMENTS. i. GENERAL HOWE S DISPATCH TO THE EAEL OF DARTMOUTH. On Board His Majesty's Ship ( Nantasket Road, March 21 , ¦ Chatham, ) 1, 1776. \ My Lord : — It is with great regret I am obliged to inform your lordship, that after all my struggles to supply the army with provis ions from the Southern provinces and the "West Indies, from whence none of the vessels have yet returned, and after an anxious expectation of more transports to convey the troops, stores, civil officers, inhabitants, and effects, the enemy, by taking possession of, and fortifying the com manding heights on Dorchester Neck, in order to force the ships, by their cannon, to quit the harbor, has reduced me to the necessity either of exposing the army to the greatest distresses, by remaining in Boston, or of withdrawing from it under such straitened circumstances. The importance of preserving this force, when it could no longer act to advantage, did not leave any room to doubt of the propriety of its re moval; and since my determination, taken on the 7th instant, I have exerted every expedient to accomplish the arduous task, which was exe cuted on the 17th following, in the forenoon, without the least molestation from the rebels, the transports having been previously watered, and fitted for sea in every respect, excepting the arti cle of provisions, in the view of complying with His Majesty's commands for a movement from Boston, as soon as I might be enabled to effect it. In order to explain to your lordship more clearly the state I was reduced to in the article of provisions, I have inclosed a return, extracted from the commissary-general's reports between the 12th of February and 4th of March; also the tonnage of transports at the time of em barkation. The rebels, about the latter end of January, erected new'works and batteries on a point of land opposite to West Boston, at a place known by the name of Phipps's Farm, which, laying under cover of their strongest posts, and so sit uated as to be supported by then- whole force from Cambridge, was not to be prevented ; soon afterwards the militia of the country was called in, and, having intelligence that the enemy in tended to possess themselves of Dorchester Neck, I ordered a detachment from Castle Wil liam, on the 13th of February, under the com mand of Lieutenant-colonel Leslie, and one com posed of grenadiers and light-infantry from Boston, commanded by Major Musgrave, to pass over the ice, with directions to destroy the houses and every kind of cover whatever upon that peninsula, which was executed, and six of the enemy's guard made prisoners. On the 2d instant, at night, the rebels be gan a cannonade upon the town, from Roxbury and Phipps's Farm, and threw some shells from both places, without doing any personal damage, and but little to the buildings ; the same was re peated on the evenings of the 3d and 4th, by which only six men were wounded ; the fire being returned from our batteries, but at such a distance, as to be very uncertain in the execution. It was discovered on the 5th, in the morning, that the enemy had thrown up three very ex tensive works, with strong abatis round them, on the commanding hill on Dorchester Neck, which must have been the employment of at least twelve thousand men, in a situation so crit ical. I determined upon an immediate attack, with all the force I could transport. The ardor of the troops encouraged me in this hazardous enterprise; regiments were expeditiously em barked on board transports to fall down the harbor, and flat-boats were to receive other troops, making the whole two thousand four Chap. VI.] DOCUMENTS. 95 hundred men, to rendezvous at Castle William, from whence the descent was to be made, on the night of the 5th, but the wind unfortunately com ing contrary, and blowing very hard, the ships were not able to get to their destination, and this circumstance also making it impossible to employ the boats, the attempt became impracticable. The weather continuing boisterous the next day and night, gave the enemy time to improve their works, to bring up their cannon, and to put themselves into such a state of defence, that I could promise myself little success by attack ing them under all the disadvantages I had to encounter ; wherefore I judged it most advisa ble to prepare for the evacuation of the town, upon the assurance of one month's provision from Admiral Shuldham, who, in this emergen cy, as he has on every other occasion, offered all the assistance he could afford. A thousand difficulties arose on account of the disproportion of transports for the convey ance of the troops, the well-affected inhabitants, their most valuable property, and the quantity of military stores to be carried away; however, as the enemy gave no interruption but during the nights, and that inconsiderable, I found the whole in readiness to depart on the 14th, if the wind had favored, and assisted by the abilities and assiduity of Captains Reynar and Montagu, of His Majesty's ships Chatham and Fowey, who superintended the embarkation, and by the alac rity of the officers under them, this operation was effected on the 17th, and the rear guard embarked at nine o'clock in the morning, with out the least loss, irregularity, or accident. Such military stores as could not be taken on board were destroyed, and the utmost expedi tion is now using to get ready for sea in the best state our circumstances will allow ; the admiral leaving all the ships-of-war he can spare from the convoy, for the security and protection of such vessels as may be bound for Boston. Every provision my situation would afford has been made for the accommodation of the inhab itants, and the preservation of their effects ; all the woollen goods, also, that I could find room for, belonging to those who chose to stay be hind, the want of which is more distressing to the enemy than any other article whatever, have been shipped ; inventories of them taken in the best manner possible, and put under the charge of proper persons, in order to be hereafter stored. The demolition of the castle has been effectually executed, and an armed ship is sent by the admiral, express, to advise the different governors on the continent of this removal. Halifax, though stripped of provisions during the winter, and affording few conveniences to so numerous a body, is the only place where the army can remain until supplies arrive from Europe. My first attention will be paid to the defence of the town, and His Majesty's dock yard, and to enable Governor Legge to over come the spirit of disaffection, which has lately appeared in the northern parts of Nova Scotia ; after which, I conclude that three battalions, with Gorham's and Maclean's corps, will be a sufficient force for its protection. I shall also detach three regiments to Quebec as soon as the navigation of the River St. Law rence becomes practicable, if I do not, in the mean time, hear any thing to the contrary from Europe. The remainder of the army, which, after these detachments are made, may consist of about five thousand men, including sick, will be held in readiness to proceed to New York, when enabled by a supply of provisions, and an addition of transports sufficient for that under taking ; and, although the force, according to the present estimation, intended to go on this service, is too small to expect more from it than the possession of the town, which in itself is a most important post, I shall attempt it at all hazard, as soon as possible, apprehending it will be more advisable to pursue this measure with out delay, than by waiting for reinforcements from Europe, whereof I have no certainty, to give the rebels time to form an army in the province of New York, and to check the en couragement they will receive from the appar ent inactivity of the King's army retired to Hali fax, as well as to prevent the contrary effect it may have upon the few friends to government remaining there. I am justly sensible how much more con ducive it would be to His Majesty's service, if the army was in a situation to proceed imme diately to New York ; but the present condi- 96 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. tion of the troops, crowded in transports, with out regard to conveniences, the inevitable dis- sortment of stores, and all the incumbrances with which I am clogged, effectually disable me from the exertion of this force in any offensive operations, although I should receive a supply of provisions before my departure from hence, which considerations, I hope, will lead His Maj esty to approve of my determination. Unless these supplies are sent under convoy, or of force to defend themselves, they will be come very precarious, as the rebels have greatly increased their naval strength, and I fear that many of those now on their voyage will fall into the enemy's hands, notwithstanding all the ef forts which His Majesty's ships, unequal in point of numbers to the service they are upon, can make. In this persuasion, I humbly submit to your lordship whether it would not be an ad visable measure to order all convoys directly to Halifax, from whence they may proceed with more certainty to the future destination of the army. I beg leave to remark, that the last com mands I had the honor to receive from your lordship, are dated the 22d of October, which will serve to show the difficulty ships, bound to this post, have met with on the coast, many whereof, I learn by a master of a vessel just arrived here, have been forced to the West Indies, and no less than thirty-seven sail of dif ferent kinds were at Antigua the last of this month, when he left that island. I shall not fail to write as fully as possible to your lordship from Halifax. I am, &c, W. Howe. (iNOLOSUEB.) State of provisions remaining in store at Boston, on the 11th, 19th, 26th of February, and 4th of March, 1776, per returns of those dates, received from the Commissary-general of Stores, showing how long the same will victual 11,000 men. Feb. 12, 1776. — Beef and pork, 35 days; wheat flour, 72 days; bread, 12 days; butter and cheese, 13 days; oil, 32 days; split peas, peas, and oatmeal, 2 days ; barley, suet, rice, and raisins, reserved for the use of the general hospitals. Feb. 19th. — Beef and pork, 29 days; wheat flour, 65 days; bread, 12 days; butter and cheese, 12 days; oil, 32 days; split peas, peas, and oatmeal, 9 days; barley, suet, rice, and raisins, reserved for the general hospital. Feb. 26th. — Beef and pork, 22 days ; wheat flour, 68 days; bread, 12 days; butter and cheese, almost 6 days; oil, 32 days; split peas, peas, and oatmeal, almost 6 days; barley, suet, rice, and raisins, reserved for the general hos pital. March 4th. — Beef and pork, almost 17 days; wheat and flour, almost 63 days; bread, 16 days ; butter and cheese, almost 12 days ; oil, 32 days; split peas, peas, and oatmeal, 10 days; rice, 27 days; suet, barley, and raisins, reserved for the use of the general hospital. W. Howe. H. GENERAL WASHINGTON'S DISPATCH TO THE CONGRESS. Head-quarters, Cambridge, March 19, 1776. Sir: — It is with the greatest pleasure I in form you that, on Sunday last, the 17th instant, about nine o'clock in the forenoon, the ministe rial army evacuated the town of Boston, and that the forces of the United Colonies are now in actual possession thereof. I beg leave to con gratulate you, sir, and the honorable Congress, on this happy event, and particularly as it was effected without endangering the lives and prop erty of the remaining unhappy inhabitants. I have great reason to imagine their flight was precipitated by the appearance of a work which I had ordered to be thrown up last Saturday night, on an eminence at Dorchester, which lay nearest to Boston Neck, called Nook's Hill. The town, although it has suffered greatly, is not in so bad a state as I expected to find it ; and I have a particular pleasure in being able to inform you, sir, that your house has received no damage worth mentioning ; your furniture is in tolerable order, and the family pictures are all left entire and untouched. Captain Cazneau takes charge of the whole until he shall receive farther orders from you. As soon as the minis terial troops had quitted the town, I ordered a thousand men (who had had the small-pox), under Chap. VI.] DOCUMENTS. 97 command of General Putnam, to take possession of the heights, which I shall endeavor to fortjfy in such a manner as to prevent their return, should they attempt it ; but as they are still in the harbor, I thought it not prudent to march off with the main body of the army until I should be fully satisfied they had quitted the coast. I have, therefore, only detached five regiments, besides the rifle battalion, to New York, and shall keep the remainder here till all suspicion of their return ceases. The situation in which I found their works evidently discov ered that their retreat was made with the great est precipitation. They have left their barracks, and other works of wood at Bunker's Hill, &c, all standing, and have destroyed but a small part of their lines. They have also left a num ber of fine pieces of cannon, which they first spiked up ; also a very large iron mortar, and (as I am informed) they have thrown another over the end of your wharf. I have employed proper persons to drill the cannon, and doubt not shall save the most of them. I am not yet able to procure an exact list of all the stores they have left; as soon as it can be done, I shall take care to transmit it to you. From an estimate of what the quartermaster-general has already discovered, the amount will be twenty- five or thirty thousand pounds. Part of the powder mentioned in yours of the 6th instant, has already arrived ; the remainder I have ordered to be stopped on the road, as we shall have no occasion for it here. The let ter to General Thomas I immediately sent to him. He desired leave for three or four days to settle some of his private affairs ; after which he will set out for his command in Canada. I am happy that my conduct in intercepting Lord Drummond's letter is approved of by Congress. I have the honor to be, with sincere respect, sir, your most obedient servant, Geo. Washington. To the Honorable John Hancock, Esq Vol. I.— 13 III. DEPOSITION RESPECTING THE POISONING OF STORES LEFT BY THE KING'S TROOPS. In Council, Tuesday, April 9, 1776. Deposition of Dr. John Warren, who testifies and says: That on or about the 29th day of March, last past, went into the work-house of the town of Boston, lately improved as an hos pital by the British troops stationed in said town, and upon examining into the state of a large quantity of medicine there by them left, (particularly in one room, supposed to have been by them used as a medicinal store-room), he found a great variety of medicinal articles lying upon the floor, some of which were con tained and secured in papers, whilst others were scattered upon the floor loose. Amongst these medicines, observed small quantities of what he supposed was white and yellow arsenic inter mixed ; and then received information from Doctor Samuel Scott that he had taken up a large quantity of said arsenic, from over and amongst the medicine, and had collected it chiefly in large lumps, and secured it in a vessel. Upon receiving this information, desired him to let him view the arsenic, with which he com plied, and judged it to amount to about the quantity of twelve or fourteen pounds. Being much surprised by this extraordinary intelli gence, he more minutely examined the medicine on the floor, and found them to be chiefly cap ital articles, and those most generally in great demand ; and judging them to be rendered en tirely unfit for use, he advised Doctor Scott to let them remain, and by no means meddle with them, as he thought the utmost hazard would attend the using them. They were accordingly suffered to remain, and no account was taken of them. Read, and ordered, That the above deposi tion be committed to Samuel Holten, Esq., with Mr. Whiting and Mr. Freeman. (Minutes of the Council of Massachusetts, April 9, 1776.) CHAPTER VII. June 27, 1775, to May, 1776. THE EXPEDITIONS AGAINST CANADA. The expeditions against Ticonderoga, and the capture of that fortress by Col onels Arnold and Allen ; and the sub sequent capture of St. John's by the former officer, led each of them to pro ject and propose farther aggressions on the enemy's Canadian possessions. Ac cordingly, each of these officers ad dressed letters, the former to the Pro vincial Congresses of New York and Massachusetts,1 the latter to the Conti nental Congress,2 giving their respective plans of operations, and asking a force to carry them out. Although both were in advance of the age, and re ceived no immediate command, they both participated, in different parts of the country, in subsequent operations against Canada ; each carving out for himself, in his operations, a character for bravery which will live forever ; each suffering personally — one as a prisoner, the other a cripple ; and both becoming witnesses of the fact that the advice they had given, had it been fol- 1 Dated "Crown Point, June 2, 1775,' Point, June 6, 1775." 2 Dated "Crown Point, June 13, 1775." and "Crown lowed earlier, would have secured Can ada to the colonists, and facilitated the progress of the great work of revolu tion which ultimately severed the colo nies from the mother country. For the purpose of securing pay for their men, and, if possible, employment for the future, Colonel Allen and Cap tain Warner visited Philadelphia, and, on Friday, June 23d, at their own re quest, were admitted on the floor of Congress, "having some things of im portance to communicate." * If Congress received any information, or was influ enced by any such information, as has been supposed,2 there is no evidence of it on the journals of that body. On the following Tuesday, however, 1 Journals of Cont. Cong., Friday, June 23, 1775. Mr. Lossing does Arnold injustice in charging him with em ploying Allen as the bearer of his letter to Congress in which he attacks " the Green- Mountain Boys," whom Allen commanded, and in whose behalf he visited Philadelphia. This careful writer refers to " a letter from the officer at Crown Point, dated June 10," supposing that to have been Arnold's letter, but it was simply a letter of recommendation from the officers at Crown Point, signed by Major Samuel Elmer, as "President" of the "council," which was then consid ered. Arnold's letter was not written until the 13th, three days afterwards. 2 Lossing's Washington, i. pp. 652, 653. Chap. VII.] THE EXPEDITIONS AGAINST CANADA. 99 — Colonel Arnold's letter having, in the mean time, reached Philadelphia, — the Congress adopted the following resolu tions — the first legitimate movement towards the invasion of the Canadas : " The Congress resumed the consid eration of the letter from Albany,1 and after some debate, the Congress came to the following resolutions : "Resolved, That Major-general P. Schuyler be directed to repair, as soon as conveniently he can, to the posts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to ex amine into the state thereof, and of the troops now stationed there, and how they are supplied with' provision and necessary stores ; into the state also of the sloop and other navigation on the lakes ; also, to obtain the best intelli gence he can of the disposition of the Canadians and Indians of Canada ; that he confer with Colonel Hinman and Colonel Arnold on the subject of Col onel Arnold's letter to this Congress, and report as soon as possible the state of the whole, as near as it can be ascer tained, to this Congress ; and that he give orders for the necessary prepara tion of boats and stores, for securing to the United Colonies the command of those waters adjacent to Crown Point and Ticonderoga. 1 This letter, dated "Albany Committee-chamber, June 21, 1775," had been forwarded by express, and conveyed in formation of Gen. Carleton's preparations for attacking Crown Point and Ticonderoga ; of his treaty with the French Caughnawaga Indians " to take up the hatchet" in behalf of the King ; of the scarcity of powder, even in the forts ; and of their desire to have the dispute, respect ing rank between Cols. Arnold and Hinman disposed of. "Resolved, That if General Schuyler finds it practicable, and that it will not be disagreeable to the Canadians, he do immediately take possession of St. John's, Montreal, and any other parts of the country, and pursue any other measures in Canada which may have a tendency to promote the peace and se curity of these colonies. "Resolved, That if General Schuyler shall have occasion for a larger quantity of ready money and ammunition, for carrying on such expedition, than he can in convenient time procure from the Provincial Convention of the colony of New York, that he do in such case apply to the Governor of Connecticut for such supplies as may be necessary, and can be furnished by that colony; and that Governor Trumbull be desired to furnish such supplies, and this Con gress will make provision for reimburs ing the same."1 General Schuyler reached Ticonder oga, and assumed the command of the district on the eighteenth of July,2 but, so far was he from being in a condition to advance, that his first care was to put his troops in a condition for defence. Col onel Hinman, who had superseded the energetic Arnold, " expected the gener al," and had not done any thing, either for offence or defence ;8 his guards slept on their posts with impunity ; 4 the troops 1 Journals of the Cont. Cong., Tuesday, June 27, 1775. 2 Letter to Gov. Trumbull, July 18. 3 Gen. Schuyler to Gen. Washington, July 18.—* Ibid. 100 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. were "crowded into bad barracks;"1 and every thing wore an unpromising aspect. On the twenty-fourth of July, Gen eral Schuyler dispatched an agent into Canada, to ascertain the real disposition of the people of that province, the num ber and condition of the King's troops, and the spirit with which an invading army would be received by the people ;2 but there was considerable delay in the collection both of men and supplies,3 and General Carleton, the royal Gov ernor of Canada, was enabled to make considerable additions to his means of defence.4 At length, on the thirty-first of Au gust, General Montgomery left Crown Point, with the regiments commanded by Colonels Waterbury, McDougal, Par sons, and Wooster, amounting to twelve hundred men;5 on the fourth of Sep tember he was joined by General Schuy ler, " at the Isle-la-Motte, where he had arrived the preceding day, having been detained by adverse winds and rainy weather;"6 and, on the same day, the whole expedition advanced to the Isle- aux-Noix,T a low fertile island, of eighty- five acres, at the foot of Lake Cham- plain. After establishing his head-quar ters on this island, General Schuyler issued an address to the Canadians, ex plaining the purpose of the expedition 1 Gen. Schuyler to Gov. Trumbull, July 18. J Maj. Brown to Gov. Trumbull, August 14. 8 Schuyler to Cont. Cong., August 2 ; Same to Gen. Washington, Aug. 6 and Aug. 31. — * Schuyler to Cont. Cong., Aug. 6. — ' Schuyler to Gov. Trumbull, Aug. 31. * Gen. Schuyler to John Hancock, Sept. 8. — ' Ibid. and promising protection to the persons and property of Canadians j1 and, early on the sixth of September, after land ing the provisions, baggage, Stone's Brant, i. p. 237. See also Gordon, ii. p. 530 ; Campbell, pp. 100, 101.-8 Stone's Brant, i. p. 238. 8 Ibid. ; Lossing, i. p. 247. the experienced eye of Captain Gardi- nier discovered their real character, and ordered his men to fire upon them, and, rushing upon them himself, followed by some of his men, upwards of thirty of the turncoats were slain, and the re mainder fled in confusion.1 The Indians, perceiving with what ardor the Americans opposed the ene my, and finding their own ranks some what reduced in numbers, at once raised their retreating cry of " Oonah, Oonah," and fled in every direction ; 2 while the Tories, perceiving that their allies had deserted them, and supposing, from the continued firing, that their presence was necessary elsewhere, also retreated with precipitation, " leaving the victorious Tryon county militia and volunteers masters of the field,"8 at about two o'clock in the afternoon,4 after a contest of eight hours' duration. While this contest was raging, the garrison was not unemployed. The messengers sent forward by General Herkimer, announcing his approach, reached the fort in safety, about ten o'clock in the morning, and, as we have seen, immediate preparations were made for diverting the attention of the ene my, by means of a sortie.5 For this purpose, two hundred men — one half from Colonel Gansevoort's regiment, the other from Colonel Wesson's6 — were placed under the command of Colonel Marinus Willett,7 and had been prop- 1 Stone's Brant, i. pp. 238-240.—" Ibid.—8 Ibid. 4 Campbell, p. 101 ; Stone's Brant, p. 244, note. 8 Willett, p. 51.— "Col. Willett' s Statement, Document I. 'Willett, p. 51. 244 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. erly disposed when the thunder-shower, before spoken of, burst upon the fort.1 An hour's delay ensued, after which time it was made, and proved eminently successful. In addition to the troops previously detached, fifty more, under Captain Swartwout, were added, to pro tect a light iron three-pound field-piece, which had been mounted on a travelling carriage. As the enemy's sentries were directly in sight of the fort, his move ments were necessarily rapid ; and the sentries were driven in and their ad vanced guard attacked before Colonel St. Leger had time to form his troops. So sudden and so impetuous, indeed, was the attack of Colonel Willett, that the enemy could not make the least op position, safety being sought in flight ; and within a very few minutes from the time he left the sally-port he was mas ter of the camps, both those of the whites and that of the Indians. Sir John Johnson, with his troops, crossed the river, while the Indians took to the woods, both being severely handled by Colonel Willett's party. Twenty-one wagon-loads of camp-equipage, clothing, blankets, and stores, including five Brit ish standards, the baggage of Sir John Johnson and all his papers, the desk and papers of Colonel St. Leger, and the baggage of a number of other offi cers, with memoranda, journals, and orderly-books, were the trophies of this movement, and Colonel Willett returned to the fort without the loss of a single 1 Willett, p. 51. See also St. Leger's Account of Oc currences. man.1 The five British flags were im mediately hoisted on the flag-staff of the fort, under the American colors, and all the troops in the garrison, hav ing mounted the parapets, saluted them with three hearty cheers.2 The loss to the enemy, from this sortie, was very severely felt, and, among the Indians especially, it occasioned great dissatis faction;8 while the garrison appeared to regard it as a certain forerunner of a complete triumph over its enemies.4 On the afternoon of the seventh, the day after the battle, " the beating of the chamade and the appearance of a white flag, was followed with a request that Colonel Butler and two other offi cers might enter the fort with a mes sage to the commander. Permission having been granted, they were con ducted, blindfolded, into the fort, and received by Colonel Gansevoort in his dining-room. The windows of the room were shut and candles lighted ; a table was also spread, covered with crackers, cheese, and wine. Three chairs, placed at one end of the table, were occupied by Colonel Butler and the two other officers who had come with him ; at the other end, Colonels Gansevoort, Willett, and Mellon were seated. Seats were also placed around the table for as many officers as could be accommo dated, while the rest of the room was nearly filled with the other officers of the garrison, indiscriminately, it being 1 Willett, pp. 63, 54 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 530, 531 ; Camp bell, pp. 101, 102 ; Col. Willett's Statement, Document I. 8 Willett, pp. 54, 55.— 8 Annual Begister for 1777. 4 Willett, p. 55. Chap. XXL] FORT SCHUYLER AND ORISKANY. 245 desirable that the officers in general should be witnesses of all that might take place. After passing round the wine, with a few common-place compli ments, Major Ancron, one of the mes sengers, with a very grave, stiff air, and a countenance full of importance, spoke, in nearly the following words: 'I am directed by Colonel St. Leger, the offi cer who commands the army now in vesting the garrison, to inform the com mandant, that the Colonel has, with much difficulty, prevailed on the In dians to agree, that if the garrison, without farther resistance, shall be de livered up, with the public stores be longing to it, to the investing army, the officers and soldiers shall have all their baggage and private property secured to them. And in order that the gar rison may have a sufficient pledge to this effect, Colonel Butler accompanies me to assure them, that not a hair of the head of any one of them shall be hurt.' (Here turning to Colonel Butler, he said, 'That was the expression, I think, made use of, was it not?' — to which the Colonel answered, 'Yes.') 'I am likewise directed to remind the commandant, that the defeat of General Herkimer must deprive the garrison of all hopes of relief, especially as General Burgoyne is now in Albany; so that, sooner or later, the fort must fall into our hands. Colonel St. Leger, from an earnest desire to prevent farther blood shed, hopes these terms will not be re fused ; as in this case, it will be out of his power to make them again. It was with great difficulty the Indians con sented to the present arrangement, as it will deprive them of that plunder which they always calculate upon, on similar occasions. Should, then, the present terms be rejected, it will be out of the power of the Colonel to restrain the In dians, who are very numerous, and much exasperated, not only from plundering the property, but destroying the lives of, probably, the greater part of the garrison. Indeed, the Indians are so exceedingly provoked and mortified, by the losses they have sustained in the late actions, having had several of their favorite chiefs killed, that they threat en — and the Colonel, if the present ar rangements should not be entered into, will not be able to prevent them from. executing their threats — to march down the country, and destroy the settlement, with its inhabitants. In this case, not only men, but women and children, will experience the sad effects of their ven geance. These considerations, it is ar dently hoped, will produce a proper effect, and induce the commandant, by complying with the terms now offered, to save himself from future regret, when it will be too late.' "With the approbation of Colonel Gansevoort, Colonel Willett made the following reply. Looking the import ant Major full in the face, he observed, 'Do I understand you, sir? I think you say, that you come from a British Colonel, who is commander of the army that invests this fort ; and by your uni form, you appear to be an officer in the British service. You have made a long speech on the occasion of your visit, 246 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. which, stripped of all its superfluities, amounts to this, that you come from a British Colonel to the commandant of this garrison to tell him, that if he does not deliver up the garrison into the hands of your Colonel, he will send his Indians to murder our women and chil dren. You will please to reflect, sir, that their blood will be on your head, not on ours. We are doing our duty : this garrison is committed to our charge, and we will take care of it. After you get out of it, you may turn round and look at its outside, but never expect to come in again, unless you come a pris oner. I consider the message you have brought a degrading one for a British officer to send, and by no means reputa ble for a British officer to carry. For my own part, I declare, before I would consent to deliver this garrison to such a murdering set as your army, by your own account, consists of, I would suffer my body to be filled with splinters and set on fire, as you know has at times been practised by such hordes of women and children killers as belong to your army.' " 1 The officers who were present mani fested their sentiments by a round of applause on the conclusion of Colonel Willett's address, and by brief remarks to the same effect, and the flag returned to the British camp without effecting any thing farther than a cessation of hostilities for three' days.2 To guard against any contingencies ¦Willett's Narrative, pp. 55-58.— a Ibid., pp. 58, 59; Gordon, ii. p. 532 ; Stedman, i. p. 334. which might arise, it was thought ad visable by the officers in the fort, to make another attempt to obtain succors from without, and the militia of Tryon county having shown great regard for Colonel Willett, it was thought if he could show himself among them it might inspire them with confidence, and induce them to make a second at tempt. Influenced by these considera tions the Colonel undertook the hazard ous enterprise, and about ten o'clock in the evening of the tenth of August, he left the fort, with one companion, passed silently along the marsh, and crossed the river, creeping on a log, only a few yards distant from the enemy's senti nels. With great difficulty and skill they passed through the encampment of the Indians, and through the forests to Fort Dayton (Herkimer), arriving about three o'clock on the afternoon of the twelfth, when they learned that a reinforcement had been ordered by General Schuyler for their relief; that General Larned, with his brigade of Massachusetts troops, was then on his way; and that General Benedict Arnold, under whose command the detachment was placed, was about to follow General Larned, with the first regiment of New York troops.1 Colonel Willett imme diately proceeded to Albany, where he met General Arnold, and returned with him, and the relief, to Fort Dayton, where they were to assemble.2 It appears that intelligence of the 1 Willett, pp Civil War, i. p. 295 ; aieai 111, 112.— » Willett, p. 61 58-61 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 531, 532; ..... 295 : Stedman, i. p. 334 ; Campbell, pp, Hist. Chap. XXL] FORT SCHUYLER AND ORISKANY. 247 approach of General Arnold did not reach Colonel St. Leger at as early a date as might have been expected, and he pushed the siege with great indus try.1 The garrison, also, steadily and gallantly defended its position, and harassed the enemy in all his ap proaches.2 At length, on the twenty-second of August, General Arnold having reached Fort Dayton, " the investing army," un der Colonel St. Leger, suddenly, and . to the astonishment of the garrison, broke up their encampments, and fled in such haste and confusion as to leave their tents and a great part of their artillery, camp equipage, and baggage behind.8 It is said this strange and sudden movement was produced by a 7'use-de-guerre practised by General Ar nold, in sending an eccentric, half-idiotic semi-tory, named Hon- Yost Schuyler, among the Indian allies of Colonel St. Leger, with exaggerated stories of his strength and of his near approach, which so terrified the savages and, in directly, St. Leger, that a farther stay was considered injudicious and danger ous.4 1 Willett, p. 63 ; St. Leger's Account of Occurrences ; History of Civil War, i. p. 295. "Stone's Brant, i. pp. 256, 257. 8 Ibid., p. 257 ; Willett, p. 62 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 534, 535 ; Hist. Civil War, 1. p. 296 ; Marshall, iii. p. 277 ; Stedman, i. p. 335 ; Campbell, pp. 113, 114. 4 Gordon, ii. pp. 532, 533 ; Hist. Civil War, i. p. 295 ; Lieut. Hall's Civil War, pp. 395, 396 ; Stedman, i. p. 335 ; Campbell, p. 113. Although this story has been cited hy most of the modern writers, from Gordon to Irving, I have strong doubts of its truth. Willett says nothing about it, although he was with Gen. Arnold, and would have known had it taken place ; and Gen. Arnold's Thus ended the siege of Fort Schuy ler, the enemy hastening back to Os wego with the remnant of his force, and thence to Montreal;1 while Colonel Gansevoort and his garrison enjoyed the satisfaction of having done their duty, as well as the commendations of their country, which were generally be stowed on them.2 Of the battle of Oriskany, — the most terrible of the war, — both parties, with some reason, claimed the victory. The Americans retained their position and the field, while the enemy fled and were pursued, and the former consid ered themselves the victors;8 the lat ter, however, say that the object of the expedition was defeated, — that the fort was not relieved, as was intended, — and that the Americans were defeated.4 The question admits of argument on both sides, but to others more interested in the solution of nice questions that dis cussion is left. The loss of the Ameri cans is stated to have been near two hundred slain, besides the wounded.5 General Herkimer, who was among the wounded, was earned home, and died a few days afterwards.6 Of the enemy's loss nothing positive is known, Colonel letters are equally silent. What the Indians, themselves or hy others, did to alarm St. Leger, and induce him to retreat, I know not, but the latter attributes the messenger to the Indians and not to Arnold. 1 Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 397 ; Marshall, iii. p. 277. 8 Stone's Brant, i. p. 263 ; Willett, pp. 137, 138. 