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Yale Center for British Art and British Studies

THE

LIFE AND TYPOGHAPHY

OF

WILLIAM CAITON,

ENGLAND'S FIRST PRINTER.

I^WWn I ^df^V^we-y

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.-J L TriPPJr.l.^. IlPH^. AJi URU

THE LIFE AND TTPOGEAPHY

OP

ENGLAND'S PIRST PRINTER,
WITH EVIDENCE OF HIS TYPOGRAPHICAL CONNECTION

COLARD MANSION,

THE PRINTER AT BRUGES.

COMPILED FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES BY WILLIAM BLADES.

VOL. I.

PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH LILLY, 15, BEDFORD STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON.
1861.

PREFACE TO YOL. I.

The benefits conferred on Mankind by the Art of Printing are so obvious,
and have been so often enforced by able writers, that although extremely
tempting as a prefatory theme, there seems no occasion here to dilate upon
them. Nor is there any need to introduce what may be termed the personal
history of the present undertaking, and narrate the steps by which a simple
list of books printed by Caxton, and arranged for private use, became
augmented irito two quarto volumes. But the reason for publishing at all does
require some explanation, and the bibliographical student whose shelves are
burthened with volumes treating of matters identical with those discussed in
the following pages, may be inclined to demand an answer to the question
which has often been put to the writer : Can anything new be said of Caxton ?
The full answer to this question must be sought for in the volumes them
selves, but it is proposed here briefly to lay before the reader the design of the
work, and to draw his attention to those portions of it which affect subjects
unnoticed by previous writers.
Since the publicatipn in 1737 of " The Life o^f Mayster "Wyllyam Caxton,"
by the Rev. John Lewis, of Margate, many biographies of our Prototypo-
grapher have appeared. Oldys, in 1748, wrote a careful and elaborate
Article for the Biographia Britannica ; Ames, in his Typographical Antiquities,
1749, paid great attention to the subject ; Herbert followed with additions in
1785 ; and Dibdin, in 1810, having acquired the extensive manuscript Notes and
Collections of Herbert and Gough, devoted his first volume entirely to Caxton
and his works. Several " Lives," independently of the articles in various

VI PREFACE TO VOL. I.

Encyclopaedias, have been subsequently published, but all owe the whole
of their facts to Lewis, since whose time, more than 120 years ago, no new
incident in Caxton's life has come before the English Public.
In this volume the following unpublished particulars will be offered to the
Reader: — The Will of Robert Large, which, besides the well-known legacy
to his apprentice, affords an insight to the household of which Caxton had
become a member, together with some particulars of his fellow-apprentices. —
Extracts from the old Records at Mercers' Hall, proving the exact date of
Caxton's apprenticeship, and displaying him in the characters of Liveryman,
Merchant Adventurer, Ambassador, and Governor of the English Merchants
at Bruges. — The Charter of the Merchant Adventurers, preserved by Hakluyt,
giving the exact character of the duties of Caxton as "Governor." —
Extracts from the Archives at Bruges, yielding some interesting documents,
viz. : The particulars of an Action brought against Caxton as surety for a
defaulter ; the presentation to him by the Town Council of certain complimen
tary gifts ; and a Judgment awarded by him in his capacity of " Governor."
This last was made known many years ago by M. Van Praet, but has not been
noticed by any English writer. — Several particulars, though of less direct
import, have been extracted from Liber Dunthorne, and Liber K. in the
Archives of Guildhall ; from the Churchwardens' Accounts of St. Margaret,
Westminster, and from the Wardens' Accounts of the Guild of our Lady in
the same Church.
In addition to the above, it has been thought advisable to add some collateral
evidence of the opportunities enjoyed by Caxton of cultivating his taste for
literature in the libraries by which he was surrounded. French Antiquaries
have eagerly sought for and published anything connected with the regal
libraries amassed by the Kings and Royal Princes of France ; by successive
Dukes of Burgundy; by Louis de Bruges, and others. An examination of
the Catalogues of these libraries proves that the works chosen by Caxton

PREFACE TO VOL. I. VU
himself for issue, as well as those which he printed at the request of others,
(English Poetry excepted,) were not only at that time very common in all the
great libraries, but were also contained in those collections to which Caxton,
fi*om his position at Bruges, may without any stretch of probability be
supposed to have had access.
Being familiar with all branches of the Art, I have endeavoured to use my
practical experience in assisting me to discover the materials and practices
employed while the Press was yet in its infancy. Some conclusions necessary
to the argument concerning Caxton's early efforts as a Printer are introduced
in this Volume ; but that portion of the subject will be further elucidated
in the opening Chapter of Vol. IL
To what Printer Caxton was indebted for his typographical instruction has
never yet been decided. From the statement of Wynken de Worde we naturally
turn to Cologne for some trace of him ; but an examination of the productions
of Ulric Zel, Arnold Therhoernen, P. de Olpe, and J. Koelhoff, who are the
only known printers of that City from whom he could possibly have derived
assistance, rendered the question still more puzzling, from the entire absence of
similarity of typographical treatment. While perplexed with this discrepancy
I turned to the early press of Bruges, of which the British Museum at that time
(1859) could boast of only one small specimen; but the signs of typographical
connection were there evident enough to induce me to inspect the collections of
books, printed by Colard Mansion, in the libraries of Paris, Bruges, and Lille,
scarcely half-a-dozen copies being known to exist elsewhere. This exami
nation, of which the results are described in Chapter IIL, was to my mind
decisive, and compelled me to reject entirely the uncertain claims of the
unknown Cologne printer, and to ascribe to Colard Mansion, of Bruges, the
entire typographical instruction of William Caxton. That this opinion is
opposed to the settled belief of most Bibliographers is doubtless true ; but that
belief rests on a very questionable foundation, and although invested by age

VUl PREFACE TO VOL. I.
with some degree of strength has maintained its ground only because unopposed.
The Reader's impartial consideration of the arguments on the other side is
therefore particularly requested. But little attention has hitherto been
bestowed upon the internal structure of books, and here I believe can be
found the only unimpeachable evidence — evidence which cannot be falsified.
As the connection between the Bruges and Westminster Presses has hitherto
been unnoticed by any Bibliographical Writer, and as no history of the early
Bruges Press has yet been issued in this Country, it is hoped that the short
account of Colard Mansion and his typographical productions, in Chapter IIL,
will be welcome to the English Reader, and the more so as some further parti
culars in his life, published since Van Praet wrote his " Notice sur Colard
Mansion," have been incorporated therewith. A few remarks on two works
from the Press of that little-known and mysterious Printer, Jean Briton, of
Bruges, have also been added.
After reviewing the early portion of Caxton's life — his mercantile career —
the facilities afforded him by a residence in Bruges for developing a literary
taste — the estabhshment of a Printing Press in that very city — and his
typographical conversion — the Reader will be invited to accompany him to
Westminster. Here it would have been a pleasing task to show that Caxton held a higher
chronological position on the Roll of Early Printers than that usually assigned
to him, and stiU more gratifying to prove the introduction to England of the
wonderful Art, so soon as 1474, the year fixed upon by most writers. But
there is scarcely a shadow of evidence in favour of such an opinion, and
therefore sentiment must give way to fact, and a somewhat later date be
accepted. Upon the settlement of Caxton at Westminster, in Court favour and in fiill
employment, we might naturally expect to know and hear more about him
than before ; but here again the materials for his life are very scanty, being

PREFACE TO VOL. I. IX

almost entirely comprised in a chronological list of his books. At these he
laboured to his dying day ; and a literary and bibliographical account of each
separate publication will be found in the Second Volume of this work.
After tracing the worthy Printer to his last resting-place, in St. Margaret's,
Westminster, the legacy left to future generations in his original writings will
be submitted to the Reader. Those writings are now for the first time collected
together, and considerable care has been taken to make the transcript represent
with great accuracy the original text. This accuracy may probably be deemed
by some as needlessly minute ; for not only have the plainest orthographical
errors been reproduced, but also the chance turn of a letter or the accidental
change of a figure. It appeared to me that no positive advantage would be
gained by attempting to rectify these ; for, if evident errors, the Reader himself
can at a glance correct them, the same as he would if he were perusing the
original ; and where there is the least room for a doubt, every one will admit
the necessity of an exact copy of the original.
Particular attention is drawn to the curious history of his own times, given by
Caxton in the only work of any importance or extent known to have issued
fi-om his pen — the Liber Ultimus of " The Polycronicon." So far as is known,
this Chronicle, extending from A.D. 1360 to 1460, has never been reprinted,
and it is hoped may form in itself no inapt supplement to the Polycronicon of
Higden, as translated by Trevisa, and now being prepared for the Press, by
the Rev. Churchill Babington, under the direction of the Master of the
Rolls. The foregoing is an outline of the chief contents of the Volume now offered
to the Reader, which may be said to embrace the personal history of Caxton,
in contradistinction to his Bibliographical career.
A few words on the Plates. Only those who have endeavoured to obtain a
real facsimile, — one which, for identity of types and exactness of measure
ment will bear the closest examination by the side of the original, — know the

TOL. I.