8 Stone's Brant, i. p. 240, note. 4 Col. St. Leger's Account of Occurrences ; Hist. Civil War, i. p. 293 ; Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 394. 8 Campbell, p. 102. • Benton's Herkimer County, p. 164. 248 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. St. Leger having concealed it in his re port. The Indians are said to have suffered very severely, several of their most prominent chiefs having been among the slain.1 The sortie under Colonel Willett se cured for that officer the commenda tions, both of his own countrymen and of the enemy.1 The Continental Congress voted him their thanks, with a sword of honor,2 and he lived to a good old age, respected by all who knew him. DOCUMENTS COLONEL WILLETT S STATEMENT SENT TO GOV. TBTJMBULL. Hartford, August 21, 1777. The following is a narrative of part of the transac tions at and near Fort Stanwix, since the investi ture of that place by the enemy, given in manu script, by Lieutenant-colonel Willett, of that gar rison. On Saturday evening, August the 2d, five bateaux arrived with stores for the garrison. About the same time we discovered a number of fires a little better than a mile from the north west corner of the fort. The stores were all got safe in, and the troops, which were a guard to the bateaux, marched up. The captain of the bateaux and a few of his men, delaying their time about the boats, were fired upon by a party of Indians, which killed one man and wounded two ; the captain himself was taken a prisoner. Next morning the enemy appeared in the edge of the woods, about a mile below the fort, where they took post in order to invest it upon that quarter, and to cut off the communication with the country ; from whence they sent in a flag, who told us of their great power, strength, and determination, in such a manner as gave us reason to suppose they were not possessed of sufficient strength to take the fort. Our answer was a determination to support it. 1 Col. St. Leger says they lost thirty killed, and as many wounded. Gordon, ii. p. 530 ; Hist. Civil War, i. p. 293. All day on Monday we were much annoyed by a sharp fire of musketry from the Indians and German riflemen, which, as our men were obliged to be exposed on the works, killed one and wounded seven. The day after, the firing was not so heavy, and our men under better cover ; all the damage was one man killed by a rifle-ball. This evening indicated something in contemplation by the enemy. The Indians were uncommonly noisy ; they kept up the most hor rid yellings, great part of the evening, in the woods, hardly a mile from the fort. A few cannon were fired among them. "Wednesday morning there was an unusual silence. "We discovered some of the enemy marching along the edge of the woods down wards. About 11 o'clock, three men got into the fort, who brought a letter from General Harkaman of the Tryon county militia, advising us that he was at Eriska (eight miles off), with part of his militia, and proposed to force his way to the fort for our relief. In order to ren der him what service we could in his march, it was agreed that I should make a sally from the fort with two hundred and fifty men, consist ing of one half Gansevoort's, one half Massachu setts' ditto, and one field-piece (an iron three- pounder). The men were instantly paraded, and I or dered the following disposition to be made: thirty men from the advanced guard, to be com- 1 History of Civil War, i. p. 294.—' Journals of Con gress, Oct. 4, 1777 ; Willett's Narrative, pp. 137, 138. Chap. XXL] DOCUMENTS. 249 manded by Captain Van Benscouton and Lieu tenant Stockwell ; thirty for the rear-guard, under the command of Captain Allen, of Massa chusetts troops, and Lieutenant Deuffendorf; thirty for flank-guards, to be commanded by Captain , from Massachusetts, and Ensign Chase. The main body formed into eight sub divisions, commanded by Captain Blacker, Lieu tenants Comine, Bogardus, McClenner, Coff- raunder, Ensigns Begley, Lewis, and Dennison : Lieutenant Ball, the only supernumerary officer, to march with me. Captain Jansen to bring up the rear of the main body. Captain Swart- woudt, with Ensigns Magee, Arnent, and fifty men, to guard the field-piece, which was under the direction of Major Bedlow. Nothing could be more fortunate than this enterprise. We totally routed two of the ene my's encampments, destroyed all the provisions that were in them, brought off upwards of fifty brass kettles, and more than one hundred blank ets (two articles which were much needed), with a quantity of muskets, tomahawks, spears, am munition, clothing, deer-skins, a variety of In dian affairs, and five colors (the whole of which, on our return to the fort, were displayed on our flag-staff, under the Continental flag). The In dians took chiefly to the woods, the rest of the troops then at their posts, to the river. The number of men lost by the enemy is uncertain. Six lay dead in their encampments, two of which were Indians ; several scattered about in the woods ; but their greatest loss appeared to be in crossing the river, and an inconsiderable number upon the opposite shore. I was happy in preventing the men from scalping even the Indians, being desirous, if possible, to teach even the savages humanity ; but the men were much better employed, and kept in excellent order. We were out so long, that a number of British regulars, accompanied by what Indians, &c, could be rallied, had marched down to a thicket on the other side of the river, about fifty yards from the road we were to pass on our return : near this place I had ordered the field-piece ; the ambush was not quite formed when we dis covered them, and gave them a well-directed fire. Here, especially, Major Bedlow, with his field-piece, did considerable execution. Here, Vol. I.— 32 also, the enemy were annoyed by the fire of several cannon from the fort, as they marched round to form the ambuscade. The enemy's fire was very wild, and though we were very much exposed, did no execution at all. We brought in four prisoners, three of whom were wounded. One of the prisoners is a Mr. George Singleton, of Montreal ; he is Lieutenant in a company of which Mr. Stephen Watts, of New York (brother-in-law to Sir John Johnson), was Captain, and who was himself killed in the bat tle with the militia about two hours before. Mr. Singleton told me that Sir John Johnson was with him when we attacked their camp, and that he thinks he ran to the river. It is said, by some of the Oneida Indians, that he is killed, which does not appear unlikely. From these prisoners we received the first accounts of Gen eral Harkaman's militia being ambushed on their march ; and of a severe battle they had with them about two hours before, which gave reason to think they had, for the present, given up their design of marching to the fort. I should not do justice to the officers and soldiers who were with me on this enterprise, if I were not in the most positive terms to assure their countrymen, that they in general behaved with the greatest gallantry upon this occasion ; and next to the very kind and signal interposi tion of Divine Providence, which was powerfully manifested in their favor, it was undoubtedly owing to that noble intrepidity which discovered itself in this attack, and struck the enemy with such a panic, as disenabled them from taking pains to direct their fire, that we had not one man killed or wounded. The officers in general behaved so well, that it is hardly right to men tion the name of any particular one for their singular valor ; but so remarkably intrepid was Captain Van Benscouton, and so rapid was his attack, that it demands from me this particular testimony of his extraordinary spirit. Among other things taken from the enemy were several bundles of papers, and a parcel of letters belonging to our garrison, which they had taken from our militia, but not yet opened ; here I found one letter for myself; there were likewise papers belonging to Sir John Johnson and several other of the enemy's officers, with 250 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. letters to and from General St. Leger, their commander: these papers have been of some service to us. On the evening of the next day, the enemy fired a few cannon at us from high ground, about half a mile north of the fort, where they have erected a small battery. Next day, being Friday, the 8th, they threw a parcel of shells from the same battery, none of which did any execution. This evening they sent us a flag, with which came their Adjutant-general, Captain Armstrong, Colonel Butler, and a sur geon ; the surgeon to examine Singleton's wounds ; the principal business of the flag was to acquaint us that General St. Leger had, with much difficulty, prevailed on the Indians to agree, that if the commanding officer would de liver up the fort, the garrison should be secure from any kind of harm, that not a hair of their heads should be touched, but if not, the conse quence to the garrison, should it afterwards fall into their hands, must be terrible ; that the In dians were very much enraged, on account of their having a number of their chiefs killed in the late action, and were determined, unless they got possession of the fort, to go down the Mohawk River, and fall upon its inhabitants. Our answer was, that should this be the case, the blood of those inhabitants would be upon the heads of Mr. Butler and his employers, not upon us, and that such proceedings would ever remain a stigma upon the name of Britain ; but, for our parts, we were determined to defend the fort. That evening, it was agreed by the field-offi cers that I should undertake, with Lieutenant Stockwell (who is a good woodsman), to en deavor to get into the country, and by making a proper representation of our affairs, endeavor to procure such force as may be sufficient entire ly to extirpate this miscreant band. After a most severe march of about fifty miles through the wilderness, I arrived at this place, and am in no doubt of beholding, in a few days, a force sufficient to accomplish this important piece of business. By the best accounts, the loss of the Indians is very considerable, and they are quite sick of the expedition. Maeinus Willett. German Flats, August 11, 1777. II. COLONEL ST. LEGEb's ACCOUNT OF OCCTTEBENCES, SENT TO GENEEAL ETJEGOYNE. A minute detail of every operation since my leaving La Chine with the detachment intrusted to my care, your Excellency will permit me to reserve to a time of less hurry and mortification than the present, while I enter into the interest ing scene before Fort Stanwix, which I invested on the 3d of August, having previously pushed forward Lieutenant Bird, of the King's regi ment, with thirty of the King's troops and two hundred Indians, under the direction of Cap tains Hare and Wilson, and the chiefs Joseph and Bull, to seize fast hold of the lower landing- place, and thereby cut off the enemy's commu nication with the lower country. This was done with great address by the Lieutenant, though not attended with the effect I had promised my self, occasioned by the slackness of the Messasa- goes. The brigade of provision and ammu nition boats, I had intelligence of being arrived and disembarked before this party had taken post. The fourth and fifth were employed in making arrangements for opening Wood Creek (which the enemy, with the indefatigable labor of one hundred and fifty men, for fourteen days, had most effectually choked up), and the making a temporary road from Pine Ridges upon Fish Creek, sixteen miles from the fort, for a present supply of provisions and the transport of -our artillery : the first was effected by the diligence and zeal of Captain Bouville, assisted by Cap tain Harkimer of the Indian department, with one hundred and ten men, in nine days ; while Lieutenant Lundy, acting as assistant quarter master-general, had rendered the road, in the worst of weather, sufficiently practicable to pass the whole artillery and stores, with seven days' provision, in two days. On the 5th, in the evening, intelligence ar rived, by my discovering parties on the Mohawk River, that a reinforcement of eight hundred militia, conducted by General Herkimer, were on their march to relieve the garrison, and were actually at that instant at Oriska, an Indian set tlement twelve miles from the fort. The garri son being apprised of their march by four men, Chap. XXL] POCUMENTS. 251 who were seen enter the fort in the morning, through what was thought an impenetrable swamp, I did not think it prudent to wait for them, and thereby subject myself to be attacked, by a sally from the garrison in the rear, while the reinforcement employed me in front. I therefore determined to attack them on the march, either openly or covertly, as circum stances should offer. At this time I had not two hundred and fifty of the King's troops in camp, the various and extensive operations I was under an absolute necessity of entering into, having employed the rest ; and therefore could not send above eighty white men, rangers and troops included, with the whole corps of Indians. Sir John Johnson put himself at the head of this party, and began his march that evening at five o'clo.ok, and met the rebel corps at the same hour next morning. The impetuosity of the Indians is not to be described ; on the sight of the enemy (forgetting the judicious disposition formed by Sir John, and agreed to by them selves, which was, to suffer the attack to begin with the troops in front, while they should be on both flanks and rear) they rushed in, hatchet in hand, and thereby gave the enemy's rear an opportunity to escape. In relation to the vic tory, it was equally complete, as if the whole had fallen ; nay, more so, as the two hundred who escaped only served to spread the panic wider: but it was not so with the Indians; their loss was great (I must be understood In dian computation,, being only about" thirty killed, and the like number wounded, and in that num ber some of their favorite chiefs and confidential warriors were slain). On the enemy's side, al most all their principal leaders were slain. Gen eral Herkimer has since died of his wounds. It is proper to mention, that the four men detached with intelligence of the march of the reinforce ment, set out the evening before the action, and consequently the enemy could have no account of the defeat, and were in possession only of the time appointed for their arrival ; at which, as I suspected, they made a sally with two hundred and fifty men towards Lieutenant Bird's post, to facilitate the entrance of the relieving corps, or bring on a general engagement, with every advantage they could wish. Captain Hoyes was immediately detached to cut in upon their rear, while they engaged the Lieutenant. Immediately upon the departure of Captain Hoyes, having learned that Lieuten ant Bird, misled by the information of a cow ardly Indian, that Sir John was pressed, had quitted his post to march to his assistance, I marched the detachment of the King's regi- ment, in support of Captain Hoyes, by a road in sight of the garrison, which, with executive fire from his party, immediately drove the ene my into the fort, without any farther advantage than frightening some squaws, and pilfering the packs of the warriors, which they left behind them. After this affair was over, orders were immediately given to complete a two-gun bat tery and mortar-bed, with three strong redoubts in their rear, to enable me, in case of another attempt, to relieve the garrison by their regi mented troops, to march out a larger body of the King's troops. Captain Lernoult was sent with one hundred and ten men to the lower landing-place, where he established himself with great judgment and strength, having an inclosed battery of a three- pounder opposed to any sally from the fort, and another to the side of the country where a re lief must approach ; and the body of his camp deeply intrenched and abatised. When, by the unabated labor of officers and men (the smallness of our numbers never admit ting of a relief, or above three hours' cessation for sleep or cooking), the batteries and redoubts were finished, and new cheeks and axletrees made for the six-pounders — those that were sent being reported rotten and unserviceable — it was found that our cannon had not the least effect on the sodwork of the fort, and that our royals had only the power of teasing, as a six-inch plank was a sufficient security for their powder-magazine, as we learned from the de serters. At this time, Lieutenant Glenie, of the artillery, whom I had appointed to act as assistant engineer, proposed a conversion of the royals (if I may use the expression) into howitzers. The ingenuity and feasibility of this measure striking me very strongly, the business was set about immediately and soon executed, when it was found that nothing prevented their operating 252 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. with the desired effect but the distance, their chambers being too small to hold a sufficiency of powder. There was nothing now to be done but to approach the town by sap to such a distance, that the rampart might be brought within their portice, at the same time all materials were pre paring to run a mine under then- most formida ble bastion. In the midst of these operations, intelligence was brought in by our scouts of a second corps of one thousand men being on their march. The same zeal no longer animated the Indians ; they complained of our thinness of troops and their former losses. I immediately called a council of the chiefs ; encouraged them as much as I could ; promised to lead them on myself, and bring into the field three hundred of the best troops. They listened to this and promised to follow me, and agreed that I should recon noitre the ground properest for the field of bat tle next morning, accompanied by some of their chief warriors, to settle the plan of operations. When upon the ground appointed for the field of battle, scouts came in with the account of the first number swelled to two thousand ; immedi ately after, a third, that General Burgoyne's army was cut to pieces, and that Arnold was advancing, by rapid and forced marches, with three thousand men. It was at this moment I began to suspect cowardice in some, and treason in others; however, I returned to camp, not without hopes, with the assistance of my gallant coadjutor, Sir John Johnson, and the influence of the superintending Colonels, Claus and But ler, of inducing them to meet the enemy. A council, according to their custom, was called, to know their resolutions, before the breaking up of which I learned that two hundred had already decamped. In about an hour they in sisted that I should retreat, or they would be obliged to abandon me. I had no other party to take, and a hard party it was to troops who could do nothing without them, to yield to their resolves; and therefore proposed to retire at night, sending on before my sick, wounded, ar tillery, &c, down the Wood Creek, covering them by our line of march. This did not fall in with their views, which were no less than treacherously committing ravage upon their friends, as they had lost the opportunity of doing it upon their enemies. To effect this, they artfully caused messengers to come in, one after the other, with accounts of the nearer approaches of the rebels ; one, and the last, affirmed, that they were within two miles of Captain Lernoult's post. Not giv ing entire credit to this, and keeping to my res olution of retiring by night, they grew furious and abandoned ; seized upon the officers' liquor and clothes, in spite of the efforts of then- ser vants, and became more formidable than the enemy we had to expect. I now thought it time to call in Captain Lernoult's post, retiring with the troops in camp to the ruined fort called William, in the front of the garrison, not only to wait the enemy, if they thought proper to sally, but to protect the boats from the fury of the savages, having sent forward Captain Hoyes, with his detachment, with one piece of cannon, to the place where Bull Fort stood, to receive the troops, who waited the arrival of Captain Lernoult. Most of the boats were escorted that night beyond Canada Creek, where no danger was to be apprehended from the enemy. The creek, at this place bending from the road, has a deep cedar swamp between. Every attention was now turned to the mouth of the creek, which the enemy might have possessed them selves of by a rapid march by the Oneyda Castle. At this place the whole of the little army ar rived by twelve o'clock at night, and took post in such a manner as to have no fears of any thing the enemy could do. Here we remained till three o'clock next morning, when the boats which could come up the creek arrived, or rath er, that the rascally part of all nations of the Indians would suffer to come up ; and proceed ed across Lake Oneyda to the ruined fort of Brereton, where I learned that some boats were still laboring down the creek, after being light ened of the best part of their freight by the Messasagoes. Captain Lernoult proposed, with a boat full of armed men, to repass the lake that night, to relieve them from their labor, and sup ply them with provision. On my arrival at the Onondago Falls, I re ceived an answer to my letter from your Excel- Chap. XXL] DOCUMENTS. 253 lency, which showed in the clearest light the scenes of treachery that had been practised on me. The messenger had heard, indeed, on his way, that they were collecting the same kind of rabble as before, but that there was not an enemy within forty miles of Fort Stanwix. Soon after my arrival here, I was joined by Captain Lernoult, with the men and boats he had been in search of. I mean immediately to send off, for the use of the upper garrison, all the overplus provisions I shall have, after keep ing a sufficiency to carry my detachment down, which I mean to do with every expedition in my power, the moment this business is effected, for which purpose I have ordered here the snow. The sioop is already gone from this with her full lading. Officers from each corps are sent to Montreal to procure necessaries for the men, who are in a most deplorable situation, from the plunder of the savages, that no time may be lost to join your army. I have the honor to be, with the greatest re spect, sir, your Excellency's most obedient, faithful servant, Barry St. Leger. Oswego, August 27, 1777. His Excellency, General Burgoyne. III. BEIGADIEE-GENEEAL NICHOLAS HEBKIMEB. Nicholas Herkimer was the eldest son of Johan Jost Erghemar, one of the original patentees of Burnetsfield, in Herkimer county, N. Y. The family was German, and there is no information on record whence or at what time they came to America, although they evidently possessed wealth, and soon became influential in the Mo hawk Valley. He was commissioned a Lieuten ant in Captain Wormwood's company of militia, January 5, 1758, and commanded at Fort Her kimer, in the same year. Taking an active part with the colonists in their troubles with the crown, he was appointed Colonel of the First battalion of the militia of Tryon county, in 1775, and on the fifth of September, 1776, he was pro moted to a Brigadier-generalship by the Pro vincial Congress of New York. "When the popular troubles arose, Nicholas Herkimer was sent to the Committee of Safety of Tryon county, as the representative of his dis trict ; and in 1776 he acted as Chairman of that body, maintaining a high character for integ rity, and greatly influencing his countrymen throughout the valley, in their political action in opposition to the crown. Of the action taken by him, in opposition to the enemy which had invested Fort Schuyler, of the sullen bravery which he exhibited at Oris kany, and of the wound which he received there, notice has been taken in this chapter, and the closing scenes of his life are all that re main for us to notice. After the action, General Herkimer was con veyed to his own house, in the present town of Danube, in Herkimer county, where his leg was amputated. It was done in the most unskilful manner, the leg having been cut off square, without taking up an artery, and he died from the effects of the hemorrhage which ensued. Finding that the time for his departure was nigh, he called for his Bible, read to those who were around him the thirty-eighth Psalm, and shortly afterwards he died ; but the day of his death found no recorder, and that, as well as the day of his birth, appear to be now unknown. IV. COLONEL MABINUS WILLETT. Marinus Willett was born at Jamaica, Long Island, July 31 (O. S.), 1740, being the youngest son of Edward Willett, a farmer in that town. He joined the army, under General Abercrom- bie, in 1758, as a lieutenant, in Colonel Delancy's regiment ; was present at the disastrous battle at Ticonderoga ; and accompanied Bradstreet in his expedition against Fort Frontenac. Exposure in the wilderness injured his health, and he was confined by sickness in the newly-erected Fort Stanwix, the scene of the gallant sortie under his command, which has been described in this chapter, until the close of the campaign. He identified himself, at a very early date, with the " Sons of Liberty," in the city of New 254 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. York, and soon became one of the most daring members of that body. In " the affair of Broad- street," Marinus Willett, single-handed, arrested the progress of the battalion of royal troops who were guarding the arms which had been ordered from New York to Boston ; and, not withstanding the remonstrances of Whitehead Hicks, the Tory Mayor of the city, and of Gouverneur Morris, with the assistance of John Morin Scott, another " Son of Liberty," and afterwards a General in the Continental es tablishment, he defeated the purposes of the Governor and Council, carried off and concealed the arms, and, afterwards, used them in equip ping the First regiment of New York troops in the army of the United States. He was appointed second captain in the regi ment commanded by Colonel Alexander Mc Dougal, — also a " Son of Liberty" — accompa nied General Montgomery in the expedition against Canada, and was appointed to the com mand of St. John's, where he remained until January, 1776. In that year he was appointed Lieutenant-colonel, and, on the opening of the campaign of 1777, he was ordered to the com mand of Fort Constitution, on the Hudson River. In May of that year he was ordered to Fort Schuyler, as noticed in this chapter, where he distinguished himself as the commander of the sortie made from that garrison, for which he received a sword of honor and the thanks of the Continental Congress, the freedom of the city of Albany, and other honors from his grateful countrymen. The next year he joined the main army, and participated in the battle of Monmouth. In 1779 he accompanied General Sullivan on his expedition against the Indians; and was actively engaged in the Mohawk Valley in 1780, 1781, and 1782. In 1792, General "Washington sent him to treat with the Creek Indians, and, on his re turn he was appointed a Brigadier-general in the army intended to operate against the North western tribes, which appointment he declined, being opposed to the expedition. He was Sheriff of the city and county of New York from 1791 to 1795, and in 1807 he was Mayor of the city. He lived to a good old age, honored by all who knew him, and died August 23, 1830, aged ninety-one years. CHAPTER XXII. August 16, 1777. BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. The obstacles opposed to General Burgoyne's progress towards Albany increased at every step he advanced ; and the labor of opening roads and of removing the obstructions which had been placed in his way had so far ex hausted his means that he began to ex perience alarm respecting his supplies while he was at Fort Edward, in the beginning of August.1 To replenish his stock of provisions from a supply which had been stored for the Continental army at that place,2 to obtain draught-horses and horses for General Riedesel's horse less dragoons,8 to encourage the loyal — of whom he had been led to suppose Vermont was somewhat prolific4 — and to alarm the New England States with an appearance of advancing against them,5 General Burgoyne concluded to detach a body of troops to Bennington, in the 1 Burgoyne's Narrative, pp. 12, 13 ; Gen. Burgoyne to Gen. Harvey, July 11 ; Anburey's Travels, i. p. 364. * Ibid. See also Instructions by Gen. Burgoyne to Col. Baume. — 3 Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 207 ; Instructions to Col. Baume. — 4 Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 13 ; Instructions to Col. Baume ; Testimony of Lieut. -Col. Kingston before House of Commons. — s Wilkinson, i. p. 207 ; Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 12 ; Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain ("Private"), July 11. New Hampshire Grants, now Vermont, although his general officers disapproved the measure.1 For this service he selected the Bruns wick (Riedesel's) dragoons, Captain Fra zer's corps of Rangers, Peters' corps of Provincial (Tory) troops, a body of Ca nadian volunteers, and one of Indians, the whole numbering four hundred and eighty-six men,2 and placed the com mand in Lieutenant-colonel Baume, an experienced Hessian officer ; 8 while Gov ernor Skene was requested to accom pany the expedition, and afford to Col onel Baume the benefit of his knowledge of the country and of the people.4 In order to facilitate the movement, and to be ready to take advantage of its success, General Burgoyne, with the main body of the army, moved up the east bank of the Hudson River.6 1 Gen. Riedesel's Military Mem., Campaign of 1777, p. 140 ; Lieut.-Col. Kingston's testimony before the House, Ans. 36, 37. — ' Serg. Lamb's Journal of Occurrences, p. 151. — 3 "Instructions for Lieut.-Col. Baume," &c. 4 ' ' Instructions to Col. Skene upon the expedition to Bennington." 6 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug. 20. I have followed the language of the writer of this letter, although I believe he was in error when he said the army 256 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. On the eleventh of August, Colonel Baume encamped at Saratoga, and, at five o'clock in the morning of the twelfth, he advanced towards Benning ton.1 He had moved a mile only, how ever, when his progress was arrested by orders from General Burgoyne, and he encamped on the Battenkill until the next morning, when he proceeded six teen miles, and encamped at Cam bridge.2 On his way he captured five Americans, was fired upon by a small party of fifteen men, and learned that the Americans who had assembled at Bennington to oppose him numbered not less than eighteen hundred men.8 On the morning of the fourteenth, he reached Van Schaick's Mill (still stand ing on the Walloomscoick, near North Hoosick),4 which was occupied by a small party, who broke down the bridge and retired before him, leaving seventy- eight barrels of very fine flour, a thou sand bushels of wheat, twenty barrels of salt, and a thousand pounds' worth of pot and pearl ashes.5 During the day "people flocked in hourly," to assist him, professing loyalty, " but wanted arms ; " 6 and General Burgoyne states, on what authority is not shown, that although these men took the oath of allegiance which was administered to them, they "were the first to fire" on moved " up" the east bank of the Hudson. There is no evidence except this, that the enemy retreated from Fort Edward up the Hudson. See also Anburey's Travels, i. p. 394. 1 Col. Baume to Gen. Burgoyne, Aug. 12.— * Same to same, Aug. 12 and 13 ' Same to same, Aug. 13. 4 Lossing's Field Book, i. p. 391.— * Col. Baume to Gen. Burgoyne, Aug. 14. — a Ibid. the detachment.1 It does not appear that Colonel Baume took a supply of arms for the purpose of arming such applicants ; 2 nor is it pretended that they left the camp to obtain them else where, and it is, therefore, a matter of doubt, in my mind, whether they did abandon their new allies and fire upon them, as stated by the General, who was not present to witness what he states took place. To deliberately per jure themselves might be the disposi tion of a few men, but when it is said such characters came in " flocks," " hour ly ; " that they came without arms ; that they took a solemn oath of allegiance to the King ; and that, unarmed as they were (for Baume had no baggage with him, much less spare arms for such re cruits), they immediately assumed an offensive position, and "were the first to fire," there is room for doubts re specting the correctness of the latter part, if not of the whole of the state ment. Colonel Baume advised General Bur goyne of his progress ; and, on the four teenth, while he supposed that from fif teen to eighteen hundred men were in Bennington, he supposed, also, "they would leave it on his approach," and promised "to fall on them the next day, early."8 On the receipt of this 1 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug. 20. * From the fact that the detachment was sent out on secret service, depending much on the quickness of its movements, it was encumbered with no tents or baggage (even that of the officers was left behind, unless sent on their own bat-horses), and it is fair to conclude that no spare arms were sent with it. 8 Letter from " Sancoick, 14th Aug., 9 o'clock." Chap. XXn.] BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 257 letter General Burgoyne wrote an an swer, approving his actions,1 and, at the same time,2 gave orders to Colonel Breyman, who was encamped near the Battenkill, in advance of the army,8 to march immediately to his support4 with the Brunswick grenadiers, light- infantry, and chasseurs,5 about five hun dred in number.6 These orders did not reach Colonel Breyman until eight o'clock the next morning, and he did not move until an hour afterwards, when an officer was dispatched to inform Col onel Baume of the movement of the re inforcement.7 In the mean time, Colonel John Stark, who had responded to the call of the General Court of New Hampshire, left his farm, and, with the title of Briga dier-general, assumed the command of the troops who had been assembled at Bennington, Manchester, and other points in Vermont,8 hearing of the ap pearance of Indians near Cambridge, on the thirteenth of August, detached Col- 1 Letter dated "Near Saratoga, Aug. 14, 1777, seven at night." — 2 Testimony of the Earl of Harrington before the House of Commons, Answers 28-31. 3 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug. 20. 4 Testimony of Earl of Harrington, Answer 29 ; Col. Breyman' s Report, Document IV. — 6 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug, 20 ; Col. Breyman' s Report, Document IV. — e Sergeant Lamb's Journal of Occurrences, p. 153. — 7 Col. Breyman's Report, Document IV. It has been said by some that Col. Baume asked for this rein forcement. I have carefully examined the several docu ments, and the testimony taken before the House of Com mons, and am satisfied that such was not the case. The reinforcement was sent by Gen. Burgoyne, on the suppo sition that it would be required, and not at the request of Col. Baume. 8 Mem. of Gen. Stark, in Farmer and Moore's Hist. Coll. of New Hampshire, i. p. 102 ; Ira Allen's Vermont, pp. 97-100 ; Belknap's Hist, of New Hampshire, ii. p. 316. Vol. I.— 33 onel Gregg with two hundred men to oppose them.1 In the evening of the same day he received information that a large body of the enemy, with field- pieces (Colonel Baume's command), was also advancing towards Bennington, in the rear of the Indians.2 He immedi ately assembled his brigade and a few of the State militia then at Bennington, ordered the remains of Colonel War ner's regiment from Manchester, and directed the militia of the neighbor hood to assemble for the support of his troops ; 3 and, on the following morn ing (the fourteenth), in company with Colonels Warner (without command), Williams, Herrick, and Brush, went out to meet the enemy.4 He had marched about five miles when he met Colonel Gregg, who was retiring before Colonel Baume,5 and im mediately disposed his men in order for battle ; 6 but Colonel Baume hesitated to attack him, and took an advantageous position upon the high ground on the north bank of the Walloomscoick, near a bend of that stream, and commenced to intrench.7 The ground occupied by General Stark being unsuitable for his purposes, he retired about a mile, and there encamped ; 8 and sent out small skirmishing parties to harass the enemy, 1 Gen. Stark to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22 ; Same to the General Court of New Hampshire, Aug. 18. — a Ibid. 8 His letter to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22.— 4 Ibid. 5 Gen. Stark's letter to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Same to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22. — 6 Ibid. See also Neilson's Cam paign of Burgoyne, p. 91. — ' Gen. Stark's letter to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Same to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22. See also Stedman, i. pp. 332, 333. — 8 Gen. Stark's letter to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Sa-To~to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22. See also Neilson, p. 91 ; Gordon, ii. p. 539. 258 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. one of which killed thirty, including two Indian chiefs.1 On the next day (August 15th) it rained, and both par ties remained within their lines, prepar ing for the battle.2 On the following morning (August 16th), General Stark was strengthened by the arrival of Colonel Simmons with some troops from Berkshire county,8 and a body of local militia also came into camp,4 which increased his force to about sixteen hundred'men.5 The Gen eral arranged his forces into three divi sions, and directed Colonel Nichols, who commanded one of these divisions, num bering about two hundred men, to take a circuitous route and gain the rear of the enemy's left wing; while Colonel Herrick, with a party of three hundred men, was ordered to proceed in a simi lar manner on the enemy's right, gain the rear of Colonel Baume's right wing, and join with Colonel Nichols in a si multaneous attack on the rear of the enemy's position. At the same time Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with two hundred men, were detached to at tack the American (Tory) Volunteers, who occupied a position on the south side of the Walloomscoick, on the right, and in advance of Colonel Baume's posi tion ; and a detachment of one hundred 1 Gen. Stark's letter to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Same to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22. See also Gordon, ii. p. 539. ' Gen. Stark's letter to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Same to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22. See also Thatcher's Military Journal, p. 93 ; Neilson, p. 92 ; Gordon, ii. p. 539. 3 Gen. Stark's letter to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Same to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22. See also Neilson, p. 92. 4 His letter to the General Court, Aug. 18. 8 Belknap's New Hampshire, ii. p. 319. were sent forward to the front to divert the enemy's attention.1 Shortly after wards Colonel Nichols asked for a rein forcement, and one hundred men were sent to support him ;2 when, about three o'clock in the afternoon, he commenced the attack, and the engagement imme diately became general.8 Posted be hind their breastworks, and strength ened with two field-pieces, the enemy fought nobly for two hours against the superior force which had been brought against them;4 — the dragoons drawing their sabres and charging hand to hand, after they had expended all their am munition5 — but they were compelled to yield, and most of the whites surrender ed themselves prisoners of war,6 the In dians having fled early in the afternoon.7 During this contest, the reinforce ment which General Burgoyne had sent out on the morning of the fifteenth, un der the command of Lieutenant-colonel Breyman, was approaching the battle field from the northwest, unconscious of the trouble which had overtaken Colo nel Baume ; 8 and, at the same time, from 1 Gen. Stark to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22 ; Same to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Belknap's New Hampshire, ii. p. 319 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 539, 540. Serg. Lamb (Jour, of Occur., p. 153) says Baume supposed these troops were Tories, coming to assist him. — * Gen. Stark to the Gen. Court, Aug. 18 ; Belknap's History of New Hampshire, ii. p. 319. s Gen. Stark's letters to Gen. Gates and the Gen. Court. 'Ibid. — "Gordon, ii. p. 540; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occurrences, p. 153 ; Williams' Vermont, ii. p. 122. 8 Gen. Stark's letters to Gen. Gates and the Gen. Court. ' Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 153 ; Williams' Ver mont, ii. p. 121 ; Thatcher's Military Journal, p. 93. 8 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug. 20 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 153 ; Gordon, ii. p. 540 ; Hist. of Civil War, i. p. 291 ; Stedman, ii. p. 333 ; Col. Brey man' s Report, Document IV. & C=J i I ^^ & Chap. XXII.] BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 259 an opposite direction, the regiment of Colonel Warner was also hastening thither to strengthen the already vic torious force of General Stark.1 The troops under General Stark, hav ing secured the victory, were about to plunder the enemy's camp,2 when infor mation of the approach of Colonel Brey man reached them ; and an attempt to re-form and prepare to receive him was immediately made.8 At this moment Colonel Warner's regiment came on the ground, and having been strengthened by as many as could be collected from the ranks of General Stark's brigade, another and distinct contest ensued.4 Both parties fought manfully until sun set,5 when the enemy retreated towards Saratoga, and was pursued until dark by the victorious troops under General Stark and Colonel Warner.6 The aggregate force of the Ameri cans was probably near two thousand men,7 nearly double the number of the forces originally led from the enemy's camp by Colonels Baume and Breyman ; although the additions which they re ceived from the Tories in the vicinity afterwards, rendered the forces more nearly equal.8 1 Gen. Stark's letters to Gen. Gates and the Gen. Court ; Gordon, ii. p. 540.— - Williams' Vermont, ii. p. 122 ; Gordon, ii. p. 540; Marshall, iii. p. 275. 3 Gen. Stark's letters to Gen. Gates and the Gen. Court ; Gordon, ii. p. 540. — 4 Ibid. See also Allen's Hist, of Ver mont, p. 101 ; Williams' Vermont, ii. p. 122. — ' Gen. Stark's letters to Gen. Gates and the Gen. Court ; Gordon, ii. p. 541.—' Ibid. — ' Belknap states Gen. Stark had six teen hundred men ; Col. Warner afterwards joined him, and I have thought, with Judge Marshall (vol. iii. p. 273), that his aggregate force was about two thousand men. 8 Lieut. Hall (Civil War, p. 389) says many of the Tories who joined Baume were in arms, and assisted him. Of the enemy's force, two hundred and seven were left dead on the field ; the number of wounded is not known.1 The loss of the Americans was about thirty killed and forty wounded.2 The trophies of the victory were four pieces of cannon, twelve brass drums, two hundred and fifty sabres, four am munition-wagons, and several hundred stand of arms;8 besides "Lieutenant- colonel Baume, one major, seven cap tains, fourteen lieutenants, four ensigns, two cornets, one judge-advocate, one baron, two Canadian officers, six ser geants, one aid-de-camp, one Hessian chaplain, three Hessian surgeons, and seven hundred prisoners."4 This event was the harbinger of good news from the Northern department— that scene of disaster and trouble. The army of the invader was paralyzed, the prospect of a supply of provisions be came more gloomy, the dissatisfaction of the British forces that Germans had been employed was loudly expressed, and the Indian auxiliaries abandoned the army. On the other hand, the spirits of the American armies, and of the people, revived ; the ability of the militia to contend with regular troops, posted behind intrenchments and de- 1 Gen. Stark to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22 ; Ira Allen's Hist. Vermont, p. 101. Thatcher (Military Journal, p. 93) says the killed and wounded numbered 280. 2 Gen Stark to Gen. Gates, Aug. 22 ; Allen's Vermont, p. 101 ; Williams' Vermont, ii. p. 123.— 3 Ibid. 4 Gen. Stark to the Gen. Court of New Hampshire, Aug. 18. Mr. Irving (Life of Washington, iii. p. 180) gives, as the number of prisoners, five hundred and sixty-four ; of sa bres, nine hundred. Dr. Thatcher (Military Journal, pp. 93, 94) says six hundred and fifty-four were prisoners. I have preferred the statements of Gordon. 260 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. fended with cannon, was demonstrated ; the movements of General Burgoyne, and his abilities to do mischief, were checked ; and new hopes and new reso lutions were produced. Congress, pass ing by all questions of insubordination which had occupied its attention, has tened to return its thanks to the troops who had refused to recognize its au thority or to obey its officers ; the gallant Stark, whom it had insulted a short time previous, and refused a hear ing when he asked leave to remonstrate against its action, had a Brigadier-gen eral's commission thrust upon him with only one dissenting voice ; and the coun try and the world, then and since, has determined that the battle of Benning ton, unimportant as it may appear, was one of the most important battles, in its results, of the American Revo lution. DOCUMENTS. GENERAL STARk's DISPATCH TO GEN. GATES. Bennington, August 22, 1777. Dear General : — I received yours of the 1 9th instant, which gave me great pleasure : I beg to be excused for not answering it sooner, I have been so sick ever since that I could not write, neither am I well yet. But General Lin coln has written, and I joined with him in opin ion on the subject of his letter. I shall now give your honor a short account of the action on the 16th instant. I was informed there was a party of Indians in Cambridge, on their march to this place : I sent Colonel Gregg, of my bri gade, to stop them, with two hundred men : In the night I was informed, by express, that there was a large body of the enemy on their march in the rear of the Indians : I rallied all my brigade, and what militia was at this place, in order to stop their proceedings ; I likewise sent to Man chester, to Colonel Warner's regiment, that was stationed there ; also sent expresses for the mi litia to come in with all speed to our assistance, which was punctually obeyed ; I then marched in company with Colonels Warner, Williams, Herrick, and Brush, with all the men that were present. About five miles from this place I met Colonel Gregg on his retreat, and the enemy in close pursuit after him : I drew up my little army in order of battle ; but when the enemy hove in sight, they halted on a very advanta geous hill or piece of ground. I sent out small parties in their front, to skirmish with them, which scheme had a good effect; they killed and wounded thirty of the enemy, without any loss on our side ; but the ground that I was on did not suit for a general action. I marched back about one mile and encamped, called a council, and it was agreed that we should send two de tachments in their rear, while the other attacked them in fi-ont; but the 15th it rained all day, therefore had to lay by, could do nothing but skirmish with them. On the 16th, in the morn ing, was joined by Colonel Simmons, with some militia from Berkshire county: I pursued my plan, detached Colonel Nichols, with two hun dred men, to attack them in the rear; I also sent Colonel Herrick, with three hundred men, in the rear of their right, both to join, and when joined, to attack their rear : I also sent Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with two hundred men, in their right, and sent one hundred men in their front, to draw away their attention that way ; and about three o'clock we got all ready for the attack. Colonel Nichols began the same, which was followed by all the rest. The Chap. XXII.] DOCUMENTS. 261 remainder of my little army I pushed up in the front, and in a few minutes the action began in general : it lasted two hours, the hottest I ever saw in my life — it represented one continued clap of thunder ; however, the enemy was obliged to give way, and leave their field-pieces and all their baggage behind them ; they were all en vironed within two breastworks with their artil lery, but our martial courage proved too hard for them. I then gave orders to rally again, in order to secure the victory, but in a few min utes was informed that there was a large rein forcement, on their march, within two miles. Lucky for us, that moment Colonel Warner's regiment came up fresh, who marched on and began the attack afresh. I pushed forward as many of the men as I could to their assistance : the battle continued obstinate on both sides' till sunset ; the enemy was obliged to retreat ; we pursued them till dark ; but had day lasted an hour longer, we should have taken the whole body of them. We recovered four pieces of brass cannon, some hundred stands of arms, and brass-barreled drums, several Hessian swords, about seven hundred prisoners : two hundred and seven dead on the spot ; the number of wounded is as yet unknown ; that part of the ene my that made their escape marched all night, and we returned to our camp. Too much honor cannot be given to the brave officers and sol diers for gallant behavior ; they fought through the midst of fire and smoke, mounted two breast works that were well fortified, and supported with cannon. I cannot particularize any officer, as they all behaved with the greatest spirit and bravery. Colonel Warner's superior skill in the action was of extraordinary service to me ; I would be glad he and his men could be recom mended to Congress. As I promised in my order that the soldiers should have all the plun der taken in the enemy's camp, would be glad your honor would send me word what the value of the cannon and other artillery stores above described may be. Our loss was inconsidera ble ; about forty wounded and thirty killed. I lost my horse, bridle, and saddle in the action. I am, sir, your most devoted and most obe dient humble servant, John Stark. Major-general Gates, Albany. II. GENERAL BURGOYNE 8 DISPATCH TO LORD GEO. GERMAIN. Camp near Saratoga, August 20, 1777. My Lord : — In my last dispatch (a duplicate of which will be inclosed herewith) I had the honor to inform your lordship of the proceed ings of the army under my command to the 30th of July. From that period to the 15th of August, every possible measure was employed to bring forward bateaux, provisions, and ammunition, from Fort George to the first navigable part of Hudson's River, a distance of eighteen miles, the roads in some parts steep, and in others wanting great repair. Of the horses furnished by contract in Canada, not more than a third part was yet arrived. The delay was not im putable to neglect, but to the natural accidents attending so long and intricate a combination of land and water carriage. Fifty teams of oxen, which had been collected in the country through which I had marched, were added to assist the transport ; but these resources together were found far inadequate to the purposes of feeding the army, and forming a magazine at the same time. Exceeding heavy rains augmented the im pediments. It was often necessary to employ ten or twelve oxen upon a single bateau ; and after the utmost exertion for the fifteen days above stated, there were not above four days' provi sion beforehand, nor above ten bateaux in the river. Intelligence had reached me that Lieutenant- colonel St. Leger was before Fort Stanwix, which was defended. The main army of the enemy opposed to me was at Stillwater, a place between Saratoga and the mouth of the Mo hawk. A rapid movement forward appeared to be of the utmost consequence at this period. The enemy could not have proceeded up the Mo hawk without putting themselves between two fires, in case Colonel St. Leger should have suc ceeded ; and at best being cut off by my army from Albany. They must either, therefore, have stood an action, have fallen back towards Al- 262 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book 1. bany, or have passed the Hudson's River, in order to secure a retreat to New England, higher up. Whichever of these measures they had taken, so that the King's army had been enabled to advance, Colonel St. Leger's opera tions would have been assisted, a junction with him, probably, secured, and the whole country of the Mohawk opened. To maintain the com munication with Fort George during such a movement, so as to be supplied by daily de grees, at a distance continually increasing, was an obvious impossibility. The army was much too weak to have afforded a chain of posts. Escorts for every separate transport would have been a still greater drain ; nor could any have been made so strong as to force their way through such positions as the enemy might take in one night's march from the White Creek, where they had a numerous militia. Had the enemy remained supine, through fear or a want of comprehending so palpable an advantage, the physical impossibility of being supplied by de grees from Fort George was still in force, be cause a new necessity of land carriage for nine miles arises at Stillwater ; and in the proportion that carriages had been brought forward to that place, the transport must have ceased behind. The alternative, therefore, was short; either to relinquish the favorable opportunity of ad vancing upon the enemy, or to attempt other resources of supply. It was well known that the enemy's supplies in live cattle, from a large tract of country, passed by the route of Manchester, Arlington, and other parts of the Hampshire Grants, to Bennington, in order to be occasionally con veyed from thence to the main army ; a large deposit of corn and of wheel-carriages was also formed at the same place, and the usual guard was militia, though it varied in numbers from day to day. A scheme was formed to sur prise Bennington. The possession of the cattle and carriages would certainly have enabled the army to leave their distant magazines, and to have acted with energy and dispatch ; success would have also answered many secondary purposes. Lieutenant-colonel Baume, an officer well qual ified for the undertaking, was fixed upon to com mand. He had under him two hundred dis mounted dragoons of the regiment of Riedesel, Captain Frazer's marksmen, which were the only British, all the Canadian volunteers, a party of the Provincials who perfectly knew the country, one hundred Indians, and two light pieces of cannon: the whole detachment amounted to about five hundred men. The instructions were positive to keep the regular corps posted, while the light troops felt their way, and not to incur the danger of being surrounded, or having a re treat cut off. In order to facilitate this operation, and to be ready to take advantage of its success, the army moved up the east shore of Hudson's River. On the 14th, a bridge was formed of rafts, over which the advanced corps passed and encamped at Saratoga. Lieutenant-colonel Breyman's corps were posted near Battenkill, and upon intelli gence from Colonel Baume, that the enemy were stronger at Bennington than expected, and were aware of his attack, that corps, consisting of the Brunswick grenadiers, light-infantry, and chas seurs, were sent forward to sustain him. It since appears that Lieutenant-colonel Baume not having been able to complete his march un discovered, was joined at a place called Sancoix Mills, about four miles short of Bennington, by many people professing themselves to be Loyal ists. A provincial gentleman of confidence who had been sent with the detachment, as knowing the country and character of the inhabitants, was so incautious as to leave at liberty such as took the oath of allegiance. His credulity and their profligacy caused the first misfortune. Colonel Baume was induced to proceed without sufficient knowledge of the ground. His design was betrayed; the men who had taken the oaths were the first to fire upon him; he was attacked on all sides. He showed great personal courage, but was over powered by numbers. During this time Lieutenant-colonel Breyman was upon the march, through a heavy rain ; and such were the other impediments stated in that officer's report, of bad roads, tired horses, diffi culties in passing artillery, carriages, &c, that he was from eight in the morning of the 15th to four in the afternoon of the following day, making about twenty-four miles. Chap. XXIL] DOCUMENTS. 263 He engaged, fought gallantly, and drove the enemy from three several heights ; but was too late to succor Colonel Baume, who was made prisoner, and a considerable part of his dragoons were killed or taken. The failure of ammuni tion, from the accidental breaking to pieces of a tumbril, unfortunately obliged Lieutenant-colo nel Breyman to retire conquering troops, and to leave behind two pieces of cannon, besides two which had been lost by Lieutenant-colonel Baume. The Indians made good their retreat from the first affair, as did Captain Frazer, with part of his company, and many of the Provin cials and Canadians. The loss, as at present appears, amounts to about four hundred men, killed and taken in both actions, and twenty-six officers, mostly prisoners ; but men who were dispersed in the woods, drop in daily. A correct return shall be transmitted to your lordship the first oppor tunity. This, my lord, is a true state of the event. I have not dwelt upon errors, because in many instances they were counterbalanced by spirit. The enemy will of course find matter of parade in the acquisition of four pieces of cannon : but that apart, they have small cause of exultation ; their loss in killed and wounded being more than double to ours, by the confession of their prisoners and deserters, and of many inhabitants who were witnesses to the burial of their dead. The chief subject of regret on our side, after that which any loss of gallant men naturally oc casions, is the disappointment of not obtaining live cattle, and the loss of time in bringing for ward the magazines. This heavy work is now nearly completed, and a new bridge of boats is thrown over the Hudson's River, opposite to Saratoga ; the former one of rafts having been carried away by the swell of water after the late continual rains. When enabled to move, noth ing within my scale of talent shall be left unat- tempted to fulfil His Majesty's orders, and I hope circumstances will be such, that my en deavors may be in some degree assisted by a co operation of the army under Sir William Howe. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, J. Burgoyne. III. EXTRACT FROM A PRIVATE LETTER FROM GEN. BURGOYNE TO LORD GEO. GERMAIN. Camp near Saratoga, August 20, 1777. Private.] My Lord : — I need not enlarge upon the concern I have in communicating any sinister events. I am persuaded your lordship will give me credit for partaking every sentiment that your lordship, or any other man warmed with principle and zeal in this contest, can feel. In regard to the affair of Saintcoick, I have only to add to the public account, that if ever there was a situation to justify enterprise and exertion, out of the beaten track of military service, it was that in which I found myself. Had I succeeded, I should have effected a junc tion with St. Leger, and been now before Al bany. And I flatter myself, I need only mention those views, to show that in hazarding this ex pedition I had the soundest principles of military reasoning on my side, viz., that the advantages to be expected from success, were in a great degree superior to the evils that could attend miscarriage. The secondary purposes, to which I alluded in the public letter, were to try the affections of the country ; to complete the Pro vincial corps, many recruits for which were un able to escape fi-om their villages without a force to encourage and protect them; and to distract the councils of the enemy, by continu ing their jealousy towards New England. Major-general Riedesel has pressed upon me, repeatedly, the mounting his dragoons ; the men were animated by the same desire ; and I con ceived it a most favorable occasion to give in to their ideas and solicitations, because, in exerting their zeal to fulfil their favorite purpose, they necessarily would effect the greater purpose of my own. The rest of the troops were selected from such as would least weaken the solid strength of the army, in case of ill-success ; and I thought it expedient to take a little trial of the Provincials and Canadians before I might have occasion for them in more important ac tions. The original detachment could not have been 264 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. much larger without opening roads, and other preparations of time, nor should I have thought it justifiable to expose the best troops to loss upon a collateral action. Had my instructions been followed, or could Mr. Breyman have marched at the rate of two miles an hour any given twelve hours out of the two-and-thirty, success would have probably ensued — misfortune would certainly have been avoided. I did not think it prudent, in the present crisis, to mark these circumstances to the public so strongly as I do in confidence to your lordship ; and I will venture to say I expect, because I think justice will warrant the expectation, that while, for the sake of public harmony, that necessary principle for conducting nice and laborious service, I color the faults of the execution, your lordship will, in your goodness, be my advocate to the King and to the world, in vindication of the plan. I have the honor to be, &c, J. Burgoyne. IV. COLONEL BREYMAN 8 DISPATCH. Walloon Creek, Kith August, 1777. On the 15th of August, at eight o'clock in the morning, Sir Francis Clarke, aid-de-camp to his Excellency General Burgoyne, brought me the order to march immediately, with the corps under my command, consisting of a battalion of grenadiers, one of chasseurs, one rifle company, and two pieces of cannon, to the support of Lieutenant-colonel Baume. I marched at 9 o'clock; and on account of the scarcity of carts, I put two boxes of ammu nition upon the artillery carts — each soldier car ried forty rounds in his pouch. The troops being obliged to ford Batten's Kill, I was detained a considerable time by it ; the number of hills, excessive bad roads, and a con tinued rain, impeded our march so much that we scarce made half an English mile in an hour ; each gun and ammunition cart was obliged to be dragged up the hills one after another ; one artillery cart was overturned, and with the greatest diflSculty was put into a situation to proceed. All these difficulties delayed us much; and, notwithstanding every means was used, and no trouble or labor spared, it was not possible for me to march faster. Our guide lost his way, and after a long search in vain, Major Barner was obliged to look out for a man who put us again in the right road. All these accidents prevented me from reach ing Cambridge the evening of the 15th, and I was therefore obliged to halt seven miles on this side of it, where the men lay upon their arms all night. Before I came to the place where I halted, I wrote to Lieutenant-colonel Baume, to acquaint him of my coming to his support. Lieutenant Hannerman went with this account, and from thence to Lieutenant-colonel Baume's post, where he arrived at eleven o'clock at night ; I received an answer the next morning (16th). Early in the morning I marched on ; but as the artillery horses had no food all the day before, and very little during the night, they were so weak as to be scarce able to drag the cannon ; on which account our march was very slow. Major Barner, with the advanced guard, was obliged to go forward to press horses, which we immediately made use o,f ; and we continued our march as fast as possible, till about two miles on the other side of Cambridge, where I halted about half an hour, to assemble the troops. About two o'clock in the afternoon, Colonel Skene sent me two men, desiring an officer and twenty men, to take possession of the mill at St. Coyke, which the rebels intended possessing themselves of. Instead of the detachment which he asked for, I sent a Captain Gleissenberg with the ad vanced guard, consisting of sixty grenadiers and chasseurs, and twenty riflemen. I followed with the column as fast as possi ble : upon this march an ammunition-cart broke down. At half-past 4 o'clock in the afternoon, I reached the mill, and found the advanced guard in possession of it and all quiet. Chap. XXIL] DOCUMENTS. 265 I must positively declare, that neither during the march, nor even after I reached the mill, I did not hear a single shot fired, either from small arms or cannon. Colonel Skene was at the mill ; and as he gave me to understand that the corps of Lieu tenant-colonel Baume was not above two miles from me, I imagined I could not do better than push on to his support. Colonel Skene was of the same opinion, and we marched on over the bridge near the mill, endeavoring to reach Col onel Baume as soon as possible. At this time I knew nothing of his engage ment being over. If Colonel Skene knew it, I cannot conceive what his reasons were for con cealing it from me. If I had known it, I cer tainly should not have engaged the enemy. I had scarce passed the bridge one thousand yards, when I perceived a considerable number of armed people, some in jackets, some in shirts, who were endeavoring to gain a height which was on my left flank. I showed these people to Colonel Skene, who assured me they were royalists, and rode up towards them, and called out, but received no other answer than a discharge of fire-arms. I immediately ordered Major Earner's bat talion to move off towards the heights, the rifle company and grenadiers moving towards the heights; and then began the attack, and lasted till towards eight o'clock. The cannon were posted on the road where there was a block-house, which the rebels left as soon as they began to fire upon it. Notwithstanding fresh support was constantly coming to them, they were driven from every height. The troops did their duty, and every one con cerned did the same. As all the ammunition was expended, and the cannon ceased firing, nothing was more natural than to expect that the enemy would renew the attack, which, in fact, was the case. I hastened with a number of men towards the cannon, in order to bring them off. On this occasion the men received the most dan gerous wounds, particularly Lieutenant Span- genberg, some fire-workers, and some artillery : the horses were all killed, and if even one had Voi. I.— 34 been alive, it would not have been possible to have moved him. In order then not to risk every thing, as I could not return the enemy's fire, as soon as it was dark I retired over the bridge, which I broke down, brought off as many of the wound ed as I could, and in company with Colonel Skene arrived about 12 o'clock at Cambridge, where, after taking the necessary precautions, I remained all night ; and the next day, the 17th, I arrived at the camp. This is the best account I can give of this whole affair. The loss of my cannon gives me the greatest concern ; I did every thing in my power to save them, but the want of ammuni tion prevented me not only from returning the enemy's fire, but even from getting out of it. Many lost their lives and limbs ; and could I have saved my cannon, I would with pleasure have sacrificed my life to have effected it. Breyman, Ideut.-Gol. V. MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN STARK. John Stark was born at Londonderry, N. H., on the twenty-eighth of August, 1728. His father was a native of Dunbarton, in Scotland, educated in the university at Edinburgh, and emigrated to America early in the last century, settling first at Londonderry, and, subsequently, at Derryfield, now Manchester. Mr. Stark was unable to afford to his children the privileges which he had enjoyed, and John was employed on his father's farm, and, occa sionally, in hunting, in which latter employ ment he soon became well known for his daring deeds and powers of endurance. On the 28th of April, 1752, while out on a hunting expedition with his brother William, and two other persons, he was captured by the Indians — who had always, until then, appeared friendly — and was taken, with one of his com rades, to their settlement, on the St. Francois River, adopted into their tribe, and showed every respect. He remained among them three months, when he was redeemed for one hundred and three dollars, by a Mr. Wheel- 266 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. wright, of Boston. It is an interesting fact that this was the first act of hostility in the French and Indian War. Soon after his return a report was raised that the French had entered Coos, and were erect ing fortifications, when the colony appointed a committee to repair thither and ascertain the particulars. John Stark, with the title of En sign, accompanied this committee, as its guide ; and on its return, he was appointed Lieutenant, under Robert Rogers, — afterwards the notorious Major of the Revolutionary War, — of a corps of rangers, which was ordered to be raised for the defence of the colony. When the troubles called for other similar companies, Rogers was pro moted, and to Lieutenant Stark was given the command of the corps. His courage and pru dence soon secured for him the confidence and friendship of his superior officers, and he served until the close of the war, with honor. When "the news from Lexington" reached Derryfield, those who first assembled dispatched a messenger to Captain Stark, informing him of the character of "the news," and inviting him to lead them to Boston. The messenger found him at work at his saw-mill near the Amoskeag Falls, and delivered his message, when the Captain immediately stopped his mill and repaired to his house, took his musket and three dollars in money, and without any coat, that he might not be incumbered, he accompa nied the messenger to the place of rendezvous. The little party, headed by Stark, immediately started for Massachusetts, receiving accessions at every cross-road until the next morning; when they reached Lexington, he found himself at the head of a thousand resolute men. Pro ceeding at once to Cambridge, he presented himself to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, by whom he was received with much joy, and all New England rang with his name. The next morning he received a Colonel's com mission, and within two hours he recruited eight hundred men. At the battle of Bunker's Hill, Colonel Stark, with part of his regiment, took post behind the fence near Mystic River, and manfully defended it. During the siege of Boston, Colonel Stark's regiment was actively engaged; and after that town was evacuated it was ordered to the Northern Department. At the battle of Trenton, Colonel Stark led the advance of the right column, and he also participated in the battle of Princeton. At the close of the campaign of 1776 he vis ited his family, when he learned that the Con gress had promoted Colonel Poor, a junior officer, to a Brigadiership. An old dispute, concerning rank, by this promotion was re vived, and Colonel Stark immediately resigned his commission, returning to his farm as a pri vate citizen. When General Burgoyne ad vanced from Canada the object of his expedition was not known, and New England was filled with alarm lest she should be visited. In this extremity the legislature of New Hampshire called upon Colonel Stark to lead her troops, with a commission as Brigadier-general. He responded to the call, with the condition that he should not be subject to the orders of any officer of the Continental army, and he immediately assumed the chief command, met the enemy at Bennington, and gained a complete victory. The Continental Congress immediately ten dered him a vote of thanks, and created him a Brigadier-general. Without assuming any com mand, he rendered great assistance to General Gates in his operations against General Bur goyne. In 1778 he commanded in the Northern De partment; in 1779 he was at Rhode Island; in 1780 he was in New Jersey with General Wash ington; and in 1781 he again commanded in the Northern Department, in none of which positions, however, was he called to take part in any important movement. When peace was declared he returned to his farm, where he lived respected by all who knew him; and there, on the eighth of May, 1822, he died, aged ninety-three years, eight months. His private character is said to have been un exceptionable. He was frank in his manners, although somewhat eccentric ; in his intercourse with the world he was honest ; in the discharge of his duties as a citizen he was prompt and use ful. The State, in him, lost one of her best citi zens ; the Confederacy, one of her most distin guished founders and most constant friends. CHAPTER XXIII. September 1, 177Tt. THE SIEGE OF FORT HENRY. Among the many feats of daring which the History of the Revolution has developed, the defence of the stock ade, known as "Fort Henry," is among the most remarkable. This work, which had been construct ed as a place of refuge from the assaults of the savages, by the early settlers in that vicinity, stood immediately on the left bank of the Ohio River, about a quarter of a mile above Weeling Creek,1 upon the spot now occupied by " Zane's Roto," in the city of Wheeling, Vir ginia.2 It was built in 1774, from the plans of the celebrated George Rogers Clark, under the superintend ence of Ebenezer Zane and John Cald well, and was called "Fort Fincastle ;"s but, in 1776, it was strengthened and refitted, when its name was changed to "Fort Henry," in honor of Patrick Henry, who, at that time, was Gover nor of Virginia.4 It was in form, a par allelogram, having its greatest length along the river ; and it was built of pickets of white-oak, about seventeen 1 Communication of G. S. M. Kiernan, in the "American Pioneer," i. p. 304.