PREFACE TO VOL. I.

excessive difficulty of procuring an Artist clever and patient enough to execute
the tracing, and workmen skilful enough to print it, without clogging or some
worse distortion. If an engraving on Wood be the medium chosen, the
opportunities of error are numerous — first in tracing the tracing on to the face
of the block, and then from the engraver's tool. On Copper the difficulties,
though of the same nature, are still greater. Lithography affords the only
means of obtaining a real facsimile, as there the transfer is direct from the
original tracing on to the stone. This method, however, is liable to two
sources of error — the stretching of the tracing paper while in the act of being
transferred to the stone, and the gradual clogging of the letters in working, to
avoid which requires the greatest care and attention. Both these difficulties
have been successfully surmounted in those Plates described as " Facsimile,"
and the Reader may not only depend upon the accuracy of form, but may be
sure that the width and depth of the page do not vary from the original,.
a result due to the care and ingenuity of Mr. A. C. Tupper, Barge Yard,
Bucklersbury. As no two copies of the same work are in all respects
exactly alike, the particular book from which each plate was taken is noted.
The peculiar treatment of Plates III and VIII necessitating the adoption
of a raised surface, they were carefully engraved on wood; and these,
therefore, although extremely accurate, do not pretend to the niceties of a
facsimile. The Frontispiece, drawn in chalk, by Mr. John Tupper, is taken from an
original painting in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries, who kindly
permitted it to be copied for the present work, and to whom it was presented
by the Rev. R. E. Kerrich, M.A., of Cambridge, in 1849. It is curious as
a very early specimen of the Art of Portrait-painting, and exhibits great care
in execution, excepting where evidently re-touched. It was probably painted
at Bruges, from life ; perhaps on the occasion of the Princess Margaret's
marriage with Charles le Temeraire.

PREFACE TO VOL. I. XI

To render thanks for kindness received is always a pleasing duty, and with
gratefiil feelings I acknowledge the obligations I am under for assistance
during the progress of this Volume. To Mr. J. Winter Jones, Keeper of the
Printed Books in the British Museum, who has frequently stood sponsor for
me when desirous of visiting private libraries, and who has favored me with
unusual facilities for consulting the collections under his charge, I am greatly
indebted ; Mr. W. B. Rye has afforded me much useful information ; nor can
I do otherwise than heartily acknowledge the general assistance and urbanity
of Mr. G. BuUen, Mr. R. E. Graves, and all the officers in the British
Museum, of whose services I have had to avail myself To the Guildhall
Library Committee I am obliged for permission to examine and copy from the
City Records ; and to Mr. Overall, Assistant Librarian, for his great courtesy
under my numerous demands upon his time and attention : to the Court of the
Mercers' Company, for access to their ancient Records, and to Mr. Barnes,
their Clerk, I am under great obligations ; also to the Rev. Dr. Hawtrey,
Provost of Eton, for permission to take a facsimile from the rare " Fais
du Jason " (the only copy in England), in the Library of that College. To
M. Bossaert, of Bruges, I am deeply indebted for the communication of
unpubhshed documents concerning Caxton, in the Archives of that City, and
other information.
Nor do I owe less to assistance from private sources. My thanks are espe
cially due to the Earl Spencer, for the loan of his unique copy of " Propositio
Clarissimi Johannis Russell," and other works ; to Mr. Bolton Corney, for the
loan of many books, and the still more numerous and valuable suggestions of his
well-stored bibliographical mind; to Mr. Tite, for his second edition of
" Mirrour of the World;" and to numerous gentlemen whose assistance will be
more appropriately acknowledged in the Second Volume. Mr. B. Beedham,
of Kimbolton, has zealously assisted me in research, and supplied the material
for many of the paragraphs in connection with the Probate Courts and the
B 2

Xll PREFACE TO VOL. I.
names of Caxton, Causton, &c. Mr. G. I. F. Tupper, to whose care all
the tracings have been entrusted, has contributed also many most useful
suggestions. In conclusion, I can only regret that the treatment of so interesting a subject
has not fallen into the hands of some one with more time and greater acquire
ments than I can ever hope to possess ; but whatever errors or omissions
may be discovered, and whatever the general verdict may be, I can affirm
that truth, and truth alone, has been the aim of all my researches, — and
especially so when in opposition to current opinions. W. B.