—' De Hass' Indian Wars of Va., p. 277. * Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c— 4 De Hass, p. 277, note. feet in height, with bastions at the angles. It contained several cabins, arranged along its western side ; while in the centre of the inclosed area were built a two-story house for the com mandant, a storehouse, and other pub lic buildings.1 The principal entrance was through a gateway on the eastern side of the fort. Early in August, 1777, reports reached the settlements that the Indians were gathering, and that they meditated an early attack on the whites,2 and scouts were kept out, who constantly watched the movements of the savages.8 About the same time information was conveyed to General Hand, at Fort Pitt (now Pittsburg), and thence among the set tlements along the valley of the Ohio, that a large body of Indians, chiefly from the Northwestern tribes, were as sembling under the command of the notorious Simon Girty, whose relentless ferocity added terror to the unwelcome news, and hurried still more the anxious settlers in their removal to the forts and blockhouses in their vicinity.4 268 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. On the receipt of the information the settlers at the mouth of the Weeling Creek,1 about thirty families, betook themselves to the cabins in Fort Henry, and prepared to defend themselves.2 On the thirty-first of August the ene my, consisting of over three hundred and fifty Indians, of the Mingoe, Shaw nee, and "Wyandotte tribes, approached the Ohio River, in small parties, by unfrequented paths, and rendezvoused about two miles below Weeling Creek. They were said to have been supplied with arms, ammunition, and provisions, by Hamilton, the British governor of Detroit.8 During the night they crossed the river and occupied the creek-bottom, which was cleared and mostly planted with corn, forming two lines across it from the river to the creek and con cealing themselves among the corn.4 Near the centre of these lines, and close to a frequented path, six Indians were concealed as a decoy for the whites, of whom they supposed that some would pass during the next day.5 During all this time, notwithstanding the vigilance of the little party in the fort, the pres ence of these savages was entirely un known within the walls, and the little garrison, numbering only forty-two ef- 1 1 have employed the term which, at that time, was em ployed to distinguish this locality. It is said that the term is an Indian word, signifying the place of a head ; and that it was applied to this spot from the fact that the head of a white man had been placed on a pole at this place, at an early day, for the purpose of checking the spirit of em igration which, even at that day, pervaded the old settle ments. — 2 Com. of Mr. Kiernan. — s De Hass, p. 224. 4 Withers' Chron. of Border Warfare, p. 161 ; De Hass, pp. 224, 225.— 6 De Hass, p. 225 ; Withers, p. 161. fective men, all told,1 reposed in fan cied, although not unguarded, security. Shortly after daybreak on the next day (September 1st), Dr. McMechen, who was about to return to the old set tlements, sent out a white man, named Boyd, and a negro, to catch and bring in his horses. They had proceeded only a short distance when they discovered the six Indians who had been stationed on the path, and turning, attempted to reach the fort. The negro was permit ted to return (evidently for the purpose of conveying to the garrison the ap parent number of the assailants), but Boyd was shot.2 Colonel David Shepherd, who com manded in the fort,8 supposing the In dians to be few in number, immediately ordered Captain Samuel Mason, who had brought his company into the fort on the previous evening, to go out and dislodge the enemy.4 With fourteen of his men the Captain proceeded to dis charge the duty imposed on him. After proceeding a short distance he discov ered and fired on the six Indians, when, at the same instant, the main body of the Indians, who laid in ambush, in every direction around him, arose, and with horrible yells, rushed upon him and his men. Perceiving that to stand was useless, he ordered an immediate retreat, and led the way in person.6 Of the fourteen of which his detachment was composed, only two, — Hugh Mc- 1 De Hass, p. 225.— " Withers, p. 161 ; De Hass, p. 226. 5 Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. 4 De Hass, p. 225 ; Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &o. 6 Withers, p. 161 ; De Hass, p. 225. Chap. XXin.] THE SIEGE OF FORT HENRY. 269 Connell and Thomas Glenn,' — besides himself, escaped.1 At this time a dense fog hung over the bottom, concealing from those in the fort the number of the assailants, as well as the exact character of the assault.2 The yells of the Indians, min gled with the cries of the victims, how ever, reached the fort, and Captain Joseph Ogle, an experienced frontiers man, and a dozen veteran scouts, left the fort to cover the retreat of Cap tain Mason's party.8 Of this latter party, three only, besides the Captain, escaped,4 and the garrison, now reduced to nearly one third its original number, was made aware of the character and strength of its assailants. Preceded by a drum and fife, and a British flag,5 the enemy approached the fort in two columns, displaying the bloody scalps which, a few minutes be fore, had been torn from the heads of the hapless parties under Mason and Ogle.6 One of the two parties Girty brought around the base of the hill, and distributed among the cabins near the fort; the other defiled along the bank of the river, close to the fort, which was thus completely surrounded by the relentless enemy.7 Having arranged his force, Girty next followed the usage of his peers by demanding the surrender of the post, boasting of his power, and threatening vengeance in case of a refusal ; reading, 1 De Hass, p. 225 ; Withers, pp. 161, 162. 2 De Hass, p. 226, note.—3 De Hass, pp. 225, 226 ; Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c— 4 De Hass, p. 226.— 5 Ibid., p. 227. • Ibid., pp. 226, 227.—' Ibid., p. 227. at the same time, a proclamation which had been issued by Hamilton, governor of Detroit.1 To this demand, Colonel Shepherd returned the following an swer : " Sir, we have consulted our wives and children, and all have re solved, — men, women, and children, — sooner to perish at their posts than place themselves under the protection of a savage army, with you at its head ; or abjure the cause of liberty and the colonies."2 Girty commenced to reply, when a lad in one of the bastions fired a gun at him, and the conference was closed abruptly, and Girty retired.8 It was still quite early in the morn ing, the sun not having appeared above the summits of the hills, and the day is represented to have been one of sur passing beauty.4 The Indians, immedi ately after the withdrawal of Girty, commenced the siege by a general dis charge of their rifles, and they contin ued an indiscriminate fire against the oak pickets, the gate, and other parts of the fort, until about one o'clock, when they discontinued, and fell back from the fort to the foot of the hill.5 It was during this suspension of hos tilities that Elizabeth Zane, a sister of Ebenezer, performed her well-known feat of daring. It appears that the stock of gunpowder in the fort began to grow low, and the necessity of secur ing a keg which had been left in Colo- 1 Withers, p. 163 ; De Hass, p. 227.— 2 De Hass, p. 227. Withers (Chron. Border Warfare, p. 163) says Colonel Zane commanded. — 3 Withers, p. 163 ; De Hass, p. 227. 4 De Hass, p. 227 ; Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. 1 De Hass, p. 228 ; Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. 270 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. nel Zane's house, outside the works, be came the subject of anxious discussion. The force on whom this arduous duty would fall must necessarily be greatly exposed, and the number of those who remained to defend the fort had already been so much reduced by the loss of the men under Captains Mason and Ogle, that a farther reduction, or the risk attending such a movement, was a serious question in the council. Unwil ling to order any one to undertake this hazardous enterprise, the commandant called for volunteers, and three or four young men stepped forth. As but one could be spared, the aspirants for the honorable duty were directed to select him by lot, but the eagerness of each to secure the choice caused considerable delay, and fears were entertained that the Indians would resume their opera tions before the powder could be se cured. At this moment Elizabeth Zane, who had just returned from boarding- school at Philadelphia, came forward and asked that she might be permitted to go out, stating that the loss of a man was a serious matter, while, if she fell, her loss would be less seriously felt. After strenuous efforts to prevent it, her entreaties were successful, and the gate was opened for her to pass out. Several Indians were wandering around in the vicinity of the gate, and saw Eliz abeth pass from the fort, without offer ing any opposition ; but when she ap peared at the door of the dwelling, with the keg in her arms, the object of her journey was apparent, and a volley of rifle-balls whistled harmlessly around her as she glided swiftly into the fort with the precious prize.1 At about half-past two o'clock the Indians again put themselves in motion, and approached the fort a second time.2 A portion of them took possession of the houses in the little village which had grown up around the fort, others sheltered themselves behind Colonel Zane's fence, others occupied a black smith's shop and stable which were op posite the north line of the fort, and others, forming probably the largest portion, occupied the southern side of the fort, where a rail fence and sev eral piles of timber afforded them a shelter.8 The attack commenced on the south ern side, with great fury, which brought out the whole garrison to that side, and the assailants met with a heavy loss.4 In the mean time, while the garrison was thus occupied on the southern line of the fort, some eighteen or twenty warriors, with rails and sticks of wood, and led by Girty in person, passed over from Colonel Zane's yard, and made an assault on the gate of the fort. This movement was discovered in time to prevent its success, and the enemy was repulsed with the loss of several of the assailants.5 On the northern and east ern sides of the fort the contest raged furiously until night, when the rifles used by the garrison became so much 1 Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. ; De Hass, pp. 270, 280. Withers supposes this occurred during the second siege. 2 Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. De Hass (p. 228) says they returned at 3 o'clock.—3 Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. ; De Hass, p. 228.— 4 De Hass, p. 228.— 6 Ibid., pp. 228, 229 ; Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. Chap. XXIIL] THE SIEGE OF FORT HENRY. 271 heated by continued firing, that they were rendered temporarily useless, and recourse was then had to muskets, a supply of which was found in the store house.1 The obstinacy of the garrison appeared to discourage the Indians, and the main body fell back again to the foot of the hill for refreshment and re pose.2 Straggling parties and ambitious individuals, however, kept up an irreg ular, scattering fire during the whole night, and destroyed such articles of furniture as they found in the several cabins outside the fort.8 A short time before the main body of the enemy withdrew, Francis Duke, a son-in-law of Colonel Shepherd, rode up to the fort, but was shot before he could enter it. He was a brave man, well known on the frontiers, and was the Assistant-commissary at Beach Bot tom Blockhouse. Having received in formation of the attack, he rode with all speed to assist the garrison, but met an untimely death before he could reach the scene of operations.4 About four o'clock the next morning Colonel Andrew Swearengen, with four teen men, arrived in a periagua from Holliday's Fort, at Cross Creek, twenty- four miles above, and made his way into the fort without the loss of a man.5 About daybreak, on the second, Ma jor Samuel McCullock, at the head of forty mounted men, from Short Creek, also reached the fort, and the gate was again opened with joy by the weary 1 Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c— a Ibid.—3 De Hass, p. 229. 4 Com. of Mr. Kiernan, &c. Withers (p. 263) says this occurred during the second siege. — • De Hass, p. 229. garrison.1 The wily enemy immediately rushed to the gate to cut off the rein forcement and, if possible, gain an en trance themselves. Strange as it may appear, the men all secured an entrance, the Major only having been left out side.2 Turning his horse from the fort, he galloped up the hill which still over hangs the city of Wheeling, hoping to reach Van Metre's Fort. Leaving his pursuers far behind, he had reached a point on the hill near where the Cum berland road crosses, when he encoun tered another considerable body of In dians, who were just returning from a plundering expedition among the set tlements. He instantly perceived the danger of his situation, and as quickly decided what course to pursue. He well knew that the savages desired to take him alive, for the purpose of tor turing him, in retaliation for the many victories he had gained over them, and he preferred to face death in some other form. Accordingly he galloped to the edge of the precipice on the bank of the Wheeling Creek (at that place al most perpendicular, and about a hun dred and fifty feet high), and taking his rifle in his left hand, and carefully adjusting his reins with the other, he urged his horse down the slope. In a few seconds he was at the foot of the precipice, much to the astonishment of the Indians, when he dashed across the creek and escaped.8 Soon afterwards the Indians, under 1 De Hass, pp. 229, 230 ; Com. of Mr. Kiernan. 5 De Hass, p. 230.— 3 Ibid., pp. 340, 341 ; Communica tion of Mr. Kiernan. 272 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. Girty, assembled at the foot of the hill near the fort, set fire to all the houses, buildings, and fences in the vicinity, killed nearly three hundred head of cattle belonging to the settlers, and de camped, to seek in some other and more exposed neighborhood the bloody lau rels they coveted.1 As has been stated, the enemy num bered over three hundred and fifty war riors; and it is supposed that his loss was between forty and fifty in killed and wounded.2 The garrison numbered thirteen after the loss of the parties un der Captains Mason and Ogle (for those who escaped did not re-enter the fort, but secreted themselves among the logs, &c, in the vicinity of the corn-field),8 and not a single person was killed, and but one was slightly wounded.4 In this, as in all similar contests, there was but little order or appear ance of discipline. The effectives of the garrison embraced all who could handle a rifle, without regard to age ; while the women moulded bullets, cooled the guns, prepared the patches, or load ed the rifles and handed them to the men, as circumstances required. Some of them occasionally took their positions by the side of their husbands, and it is said that two of them, Mrs. Glenn and Betsey Wheat, took and kept their po- 1 Withers, p. 164 ; De Hass, p. 229.— 3 De Hass, p. 230. 3 Ibid. , pp. 225, 226 ; Communication of "Mr. Kiernan. • De Hass, p. 230. sitions at the port-holes, dealing death to many a dusky warrior.1 When the extreme weakness of the garrison is considered, the defence of the fort at Weeling Creek must be con sidered one of the most successful on record. Among its defenders, however, were Silas and Ebenezer Zane, John Caldwell, Abraham Rogers, John Lynn, Joseph Biggs, and Robert Lemon, each of them a terror to the savages, and all of them then, and subsequently, well known as among the best Indian-hunt ers of the West.2 The example of Eliz abeth Zane, and of her sister-in-law, the wife of Ebenezer Zane, as well as the cool determination of the females who had sought refuge in the fort, cheered the garrison and spurred them on in the performance of their duty.8 Such were the early days of "the mighty West," and of the pioneers who introduced civilization within its bor ders; such were the actions of the acknowledged representatives of the Christian King of Great Britain, in their avowed purpose to restore soli tude to the wilderness. To whom the glory belongs, when the promoters of civilization and the welfare of mankind are spoken of, — to the pioneer settlers of the Ohio Valley or "the Christian King of Great Britain," — the world has already decided. i Withers, pp. 163, 164 ; De Hass, p. 228. 3 Communication of Mr. Kiernan. — 3 Ibid. CHAPTER XXIV. September 11,, 1777. THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. The reinforcements which General Howe had asked for, arrived later and in smaller numbers than he anticipated ; and the plans for the campaign of 1777 were, therefore, necessarily curtailed, and the active operations of the army, even under the reduced plans, were not commenced until late in the season.1 The movements in New Jersey, already noticed, with which General Howe open ed the campaign late in June, had failed to draw General Washington from his strong position near Middlebrook ; and the former, withdrawing his forces from New Jersey, had embarked on board the fleet, put out to sea, entered the Chesapeake Bay, and was threatening Philadelphia.2 The mysterious move ments of General Howe had caused great embarrassment in the American camp, and it was only when the enemy had entered the bay that any correct idea could be formed of his intended point of attack.8 The judicious dispo sition of his forces by General Wash ington, in the mean time, had so com- 1 Sparks' Washington, pp. 226, 227.- 232.—' Marshall, iii. pp. 131-139. Vol. I.— 35 ' Ibid., pp. 228- pletely covered the Capital, however, that the enemy was unable to take any advantage ; and when he landed below the head of the Elk, on the twenty-fifth of August,1 the American forces were ready to oppose him.2 On the twenty-eighth of August, Gen eral Howe, with the main body of his army, advanced to the head of the Elk River (where Elkton, Maryland, now stands), leaving General Knyphausen, with three brigades, at the landing- place, and one brigade between the two posts, to keep open the communication.8 Gradually concentrating his forces, and advancing towards Philadelphia, Gen eral Howe encamped, on the eighth of September, at Hokessen, on the Lan caster road, and within four miles of the right of the position occupied by General Washington on Red Clay Creek.4 Suspecting an intention on the part of General Howe to turn the right flank of the army, pass the Brandy- 1 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug. 30. 2 Marshall, iii. p. 143, 144; Sparks' Washington, p. 232. 3 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Aug. 30. 4 Ibid., Oct. 10. 274 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. wine, and, by occupying the high grounds on the north bank of that stream, cut off his retreat,1 General Washington called a council of general officers, and, by their advice, deter mined to abandon the position he then occupied and take post on the north bank of the Brandywine.2 According ly, about two o'clock in the morning of the ninth, the army moved,8 at ten o'clock, crossed the stream,4 and, before night, fully occupied its new position;5 while the enemy, his right by way of Hokessen meeting-house and his left by way of New Garden and Kennet's Square, steadily advanced, and, on the morning of the tenth, concentrated his forces at the latter place.6 The Brandywine Creek, behind which the American army had encamped, was formed by the junction of two small streams, known as the East and West Branches, whence, after flowing in a southeasterly direction about twenty- two miles, it unites with the Christiana Creek, forms the harbor of Wilmington, and empties into the Delaware Bay, about twenty-five miles below Phila delphia. It was passable only at the fords, the principal of which, in the di rect route from the enemy's camp to Philadelphia, was Chadd's Ford ;7 above which were Brinton's, Jones', and Wis- tar's, on the main stream ; Buflington's, 1 Gen. Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 9. 2 Irving, iii. p. 200. — 3 Gen. Washington to Pres. of Cong., Sept. 9. — 4 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10.— • Ibid. See also Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 91. " Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10. * Marshall, iii. p. 149 ; Life of Reed, i. p. 307. Jefferis's (six miles above Chadd's Ford), and Taylor's, on the East Branch ; and Trimble's (half a mile above the forks), on the West Branch.1 It was supposed that the principal point of attack would be at Chadd's Ford, and there General Washington established the centre of his position, and threw up intrench ments for its defence.2 The main body of the army, embracing the brigades of Generals Wayne, Weedon, and Muhlen berg, with the light-infantry under Gen eral Maxwell, was stationed there to defend the pass ; while the Pennsylvania militia, under General Armstrong, com posing the left wing, guarded the fords below Chadd's ; and the brigades, em braced in Generals Sullivan's, Stephens', and Lord Stirling's divisions, composing the right wing, extended up the creek two miles, and guarded the fords below the forks.8 At daybreak, on the eleventh, the enemy was in motion,4 and the success which had attended the movements on Long Island, in August, 1776, had in duced General Howe to attempt a sim ilar manoeuvre in this case. For this purpose the army had been divided into two commands, and immediately advanced, in two columns, against the Americans. The right column, com posed of four Hessian battalions, under General Stirn ; the first and second brigades of British, three battalions of the Seventy-first regiment, the Queen's 1 Lossing's Field Book, ii. p. 377.— 2 Gordon, ii. p. 508 ; Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 309.— s Life of Gen. Muhlen berg, p. 91 ; Lossing, ii. p. 378. — 4 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; History of Civil War, i. p. 253. Chap. XXIV.] THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 275 Rangers, and a squadron of the Six teenth dragoons, under General Grant, having with them six medium twelve- pounders, four howitzers, and the light- artillery belonging to the brigades, the whole numbering about five thousand men, commanded by General Knyp hausen, took the direct road to Chadd's Ford, seven, miles distant from Ken- net's Square, and slowly advanced, driv ing before him the advanced corps and light troops of the American army. This division of the army, designed only to amuse the Americans in front, while more important movements were executed on their flanks, advanced only far enough to drive the light troops over the Brandywine, when it halted on a commanding ground, and, at about ten o'clock, opened a heavy fire on the American lines, east of the creek, and played with the Americans by repeated pretended attempts to cross the stream.1 In the mean time, the enemy's left column, under General Lord Cornwallis, accompanied by Generals Grey, Mat thews, and Agnew, composed of the mounted and unmounted chasseurs, two squadrons of the Sixteenth dragoons, two battalions of light-infantry, two bat talions of British and three of Hessian grenadiers, two battalions of Guards, the third and fourth brigades of British troops, numbering about thirteen thou sand men, with four light twelve-pound ers, moved along the Lancaster road, which runs nearly parallel with the 1 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; Hist, of Civil War, i. p. 253 ; Hall's Civil War, p. 310 ; Marshall, iii. pp. 149, 150 ; Sparks' Washington, p. 233. creek, crossed the West Branch at Trimble's Ford, and the East Branch at Jefferis's Ford, and thence, taking the road to Dilworth, turned the right flank of the American army;1 a dense fog, which enveloped the country, great ly facilitating the movements by con cealing them from the American scout ing parties.2 It was not wholly con cealed, however, General Washington receiving information, through General Sullivan, from Colonels Bland, Ross, and Hazen, of the movements,8 although the strength of the enemy seems to have been strangely underrated, prob ably in consequence of the fog conceal ing his numbers. On the receipt of this information the General ordered General Sullivan, with the right wing of the army, to cross the Brandywine and attack Gen eral Cornwallis, while he, in person, would take the centre and attack Gen eral Knyphausen.4 Before these move ments could be fully executed, intelli gence reached General Sullivan from the forks of the Brandywine that noth ing had been seen in that neighborhood to excite alarm ; and a trusty sergeant, who had been sent out in search of in telligence, having come in and confirmed the last report, both General Sullivan and the commander-in-chief discredited the intelligence first received, and reoc- 1 Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10. — 2 Lossing's Field Book, ii. p. 378. 3 Gen. Washington to Col. Theodore Bland, " Chadds- ford, 11th Sept. ;" Gordon, ii. pp. 509, 510; Marshall, iii. pp. 150, 151 ; Life of Beed, i. pp. 308, 309. 4 Gordon, ii. p. 510 ; Marshall, iii. p. 151 ; Life of Reed, i. p. 309. 276 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. cupied their positions.1 This change of purpose decided the fortunes of the day, and when, at "a quarter-past one o'clock," Colonel Bland dispatched a second messenger to General Sullivan, informing him of the presence of the enemy, "just on the right of the two widow Davises, who live close together on the road called the Fork Road, about half a mile to the right of the meeting-house (Birmingham),"2 the vic tory had, in reality, been gained by the strategy of General Howe. On the receipt of this note, General Sullivan again moved the three brigades, forming the right wing of the army, to meet General Cornwallis,8 and took a strong position on the commanding ground above the meeting-house, with his left extending nearly to the Brandy wine, both flanks covered with' very thick woods, and his artillery advan tageously disposed.4 In consequence of a dispute respecting the right of the line, — the post of honor, — between Gen eral Sullivan and a French officer named Deborre, the division was not fully pre pared for action5 when General Lord Cornwallis, and the troops under his command, about four o'clock in the afternoon,6 swept over Osborne's Hill, in three columns, and attacked it with 1 Gordon, ii. p. 510 ; Marshall, iii. p. 151 ; Life of Reed, i. p. 309.— 3 Col. Theod. Bland to Gen. Sullivan, Sept. 11. 3 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; Hist, of Civil War, i. p. 254 ; Marshall, iii. p. 152 ; Gen. Sulli van's letter to Congress, Sept. 27. 4 Ibid. See also Lieut. Hall's Civil War, pp. 311, 312 ; Marshall, iii. pp. 152, 153. — ' Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, pp. 94, 340 ; Lossing, ii. p. 381 — 8 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10. great fury.1 The Hessians led the at tack, and as they advanced in an un broken, well-dressed column, they were severely harassed by a company of American light troops, stationed in an orchard2 north of Samuel Jones' dwell ing-house. The artillery of both armies opened with terrible effect, and the con flict became general and severely con tested.8 With an obstinacy which older troops might have been proud of, the Americans maintained their ground, and repelled charge after charge from the powerful and well-disciplined force which opposed them, until overwhelm ing numbers forced them to yield. The right of the line, General Stephens' bri gade, commanded by General Deborre, first gave way, and the left, General Sullivan's brigade, soon followed,4 but the centre, under Generals Lord Stirling and Conway, stood firm, and nobly de fended its position.5 Failing in every effort which they made to rally the fu gitive brigades, Generals Sullivan and Lafayette rode to this party, and joined in the terrible conflict.6 The noble eight hundred of which this brigade was composed could do but little in opposing the enemy, however, although they maintained their ground for a con siderable time. Two of General Sulli van's aids were killed, and General La fayette, having dismounted, that he might act more efficiently, was wound ed in the leg by a musket-ball, when, 1 Sparks, p. 234.— 2 Lossing, ii. p. 381.— 3 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; Stedman, i. p. 292. 4 Marshall, iii. p. 153 ; Lossing, ii. p. 381. 6 Gen. Sullivan to Congress, Sept. 27.— 6 Ibid. Chap. XXIV.] THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 277 farther resistance being useless, the rem nants of the brigade retreated, leaving the enemy master of the position.1 In the mean time, the .note from Col onel Bland, with one from General Sul livan, reached the commander-in-chief, at Chadd's Ford ; and, leaving Generals Wayne and Maxwell to oppose the progress of General Knyphausen,2 with General Greene and the brigades of Generals Weedon and Muhlenberg, he hastened to strengthen General Sulli van.8 He was not in time to prevent the retreat,4 but, by a skilful move ment, General Greene opened his ranks and received the fugitives, when, closing them, he successfully covered their re treat and checked the progress of the enemy.5 At a narrow defile, about a mile from the meeting-house, which had been previously pointed out to him by General Washington, and by his orders, he changed his front, and having his flank covered by heavy woods, he kept the enemy at bay during the remainder of the day.6 When the report of the artillery, on the extreme right, reached the ears of General Knyphausen, he immediately ordered General Grant, with the Fourth and Fifth regiments, to cross the creek and attack the position occupied by General Wayne and the Pennsylvania 1 Sparks, p. 234. 2 Marshall, iii. p. 152. 3 Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, pp. 94, 340 ; Gordon, ii. p. 511 ; Marshall, iii. p. 152. 4 Gordon, ii. p. 511 ; Marshall, iii. p. 150. 6 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10. 3 Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, pp. 94-98, 340 ; Hist, of Civil War, i. p. 255 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 511, 512. troops.1 The latter, with the light troops, under General Maxwell, defend ed their position with great gallantry until intelligence of the defeat of the right wing was received, when a retreat was ordered,2 and in great disorder, and with the loss of all their artillery and stores, they fell in on General Greene's rear. During the succeeding night the de feated forces of General Washington retreated to Chester, and, on the follow ing day, to Germantown, where they encamped.4 The expediency of engaging, in this place, with an enemy so much more powerful and better appointed, has been the subject of considerable comment, both in Europe and America; and, by many, the commander-in-chief has been censured.5 On the other hand, it has been said that both the Congress and the people expected the army would, at least, attempt to defend the Capital, even at the expense of a defeat ; that a defeat would be productive of less in jury, in its effects on the public mind, than the tame submission of the Capital to the enemy, without a struggle ; that he hoped to have made a better resist ance, and would have done so had his intelligence been less confused ; and that, although some of his troops be haved badly, others, and the larger 1 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 94 ; Marshall, iii. p. 154. 3 Gen. Washington to Cong., Sept. 11; Marshall, iii. p. 154. — 3 Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 97 ; Marshall, iii. p. 154. — 4 Gen. Washington to Cong., Sept. 11 ; Life of Muhlenberg, p. 100 ; Gordon, ii. p. 513. — s Sparks, p. 235. 278 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. part, fought with signal bravery, and inspired both him and themselves with a confidence which could have been produced only by a trial.1 The strength of the armies have never been accurately ascertained. Chief-jus tice Marshall,2 and, with him, President Sparks,8 and other standard writers,4 estimates the enemy to have been eigh teen thousand strong, with abundance of every thing which was considered necessary for the prosecution of such a campaign ; while the effective troops under General Washington did not ex ceed eleven thousand.5 The loss of each is also a subject of doubt. General Howe reported to his government a loss of ninety killed, four hundred and eighty-eight wounded, and six missing.1 General Washington, from the disconnected condition of the army, found it impossible to make a return of his loss.2 General Howe stated, of course from conjecture only, that, in cluding four hundred prisoners, the loss of the Americans was about thirteen hundred,8 but it has been suggested that in this estimate nearly four hun dred prisoners were wounded, and had been previously counted in that class.4 DOCUMENTS GENERAL WASHINGTON'S DISPATCH TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Eight miles from Wilmington, ) September 9, 1777. I Sir : — The enemy advanced yesterday with a seeming intention of attacking us upon our post near Newport. We waited for them the whole day ; but they halted in the evening at a place called Milltown, about two miles from us. Upon reconnoitering their situation, it appeared proba ble that they only meant to amuse us in front, while their real intent was to march by our right, and by suddenly passing the Brandywine, and gaining the heights upon the north side of that river, get between us and Philadelphia, and cut us off from that city. To prevent this, it was judged expedient to change our position immediately. 1 Sparks' Washington, pp. 235, 236.— 2 Life of Wash ington, iii. p. 145. — 3 Sparks' Washington, p. 235. 4 Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 90. — ' Sparks' Washing ton, p. 235 ; Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 90. The army accordingly marched at two o'clock this morning, and will take post this evening on the high grounds near Chad's Ford. We have heard nothing circumstantial from the enemy this day. When I do, I shall immediately trans mit to you an account. I have the honor to be, &c, Geo. Washington. To the President of Congress. II. GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Chester, 12 o'clock at night, ) September 11, 1777. I Sir : — I am sorry to inform you, that in this day's engagement we have been obliged to leave the enemy masters of the field. 1 Letter to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10, inclosure. 3 Sparks, p. 235.— ' Letter to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10.— 4 Marshall, iii. p. 154. Chap. XXIV.] DOCUMENTS. 279 Unfortunately, the intelligence received of the enemy's advancing up the Brandywine, and crossing at a ford six miles above us, was uncer tain and contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains to get the best. This prevented me from making a disposition adequate to the force with which the enemy attacked us on our right ; in consequence of which the troops first engaged were obliged to retire before they could be re inforced. In the midst of the attack on the right, that body of the enemy which remained on the other side of Chadd's Ford, crossed it and attacked the division there under the command of General Wayne, and the light troops under General Maxwell, who, after a severe conflict, also retired. The militia, under the command of General Armstrong, being posted at a ford about two miles below Chadd's, had no opportu nity of engaging. But, though we fought under many disad vantages, and were, from the causes above men tioned, obliged to retire, yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded, very considerable; I be lieve much less than the enemy's. We have also lost seven or eight pieces of cannon, according to the best information I can at present obtain. The baggage having been previously moved off, is all secure, saving the men's blankets, which, being at their backs, many of them doubtless are lost. I have directed all the troops to assemble behind Chester, where they are now arrang ing for this night. Notwithstanding the mis fortune of the day, I am happy to find the troops in good spirits ; and I hope another time we shall compensate for the losses now sus tained. The Marquis de Lafayette was wounded in the leg, and General Woodford in the hand; divers other officers were wounded, and some slain ; but the numbers of either cannot now be ascertained. I have the honor to be, &c, Geo. Washington. P. S. — It has not been in my power to send you earlier intelligence, the present being the first leisure moment I have had since the ac tion. III. EXTRACT FROM GENERAL SULLIVAN'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Camp on Perkiomy, Sept. 27, 1777. Much esteemed Sir : — I have never endeavored to establish my rep utation by my own pen, nor have I, according to the modern custom, employed others for the purpose ; neither have I adojDted the still more infamous method, of raising my own reputation by destroying that of others. I have always contented myself with a consciousness of having done my duty with faithfulness ; but being con strained to say something at this time respecting the late battle, and some other matters, I hope Congress will look upon it, rather as the effect of necessity, than any desire of making a merit of my services. I never yet pretended that my disposition in the late battle was perfect ; I knew it was very far from it ; but this I will venture to affirm, that it was the best that time would allow me to make. At halfpast two, I received orders to march with my division, to join with and take command of that and two others, to oppose the enemy, who were coming down on the right flank of our army. I neither knew where the enemy were, nor what route the other two divi sions were to take, and of course could not determine where I should form a junction with them. I began my march in a few minutes after I received my orders, and had not marched a mile when I met Colonel Hazen with his regi ment, which had been stationed at a ford three miles above me, who informed that the ene my were close upon his heels, and that I might depend that the principal part of the British army was there ; although I knew the report sent to head-quarters made them but two bri gades. As I knew Colonel Hazen to be an old officer, and a good judge of numbers, I gave credence to his report, in preference to the intel ligence before received. While I was convers ing with Colonel Hazen, and our troops still upon the march, the enemy headed us in the road, about forty rods from our advanced guard. I then found it necessary to turn off to the right 280 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. to form, arid so got nearer to the other two di visions, which I at that moment discovered drawn up on an eminence, both in the rear and to the right of the place I was then at. I or dered Colonel Hazen's regiment to pass a hollow way, file off to the right, and face, to cover the artillery. The enemy seeing this, did not press on, but gave me time to form my division on an advantageous height, in a line with the other divisions, about almost half a mile to the left : I then rode on to consult the other general offi cers, who, upon receiving information that the enemy was endeavoring to outflank us on the right, were unanimously of opinion that my di vision should be brought on to join the others, and that the whole should incline farther to the right, to prevent our being outflanked; but while my division was marching on, and before it was possible for them to form to advantage, the enemy pressed on with rapidity and attacked them, which threw them into some kind of con fusion. I had taken post myself in the centre, with the artillery, and ordered it to play briskly to stop the progress of the enemy, and give the broken troops time to rally and form in the rear of where I was with the artillery. I sent off four aids-de-camp for this purpose, and went myself, but all in vain. No sooner did I form one party, but that which I had formed ran off, and even at times when I, though on horse back and in front of them, apprehended no dan ger. I then left them to be rallied by their own officers and my aids-de-camp; I repaired to the hill where our artillery was, which by this time began to feel the effects of the enemy's fire. This hill commanded both the left and right of our line, and if carried by the enemy, I knew would instantly bring on a total rout and make a retreat very difficult ; I therefore determined to hold it as long as possible, to give Lord Stirling's and General Stephens' divi sions, which yet stood firm, as much assistance from the artillery as possible, and to give Colo nel Hazen's, Dayton's, and Ogden's regiments, which still stood firm on our left, the same ad vantage, and to cover the broken troops of my division, and to give them an opportunity to rally and come to our assistance, which some of them did, and others could not by their officers be brought to do any thing but fly. The ene my soon began to bend their principal force against the hill, and the fire was close and heavy for a long time, and soon became general. Lord Stirling and General Conway, with their aids-de-camp, were with me on the hill, and ex erted themselves beyond description to keep up the troops. Five times did the enemy drive our troops from the hill, and as often it was re gained, and the summit often disputed almost muzzle to muzzle. How far I had a hand in this, and whether I endured the hottest of the enemy's fire, I cheerfully submit to the gentle men who were with me. The general fire of the line lasted an hour and forty minutes ; fifty- one minutes of which the hill was disputed al most muzzle to muzzle, in such a manner that General Conway, who has seen much service, says he never saw so close and severe a fire. On the right, where General Stephens was, it was long and severe ; and on the left, consider able. When we found the right and left op pressed by numbers and giving way on all quar ters, we were obliged to abandon the hill we had so long contended for, but not till we had almost covered the ground between that and Birmingham meeting-house with the dead bodies of the enemy. When I found that victory was on the side of the enemy, I thought it my duty to prevent, as much as possible, the injurious consequences of a defeat ; for which purpose I rallied my troops on every advantageous piece of ground, to retard their pursuit and give them fresh opposition. How far I exerted my self in this, Congress will readily see by consult ing the inclosed testimonies ; and that the last parties I assisted to rally and post against them, were between sunset and dark. By this means the enemy were so much fatigued that they suf fered our whole army, with its artillery, bag gage, &c, to pass off without molestation, and without attempting to pursue us a step. I wish Congress to consider the many disad vantages I labored under on that day. It is necessary, in every action, that the command ing officer should have a perfect knowledge of the number and situation of the enemy, the route they are pursuing, the ground he is to draw up his troops on, as well as that where the Chap. XXIV.] DOCUMENTS. 281 enemy are formed, and that he have sufficient time to" view and examine the position of the enemy, and to draw up his troops in such a manner as to counteract their design; all of which were wanting. We had intelligence of two brigades coming against us, when in fact it was the whole strength of the British army, commanded by General Howe and Lord Corn wallis. They met us unexpectedly, and in or der of battle, and attacked us before we had time to form, and upon ground we had never before seen. Under these disadvantages, and against those unequal numbers, we maintained our ground an hour and forty minutes ; and by giving fresh opposition on every ground that would admit, we kept them at bay from three o'clock until after sunset. What more would have been expected from between three and four thousand troops against the chief part of the British army ? Dear sir, I have the honor to be, with much respect, your Excellency's most obedient ser vant, John Sullivan. His Excellency, John Hancock, Esq. TV. GENERAL SIR WM. HOWE S DISPATCH TO LORD GEO. GERMAIN. Head-quarters, Germantown, Oct. 10, 1777. My Lord : — In my last dispatch, of the 30th of August, I had the honor to advise your lord ship of the army having landed on the west side of Elk River, and of its being afterwards divided into two columns : one under the com mand of Lord Cornwallis, at the head of Elk ; and the other commanded by Lieutenant-gen eral Knyphausen, at Cecil Court-house. I am therefore to give your lordship an acc'ount of the operations from that period, wherein will be included two general actions, in both of which I have the satisfaction to premise that success has attended His Majesty's arms. On the 3d of September, Major-general Grant, with six battahons, remaining at the head of Elk to preserve the communication with the Vol. I.— 36 fleet, the two columns joined at Pencadder, lying four miles to the eastward of Elk, on the road to Christien Bridge. In this day's march, the Hessian and Anspach chasseurs, and the Second battalion of light-infantry, who were at the head of Lord Cornwallis's column, fell in with a chosen corps of one thousand men from the enemy's army, advantageously posted in the woods, which they defeated, with the loss of only two officers wounded, three men killed and nineteen wounded, when that of the enemy was not less than fifty killed and many more wounded. On the 6th, Major-general Grant, after Cap tain Duncan, who superintended the naval de partment, had destroyed such vessels and stores as could not be removed from the head of Elk, joined the army. The whole marched on the 8th by Newark, and encamped that evening in the township of Hokessen, upon the road leading from Newport to Lancaster, at which first place General Wash ington had taken post, having his left to Chris tien Creek and his front covered by Red Clay Creek. The two armies in this situation being only four miles apart, the enemy moved early in the night of the 8th by the Lancaster road, from Wilmington, and about ten o'clock next morn ing crossed Brandywine Creek at Chadd's Ford, taking post on the heights on the eastern side of it. On the 9th, in the afternoon, Lieutenant-gen eral Knyphausen marched with the left of the army to New Garden and Kennet's Square, while Lord Cornwallis with the right moved to Hokessen meeting-house, and both joined the next morning at Kennet's Square. On the 11th, at daybreak, the army advanced in two columns, the right commanded by Lieu tenant-general Knyphausen, consisting of four Hessian battahons under Major-general Stern, the First and Second brigades of British, three battalions of the Seventy-first regiment, the Queen's American rangers, and one squadron of the Sixteenth dragoons under Major-general Grant, having with them six medium twelve- pounders, four howitzers, and the light-artillery belonging to the brigades. This column took 282 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. the direct road to Chadd's Ford, seven miles dis tant from Kennet's Square, and arrived in front of the enemy about ten o'clock, skirmishing most part of the march with their advanced troops, in which the Queen's rangers, command ed by Captain Wemyss of the Fortieth regi ment, distinguished themselves in a particular manner. The other column, under the command of General Cornwallis, Major-general Grey, Briga dier-generals Matthew and Agnew, consisting of the mounted and dismounted chasseurs, two squadrons of the Sixteenth dragoons, two bat tahons of light-infantry, two battalions of Brit ish and three of Hessian grenadiers, two battal ions of Guards, the Third and Fourth brigades, with four light twelve-pounders, marched about twelve miles to the forks of the Brandywine, crossed the first branch at Trimble's Ford, and the second at Jefferis's Ford, about two o'clock in the afternoon, taking from thence the road to Dilworth, in order to turn the enemy's right at Chadd's Ford. General Washington, having intelligence of this movement about noon, detached General Sullivan to his right with near ten thousand men, who took a strong position on the com manding ground above Birmingham church, with his left near to the Brandywine, both flanks being covered by very thick woods, and his ar tillery advantageously disposed. As soon as this was observed, which was about four o'clock, the King's troops advanced in three columns, and upon approaching the enemy, formed the fine, with the right towards the Brandywine; the Guards being upon the right and the British grenadiers upon their left, supported by the Hessian grenadiers, in a sec ond line : to the left of the centre were two bat talions of light-infantry, with the Hessian and Anspach chasseurs, supported by the Fourth brigade. The Third brigade formed the re serve. Lord Cornwallis having formed the line, the light-infantry and chasseurs began the attack ; the Guards and Grenadiers instantly advanced from the right, the whole under a heavy train of artillery and musketry ; but they pushed on with an impetuosity not to be sustained by the enemy, who, falling back into the woods in their rear, the King's troops entered with them, and pursued closely for nearly two miles. After this success, a part of the enemy's right took a second position, in a wood about half a mile from Dilworth, from whence the Second light-infantry and chasseurs soon dislodged them, and from this time they did not rally again in force. The First British grenadiers, the Hessian grenadiers and Guards, having in the pursuit got entangled in very thick woods, were no far ther engaged during the day. The Second light-infantry, Second grenadiers, and Fourth brigade, moved forward a mile be yond Dilworth, where they attacked a corps of the enemy that had not been before engaged, and were strongly posted to cover the retreat of their army by the roads from Chadd's Ford to Chester and Wilmington ; which corps not be ing forced until after it was dark, when the troops had undergone much fatigue, in a march of seventeen miles, besides what they supported since the commencement of the attack, the ene my's army escaped a total overthrow, that must have been the consequence of an hour's more daylight. The Third brigade was not brought into ac tion, but kept in reserve in the rear of the Fourth brigade, it not being known before it was dark how far Lieutenant-general Knyp hausen's attack had succeeded ; nor was there an opportunity of employing the cavalry. Lieutenant-general Knyphausen, as had been previously concerted, kept the enemy amused in the course of the day with cannon, and the ap pearance of forcing the ford, without intending to pass it until the attack upon the enemy's right should take place : accordingly, when it be gan, Major-general Grant crossed the ford with the Fourth and Fifth regiments ; and the Fourth regiment passing first, forced the enemy from an intrenchment and battery, where three brass field-pieces and a five-and-a-half-inch howitzer were taken, that had been placed there to com mand the ford. The enemy made little stand on that side after the work was carried, when the Guards appearing on their right flank, the retreat became general, but darkness coming on Chap. XXIV.] DOCUMENTS. 283 before Lieutenant-general Knyphausen's corps could reach the heights, there was no farther action on that side. From the most correct accounts, I conclude the strength of the enemy's army, opposed to Lieutenant-general Knyphausen and Lord Corn wallis, was not less than fifteen thousand men, a part of which retired to Chester, and remained there that night, but the greater body did not stop until they reached Philadelphia. Their loss was considerable in officers killed and wounded, and they had about three hundred men killed, six hundred wounded, and near four hundred made prisoners. The loss on the side of His Majesty's troops, and the ordnance, ammunition, and stores taken from the enemy, will appear in the inclosed re turns. The army laid this night on the field of bat tle, and on the 12th Major-general Grant, with the First and Second brigades, marched to Con cord. Lord Cornwallis, with the light-infantry and British grenadiers, joined him next day, and proceeded to Ashtown, within five miles of Chester. # * * * * With most perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c, W. Howe. CHAPTER XXV. September 19 and October 7, X777. THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. Ajmong the most important actions of the War of the Revolution, were those which were fought near Saratoga, resulting in the capture of General Bur goyne and the forces under his com mand. Of the early movements of General Burgoyne, of his capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, his victory at Hub bardton, and his defeat at Bennington, notice has been already taken.1 The troubles which he experienced concern ing the supply of provisions for his army, where every article was drawn from Canada, thickened around him day by day, as stream after stream, impassable, but without bridges, were reached ; 2 as ditch after ditch, cut across the roads, had to be filled up ; and fallen trees and hidden pit-falls retard ed his march and destroyed the ener gies of his men.8 His failure at Ben nington, while it had raised the spirits of the Americans, and taught them to 1 Vide chapters XX. and XXI. 2 Gen. Burgoyne to Gen. Harvey, July 14 ; Same to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. pp. 342, 358, 364, 381, 382, 407 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 158. 3 Anburey, i. pp. 358, 364 ; Stedman, i. p. 327. rely on their own strength, had filled his own troops with discontent1 and sacrificed great numbers of his auxil iaries, without adding an atom to his stores. The Americans, under the ac tive superintendence of General Schuy ler, were collecting for the defence of the country;2 and, having secured their crops, they turned out in greater num bers and exhibited less impatience with the service than usual. While some portions of their number were obstruct ing the way, others were harassing the enemy during his laborious and tedious march through the wilderness,8 and causing great distress in his camp, for the want of forage and other necessary articles of provisions.4 Notwithstanding all these discourag ing circumstances, General Burgoyne pressed forward for the accomplishment of the great object of the expedition,5 hoping to find a recompense for his toil and anxiety in the success with which he would have executed the plans of 1 Anburey, i. pp. 394, 395.— 2 Ibid., pp. 360, 361, 429. 3 Ibid., pp. 364, 365 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 144 ; Gordon, ii. pp. 486, 487.— 4 Anburey, i. p. 435. 3 Marshall, iii. p. 284. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 285 the government and obeyed the orders of his Sovereign. The scarcity of teams, which he hoped to remedy by the ex pedition to Bennington,1 did not pre vent him from drawing a supply of provisions from Lake George for thirty days in advance,2 during which time he hoped to reach Albany, effect a union with the forces of Sir William Howe, separate the Eastern from the Middle and Southern Colonies, and lay the foundation for that complete subjuga tion of the rebellious colonists which was the object of the government and the King. On the thirteenth and. fourteenth of September the army passed from the eastern to the western bank of the Hudson, and encamped on the heights and in the plain of Saratoga, now known as Schuylerville, the American army being then in the neighborhood of Still water, about nine miles distant.3 On the next day (Sept. 15t7i) General Bur goyne advanced to Do-ve-gat, now called Coveville, where he encamped in a good position, and remained there until the seventeenth, in order to reconnoitre the country and repair the bridges between his camp and what is now called Wil bur's Basin.4 On the seventeenth he advanced as far as "Sword's House," about four miles from the American camp, where he again encamped upon ' Gen. Burgoyne's instructions to Col. Baume. 2 Gen. Burgoyne to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 20. "Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, October 20; Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. p. 235. 4 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Wilkinson, i. p. 435 ; Neilson' s Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 133. advantageous ground,1 General Arnold, who had been sent out with fifteen hun dred men to oppose his progress by harassing his flanks, having failed to accomplish any thing, from the unfa vorable character of the ground for op erations of that character.2 On the eighteenth, General Burgoyne advanced to and occupied a position near what is now known as Wilbur's Basin, about two miles from the American camp, and immediately proceeded to strengthen it by throwing up intrenchments and re doubts ; 3 the position being farther strengthened by a deep ravine which was immediately in front and parallel with the line of the encampment.4 On the next clay (Sept. 19t7i) the paths around the ravine, and other roads leading towards the American camp, having been reconnoitred, prepa rations were made for an advance and attack on the latter position.5 The right, composed of the light- infantry and grenadiers (flank compa nies), belonging to the Ninth, Twen tieth, Twenty-first, Twenty-fourth, Twen ty-ninth, Thirty-first, Thirty-fourth, For ty-seventh, Fifty-third, and Sixty-second regiments, supported by the Hessian riflemen6 under Colonel Breyman, and led by General Frazer, Major Ackland, and the Earl of Balcarras,7 was directed, 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. pp. 407, 408. — ' Neilson' s Campaign of Burgoyne, pp. 132, 133 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Wilkinson, i. p. 235. — 3 Ibid. — 4 Map of the vicinity, in Neilson' s Cam paign of'Burgoyne. — 6 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. 8 Order of 'Battle, in Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur. ; An burey, i. p. 410 ; Test, of Earl Harrington, Question 39. ' Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Order of Battle, &c. 286 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. by a circuitous route, to pass the head of the ravine without leaving the high ground,1 and to occupy a position which would enable them to cover the line of march of the centre and left wing.2 The centre, composed of the Twen tieth, Twenty-first, and Sixty-second regiments8 (with the Ninth regiment, under Lieutenant-colonel Hill, as a re serve),4 led by General Burgoyne, in person, and General Hamilton,5 was to pass the ravine in a direct line towards the American lines, and form in order of battle when they gained the summit on the south side of the ravine,6 but not to advance until the two wings had ac complished the duties assigned to them,7 — the right, of passing around the head of the ravine ; the left, of repairing the bridges and being equally ready to proceed. The left, composed of the Hessian troops (except Breyman's riflemen, who were on the right), and the British ar tillery,8 led by Generals Riedesel and Philips,9 was to march on the great northern road, which here passed through the alluvial meadows which stretch along the west bank of the Hudson, at the foot of the high grounds occupied by the centre and right of the army 10 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 410 ; Test, of Earl of Harrington, Ques. 39.— 3 Gen. Bur goyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. — 3 Order of Battle, in Serg. Lamb's Journal of Occur. — * Ibid. — * Ibid. — 6 Gen. Bur goyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 410 ; Test, of Earl of Harrington, Ques. 39. — ' Gen. Burgoyne's dis patch, Oct. 20. — " Order of Battle, in Serg. Lamb's Jour. ; Anburey, i. p. 410 ; Test, of Earl of Harrington, Ques. 39. 0 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20.— I0 Ibid. ; An burey, i. p. 410 ; Test, of Earl of Harrington, Ques. 39. The Forty-seventh regiment guarded the bateaux containing the stores of the army;1 and the Canadians, the Tory corps, and the Indians, were assigned as skirmishers and flanking parties to the right wing? At this time the Americans occupied an advantageous position near Bemis's tavern, and had strengthened it by throwing up breastworks and redoubts.8 The right of the army, commanded by General Gates in person, occupied the meadows, between the river and the high ground, and that high ground it self to the foot of Bemis's Heights ; while the left of the army, composed of the brigades of Generals Poor and Larned, the riflemen commanded by Colonel Morgan, and a body of militia, commanded by General Arnold, occu pied Bemis's Heights and some high grounds west from them.4 The space between the two encampments, on the low grounds near the river, was cleared and cultivated; on the hills, with the exception of three or four small open ings, it was heavily wooded.5 In front of the right wing of the American camp, and parallel with it, was a deep, closely- wooded ravine, similar to that which covered the enemy's camp ; 6 and, about half way between the two armies, an- ¦Test. of Maj. Forbes, Ques. 14 ; Test, of Col. Kings- ston, Ques. 59 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. 2.0rder of Battle, in Serg. Lamb's Jour., Anburey, i. p. 410.— 3 Gen. Wilkinson's Mem., i. pp. 235, 236; Neil- son's Burgoyne, pp. 114, 115.— 4 Neilson's Camp, of Bur goyne, p. 134.—' Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 236 ; Neilson's Campaign of Burgoyne, pp. 115, 116. ' Ibid. Mr. Neilson, in his useful map of the ground, has erroneously put the intrenchments in front of the ravine. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 287 other of the same character extended westward beyond the western flanks of both armies.1 A small party of light troops, under Lieutenant-colonel Col- burn, had been detached to the east of the Hudson to watch the movements of the enemy, with orders to report such movements as he might consider worthy of notice.2 Early in the day8 (Sept. 19t7i), the enemy moved from his encampment, agreeably to the orders before referred to, the centre in a direct line across the ravine towards the American camp, the right towards the head of the ravine, and the left along the road on the mar gin of the river. It was not until be tween one and two o'clock in the after noon, however, that the three divisions of the army were ready to advance, so great were the obstacles which they en countered,4 when the report of three guns, the signal designated in orders,5 set all simultaneously in motion. The advance and flanking parties of the enemy were immediately met and fired upon by the pickets and scouts from the American army with varied suc cess;6 but the main body had marched less than an hour, when the advance of the British column encountered Colonel Morgan's regiment of riflemen and a 1 Map in Neilson's Campaign ; Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 236.— 2 Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 236. After reporting the movement of the enemy, on the morning of the 19th Sept., he joined his regiment (Col. Scammell's), and was killed in the action. — (Return of Killed, &cc.) — 3 Wilkinson (Mem., i. p. 236) says it was before 8, a. m. The Baron de Eiedesel says (Military Memoir concerning the Campaign of 1777) that they marched at 11 , a. m. — 4 Anburey, i. p. 410. 5 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. — 8 Ibid. detachment of hght-infantry under Ma jor Dearborn, who had been sent to oppose the progress of the enemy in that direction.1 Major Morris, who led Morgan's men, rushed on the enemy with so much impetuosity that his men became scattered,2 and the enemy hav ing been reinforced, Colonel Morgan was driven from the field with the loss of Captain Swearingen and twenty men.8 This check on the enemy's right having been reported to General Gates, he or dered the regiments commanded by Col onels Scammel and Cilley to strengthen Morgan,4 and General Arnold led them out to the left of Morgan, with an evi dent intention to turn General Frazer's flank. Notwithstanding the movements were made with promptness, and the attack was sustained with all the im petuous and determined courage which characterized General Arnold, it was unsuccessful, and the assailants were compelled to withdraw,5 General Gates having refused to send any reinforce ments.6 Not to be frustrated, however, Gen eral Arnold took advantage of the shelter which the woods afforded, and, by a rapid countermarch, fell suddenly on the enemy's centre, where General 'Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 236 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dis patch, Oct. 20 ; Gen. Gates' letter to Congress, Sept. 22. 2 Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 237. — 3 Gen. Burgoyne's dis patch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 411 ; Wilkinson, i. p. 237; Gen. Gates' letter to Congress, Sept. 22. — 4 Ibid. b Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Serg. Lamb's Journal of Occurrences, p. 159. ° Neilson's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 136 ; Irving's Washington, iii. p. 230, and Col. Varick's letter to Gen. Schuyler, cited by him. 288 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. Burgoyne commanded.1 With an ap parent intention of dividing the enemy's line and of detaching General Frazer,2 General Arnold rushed on the enemy with great fury.3 Ordering up the re mainder of his division, General Arnold was strengthened by the successive ar rival of the Second regiment of New Hampshire troops, under Colonel Hale ; the New York troops, under Colonels Pierre Van Courtlandt, James and Hen ry Livingston ; the Massachusetts regi ments, under Colonels Bailey, Weston, Jackson, and Marshall; and the Con necticut militia regiments, under Colo nels Cook and Latimer.4 With the most unwavering courage both parties maintained the strife, and success ap peared to await each, alternately, as their reinforcements gave new vigor to their movements, and encouragement to their troops.5 General Frazer rendered such assistance as prudence allowed, al though it was not thought advisable to evacuate the high ground on the right of the enemy's line, which he occupied,6 otherwise than by occasionally detach ing a part of his force to the assistance of the centre.7 The extreme left of the enemy's line, on the margin of the river, was not able to render much assistance 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 414 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 159. — 2 Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 139. — 3 Test, of Capt. Money, Ques. 45 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 159.— 4 Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 239 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 159 ; Gordon, iii. p. 549. — * Gen. Burgoyne's Beview of the Evidence, p. 121 ; Wilkinson, i. p. 238 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 38. — " Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 415.—' Ibid. See also Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. p. 240. to General Burgoyne. General Phil lips, when the action assumed a serious appearance, hastened through the woods to the centre with four pieces of artil lery, commanded by Major Williams, and rendered efficient service;1 while General Riedesel, late in the day, came on the field at the head of his infantry regiment and two companies of the Rhetz regiment,2 and charged the Amer icans "with regularity and bravery."8 For four hours this stubborn conflict continued,4 one party determined to con quer, the other not to be conquered, and darkness finally accomplished what man was unable to effect.5 The Ameri cans retired from the field in good or der and without pursuit,6 claiming the victory because they had checked the progress of the enemy ; 7 the British re tained a field, barren alike of advantage and glory, claiming also to be victors, from their possession of the field of battle.8 The force of the two armies actually engaged was nearly equal, the Ameri cans numbering about three thousand, the enemy about three thousand five hundred.9 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 415 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 160.— 2 Baron de Eiede- sel's Military Mem.—3 Gen. Burgoyne's Dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 160.— 4 Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 16 ; Anburey, i. p. 415 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 35.— B Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 39 ; Anburey, i. p. 415 ; Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 241. 6 Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 39 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20.—' Campbell's Life of Gen. Hull, p. 97 ; Marshall, iii. p. 287 ; Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 145.—8 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 417, 420, 424 ; Wilkinson, i. pp. 241, 242 ; Stedman, i. p. 337.— ' Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 239; Neilson's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 145. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 289 The loss, on the part of the ene my, was about six hundred, killed and wounded;1 the Sixty-second regiment, which left Canada with five hundred men, coming out of the battle with less than sixty effective men and only four or five officers ;2 while the artillery corps lost its captain (Jones) and thirty-six men out of forty-eight.3 The Americans lost two lieutenant-colonels, three captains, one lieutenant, two en signs, and fifty-seven non-commissioned officers and privates (total sixty-five), killed' six captains, fourteen lieuten ants, one ensign, and one hundred and ninety-seven non-commissioned officers and privates (total two hundred and eighteen), wounded / and one captain, one lieutenant, and thirty-six non-com missioned officers and privates (total thirty-eight), missing. ,4 The enemy, as has been said, occu pied the field after the battle closed, and both armies, on the following day, proceeded to strengthen their respec tive positions,5 — the one waiting for a co-operative movement from New York, the other watching the enemy to pre vent his progress towards Albany. Works were thrown up on the western 1 Stedman, i. p. 337 ; Hall's Civil War, p. 400 ; Test. of Maj. Forbes, Ques. 16 ; Test, of Col. Kingston, Ques. 61. 2 Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 16 ; Test, of Capt. Money, Ques. 30 ; Testimony of Col. Kingston, Question 65. 3 Gen. Burgoyne's Kev. of Evidence, p. 121. Capt. An burey (i. p. 418) says all, except one, were either killed or wounded. — 4 "Beturns of the killed, &c, of the Army between Stillwater and Saratoga, Sept. 19, 1777," dated "Camp, Bemis's Heights, Sept. 21st," signed "Ja. Wilkin son, Dep. Adjt.-Gen."—" Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 263; Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 16 ; Test, of Capt. Money, Ques. 52-55 ; Test, of Earl of Harrington, Ques. 95-101. Vot.. I.— 37 flanks of both armies,1 while on the left of the enemy's line, both on the heights and on the meadows, especial care was taken to protect the bateaux containing the stores.2 About this time a misunderstanding, which had been growing between Gen erals Gates and Arnold for some time previous, broke out into an open rup ture, and threatened even the safety of the army.8 It appears, that when the umighteous removal of General Schuy ler from the command of the army was ordered by Congress, through the influ ence, and for the especial benefit of those who afterwards formed the noto rious " Conway Cabal," 4 General Ar nold, in common with all true friends of their country, considered it an indirect attack on the commander-in-chief; and he sympathized with General Schuyler, taking Colonels Richard Varick and Brockholst Livingston, his secretary and aid-de-camp, into his military fami ly.5 The intense jealousy of General Gates, and his partisan animosity against General Schuyler, were speedily aroused, and a coolness, terminating in an open rupture, was extended to General Ar nold.6 General Wilkinson, the adju tant-general of the army, and the espe- 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 416. 2 Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 46 ; Anburey, i. p. 416. 3 Wilkinson's Memoirs, pp. 253-261 ; Neilson's Cam paign of Burgoyne, pp. 151, 152. * The ' ' Conway Cabal ' ' was the name given to a clique of officers of the army and members of Congress who were opposed to Gen. Washington remaining at the head of the army. Generals Lee, Conway, Gates, Mifflin, and many of the members of Congress from New England, headed by James Lovell, composed the group. 6 Irving's Washington, iii. p. 224. — * Ibid. 290 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. cial friend and apologist of General Gates, himself one of the notorious " Cabal" referred to,1 goes so far as to state that General Gates sent him, after General Arnold had left the camp, to lead the charge on the enemy's right wing, with orders to "remand Arnold to camp ;"2 and that "not a single gen eral officer was on the field of battle the l§th September, until the evening ;"3 for getting that, in falsifying history for the purpose of robbing General Arnold of his hard-earned fame, he at the same time impeached the military character of General Gates, in maintaining that an action of this importance, where the destiny of the country and of the great principles on which the parties had taken issue was involved, was intrusted to the individual caprices of colonels of regiments,4 without the controlling su perintendence of a general officer ; and " was fought by the general concert and zealous co-operation of the corps en gaged, and sustained more by individ ual courage than military discipline."5 Fortunately, the testimony of eye-wit nesses furnishes abundant evidence of the partisan bias of both Wilkinson and his patron, and General Aj-nold has been amply protected in his rights as the real hero of Saratoga, notwithstand ing his name has been carefully exclud ed from all the official documents re lating to that event.6 The trouble be- 1 It was through Wilkinson's weakness that the com plicity of Gen. Gates in this affair was made known to Gen. Washington. — 2 Memoirs, i. pp. 245, 246. 3 Ibid., p. 245.— 4 Ibid., p. 246.— ¦ Ibid. 6 Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 164 ; Col. Varick to tween the two Generals was brought to an issue by the detachment of Colonel Morgan's riflemen and Major Dearborn's light-infantry from General Arnold's command j1 and an unpleasant inter view2 and an equally unpleasant corre spondence followed,8 the result of all which was the removal of General Ar nold from all command and his excl/w- sionfrom head-quarters? General Gates first taking the command of the left wing himself,5 and afterwards, on the twenty-fifth of September, assigning it to General Lincoln.6 On the third of October, the supply of provisions in the enemy's camp had become so far reduced that the daily rations were diminished ; 7 and the diffi culties of a retreat to Canada, as well as the opportunity which such a retreat would afford for General Gates to turn his force against General Howe, were made the subjects of anxious considera tion in the family of General Burgoyne.8 At the same time the attacks on the camp by the American troops were fre quent and severe.9 General Burgoyne himself says: "From the twentieth of September to the seventh of October, the armies were so near that not a sin gle night passed without firing, and Gen. Schuyler, cited by Mr. Irving ; Stedman, i. pp. 336, 337, 341 ; Hall's Civil War, pp. 400, 407 ; Neilson's Campaign of Burgoyne, pp. 152, 177. 1 Wilkinson's Mem., i. pp. 253, 254.— 2 Ibid., p. 254. 3 Ibid., pp. 254-260.— 4 Ibid., p. 260.—' Ibid. 8 Ibid., i. p. 261.—' Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Baron de Eiedesel's Military Mem., p. 146 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 163.— 8 Baron de Eiedesel's Military Mem., pp. 146, 147.— " Anburey, i. p. 431; Baron de Eiedesel's Military Mem., p. 145 ; Madame de Eiedesel's Account, &c, p. 167. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 291 sometimes concerted attacks upon our advanced pickets ; no foraging party could be made without great detach ments to cover it ; it was the plan of the enemy to harass the army by con stant alarms, and their superiority of numbers enabled them to attempt it without fatigue to themselves. * * * * I do not believe either officer or soldier ever slept during that interval without his clothes, or that any general officer or commander of a regiment passed a single night without being upon his legs occasionally, at different hours, and constantly an hour before daylight."1 With great obstinacy, under the cir cumstances, General Burgoyne braved his troubles, and resolved to await the arrival of an answer to communications which he had sent to Sir Henry Clin ton, at New York, before he made an other movement.2 This resolution was defeated, however, by the great scarcity of forage, and the necessity of a move ment of the army to obtain it, and a second and decisive battle " was precip itated by some days."8 The apparent, unexplained inactivity of General Burgoyne caused some anx iety in the American camp.4 It was supposed he was waiting for reinforce ments from Canada, and such disposi tions were made of the militia as would " render their arrival difficult, if not im practicable."5 It was also suspected that succors from New York might be 1 Gen. Burgoyne's Eeview of the Evidence before the House of Commons, p. 124. — 2 Baron de Eiedesel's Mili tary Mem., p. 147 ; Stedman, i. p. 339. — 3 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20.— 4 Wilkinson, i. pp. 263, 264.— 6 Ibid. expected, or that a movement on the east bank of the Hudson or on the ex treme left flank of the army might be intended, and all proper precautions were taken to prevent their success, should either of them be attempted;1 yet no disposition was manifested by General Gates to make a general attack on the enemy's lines. At length the anxious impatience of the Americans was relieved, and the fruit of General Schuyler's industrious and judicious patriotism, and of General Arnold's impetuous and obstinate cour age, now fully ripe, fell, without an effort on his part to secure it, into the hands of General Gates. On the seventh of October, General Burgoyne having received no intelli gence from New York, and the limit of his intended stay in the position he then occupied having almost expired, " it was judged advisable to make a movement to the left of the American camp, not only to discover whether there were any possible means of forcing a passage should it be necessary to advance, or of dislodging him for the convenience of a retreat, but also to cover a forage of the army, which was in the greatest dis tress on account of the scarcity." 2 For this purpose, leaving the guard of the camp on the heights with Generals Hamilton and Specht, and those of the redoubts and the plain with General Gall,8 between eleven and twelve o'clock, General Burgoyne, in person, accompa- 1 Wilkinson, i. pp. 263, 264. — 2 Gen. Burgoyne's dis patch, Oct. 20 ; Testimony of Col. Kingston, Question 78. 3 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 436. 292 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. nied by Generals Phillips, Riedesel, and Frazer, moved with a detachment of fifteen hundred regular troops, two twelve-pounders, six six-pounders, and two howitzers, and formed within three quarters of a mile from the left of the American lines ; while Captain Frazer's rangers, the Indians, and the Tory refu gees, were directed to move through the woods around the left flank of the for mer and make a diversion, and, if possi ble, to keep the Americans in check.1 It was after noon before the desired position was gained by the main body of the detachment,2 and the bat-men had just commenced their work of gath ering forage, when the position occupied by the enemy was reconnoitred by the adjutant-general of the American forces.8 It occupied a low ridge of ground ; 4 the British grenadiers, under Major Ack- land, being on the left of the line (which was nearest the American camp), with the Germans and the Twenty-fourth regiment on their right ; and the Brit ish light-infantry, under General Frazer, and covered by a rail-fence, occupied the extreme right of the line.5 The report of the adjutant having been made to General Gates, he ordered Colonel Morgan to take a circuitous route and gain the high ground on the right of the enemy's line,6 while Gen- 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 435. Baron de Eiedesel says (Mil. Mem., p. 147) they marched at 10, a. m.— 2 Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. p. 267.— 3 Ibid. 4 Baron de Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., p. 148 ; Wilkinson's Mem., p. 267 ; Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 163. 8 Map of engagement, in Burgoyne's Narrative. See also Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. 8 Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. pp. 267, 268. eral Poor's brigade, composed of the First, Second, and Third regiments of New Hampshire troops, under Colonels Scammel, Hale, and Cilley; the New Yoik regiments, under Colonels Van Courtlandt and Henry Livingston ; and the Connecticut militia, under Colonels Cook and Latimer, were to advance against his left.1 The movements were made with secrecy,2 the intervening woods enabling the troops to march without being seen, and the time was arranged so that a simultaneous attack should be made on both flanks, and on the front of the enemy's line.8 By a very sudden and rapid move ment4 the attack commenced on the extreme left of the line, where Major Ackland and the grenadiers were sta tioned,5 and within a few minutes the Germans were also engaged.6 At this moment Colonel Morgan rushed on the right of the line, and the action became general.7 General Burgoyne, seeing that any attempt to withstand the force which had attacked his position would be useless, immediately ordered the light-infantry and part of the Twenty- fourth regiment to form a second line, in the rear of the position they then occupied, in order to secure the retreat of the detachment;8 but while this movement was being made, the grena diers and German troops on the left of 1 Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. p. 268.— 2 Ibid.—3 Ibid. 4 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 268 ; Baron de Eiedesel's Military Memoirs, p. 148. 8 Ibid.—" Ibid.—' Baron de Eiedesel's Military Mem., p. 148 ; Campbell's Life of Gen. Hull, p. 101. 8 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Wilkinson, i. p. 269. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 293 the line, which had been attacked by Major Dearborn with the American light-infantry,1 gave way,2 and the right (the Twenty-fourth and the light-infant ry) was compelled, by a quick move ment, to march to their assistance, in doing which General Frazer was mortal ly wounded.3 The situation of the ene my's lines was now very serious,4 and orders having been given to Generals Phillips and Riedesel to cover the re treat of the detachment,5 General Bur goyne, with such troops as he could col lect, hastened back for the purpose of defending them, in case they were at tacked.6 The enemy, closely pursued, reached the lines, leaving behind them six pieces of artillery, all the horses having been killed, and most of the men which belonged to them having been either killed or wounded.7 The impet uosity of the attack on this detachment, the skill with which the movements were made, and the desperate courage with which the attack was sustained, commanded the respect even of the ene my ; 8 while the terrible carnage proved that that respect was well founded. But the battle was not yet ended, and the fears which General Burgoyne had evinced for the safety of his lines were speedily realized.9 General Arnold, who, notwithstanding the efforts of General 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Wilkinson, i. p. 269. — * Ibid. — 3 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 163.— 4 Ibid.—8 Test, of Capt. Money, Ques. 59 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. 8 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. — ' Ibid. 3 Burgoyne's Narrative, pp. 17, 18 ; Baron de Eiedesel's Military Mem., p. 148.—' Testimony of Capt. Money, Question 59 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. Gates to prevent it,1 had headed his troops in the desperate attack on the left and centre of the detachment which had just retreated,2 was cheering them on in the pursuit of the fugitives. Rushing wildly from regiment to regi ment, giving to each its orders, and en couraging all with his example,8 he was received everywhere with the greatest enthusiasm, and the troops pushed after him to attack the lines of the enemy, behind which the remnant of General Burgoyne's detachment had taken ref uge.4 When General Patterson's bri gade, which he was leading, encountered a heavy abatis, and was driven back by the enemy,5 he threw himself at the head of Colonel Jackson's regiment and pressed forward.6 With great gallantry that part of the lines which he attacked was defended successfully by Lord Bal carras, the successor of the lamented General Frazer ;7 but the intrenchments occupied by the German reserve, under Colonel Breyman, were carried and re tained by Lieutenant-colonel Brooks, at the head of another part of the same regiment,8 and by that success the right and rear of the enemy's lines were opened to the American army.9 1 Wilkinson, i. p. 273 ; Irving, iii. p. 256. 3 Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 169; Irving, iii. p. 256. 3 Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 273 ; Neilson's Camp, of Bur goyne, p. 183 ; Irving, iii. p. 256. — 4 Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 174. — 8 Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur. , p. 164 ; Gordon, iii. p. 561.— " Ibid.—' Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 48 ; Anburey, i. p. 442 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Serg. Lamb's Journal, p. 164. 8 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 442 ; Wilkinson's Mem., i. pp. 271, 272 ; De Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., p. 148.— " Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 272 ; An burey, i. p. 442 ; Serg. Lamb's Journal, p. 165 ; Testi mony of Earl of Balcarras, Questions 51, 52. 294 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. A second time the close of day put an end to the battle,1 and the Ameri cans were this time acknowledged to be the victors. Besides the loss of the field on which the action commenced, and the intrenchments of the German reserve, the enemy suffered severely in the killed and wounded among his offi cers and men. Besides General Frazer, who was mortally wounded, Sir Francis Clark, aid-de-camp of General Burgoyne, and Lieutenant-colonel Breyman, were killed, and Majors Ackland and Wil liams were taken prisoners, the former wounded.2 The exact loss of the ene my is unknown, but it has been sup posed to amount to not less than six hundred, killed, wounded, and prison ers.8 The loss of the Americans did not exceed one hundred and fifty, killed and wounded,4 among the. latter of whom was General Arnold, who, just as the victory had been won, received a ball, which fractured his leg and killed his horse.5 The disastrous result of the action, especially the loss of the German in- trenchment, rendered a change in the position of his army necessary,6 and General Burgoyne effected it, without loss, during the night of the seventh of October, by taking post upon the heights above his hospital, on the west bank of the Hudson, near the present 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 442 ; Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 177 ; Stedman, i. p. 341. — 2 Serg. Lamb's Journal of Occur., p. 164. 3 Neilson (Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 181) says it was about seven hundred. — 4 Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p 182. 8 Thatcher's Mil. Jour., p. 102 ; Marshall, iii. pp. 293, 264. — e Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 18 ; Anburey, i. p. 446. village of Wilbur's Basin.1 The Amer ican army occupied the camp which the enemy had abandoned, on the morning of the eighth,2 and the day was spent in a random fire of artillery and small- arms,3 but General Gates declined the attack, which General Burgoyne in vited, on the new position which the latter then occupied.4 On the morning of the eighth, Gen eral Gates dispatched General Fellows with his brigade, about thirteen hun dred men,5 to occupy the barracks at Saratoga, in the rear of the enemy's position,6 in order to check the latter, should he attempt to retreat ; but that position being too much exposed,7 he was afterwards ordered to take post on the east side of the Hudson, for the purpose of preventing the enemy from crossing the river at that place.8 At the same time a detachment of two thousand men was sent to intercept him at Fort Edward;9 and another of fifteen hundred, with a similar object, was ordered to the ford higher up.10 These troops, marching past the ene my's right flank, were supposed by the 1 Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 53 ; Anburey, i. p. 446. Baron de Eiedesel says the stay here was for the purpose of effecting the removal of the hospital. 3 Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 279.— 3 Test, of Earl of Har rington, Ques. 67 ; Test, of Col. Kingston, Ques. 84, 85 ; Gen. Burgoyne's Eeview of Evidence, p. 125. 4 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20; Anburey, i. p. 447 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour., 165 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 54.— 8 Gen. Fellows to Gen. Lincoln, "Saratoga Barracks, Oct. 8, 1777."— " Ibid. See also Wilkinson's Mem., i. p. 280.—' Wilkinson, i. pp. 280, 281. 8 Col. Wilkinson to Gen. Fellows, Oct. 8 ; Gen. Bur goyne's dispatch, Oct. 20.—° Neilson's Camp, of Burgoyne, p. 207 ; Testimony of Col. Kingston, Ques. 95 ; Gordon, iii. p. 566.— 10 Ibid. 4w V.-J r<^ "- ^ ". ' 6 C-SJ- ¦a "¦=_¦ ;: ¦¦:;:: ;- ^ ^. m m :r-r I 3 Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 295 latter to have been intended for other objects,1 and an immediate retreat to Saratoga was determined on.2 Accord ingly, at nine o'clock in the evening of the eighth,8 the army began to move, General Riedesel commanding the van guard and General Phillips the rear.4 In his haste to secure a new position, and in consequence of the bad state of the roads, General Burgoyne abandoned his sick and wounded, some three hun dred in number.5 The retreat was con ducted with great secrecy, and, although encumbered with a heavy train, and with all the baggage of the army, it was effected without loss.6 The fugi tives reached Do-ve-gat (now Coveville) at daybreak on the morning of the ninth,7 and remained there some time, the day being exceeding rainy, and the bateaux containing the small supply of provisions which the army possessed being guarded with great difficulty.8 The army reached Saratoga (Schuyler- ville) on the night of the ninth,9 but the artillery could not pass the ford of the Fish Creek until the following morning.10 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. — 2 Ibid. 3 Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 165 ; Anburey, i. p. 450. — 4 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 450. — * Gen. Burgoyne to Gen. Gates, Oct. 8 ; Wilkin son, i. p. 282.— 8 Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 55, 56 ; Test, of Earl of Harrington, Ques. 70 ; Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20; Mad. de Eiedesel's Account, &c, p. 173. ' Anburey, i. p. 452 ; Gen. Burgoyne's Kev. of Evi dence, p. 126. — 8 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; An burey, i. pp. 452, 453 ; Baron de Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., p. 149. — » Gen. Burgoyne's Eev. of Evidence, p. 129 ; An burey, i. p. 453 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 58 ; Testimony of Maj . Forbes, Question 22. 10 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, October 20 ; Anbury, i. p. 457. The American army remained in the encampment until the afternoon of the tenth,1 and it was not until four o'clock on that day that the advance of the army came within sight of the enemy's position.2 On the following morning, which was very foggy, a movement was made with an intention to attack the enemy in his lines.3 It was one of General Gates's peculiarly injudicious movements, without even reconnoiter- ing the position of the enemy or the disposition of his troops, and it is owing entirely to a disobedience of his per emptory orders, on the part of General Larned and some other officers, that the American army was saved from a most disastrous defeat.4 The enemy continued to occupy the heights on the north side of Fish Creek, hoping for the arrival of assistance, but hoping in vain. On the 12th, the Gen erals Burgoyne, Riedesel, Phillips, and Hamilton, met in Council of War, and discussed the difficulties of their situa tion.5 General Burgoyne informed the Council that the American army had been increased to fourteen thousand men, well supplied with artillery ; and that an attack was threatened ; that another "army," numbers unknown, was between their position and Fort 1 Wilkinson, i. p. 284 ; Anburey, i. p. 451.— 2 Wilkin son, i. p. 284; Neilson's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 197. 3 Burgoyne's Narrative, p. 18 ; Eev. of the Evidence, p. 130 ; Wilkinson, i. pp. 285-289 ; De Eiedesel's Mil itary Memoirs, p. 150. — 4 Ibid. 8 Baron de Biedesel says (Mil. Mem., pp. 150, 151) that this was an adjourned meeting from one held by the Major-generals only, on the preceding day. He also says that General Gall was present at this meeting. 296 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. Edward, with another body of fifteen hundred in another post ; that the Americans had cannon on the east side of the Hudson, with a bridge over the Hudson by which the different bodies could communicate ; that their own bateaux had been destroyed, and they had no means of crossing the Hudson, even if the positions of the Americans permitted them to do so ; that the only means of retreat, therefore, were by the ford at Fort Edward (which was well guarded by General Gates) ; or, second ly, by other fords higher up (which were also similarly guarded) ; or, third ly, by taking to the mountains, pass to the westward of the head-waters of the Hudson and Lake George, through the woods, and thence to Ticonderoga ; or, lastly, by taking to the mountains, in the same way, pass the upper waters of the Hudson on rafts ; that the repairs on the bridges, which a retreat to Fort Edward would demand, would require great labor, and enable General Gates to throw heavy forces in their front, to harass their march or to dispute the passage of the ford, while his main body followed in the rear ; that no re liable intelligence had been received from Sir Henry Clinton ; and that the provisions might hold out for eight days longer, although they then had neither rum nor spruce-beer, and he re quested the sentiments of the mem bers on the following questions : First, Should they wait for an attack from the Americans, or the chance of favor able events ? Second, Should they at tack the Americans? Third, Should they retreat towards Fort Edward, re pair the bridges for the passage of their artillery, and attempt to pass the river at that place ? Fourth, Should they re treat by night, leaving their artillery and baggage ; and in case they could not force the passage at Fort Edward with small-arms only, to attempt the up per fords, or make the passage through the woods, around the west side of Lake George ? And fifth, In case General Gates extended his lines so far towards his left that his rear was left open, should they force a passage to Albany ? The first, second, third, and fifth propo sitions were considered impracticable, and on the fourth the Council decided it was the only resource, but to effect even that the utmost secrecy was neces sary, so as to insure for the army four miles march from their lines without be ing discovered.1 In the mean time, scouts had been sent out to examine the different routes, and their reports were considered neces sary, before the time for making even the desperate attempt which the recom mendation of the Council indicated, was fixed upon.2 In due season these scouts returned, and reported "that the ene my's (Americans') position on the right was such, and they had so many small parties out, that it would be impossible to move without the march being im mediately discovered,"8 and the project ed retreat, desperate as it was, and 1 Minutes of Council of War, Oct. 12.— 2 Marshall, iii. p. 299 ; Anburey, i. pp. 460.—' Note to Minutes of Coun cil, Oct. 12 ; Anburey, i. p. 460 ; Testimony of Col. Kingston, Question 93. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 297 small as the required advantage (four miles undisturbed marcK) might have been, was abandoned. During all this time the enemy's troops were supplied with short ra tions, and they had no rum or spruce- beer to deaden their sensibilities, but were compelled to lay continually upon their arms and submit to be cannonaded in every part, even rifle-balls and grape- shot coming into all parts of the camp.1 On the thirteenth, an examination of the stores revealed the fact that but three days' supply of short rations re mained,2 and another Council of War, to which all the field-officers and cap tains commanding corps were invited, was held to consult on their situation and prospects.8 General Burgoyne laid before this Council the same information of his own and his opponent's condition which had been submitted to the general offi cers on the twelfth, with all the addi tional intelligence which he had subse quently received ; and he stated that he was ready to undertake any enter prise which they might consider within their means, and to lead them in its ex ecution. He added, "that he had rea son to believe a capitulation had been in the contemplation of some, perhaps of all, who knew the real situation of things; that upon a circumstance of 1 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. pp. 461, 462 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour., p. 166 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 64. — 3 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20. 3 Gen. Burgoyne's dispatch, Oct. 20 ; Anburey, i. p. 463 ; De Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., p. 152 ; Test, of Earl of Bal carras, Ques. 63. Vol. I.— 38 such consequence to national and per sonal honor, he thought it a duty to his country, and to himself, to extend his council beyond the usual limits ; that the assembly present might justly be esteemed a full representation of the army ; and that he should think himself unjustifiable in taking any step in so serious a matter, without such a concur rence of sentiments as should make a treaty the act of the army, as well as that of the General." The first ques tion, therefore, he desired them to de cide was, "Whether an army of three thousand five hundred fighting men, well provided with artillery, was justi fiable, upon the principles of national dignity and military honor, in capitu lating in any possible situation % " The Council decided, unanimously, in the affirmative. The General then inquired, " Is the present situation of that na ture ? " and the Council decided, unani mously, " That the present situation justifies a capitulation upon honorable terms." The General immediately drew up a letter to General Gates,1 inviting him to treat for a surrender, and having submitted the draft to the Council and received its unanimous approval,2 the meeting adjourned, and the letter was forwarded to the American camp.8 On the following day (October 14£A), the Council reassembled, and the Gen- 1 A copy of this draft of letter will be found appended to the minutes of the Council of War. 3 Minutes of General Council of War, Oct. 13 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 65, 66 ; De Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., pp. 152, 154. — s The particulars of the reception of this letter are given in Wilkinson, i. pp. 298-302. 298 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. eral laid before it the proposals of Gen eral Gates.1 The sixth article, requiring the enemy to ground their arms in their encampment, was rejected as inadmis sible in any extremity ; and the answers of General Burgoyne to the proposi tions of General Gates,2 and his own counter-propositions,8 were unanimously approved, when the Council again ad journed.4 On the fifteenth the Council reas sembled a second time, when General Gates' answers to General Burgoyne's proposals5 were pronounced "satisfac tory, and a sufficient ground for pro ceeding to a definitive treaty."6 The usual preliminary negotiations having been completed, it took but a very short time for the " Commissioners " from each army to draw up and submit the articles;7 but General Burgoyne frittered away the time,8 and even held a Council to determine if he was bound, in honor, to complete the Convention, after the "preliminary articles" had been signed, evidently hoping that suc cors would arrive from New York. The Council decided against the General's wish to retire from the Convention by 1 A copy of Gen Gates' proposals, at length, will be found in Wilkinson's Mem., i. pp. 304, 305, and in Stedman, i. pp. 346, 347. — ' General Burgoyne's answers will be found opposite the several proposals of Gen. Gates, in Wilkinson, i. pp. 304, 305, and in Stedman, i. pp. 346, 347. 3 Gen. Burgoyne's proposals will be found in Wilkinson's Mem., i. pp. 306-308, and Stedman, i. pp. 347, 348. * Minutes of General Council of War, Oct. 14 ; Test, of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 67, 68. — 8 These answers are copied at length, opposite the several proposals, in Wilkin son, i. pp. 306-308, and Stedman, i. pp. 347, 348. 6 Minutes of General Council of War, Oct. 15. T Wilkinson, i. pp. 309, 310.— e Eiedesel's Military Memoirs, p. 158 ; Wilkinson, i. pp. 310-317. a vote of fourteen to eight,1 considei'ing such a withdrawal a breach of honor ; yet the General persisted, and it was only after members of the Council had declared "that the posts were unten able," "that there would be consider able desertion," " that the Forty-seventh regiment could not be depended upon," " that the Sixty-second was dishearten ed and not equal to their former exer tions," and "that the men generally seemed to have got the Convention in their heads as desirable," that he con cluded to ratify and sign it.2 On the sixteenth of October the sig natures were appended to the Conven tion,3 and on the seventeenth Colonel Wilkinson was directed to visit General Burgoyne, and accompany him to the green in front of old Fort Hardy, on the north bank of Fish Creek, near its intersection with the Hudson, where his army was to lay down its arms.4 They then crossed the creek, at General Burgoyne's request, and proceeded to the head-quarters of the American army. General Burgoyne, in full uniform, rode in front, with Major Kingston, his adju tant-general ; Lord Petersham and Lieu tenant Wilford, his aids-de-camp, fol lowed; and then Generals Phillips, Riedesel, Hamilton, Skene, and Gall, with their suites, according to their rank. General Gates, having been in formed of their approach, met them at "Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., p. 157.— 2 Minutes of General Council of War, Oct. 16 ; Eiedesel's Mil. Mem., pp. 157- 160; Testimony of Earl of Balcarras, Ques. 69-73, 132. 3 The articles, as signed, are copied in full in Document IV. — 4 Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. p. 321 ; Neilson's Bur goyne, p. 216. Chap. XXV.] THE BATTLES NEAR SARATOGA, N. Y. 299 the head of his camp. When General Burgoyne had come " within a sword's length" of General Gates he halted, and was introduced by Colonel Wilkin son, when he gracefully raised his hat, saying : " The fortune of war, General Gates, has made me your prisoner; " to which the General replied, " I shall al ways be ready to bear testimony that it has not been through any fault of your Excellency." General Phillips, an old acquaintance of General Gates, next approached him, and after him the Baron Riedesel and other officers pres ent were introduced.1 At the appointed time the enemy's troops marched from their encamp ments to the green near old Fort Har dy, where they deposited their arms and emptied their cartridge-boxes •} when they were immediately re-formed, with the light-infantry in front, and passed through the American camp, under an escort of dragoons, the band at their head playing the popular tune of " Yankee Doodle." 8 As the head of the procession approached the marquee of General Gates, that officer, in com pany with the general officers of both armies, who were able to be present, and their suites, passed out and took their position in front. Not a word was spoken, but, for a few minutes, each looked on the scene before him with such feelings as only those who had been interested could witness it.4 1 Wilkinson, i. pp. 321, 322.— 2 The Sexagenary, or Eeminiscences of the American Eevolution (suppressed edition), pp. Ill, 112. — 3 The Sexagenary, p. 115 ; Serg. Lamb's Jour, of Occur., p. 171. — 4 The Sexagenary, p. 115. The conquered, from the haughty spirit and high-toned "proclamations" with which they had opened the campaign, were filled with mortification and dis tress ; the victors, flushed with the ad vantage which this success would secure to themselves, their party, or their coun try, as one or other of these objects governed their actions, were anxious to reach the plunder, or other wished-for benefit ; or, plotting with their asso ciates, were devising other schemes of aggrandizement ; or, honest in their de votion to their country and her cause, looked forward to the advantages which this success would secure to both, and thanked God for his goodness in secur ing it. When the head of the procession reached the spot where the Generals stood, General Burgoyne stepped back, drew his sword, and, in the presence of both armies, presented it to General Gates, who received, but instantly re turned it, in the most courteous man ner,1 and thus was the enemy formally surrendered into the hands of the rep resentative of the United States. The troops which were thus surren dered were, two lieutenant-generals, two major-generals, three brigadier-generals, two deputy adjutant-generals, three as sistant deputy quartermaster-generals, six aides, one secretary, five brigade- majors, one deputy judge-advocate-gen eral, one surgeon-general, one deputy paymaster-general, one assistant com missary-general, one wagon-master, six 1 The Sexagenary, p. 115. 300 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. lieutenant-colonels, eleven majors, sev enty-eight captains, one hundred and thirty lieutenants, forty-one ensigns, eight chaplains, six adjutants, five quar termasters, fourteen surgeons, thirteen surgeons'-mates, three hundred and eighty-nine sergeants, one hundred and ninety-seven musicians, and four thou sand eight hundred and thirty-six pri vates, making a total of five thousand seven hundred and sixty-three.1 The property surrendered embraced twenty- seven pieces of cannon, with implements and stores complete for the pieces, five thousand stands of arms, great quantities of musket-cartridges, a number of am munition-wagons, travelling-forges, &c? The success at Saratoga was soon followed by the evacuation of Ticon deroga and Crown Point, and the pow er of the enemy in the North was pros trated. Of the effect of this victory it has been beautifully remarked, that " all over the land a shout of triumph went up, and from the furrows, and workshops, and marts of commerce ; from the pulpit, from provincial halls of legislation, from partisan camps, and from the shattered ranks of the chief at White Marsh, it was echoed and re- 1 Field Eeturn of the British Forces which surrendered to the arms of the United States, at Saratoga, Oct. 17, 1777. 2 Eeturn of Ordnance and Stores taken, signed ' ' Eben ezer Stephens, Major commanding U. S. Artillery. ' ' echoed. Toryism, which had began to lift high its head, retreated behind the defence of inaction; the bills of Con gress rose twenty per cent in value; capital came forth from its hiding- places ; the militia readily obeyed the summons to the camp ; and the great patriot heart of America beat strongly with pulsations of hope."1 Nor was the effect of this victory on the cause of America less apparent in Europe than in America. In the Brit ish Parliament, the Earls Chatham, Temple, and Coventry, and the Duke of Richmond in the Lords; and Fox, Burke, and Barre in the House, led the opposition in a terrible onslaught against the Government; while the friends of America, throughout the country, took fresh courage, and manfully sustained her cause. On the continent, the Amer ican character and the American repre sentatives were more respected, her calls for aid were more cheerfully responded to, and France, Spain, Holland, and even Russia and the Pope, manifested more interest in the ultimate success of her cause. From that day the United States of America assumed a position among the nations of the earth, and the effect of the struggle of her people was felt throughout the whole world. 1 Lossing's Field Book, i. p. DOCUMENTS. i. COL. WILKINSON 8 LETTEE TO COL. VISSOHEK, EE8PEOTING THE ACTION SEPT. 19. a, ) Camp foub. miles above Stillwater, September 20, 1777. Deae Sie: — General Gates being extremely hurried, has desired me to answer your letter of this day. The committee have his hearty thanks for their attention paid to the wounded. The wagons they have sent on will meet them at Stillwater, to which place they have been sent in boats. The General is sensible that the com mittee will afford the director-general, Dr. Potts, every assistance in their power, whose care and attention to those unfortunate brave men, de serves the highest credit. Being yesterday informed by our reconnoiter- ing parties that the enemy had struck their camp, and were advancing towards our left, the General detached Colonel Morgan's light corps to examine' their direction and harass their ad vance. This party, at half-past twelve, fell in with a picket of the enemy, which they imme diately drove, and, after a brisk fire, were beat back by a strong reinforcement. This skirmish drew a regiment from our camp, and the main body of the enemy to support the action, which, after a short cessation, was renewed with double ardor, and continued incessant till the close of the day, when our men retired to camp and the enemy a small distance in rear of the field. The succor which we occasionally detached, amount ed to eleven Continental and two militia regi ments. I have not yet obtained a return, but have reason to believe that our killed do not exceed eighty, and that the missing and wound ed do not amount to two hundred. The con current testimony of the prisoners and deserters of various characters, assures us that General Burgoyne, who commanded in person, was wounded in the left shoulder, that the Sixty- second regiment was cut to pieces, and that the enemy suffered extremely in every quarter where they were engaged. As General Bur goyne's situation will shortly constrain him to a decisive action, reinforcements should be imme diately pushed forward to our assistance, as our numbers are far from being equal to an insur ance of victory, and every bosom must antici pate the consequences of a defeat. The enemy have quietly hcked their sores this day. The news of the taking of Ticonderoga is corroborated by several prisoners, and as an attack was designed on that post, I am inclined to believe it. I am, dear sir, &c, James Wilkinson. Col. Matt. Visschek. II. EXTRACT OP A LETTEE FBOM MAJOE-GENEEAL GATES TO THE HONOEABLE JOHN HANCOCK, PEESIDENT OE CONGEESS, DATED, " CAMP HEIGHTS ABOVE BEHMAn's, SEPT. 22, 1777," EESPECTING THE ACTION SEPT. 19. Friday morning I was informed by my re- connoitering parties, that the enemy had struck their camp, and were removing towards our left. I immediately detached Colonel Morgan's corps, consisting of the rifle regiment and light- infantry of the army, to observe their direction and harass their advance. This party, at half- past twelve, fell in with a picket of the enemy, which they immediately drove ; but the enemy 302 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. being reinforced, after a brisk conflict, they were in turn obliged to retire. This skirmish drew the main body of the enemy, and a bri gade from my left, to support the action, which, after a short cessation, was renewed with great warmth and violence. At this instant, hearing from prisoners that the whole British force and a division of foreigners had engaged our party, I reinforced with four more regiments. This continued the action till the close of day, when both armies retired from the field. Inclosed is a return of our loss, and I am well assured, by the concurrent testimony of prison ers and deserters of various characters, that General Burgoyne, who commanded in person, received a wound in his left shoulder — that the Sixty-second regiment Was cut to pieces, and that the enemy suffered extremely in every quarter where they were engaged. The gen eral good behavior of the troops, on this impor tant occasion, cannot be surpassed by the most veteran army : to discriminate in praise of the officers would be injustice, as they all deserve the honor and applause of Congress. Lieuten ant-colonel Colburn, and Lieutenant-colonel Ad ams, with the rest of the unfortunate brave, who fell in their country's cause, leave a lasting monument to their glory. The armies remain encamped within two miles of each other. This instant I wrote to all the neighboring States, and pressingly demanded the immediate march of their militia. When proper reinforce ments arrive, I hope to give your Excellency more interesting intelligence. Inclosed is a re turn of the army, which but barely equals that of the enemy. in. GENEEAL JOHN GLOVEe's LETTEE ON THE ACTION OF OCTOBEE 7TH. Camp three miles above Stillwater, ) October 9, 1777. I Deae Geneeal : — This will acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 29th ult., and will inform you, that on Tuesday last the enemy advanced from their right with a design to take post on our left. Our scouts were drove in — they con tinued advancing. Three regiments were ordered out, who met them a mile from our lines, a small eminence between them, each rushed hard for it — our troops gained it. The attack began at 4 o'clock, p. m., continued till dark, without any intermis sion, during which we drove them two miles, and at last entered their works sword in hand. In the action, and in their works, were taken two brass twelve-pounders and six six-pounders, three ammunition-wagons, about three hundred tents, a great quantity of baggage, with up wards of thirty horses, wagons, &c, &c. It now became very dark, could not pursue them any farther, nor was it safe or practicable, the woods being very thick. We halted half a mile in the rear of them, there remained the whole night with our arms in our hands : not a man slept. About four in the morning they began to move ; we pushed till they were drove into their strong works on the river road ; skirmishing parties were sent out the whole day ; some pris oners taken, some killed and wounded on our side. Among the wounded is the good Major-gen eral Lincoln, shot through the leg ; wish he may save it, but it is much doubted. The brave General Arnold was wounded in the action the day before. As we have not been able to get in returns, cannot give you a particular account of our loss ; however, it is very inconsiderable : I be lieve I may venture to say, not more than thirty killed, nor more than one hundred wounded. The enemy's loss on Tuesday must be great. General Frazer wounded (since dead). Taken, three field-officers, six captains, ten subalterns, one quartermaster-general, one hundred and ninety privates. Taken in the hospital on Wed nesday, about three hundred sick and wounded, with some medicines, two hundred barrels of flour, with many other articles. Besides these, upwards of one hundred now lay dead upon the ground, which we have not been able to bury. Much honor is due to our officers and men, who fought like heroes. The enemy began their retreat at about 11 Chap. XXV.] DOCUMENTS. 303 o'clock at night, breaking up all the bridges, and otherwise spoiling the roads in their rear. Thursday morning three hundred men, served with three days' provisions, began their march to hang on their left flank (the right being on the river), and- two brigades on the river road in their rear, but could not proceed, as it set full of rain, and so continues. Shall push on immediately on its clearing up, when I hope to give you a farther account of them. Till then, I am your honor's most obedient servant, John Glovee, Brig. -Gen. October 10, nine o 'clock. — Three thousand have already marched on their left flank ; and our whole body is paraded, and will march im mediately. P. S. — 10th, a. m. — This morning, symptoms much in favor of General Lincoln. I am in hopes he will save his leg. The express heard a very heavy cannonade all the next day, while on his way hither. IV. GEN. GATES' DISPATCH TO CONGEESS, EESPECTING THE ACTION OF OCT. 7, AND THE SUEEENDEE OF GEN. BUEGOTNE. Camp Saratoga, October 18, 1777. Sie : — I have the satisfaction to present your Excellency with the convention of Saratoga, by which his Excellency Lieutenant-general Bur goyne has surrendered himself and his whole army into my hands, and they are now upon their march for Boston. This signal and im portant event is the more glorious, as it was effected with so little loss to the United States army. This letter will be presented to your Excel lency by my adjutant-general, Colonel Wilkin son, to whom I must beg leave to refer your Excellency for the particulars that brought, this great business to so happy arid fortunate con clusion. I desire to be permitted to recommend this gallant officer, in the warmest manner to Con gress ; and entreat that he may be continued in his present office, with the brevet of a brigadier- general. The honorable Congress will believe me when I assure them, that from the beginning of this contest, I have not met with a more promising military genius than Colonel Wilkinson, and whose services have been of the last importance to this army. I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant, Hoeatio Gates. His Excellency, John Hancock, Esq., ) President of Congress. I (iNOLOSTJEE.) Articles of Convention "between Lieutenant-general Burgoyne and Major-general Gates. The troops under Lieutenant-general Bur goyne to march out of their camp, with the honors of war and the artillery of the intrenchments, to the verge of the river, where the old fort stood, where the arms and artillery are to be left ; the arms to be piled by word of command from their own officers. A free passage to be granted to the army under Lieutenant-general Burgoyne to Great Britain, on condition of not serving again in North America during the present contest ; and the port of Boston is assigned for the entry of transports to receive the troops, whensoever General Howe shall so order. hi. Should any cartel take place, by which the army under General Burgoyne, or any part of it may be exchanged, the foregoing article to be void, as far as such exchange be made. IV. The army under Lieutenant-general Burgoyne to march to Massachusetts Bay by the easiest, most expeditious, and convenient route, and to be quartered in, near, x>v as convenient as possi ble to Boston, that the march of the troops may 304 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. not be delayed when transports arrive to receive them. v. The troops to be supplied on their march, and during their being in quarters, with provisions, by General Gates' orders, at the same rate of rations as the troops of his own army ; and, if possible, the officers' horses and cattle are to be supplied with forage at the usual rates. All officers to retain their carriages, bat-horses and other cattle, and no baggage to be molested or searched ; Lieutenant-general Burgoyne giv ing his honor that there are no public stores se creted therein. Major-general Gates will of course take the necessary measures for the due performance of this article. Should any car riages be wanted during the march for the transportation of officers' baggage, they are, if possible, to be supplied by the country at the usual rates. VII. Upon the march, and during the time the army shall remain in quarters in Massachusetts Bay, the officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit, to be separated from their men. The officers are to be quartered according to rank, and are not to be hindered from assem bling their men for roll-call, and other neces sary purposes of regularity. All corps whatever, of General Burgoyne's army, whether composed of sailors, bateaumen, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and followers of the army, of whatever country, shall be included in the fullest sense and the utmost extent of the above articles, and comprehended in every respect as British subjects. All Canadians, and jsersons belonging to the Canadian establishment, consisting of sailors, ba teaumen, artificers, drivers, independent compa nies, and many other followers of the army, who come under no particular description, are to be permitted to return there : they are to be con ducted immediately, by the shortest route, to the first British post on Lake George, are to be supplied with provisions in the same manner as the other troops, and are to be bound by the same condition of not serving during the present contest in North America. x. Passports to be immediately granted for three officers, not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall be appointed by Lieutenant-general Bur goyne, to carry dispatches to Sir William Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, and to Great Britain, by the way of New York ; and Major-general Gates engages the public faith that these dispatches shall not be opened. These officers are to set out immediately after receiving their dispatches, and are to travel the shortest route and in the most expeditious manner. During the stay of the troops in Massachusetts Bay the officers are to be admitted on parole, and are to be allowed to wear their side-arms. XII. Should the army under Lieutenant-general Burgoyne find it necessary to send for their clothing and other baggage, to Canada, they are permitted to do it in the most convenient manner, and the necessary passports granted for that purpose. XIII. These articles are to be mutually signed and exchanged to-morrow morning, at 9 o'clock, and the troops under Lieutenant-general Burgoyne are to march out of their intrenchments at three o'clock in the afternoon. Hoeatio Gates, Maj. -Gen. J. Buegotne, Ideut.-Gen. Saratoga, October 16, 1777. To prevent any doubts that might arise from Lieutenant-general Burgoyne's name not being mentioned in the above treaty, Major-general Gates hereby declares that he is understood to be comprehended in it as fully as if his name had been specifically mentioned. Hoeatio Gates. Chap. XXV.] DOCUMENTS. 305 V. GEN. BURGOYNE'S DISPATCH TO LOED GEORGE GEEMAIN. Albany, October 20, 1777. My Loed : — No possibility of communication with your lordship having existed since the be ginning of September, at which time my last dispatch was sent away, I have to report to your lordship the proceedings of the army un der my command from that period ; a series of hard toil, incessmt effort, stubborn action ; till disabled in the collateral branches of the army by the total defection of the Indians ; the deser tion or timidity of the Canadians and Provincials, some individuals excepted ; disappointed in the last hope of any timely co-operation from other armies; the regular troops reduced by losses from the best part to three thousand five hun dred fighting men, not two thousand of which were British ; only three days' provisions upon short allowance in store ; invested by an army of sixteen thousand men, and no apparent means of retreat remaining, I called into council all the generals, field-officers, and captains commanding corps, and by their unanimous concurrence and advice, I was induced to open a treaty with Major-general Gates. Your lordship will see, by the papers trans mitted herewith, the disagreeable prospect which attended the first overtures ; and when the terms concluded are compared, I trust that the spirit of the councils I have mentioned, which under such circumstances dictated, instead of submitting, will not be refused a share of credit. Before I enter upon the detail of these events, I think it a duty of justice, my lord, to take upon myself the measure of having passed the Hudson's River, in order to force a passage to Albany. I did not think myself authorized to call any men into council, when the peremptory tenor of my orders and the season of the year admitted no alternative. Provisions for about thirty days having been brought forward, the other necessary stores pre pared, and the bridge of boats completed, the army passed the Hudson's River on the 13th and 14th of September; and encamped on the Vol. I.— 39 heights and in the plain of Saratoga, the enemy being then in the neighborhood of Stillwater. 15th. — The whole army made a movement forward, and encamped in a good position in a place called Dovacote. l§th. — It being found that there were several bridges to repair, that work was begun under cover of strong detachments, and the same op portunity was taken to reconnoitre the country. I'lth. — The army renewed their march, re paired other bridges, and encamped upon advan tageous ground about four miles from the enemy. ISth. — The enemy appeared in considerable force to obstruct the further repair of bridges, and with a view, as was conceived, to draw on an action where artillery could not be employed ; a small loss was sustained in skirmishing, but the work of the bridges was effected. l§th. — The passages of a great ravine, and other roads towards the enemy, having been reconnoitred, the army advanced in the follow ing order. Brigadier-general Frazer's corps, sustained by Lieutenant-colonel Breyman's corps, made a cir cuit, in order to pass the ravine commodiously, without quitting the heights, and afterwards to cover the march of the line to the right. These corps moved in three columns, and had the In dians, Canadians, and Provincials upon then- fronts and flanks. The British fine, led by me in person, passed the ravine in a direct fine south, and formed in order of battle as fast as they gained the summit, where they waited, to give time to Frazer's corps to make the circuit, and to enable the left wing and artillery, which, under the commands of Major-general Phillips and Major-general Riedesel, kept the great road and meadows near the river in two columns, and had bridges to repair, to be equally ready to proceed. The Forty-seventh regiment guard ed the bateaux. The signal-guns, which had been previously settled to give notice of all the columns being ready to advance, having been fired between one and two o'clock, the march continued. The scouts and flankers of the column of the British line were soon fired upon from small parties, but with no effect. After about an hour's march, the pickets, which made the advanced guard of 306 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. that column, were attacked in force, and obliged to give ground, but they soon rallied and were sustained. On the first opening of the wood I formed the troops. A few cannon-shot dislodged the enemy at a house from whence the pickets had been attacked, and Brigadier-general Frazer's corps had arrived with such precision in point of time, as to be found upon a very advanta geous height on the right of the British. In the mean time, the enemy, not acquainted with the combination of the march, had moved in great force out of their intrenchments, with a view of turning the line upon the right, and being checked by the disposition of Brigadier- general Frazer, countermarched, in order to di rect their great effort to the left of the British. From the nature of the country, movements of this sort, however near, may be effected with out a possibility of then- being discovered. About three o'clock, the action began by a very vigorous attack on the British line, and continued with great obstinacy till after sunset. The enemy being continually supplied with fresh troops, the stress lay upon the Twentieth, Twen ty-first, and Sixty-second regiments, most parts of which were engaged near four hours, without intermission ; the Ninth had been ordered early in the day to form in reserve. The grenadiers and Twenty-fourth regiment were some part of the time brought into action, as were part of the light-infantry, and all these corps charged with their usual spirit. The riflemen, and other parts of Breyman's corps, were also of service, but it was not thought advisable to evacuate the heights, where Briga dier-general Frazer was posted, otherwise than partially and occasionally. Major-general Phillips, upon first hearing the firing, found his way through a difficult part of the wood to the scene of action, and brought up with him Major Williams and four pieces of artillery, and from that moment I stood in debted to that gallant and judicious second, for incessant and most material services, particularly for restoring the action in a point which was crit ically pressed by a great superiority of fire, and to which he led up the Twentieth regiment, at the utmost personal hazard. Major-general Riedesel exerted himself to bring up a part of the left wing, and arrived in time to charge the enemy with regularity and bravery. Just as the light closed the enemy gave ground on all sides, and left us completely mas ters of the field of battle, with the loss of about five hundred men on their side, and, as sup posed, thrice that number wounded. The darkness preventing a pursuit, the prison ers were few. The behavior of the officers and men, in gen eral, was exemplary. Brigadier-general Frazer took his position, in the beginning of the day, with great judgment, and sustained the action with constant presence of mind and vigor. Brigadier-general Hamilton was the whole time engaged, and acquitted himself with great honor, activity, and good conduct. The artillery in general was distinguished, and the brigade under Captain Jones, who was killed in the action, was conspicuously so. The army lay upon their arms the night of the 19th, and the next day took a position nearly within cannon-shot of the enemy, forti fying their right and extending their left to the brow of the heights, so as to cover the meadows through which the great river runs, and where their bateaux and hospitals were placed. The Forty-seventh regiment, the regiment of Hesse Hanau, and a corps of Provincials, encamped in the meadows, as a further security. It was soon found that no fruits (honor ex cepted) were attained by the preceding victory, the enemy working with redoubled ardor to strengthen their left; their right was already unattackable. On our side it became expedient to erect strong redoubts, for the protection of the maga zines and hospital, not only against a sudden attack, but also for their security, in case of a march to turn the enemy's flank. Sept. 21. — A messenger arrived from Sir Harry Clinton, with a letter in cypher, informing me of his intention to attack Fort Montgomery in about ten days from the date of his letter, which was the 12th instant. This was the only messenger of many that I apprehend were dispatched by Sir William Howe and him, that had reached Chap. XXV.] DOCUMENTS. 307 my camp since the beginning of August. He was sent back the same night to inform Sir Harry of my situation, and of the necessity of a diversion, to oblige General Gates to detach from his army, and my intention to wait favora ble events in that position, if possible, to the 12th of October. In the course of the two following days, two officers in disguise, and other confidential per sons, were dispatched by different routes, with verbal messages to the same effect, and I con tinued fortifying my camp, and watching the enemy, whose numbers increased every day. I thought it advisable, on the 3d of October, to diminish the soldiers' rations, in order to lengthen out the provisions, to which measure the army submitted with the utmost cheerful ness. The difficulties of a retreat to Canada were clearly foreseen, as was the dilemma, should the retreat be effected, of leaving at liberty such an army as General Gates' to operate against Sir William Howe. This consideration operated forcibly to de termine me to abide events as long as possible, and I reasoned thus : — the expedition I com manded was evidently meant at first to be hazarded ; circumstances might require it should be devoted ; a critical junction of Mr. Gates' force with Mr. Washington might possibly de cide the fate of the war; the failure of my junc tion with Sir Harry Clinton, or the loss of my retreat to Canada, could only be a partial mis fortune. In this situation things continued till the seventh, when, no intelligence having been re ceived of the expected co-operation, and four or five days for our limited stay in the camp only remained, it was judged advisable to make a movement to the enemy's left, not only to dis cover whether there were any possible means of forcing a passage, should it be necessary to ad vance, or dislodging him, for the convenience of a retreat, but also to cover a forage of the army, which was in the greatest distress, on ac count of the scarcity. A detachment of fifteen hundred regular troops, with two twelve-pounders, two howitz ers, and six six-pounders, were ordered to move, and were commanded by myself, having with me Major-general Phillips, Major-general Rie desel, and Brigadier-general Frazer. The guard of the camp upon the heights was left to Brigadier-generals Hamilton and Specht, the redoubts and the plain to Brigadier-general Gall ; and as the force of the enemy immediately in their front consisted of more than double their numbers, it was not possible to augment the corps that marched, beyond the numbers above stated. I formed the troops within three quarters of a mile of the enemy's left, and Captain Frazer's rangers, with Indians and Provincials, had or ders to go by secret paths in the woods to gain the enemy's rear, and by showing themselves there, to keep them in check. The further operations intended were pre vented by a very sudden and rapid attack of the enemy on our left, where the British grena diers were posted to support the left wing of the line. Major Ackland, at the head of them, sustained the attack with great resolution ; but the enemy's great numbers enabling them in a few minutes to extend the attack along the front of the Germans, which were immediately on the right of the grenadiers, no part of that body could be removed to make a second line to the flank, where the stress of the fire lay. The right was at this time engaged, but it was soon observed that the enemy was marching a large corps around their flank, to endeavor cutting off their retreat. The light-infantry, and part of the Twenty-fourth regiment, which were at that post, were therefore ordered to form a second line, and to secure the return of the troops into camp. While this movement was proceeding, the enemy pushed a fresh and strong reinforce ment to renew the action upon the left, which, overpowered by a great superiority, gave way, and the light-infantry and Twenty-fourth regi ment were obliged to make a quick movement to save that point from being entirely carried, in doing which Brigadier-general Frazer was mortally wounded. The danger to which the lines were exposed being by this time of the most serious nature, orders were given to Major-general Phillips and Riedesel to cover the retreat, while such troops as were most ready for the purpose, returned 308 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. for the defence of them. The troops retreated, hard pressed, but in good order; they were obliged to leave six pieces of cannon, all the horses having been killed, and most of the artil lery-men, who had behaved as usual with the utmost bravery, under the command of Major Williams, being either killed or wounded. The troops had scarcely entered the camp when it was stormed with great fury, the ene my rushing to the lines under a severe fire of grape-shot and small-arms. The post of the light-infantry, under Lord Balcarras, assisted by some of the line, which threw themselves by order into the intrenchments, was defended with great spirit, and the enemy, led on by General Arnold, was finally repulsed, and the General wounded; but, unhappily, the intrench ments of the German reserve, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Breyman, who was killed, were carried, and although ordered to be re covered, they never were so, and the enemy by that misfortune gained an opening on our right and rear. The night put an end to. the action. Under the disadvantages thus apparent in our situation, the army was ordered to quit the present position during the night, and take post upon the heights above the hospital. Thus, by an entire change of front, to reduce the enemy to form a new disposition. This movement was effected in great order and without loss, though all the artillery and camp were moved at the same time. The army continued offering battle to the enemy, in their new position, the whole day of the 8th. Intelligence was now received that the ene my were marching to turn the right, and no means could prevent that measure but retiring towards Saratoga. The army began to move at nine o'clock at night, Major-general Riedesel commanding the van-guard, and Major-general Phillips the rear. This retreat, though within musket-shot of the enemy, and encumbered with all the bag gage of the army, was made without loss, but a very heavy rain, and the difficulties of guarding the bateaux, which contained all the provisions, occasioned delays, which prevented the army reaching Saratoga till the night of the 9th, and the artillery could not pass the fords of the Fishkill till the morning of the 10th. At our arrival near Saratoga, a corps of the enemy, between five and six hundred, were discovered throwing up intrenchments on the heights, but retired over a ford of the Hudson's River at our approach, and joined a body posted to oppose our passage there. It was judged proper to send a detachment of artificers, under a strong escort, to repair the bridges, and open a road to Fort Edward on the west side of the river. The Forty-seventh regiment, Captain Frazer's marksmen, and Mac- koy's Provincials, were ordered for that service, but the enemy appearing on the heights of the Fishkill in great force, and making a dispo sition to pass and give us battle, the Forty- seventh regiment and Frazer's marksmen were recalled ; the Provincials, left to cover the work men at the first bridge, ran away upon a very slight attack of a small party of the enemy, and left the artificers to escape as they could, without a possibility of their performing any work. During these different movements, the ba teaux with provisions were frequently fired upon from the opposite side of the river, and some of them were lost, and several men were killed and wounded in those which remained. October 11th. — The attacks upon the bateaux were continued ; several were taken and re taken, but their situation being much nearer to the main force of the enemy than to ours, it was found impossible to secure the provisions any otherwise than by landing them and carrying them up on the hill : this was effected under fire, and with great difficulty. The possible means of farther retreat were now considered in councils of war — composed of the general officers — minutes of which will be transmitted to your lordship. The only one that seemed at all practicable was by a night march to gain Fort Edward, with the troops carrying their provision upon their backs : the impossibility of repairing bridges putting a conveyance of artillery and carriages out of the question, it was proposed to force the ford at Fort Edward or the ford above it. Be fore this attempt could be made, scouts returned Chap. XXV.] DOCUMENTS. 309 with intelligence that the enemy were intrench ed opposite these fords, and possessed a camp in force, on the high ground between Fort Edward and Fort George, with cannon. They had also parties down the whole shore to watch our mo tions, and posts so near to us, upon our own side of the water, as must prevent the arniy moving a single mile undiscovered. The bulk of the enemy's army was hourly joined by new corps of militia and volunteers, and their numbers together amounted to up wards of sixteen thousand men. Their position, which extended three parts in four of a circle round us, was, from the nature of the ground, un attackable in all parts. In this situation the army took the best -posi tion possible and fortified, waiting till the 13th, at night, in the anxious hope of succors from our friends, or the next desirable expectation, an at tack from our enemy. During this time the men lay continually upon their arms, and were cannonaded in every part : even rifle-shot and grape-shot came into all parts of the line, though without any consid erable effect. At this period an exact account of the pro visions was taken, and the circumstances stated in the opening of this letter became complete. The council of war was extended to all the field-officers and captains commanding corps of the army, and the event ensued, which I am sure was inevitable, and which, I trust, in that situation was honorable, but which it would be superfluous and melancholy to repeat. After the execution of the treaty, General Gates drew together the force that had sur rounded my position, and I had the consolation to have as many witnesses as I have men under my command, of its amounting to the numbers mentioned above. During the events stated above, an attempt was made against Ticonderoga, by an army as sembled under Major-general Lincoln, who found means to march with a considerable corps from Huberton undiscovered, while another column of his force passed the mountains between Skenesborough and Lake George, and on the morning of the 18th September, a sudden and general attack was made upon the carrying place at Lake George, Sugar Hill, Ticonderoga, and Mount Independence. The sea officers commanding the armed sloop stationed to de fend the carrying place, as also some of the officers commanding at the posts of Sugar Hill and at the Portage, were surprised, and a con siderable part of four companies of the Fifty- third regiment were made prisoners ; a block house, commanded by Lieutenant Lord of the Fifty-third, was the only post on that side that had time to make use of their arms, and they made a brave defence till cannon, taken from the surprised vessel, was brought against them. After stating and lamenting so fatal a want of vigilance, I have to inform your lordship of the satisfactory events which followed. The enemy having twice summoned Briga dier-general Powell, and received such answer as became a gallant officer intrusted with so important a post, and having tried during the course of four days several attacks, and being repulsed in all, retreated without having done any considerable damage. Brigadier-general Powell, from whose report to me I extract this relation, gives great commendations to the regi ment of Prince Frederick and the other troops stationed at Mount Independence. The Briga dier also mentions with great applause the be havior of Captain Taylor, of the Twenty-first regiment, who was accidentally there on his route to the army from the hospital, and Lieu tenant Beecroft, of the Twenty-fourth regiment, who with the artificers in arms defended an im portant battery. On the 24th instant the enemy, enabled by the capture of the gun-boats and bateaux, which they had made after the surprise of the sloop, to embark upon Lake George, attacked Diamond Island in two divisions. Captain Aubrey, and two companies of the Forty-seventh regiment, had been posted at that island, from the time the army passed the Hudson River, as a better situation for the se curity of the stores at the south end of Lake George than Fort George, which is on the con tinent, and not tenable against artillery and numbers. The enemy were repulsed by Captain Aubrey, with great loss, and pursued by the gun-boats under his command to the east shore, 310 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. where two of their principal vessels were re taken, together with all the cannon. They had just time to set fire to the other bateaux, and retreated over the mountains. I beg leave to refer your lordship for further particulars to my aid-de-camp, Lord Petersham, and I humbly take occasion to recommend to His Majesty's notice that nobleman, as one en dued with qualities to do important services to his country in every station to which his birth may lead. In this late campaign, in particular, his behavior has been such as to entitle him to the fullest applause, and I am confident his merit will be thought a sufficient ground for preferment, though deprived of the eclat and sort of claim which generally attends the deliv ery of fortunate dispatches. I have only to add, my lord, a general report of the killed and wounded ; I do not give it cor rect, the hurry of the time and the separation of the corps having rendered it impossible to make it so. The British officers have bled profusely and most honorably ; those who remain un- wounded, have been equally forward, and the general officers, from the mode of fighting, have been more exposed than in other services. Among the rest of this station, I have had my escapes. It depends upon the sentence His Majesty shall pass upon my conduct ; upon the judgment of my profession, and of the impartial and respectable parts of my country, whether I am to esteem them blessings or misfortunes. I have the honor to be, &c, J. Btjegoyne. VI. LETTEE FEOM GENEEAL BTJEGOYNE TO LOED GEO. GEEMAIN. [Private, by Lord Petersham.] Albany, October 20, 1777. My Loed : — I have little to add to my public letter respecting the course of unsuccessful events therein detailed. I rest my confidence in the justice of the King and his councils, to support the General they thought proper to appoint to as arduous an undertaking, and under as posi tive a direction as perhaps a cabinet ever framed. It will, I am sure, be remembered, my lord, that a preference of exertions was the only latitude given to me, and that to force a junction with Sir William Howe, or at least a passage to Albany, was the principle, the letter, and the spirit of my orders. Indeed, the appearances at the time I passed the Hudson's River, though subject to doubt in some instances, as I then wrote your lordship, were, upon a general view, such as I am persuaded would have rendered inaction censurable, had my orders, instead of being peremptory, been discretionary. Promises of the professing loyalists were not then brought to the test ; the spirit of the enemy, in combat against regular British troops, had only been tried at Ticonderoga, at Huberton, at Skenes borough, and Fort Anne, in all which places it had failed ; the total disappointment of effectual co-operation could not be foreseen or supposed ; and sure I am, had I then made supposition that any thing like what has happened, might have happened, and remained cautiously posted, no exertion attempted, my conduct would have been held indefensible by every class and dis tinction of men in government, in the army, and in the public. The expediency of advancing being admitted, the consequences have been honorable misfor tunes. The British have persevered in a strenu ous and bloody progress. Had the force been all British, perhaps the perseverance had been longer ; but as it was, will it be said, my lord, that in the exhausted situation described, and in the jaws of famine, and invested by quadruple numbers, a treaty which saves the army to the State, for the next campaign, was not more than could have been expected. I call it saving the army, because if sent home, the State is there by enabled to send forth the troops now des tined for her internal defence ; if exchanged, they become a force to Sir William Howe, as effectually as if any other junction had been made. I should now hold myself unjustifiable if I did not confide to your lordship my opinion, upon a near inspection, of the rebel troops. The standing corps, which I have seen, are disciplined. I do not hazard the term, but ap- Chap. XXV.] DOCUMENTS. 311 ply it to the great fundamental points of mili tary institution, sobriety, subordination, regu larity, and courage. The militia are inferior in method and movement, but not a jot less service able in woods. My conjectures were very dif ferent after the affair of Ticonderoga, but I am convinced they were delusive ; and it is a duty to the State to confess it. The panic of the rebel troops is confined, and of short duration ; the enthusiasm is extensive and permanent. It is a justice to Major-general Phillips to in form your lordship, that when the crisis of our situation at Saratoga arrived, he very hand somely offered to hazard his person by making a circuit through the woods, and attempt to throw himself into Ticonderoga, to defend that place, should it be the object of the enemy to endeavor the retaking it. In regard to myself, I am sunk in mind and body ; but while I have a faculty of either, it shall be exerted for the King's service. I shall wait in the neighborhood of Boston the orders of Sir William Howe. I have the honor to be, &c, &c, J. Burgoyne. VII. MAJOE-GENEEAL HOEATIO GATES. Horatio Gates was born in England in 1729. He entered the 'army at an early age, was aid to General Monckton at the capture of Martinico, and was with General Braddock at the time of his defeat, in 1755, where he received a severe wound. He appears to have settled in Virginia after the peace, and there he became acquainted with many of the leading spirits of revolution ary America. When the Continental establishment was or ganized, in 1775, he was appointed Adjutant- general with the rank of Brigadier-general, and in that capacity he accompanied General Wash ington to Cambridge, when he went to that place to assume the command of the army. In June, 1776, he was promoted to the office of Major-general, and the command of the army in Canada was given to him. His conduct while in that department was not approved, either by Congress or the commander-in-chief, and, after the enemy had returned to winter quarters, in the fall of that year, he joined the main army in the Jerseys. Having joined his political fortunes with those of the notorious members of "The Conway Cabal," through their influence he superseded General Schuyler in the command of the North ern army, and reaped the honors, in the capture of General Burgoyne, which the good judgment and herculean labors of General Schuyler, the terrible bravery of General Arnold, and the brilliant efforts of Colonel Morgan, had entitled them to enjoy. Becoming an open and malignant opponent of General Washington, he co-operated with Generals Charles Lee, Thomas Conway, Thomas Mifflin, and others of that party, to displace him from the chief command ; and for the purpose of carrying out these designs more effectually, his confederates in the Continental Congress placed him at the head of the Board of War — a post which he did not hesitate to use for the promotion of his unholy desires. After the defeat of General Lincoln, in 1780, he was ordered to assume the command of the army in the South. His military friends appear to have anticipated the result; and the able, but erratic Charles Lee, is said to have remark ed, that " his Northern laurels would be ex changed for Southern willows." Their surmises were speedily realized ; and the disastrous de feat of his army by Lord Cornwallis, near Cam den, within two months after he assumed the command, at once paralyzed the Americans and deprived him of his laurels. On the third of December, in the same year, he was succeeded by General Greene, whose brilliant abilities were rendered more glorious by their contrast with the inefficiency of his more noisy prede cessor. After an investigation by Congress he was restored to the line of the army, but he never recovered any portion of the laurels which he had lost. At the close of the war he returned to his estate in Virginia, where he remained until 312 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. 1790. In that year, having emancipated his slaves, and provided for the support of such of- them as were unable to support themselves, he removed to the city of New York, where, on Rose Hill, near the corner of East Twenty-third street and the Second Avenue, he spent the re mainder of his days. He died on the tenth of April, 1806, aged seventy-eight years. He was an accomplished scholar, and his manners were marked with great politeness. While his social qualities and extreme benevo lence made him a good neighbor and a warm friend, his vanity misled his judgment, and often perverted the finer and better feelings of his nature. He left no issue, but his widow survived him about four years. CHAPTER XXYI. September 20, 1777. THE MASSACRE AT PAOLI. The action at Brandywine produced nothing but an empty victory for the enemy.1 Retiring to Chester, on the evening of the battle, and to German- town the next day,2 after allowing his men but a single day for repose,8 General Washington retraced his steps across the Schuylkill, and advanced to meet the enemy.4 Taking the Lancas ter road, on the sixteenth of September, the advance guards of the two armies met near the Warren Tavern, about twenty-three miles from Philadelphia.5 The advance of the American army, led by General Wayne, immediately com menced the action with all the impetu osity which characterized its gallant commander,6 but a heavy shower of rain coming on, the combatants were reluctantly compelled to separate ; T and the Americans retired, first, to the Yel low Springs, and, subsequently, to the east side of the Schuylkill, to enable them to repair their damaged firelocks, 1 Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 312.— s Vide page 277. 3 Sparks' Washington, p. 236. — ' Gordon, ii. p. 514. 6 Lossing's Field Book, ii. p. 385. 6 Bell's Anniversary Address at the Paoli, Sept. 20, 1830. ' Gen. Washington to Congress, Sept. 23. Vol. I.— 40 to obtain a fresh supply of ammunition, and to revive the spirits of the army.1 Before crossing the Schuylkill the General detached General Wayne, with fifteen hundred men and four pieces of cannon, to annoy the enemy's rear, and to attempt to cut off his baggage-train;2 at the same time ordering General Smallwood, who was advancing with eleven hundred and fifty Maryland mi litia, and Colonel Gist, who was also leading seven hundred men, to unite their forces with General Wayne's, and act under his orders.8 At this time the enemy laid near the Tredyffrin meeting-house,4 and General Wayne, by a secret march, occupied a secluded spot, about three miles south west from his lines.5 It is now " about a quarter of a mile from the highway, east of the Westchester railway (which connects with the Columbia railway, near 'the Paoli'), a mile south of the Warren Tavern, on the Lancaster turn pike, and a little more than two miles 1 Marshall, iii. pp. 163, 164.— ' Gen. Washington to Gen. Wayne, Sept. 19.— s Ibid. 4 Bell's Anniversary Address ; Marshall, iii. p. 165. 6 Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10. 314 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. southwest from the Paoli Tavern;"1 but, at the time of "the massacre," no public road passed near the position ; the country in every direction, but es pecially towards the enemy, was diffi cult of access ; and the dense forest by which he was surrounded served to con ceal him from straggling parties of the enemy who might pass that way.2 What nature, and the care of General Wayne,8 had done to secure the detach ment, was frustrated by the treachery of loyalists residing in the neighborhood.4 No sooner had General Wayne occu pied the position than it was made known to General Howe, and guides were tendered to conduct an expedition, should one be ordered to cut him off5 Preparations were immediately made for this purpose, the Second light-in fantry, and the Forty-second and Forty- fourth regiments being detached for the purpose, and Major-general Grey assigned to the command.6 Informa tion of the intended attack was con veyed to General Wayne, between nine and ten o'clock in the evening, by a Mr. Jones, who had seen a boy belong ing to Mr. Clayton,7 who had come from the enemy's camp, but the story 1 Lossing's Field Book, ii. p. 369.— a Bell's Anniversary Address. — * It is well established that he posted sentries and pickets in every direction where they were thought necessary, and videttes patrolled the adjacent country. ' Bell's Anniversary Address ; Marshall, iii. p. 165 ; Day's Hist. Coll. of Penn., p. 214.— ' Gordon, ii. pp. 516, 517 -,' Day's Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, p. 214. " Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; Hist, of Civil War, i. p. 257 ; Gordon, ii. p. 517. Lieut. Hall (Civil War, p. 314) says the detachment embraced the 2d light-infantry, the 42d, 44th, 45th, and 55th regiments. 7 Gen. Wayne's Defence, Document I. seemed so improbable that its correct ness was seriously questioned; never theless, General Wayne increased the number of his videttes and sentries, and took every conceivable precaution to prevent a surprise.1 Conducted by friendly Americans,2 the enemy passed through by-paths and secret ways, so that his approach was not known until he had approached within a mile of the encampment, when the alarm was given, and he rushed for ward,8 reaching the ground before the Americans, who had formed in column, ready to move,— with the light-infant ry and First regiment, under General Wayne, as a covering party, — when the alarm was first given, had retired from their position.4 It appears that every thing was in readiness — the artillery had moved off; the covering party, un der the command of General Wayne in person, had taken its position ; the or ders had been conveyed to Colonel Humpton, to move off " by the left and gain the road leading on the summit of the hill towards the White Horse;" and the column had actually been form ed ready to move,— yet, "owing to some neglect or misapprehension" of Colonel Humpton, the column did not move until a second and third order had been given.5 This delay proved fatal. General 1 Bell's Anniversary Address ; Irving, iii. p. 216 ; Gen. Wayne's Defence, Document I.—3 Bell's Anniversary Ad dress.— 3 Day's Hist. Coll. of Penn., p. 215 ; Gen. Wayne's Defence, Document I.—* Gen. Wayne's Defence, Doc. I. 6 Ibid. Kamsay (American Rev., ii. p. 13) and Mr. Bell suppose the enemy attacked the Americans while they were still in confusion, and Col. Humpton made this Chap. XXVI.] DOCUMENTS. 315 Grey, — who had ordered his men to employ the bayonet only,1 and, it is said, had also directed them to give no quarter? — reached the ground while the troops were thus delayed.8 Colonel Humpton, and the troops under his command, immediately retreated, leav ing General Wayne, with the covering party before referred to, and the Fourth regiment, under Colonel Butler, to op pose the enemy.4 With the greatest gallantry, worthy of the men and their leader, the uneven contest was main tained, until, from the force of num bers, the Americans were compelled to give way, which was done in compara tive good order.5 The peculiarity of this affair is the savage cruelty with which it was at tended, securing for it the distinctive title of " The Massacre of Paoli." It has been always asserted, and never de nied, that many were killed with the utmost barbarity, after resistance on their part had ceased. "The cry for quarter was unheeded, and mercy knocked in vain at the hearts of men denominated Christians. The British bayonet did its work with unpitying ferocity, and the morning sun looked down from the pure heavens on a scene of butchery, the memory of which time itself has not effaced."1 The enemy claims to have killed and wounded not less than three hundred on the spot, and of having taken not less than seventy to eighty prisoners, with the greater part of the arms be longing to the detachment, and eight wagon-loads of baggage and stores, at an expense of a captain and three men killed and four men wounded.2 DOCUMENTS i. GENEEAL WAYNe's DEFENCE BEEOEE THE COtJET- MAETIAL WHO INVESTIGATED HIS CONDUCT AT PAOLI. After the expiration of five weeks, during which period the tongue of slander has not been point a ' ' charge ' ' against Gen. Wayne before the court- martial to which the matter was referred. The defence of Gen. Wayne positively denies it, the court sustained the General, and it is fair to conclude that the evidence disproved the "charges." 1 Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 314 ; Hist. Civil War, i. p. 257 ; Gordon, ii. p. 517 ; Stedman, ii. p. 294. * Bell's Anniversary Address ; Day's Hist. Coll. of Penn., p. 215 ; Lossing, ii. p. 370. * Gen. Wayne's Defence, Document I. — * Ibid. 8 Bell's Anniversary Address ; Marshall, iii. p. 166. idle, I am happy to bring my case before a court, of whose honor and impartial judgment I can not have the least doubt. I shall not intrude on the patience of this court by any useless preface, but proceed to answer the charge. The charge exhibited against me is, " That I had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under my command on the night of the 20th of September, and notwith- 1 Bell's Anniversary Address ; Day's Historical Collec tions of Pennsylvania, p. 215. * Gen. Howe to Lord Geo. Germain, Oct. 10 ; Hist, of Civil War, i. p. 258 ; Stedman, i. p. 294. Lieut. Hall (Civil War, p. 314) states that three hundred were killed, and one hundred made prisoners. Gordon agrees with Gen. Howe. Gen. Wayne says (Marshall, iii. p. 166) his loss was about a hundred and fifty killed and wounded. 316 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. standing that intelligence, I neglected making any disposition until it was too late, either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat, without the utmost confusion." The first part of the charge, that "I had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under my command," is very readily answered. I shall briefly notice what these gentlemen call a timely notice : — A Mr. Jones, an old gen tleman, living near where we were encamped, came to my quarters between 9 and 10 o'clock at night, and informed me, before Colonels Hart ley, Broadhead, and Temple, that a servant-boy, belonging to Mr. Clayton, had been taken by the enemy and liberated again, who said that he had heard some of their soldiers say that they intended to attack me that night. Although this could not be deemed a sufficient notice, on any military principle, yet I immediately ordered out a number of videttes, in addition to those already planted, with directions to patrol all the roads leading to the enemy's camp. I also planted two new pickets, the one in front, on a blind path leading from Warren to my camp ; the other to the right, and in the rear, which made, on that night, not less than six different pickets. I had, exclusive of these, a horse picket, under Captain Stoddard, well advanced on the Swedesford road, being the very way the enemy marched that night. But the very first intelli gence which I received of their advancing was from one of the very videttes which I sent out, in consequence of the timely notice from Mr. Jones, who had only time to go about a mile before he met the enemy. Immediately on his return, the troops were all ordered to form, having been warned to lay on their arms in the evening, for a purpose which I shall presently mention. At this time it was raining, and in order to save the cartridges from wet, I ordered the soldiers to put their cartouch-boxes under their coats. This, gentlemen, does not look like a surprise, it rather proves that we were pre pared either to move off or act as the case might require, when once apprised which way the ene my were actually advancing. To have made any move previous to ascertaining that fact, might have been attended by fatal consequences, or totally subversive of the views of the com mander-in-chief. So soon as it was discovered that the enemy were pushing for our right, where our artillery was planted, Major Ryan carried my orders to Colonel Humpton, and to the division, to wheel by sub-platoons to the right, and to march off by the left, and gain the road leading on the summit of the hill towards the White Horse, it being the very road on which the division moved two miles the previous even ing. The division wheeled accordingly, the ar tillery moved off, but owing to some neglect or misapprehension, which is not uncommon in Colonel Humpton, the troops did not move off until a second and third order were sent, al though they were wheeled and faced for the purpose. At the very time this order for the retreat was first given, and which I presumed was obeyed, I took the light-infantry and First regiment and formed them on the right, and re mained there with them and the horse in order to cover the retreat. If this was not making a disposition, I acknowledge I know not what a disposition is. Those troops met and received the enemy with a spirit becoming free Americans, but were forced to give way to numbers. The neglect or misapprehension of Colonel Humpton had de tained the division too long, otherwise the dis position would have been perfect. I was, in consequence, necessitated to form the Fourth regiment to receive the enemy and favor the retreat of the others; in this, Colonel Butler and the infantry of that regiment were con cerned, and witnesses of. About three hundred yards in rear of that I again rallied, with such of the division as took the proper route ; those who went a contrary way, and out of support ing distance, perhaps Colonel Humpton can give the best account of. Here I have a fair and ample field for recrimination, were I so dis posed. I shall waive the subject, and beg leave to read the orders which I received from time to time from his Excellency General Washington. In the eyes of gentlemen and officers, I trust that I stand justified for the part that I took on that night. I had the fullest and clearest ad vice that the enemy would march that morning at two o'clock for the river Schuylkill, and, in Chap. XXVL] DOCUMENTS. 317 consequence of this intelligence, I had recon noitred a road leading immediately along the right flank of the enemy, in company with Colonels Humpton and Hartley, and had the men laying on then- arms, to move (as soon as General Smallwood should arrive), not from, but to the enemy. For this purpose I had sent Colonel Chambers, as a guide, to conduct that officer into my rear ; who, with his division, was expected to arrive every moment from two in the afternoon until we were attacked, at which time he was within a short distance of our rear, and retreated to the White Horse. I shall just put a serious question or two, and then submit the matter to the decision of this court. Suppose, that after ah these repeated orders from his Excellency, and the arrival of General Smallwood, I had retreated before I knew whether the enemy intended to attack me or not, and that they should have marched for the Schuylkill that morning, which they actual ly did, would not these very gentlemen have been the first to default me, for putting it out of my power to attack their rear ? Would not his Excellency, with the greatest justice, have or dered me in arrest for cowardice and disobedi ence of his repeated, peremptory, and most pointed orders ? Would not I have stood cul pable in the eyes of the world ? Would I not have justly merited immediate death or cashier ing? I certainly would. What line could I follow but the one I trod ? What more could be done on the occasion than what was done ? The artillery, ammunition, &c, were covered and saved by a body of troops who were rallied and remained on the ground more than an hour after that gentleman, Colonel Humpton, the prosecutor, had effected his escape from danger, although, perhaps, not without confusion. I hold it needless to say any more, or to take up the time of this court on the occasion. I rest my honor and character, which to me are more dear than life, in the hands of gentlemen, who, when deciding on my honor will not forget their own. II. GENEEAL HOWE S DISPATCH TO LOED GEOEGE GEEMAIN. Head-quarters, Germakiowm, Oct. 10, 1777. My Loed: — The enemy crossed the Schuylkill on the 1 8th, above French Creek, and encamped upon the river on each side of Perkyomy Creek, having detached troops to all the fords of Schuylkill, with cannon at Swedesford and the fords below it. Upon intelligence that General Wayne was lying in the woods with a corps of fifteen hun dred men, and four pieces of cannon, about three miles distant, and in the rear of the left wing of the army, Major-general Grey was de tached on the 20th, late at night, with the Sec ond light-infantry, the Forty-second and Forty- fourth regiments, to surprise this corps. The most effectual precaution being taken by the General to prevent his detachment from firing, he gained the enemy's left about one o'clock, and, having by the bayonet only, forced their out-sentries and pickets, he rushed in upon their encampment, directed by the light of their fires, killed and wounded not less than three hundred on the spot, taking between seventy and eighty prisoners, including several officers, the greater part of their arms, and eight wagons loaded with baggage and stores. Upon the first alarm the cannon were carried off, and the dark ness of the night, only, saved the remainder of the corps. One captain of light-infantry and three men were killed in the attack, and four men wounded. Gallantry in the troops, and good conduct in the General, were fully mani fested upon this critical service. ***** With most perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c, W. Howe. CHAPTER XXVII. October 4, 1777. THE BATTLE OF GEEMANTOWN. After the battle of Brandywine, as has been stated already, General Washington retreated towards Philadel phia, and encamped near Germantown.1 Measures were immediately taken to strengthen the army, both by calling in the services of the Continental troops, who were serving on distant stations, and by requisitions for the militia of Pennsylvania and the adjoining States;2 while Congress, from the stress of cir cumstances, which had silenced the dis affection which prevailed in that body, delegated unusual powers to the com mander-in-chief,8 and, unintentionally, furnished an opportunity to the illus trious object of its envious animosity to disprove, by his conduct, the truth of the insinuations which had been so indus triously circulated to injure his reputa tion. In the mean time, after remaining at Germantown one day only, General Washington had recrossed the Schuyl kill, taken the Lancaster road, which led to the position occupied by the left wing of the enemy, and offered to re new the battle.4 On the sixteenth of 1 Vide page 277. — * Marshall, iii. p. 158. — 8 Journals of Cong., Wednesday, Sept. 17, 1777.—* Marshall, iii. p. 162. September the two armies met, near Goshen, and the light troops were be ginning to skirmish, when they were separated by a very heavy rain; and the ammunition of the American army having been damaged by the water, General Washington again retreated to the Yellow Springs, and, finally, passed the Schuylkill at Parker's Ford.1 After a series of manoeuvres, in which the re spective commanders sought to obtain the advantage of his opponent, the ene my took possession of Philadelphia,2 the American army not being in a condition which enabled it to offer any opposi tion.8 The occupation of Philadelphia by Sir William Howe, was immediately followed by the withdrawal of the fleet under Lord Howe from the Chesapeake, and his entrance into the Delaware, with the intention of attacking the works at Red Bank and Mud Island, and of opening a communication be tween the army and the fleet.4 To aid in this undertaking, a body of troops 1 Sparks' Washington, pp. 236, 237. 3 Marshall, iii. pp. 167-172.—' Ibid., pp. 169, 170. * Sparks' Washington, p. 238. Chap. XXVII.] THE BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 319 was detached, under Colonel Stirling,1 the main body of the army being part ly in the city and partly in German- town.2 This situation of the enemy was ob served by General Washington, and communicated to his general officers, who, without dissent, advised that a favorable opportunity was afforded to attack the camp at Germantown,3 and the morning of the fourth of October was chosen for that purpose.4 Germantown is an ancient village, six miles northwest from the city of Phila delphia;5 and, although so near the city, at the period of the Revolution, and even at this day, it maintains many of the characteristics which distinguish ed it a century ago.6 Having no lateral streets, the village formed one contin ued street for two miles, along which the substantial stone dwellings, stores, &c, were built, and, in many cases, still remain.7 At a considerable distance to 1 Gen. Washington's dispatch (Document I.) ; Gen. Sul livan's letter to Pres. of N. Hampshire, Oct. 25 (Document II.) ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10 (Document III.). a Sparks' Washington, p. 238. — 3 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5 ; Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25 ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10. ' Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5. Although there was no difference of opinion respecting the propriety of the attack, it appears that the Council differed respecting the time when it should be made — Brig.-Gens. Small- wood, Wayne, Scott, Potter, and Irvine favoring an im mediate attack, while Maj. -Gens. Sullivan, Greene, Stirling, Stephen, and Armstrong, and Brig.-Gens. McDougal, Knox, Muhlenberg, Nash, and Conway opposing such a movement until the reinforcements had arrived from Peekskill. Had the latter opinion prevailed, the result at Germantown might have been different. 6 Day's Hist. Coll. of Penn., p. 593. — " Lossing's Field Book, ii. p. 313.—' Day'sHist. Coll. of Penn., p. 593 ; Los sing's Field Book, ii. p. 313; Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10. the eastward from the village, nearly parallel with the main street, — which, by a curve, it intersected at " the mar ket-house," — extended "the Dime-kiln road'" and, still further east, extend ing in a similar direction, was " the old York road" to both of which allusion will be made hereafter. Westward from the village, and also nearly paral lel with the main street, flowed the Wis- sahiccon, and farther still the Schuykill, while between the two extended " the Manatawny road," which crossed the former stream at " Van Deering^s Mill" and communicated with the village, at "the market-house," by a continuation of "the Lime-kiln road," which was here known as " the School-house lane." It will be seen that the village could be approached from the north by either of these four roads — three of which met at " the market-house," in the lower part of the village, while the fourth extend ed so near, that but a few minutes were required to pass over the intervening space between it and the main street.1 The enemy's camp was in the lower or southern part of the village, extend ing from the Schuylkill River on the left, along the School-house lane and the Lime-kiln road, crossing the main street of the village, nearly at right angles, where "the market-house" stood.2 The left of the line, extending from the main street to the Schuylkill, was com posed of seven British and three Hes sian battalions, flanked by the Hessian 1 Map of the Battle at Germantown. * Ibid. ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10. 320 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. chasseurs, both mounted and dismount ed, and commanded by Lieutenant-gen- ral Knyphausen, Major-generals Stirn and Grey, and Brigadier-general Agnew; the right of the line, extending eastward from the main street, to a wood about one mile from the town,1 was composed of the corps of Guards, six regiments of British troops, and two squadrons of dragoons, flanked by the First battalion of light-infantry and the refugee corps of " Queen's American Rangers," com manded by Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, the command of the wing being vested in Generals Grant and Matthew.2 Gen eral Howe, in person, commanded the whole, and made his quarters a short distance below the village, in the house of David Deshler.8 The American army was encamped near the Skippack Creek, fourteen miles distant from the enemy;4 and, about seven o'clock, on the evening of the third of October,5 the line of march was taken for the purpose of attacking the enemy's lines, in his camp at Ger mantown. The divisions commanded by Generals Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by the brigade under General Conway, was to enter the village at Chesnut Hill, and, passing down the main street, at tack the centre and left of the lines ; while General Armstrong, with about one thousand of the Pennsylvania militia, was to pass down the Manatawny road, 1 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25. — ' Gen. Howe's dis patch, Oct. 10— 3 Wilkinson's Memoirs, i. p. 363. * Sparks' Washington, p. 238.— 6 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5. Gen. Sullivan (letter of Oct. 25th) says nine o'clock. cross the Wissahiccon, at Van Deering's Mill, tnrn the enemy's left flank, and act on his rear. The divisions under Generals Greene and Stephen, flanked by the brigade under General McDougal, were to pass down the Lime-kiln road," enter the village at "the market-house" (which stood at the intersection of that road with the main street), and attack the enemy's right wing ; while the New Jersey and Maryland militia, command ed by Generals Forman and Smallwood, were to pass clown "the old York road," turn his right flank, and fall upon his rear at that part of his line.1 The bri gades commanded by Generals Nash and Maxwell were placed under General Lord Stirling, and acted as a reserve.2 General Washington marched down with General Sullivan's division.8 At sunrise,4 on the morning of the fourth, one regiment from Conway's brigade and one from the Second Mary land brigade, which had been detached for that purpose,5 attacked a picket which was stationed at Mr. Allen's 1 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5 ; Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25. 2 Ibid. Judge Marshall (iii. p. 183) states that the re serve was composed of "the division of Lord Stirling, and the brigades of Nash and Maxwell," and many of those who have succeeded him have fallen into the same error. The dispatch of the commander-in-chief is very clear on this subject, while Gen. Sullivan (letter, Oct. 25, Document II.) is not less explicit. Gen. Sullivan differs from Gen. Washington respecting the route of the left wing, but I have preferred to follow the statement of the latter. 8 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826 ; Marshall's Wash ington, iii. p. 183 ; Gordon, ii. p. 522. Gen. Muhlenberg supposes the General accompanied the Pennsylvania mi litia under Gen. Armstrong. I prefer the statement of Mr. Pickering, who rode by his side. 4 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5. * Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25. Chap. XXVII.] THE BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 321 house, on Mount Airy,1 about two miles above the centre of the village.2 The picket was immediately strengthened by the enemy's light-infantry,8 and by the Fortieth regiment,4 and General Conway was obliged to advance with his brigade to sustain the attacking regiments.5 The enemy sustained the attack with great resolution, until the division under General Sullivan moved down to support General Conway,6 when, after a short conflict, and two attempts to outflank General Sullivan (which were prevented by the latter detaching Colonel Ford's regiment to the left, and two regiments of foot and one of cavalry to the right), they were compelled to give way, leaving their en campment7 and baggage.8 Meanwhile, the columns commanded by Generals Armstrong and Greene having failed to reach the ground, General Sullivan had ordered General Wayne to form his di vision on the east side of the main road, to attack the enemy's right wing9 — a portion of the field and a duty which had been assigned to General Greene ; 10 and he had also detached General Con way, with part of his brigade, to flank the column on the right11 — a part of the duty assigned to General Arm strong.12 Thus, to some extent, covering the entire field with his command, and as- 1 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5 ; Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25.— 2 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826. 8 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25. — * Gen. Howe's dis patch, Oct. 10.— s Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25. 6 Ibid. — ' Ibid. — e Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5. 8 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25.— 10 Vide p. 320. 11 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25.— 12 Vide p. 320. Vol. I.— 41 suming the responsibility and the bur den of the enterprise, General Sullivan moved forward towards Germantown,1 the enemy's light-infantry with great gallantry taking positions behind every fence and stone wall, and in every ditch they passed, and retarding the progress of General Sullivan by every means in their power.2 The enemy's forces were driven be fore the divisions of Generals Sullivan and Wayne — one on the west side, the other on the east side of the road — the former taking advantage of every house and building in their retreat for the purpose of harassing the American troops.8 Into one of these, a large stone house owned by Chief-justice Chew,4 situate about one hundred yards east from the line of the street,5 and about a mile above the centre of the village,6 Lieutenant-colonel Mulgrave threw himself with six companies of the Fortieth regiment,7 barricaded the doors and lower windows, and opened a fire on the American troops from the roof and upper windows.8 Leaving a regiment to guard this house and its garrison,9 General Wayne pushed on, and, with General Sullivan, continued the pursuit upwards of a mile farther down the street ; 10 while the reserve, un- 1 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25. — 2 Ibid. See also Hall's Civil War, p. 319.— 3 Ibid.—1 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5 ; T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826. 8 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826.— " Ibid. ' Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10 ; T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826. Some writers say five companies formed the impromptu garrison. — 8 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826.—" Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 108. 10 Gen. Armstrong to Gen. Gates, Oct. 9 ; T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826 ; Gen. Wayne to Gen. Gates, Nov. 21. 322 BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES. [Book I. der General Lord Stirling, slowly fol lowed. When the reserve reached Mr. Chew's house, which Colonel Mulgrave had oc cupied, General Washington sought the advice of such of his officers as were near him respecting the course to be pursued.1 General Knox, the only gen eral officer present, considered " it would be unmilitary to leave a castle in their rear," and insisted on sending a sum mons, while Colonel Pickering main tained that a regiment posted to watch it was all that was necessary, and that a flag and summons, if one was sent, would only be fired upon} Unfortu nately the counsel of General Knox prevailed,3 — the Assistant Adj utant-gen- eral (Lieutenant Smith of Virginia), who bore the flag, was fired on and killed /4 General Maxwell, with his bri gade and four pieces of cannon, was ordered to attack it ; 5 and a siege was commenced. In the mean time the column under General Greene came on the ground — ¦ General Stephen's brigade advancing on the west side of the Lime-kiln road, and Generals Scott's, Muhlenberg's, and McDougal's, on the east side.6 As may be supposed, the former encountered the rear of the division commanded by 1 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826. Dr. Gordon (ii. p. 523) supposes Col. Keed was present ; but Col. Picker ing's statement is confirmed by other authorities, showing that he was not present. 3 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826 ; Gordon, ii. p. 523. 8 T. Pickering's letter, Aug. 23, 1826.— ' Ibid. 8 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25 ; Gen. Howe's dispatch, Oct. 10 ; Lieut. Hall's Civil War, p. 320 6 Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 108. General Wayne,1 who was slowly pur suing the enemy on the ground assigned to General Greene's command, as has been already shown ; and not being able to see them clearly, from a heavy fog which prevailed at the time, Gen eral Stephen opened a fire on them,2 throwing them into disorder,8 retarding his own advance, and separating his division from the remainder of General Greene's column, which it did not join again during the day.4 Pressing for ward, under his orders from the com mander-in-chief, General Greene reached " the market-house," on the main street of the village, attacked, and, after a severe contest, defeated the enemy's right wing, and maintained his position until misfortune in other parts of the field of battle compelled him to retire.5 At this moment, although both col umns of militia had failed to render any useful service, victory appeared to be within the grasp of the American army.6 The enemy's left had been de feated by Generals Sullivan and Con way, who were slowly driving it before them through the village ; while the right wing, also defeated, were retreat ing before the victorious troops com manded by Generals Wayne and Greene. The dense fog, which concealed from each the operations and success, and 1 Gen. Sullivan's letter, Oct. 25 ; Life of Gen. Muhlen berg, p. 108.— 3 Gen. Washington's dispatch, Oct. 5 ; Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 109. 8 Life of Gen. Muhlenberg, p. 109. 4 Ibid.—8 Ibid, pp. 110, 111. 6 Gen. Washington to his brother, Oct. 18 ; Gen. Arm strong to President Wharton, Oct. 5 ; Same to Gen. Gates, Oct. 5 ; Gen. Wayne to same, Nov. 21. ATTACK ON JUDGE CHEW'S HOUSE. fFro??i^t^o7^inaZ/-p£djttuiff wsth&possessionoftfae'-ftc&ZzsTiexs'. JcHmsarA.Iry- &.C°SLtuialier8, 3>Te