CONTENTS OF VOL. I,

CHAPTEE I.
WILLIAM CAXTON, THE MERCER.
A.B. 1423—1471.
Pages
Where bom — His parents and relations — Caxton, Cauxston, and Causton — When born
. — Date of apprenticeship and its term — -The Mercers' Company — Robert Large ;
his residence ; family and household ; death and will — Events during Caxton's residence
in London — His passage to the Low Countries, and progress there — A law suit — A stop
to trade — Caxton in London; receives the Livery of his Company; fined for not
attending the Mayor — The Merchant Adventurers' Company; their Charter and
constitution ; their connection with the Mercers ; Caxton appointed Grovernor ; his
duties and emoluments — His first embassy — Letter to Caxton from the Wardens —
Letter from the Earl of Warwick — Letter from Caxton to the Wardens, and the reply
— Caxton's second embassy — An arbitration — Charles, Duke of Burgundy, and his
Duchess — Caxton and the Vins d'honneur — He enters the service of the Duchess —
Why did he resign his Governorship ? — He translates "Le Eecueil" — Its popularity —
He employs the art of printing with success  1 — 22
CHAPTEE II.
THE STATE OP LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
A.S. 1400—1500.
The patronage of literature in Erance by King John and his sons ; in Elanders by Philippe
le Hardi and PhUippe le Bon — Louis de Bruges — The great extension of all trades
connected vnth book-making — The Guild of St. John — The bearing of these subjects
on the History of Caxton  23—27
CHAPTEE III.
SCRIBES AND PRINTERS.
A.D. 1400—1500.
On the resemblance between early Printed books and the Manuscripts of the age — On the
gradual divergence of printers from the usages of scribes — On typographical develop
ments as indicative of priority of production — The whole with reference especially to
the Bruges and Westminster presses  28' — 36

xiv CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
CHAPTEE IV.
THE BRUGES PRESS.
A.D. 1445—1484.

Pages

The pre-eminence of Bruges — Printing carried on there at a very early date — Colard Mansion,
the scribe and printer ; a chronological list of his books ; date of his " Primum Opus ; "
the locality of his printing office ; his landlords ; his flight from Bruges as an insolvent ;
what became of him ? peculiarities of his workmanship  37 — 44
CHAPTEE V.
WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470—1475.
On certain books generally attributed to Caxton before his settlement at Westminster —
Eeasons for attributing the whole of them to Colard Mansion — The extent of Caxton's
typography at Bruges — Date of his return to England  45 — 61
CHAPTEE VI.
CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1476—1491.
Caxton's settlement in England — Where was his press erected ? — The Abbot of Westminster
— Connection of the Abbots with the Mercers' Company — The Wool-Staple at
Westminster — The Guild of our Lady Assumption, and Caxton's connection therewith
— The connection of this Guild with the Mercers' Company — Caxton's patrons —
William and Maude Caxton — Caxton's death, and character  62  82
AUTHOEITIES ;
BEING QUOTATIONS PROM ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE LIFE
AND Tl.^lES OF WILLIAM CAXTON, AND COMPRISING EXTRACTS FROM—
Mercers' Records : — Wardens' Accounts — Acts of Court — Eenter Warden's Accounts.
Bntges Becords : — Civil Judgments — Town Eegisters — Church of Saint Donatus.
St. Margaret's Becords .- — Churchwardens' Accounts — Guild of our Lady.
Oit!/ Archives : — Liber K. Prerogative Court : — Large's Will, with translation.
HaMuyt : — Charter of the Merchant Adventurers. §3  ]^og
THE OEIGINAL WEITINGS OF CAXTON;
The Prologues and Epilogues attached by him to his translations. Where these are found
to be translations or adaptations from the Erench, the original text is appended  129  196
Caxton's Historical Work " Polycronicon, Liber Ultimus "  196  265

CONTENTS OF VOL. I. XV
NOTES.
Note a. A List of Persons bearing the name of Caxton ante a.d. 1500  269 — 271
Note b. A List of Persons bearing the name of Causton, Cawston, or Cauxton ante
A.D. 1500  ,  271—274
Note e. On " Caxton " and « Causton " as the Name of a Place  274—275
Note d. Some Particulars in the Life of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse, and
Earl of Winchester  276—277
Note e. A List of Manuscripts in the Burgundian and Erench Libraries of the 15th
Century, viz. —
Libraries of the Dukes of Burgundy  278
Library of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse  279
Library of the Louvre  279 — 280
Library of Jean, Due de Berri  280
Notef. The Early Bruges Press. The Claims of Jean Briton  281—282
Note ff. The History of Caxton Memorials  283

PLATES TO VOL. I.

I. Domus Anglorum. The Old Jewry : from Aggas's Map.
II. Colard Mansion: a Page from "La Controversie de Noblesse."
III. Ditto. From " Boece de la Consolation de Philosophe."
IV. Specimen of a Manuscript written at Bruges for Edward IV.
V. Specimen from " Le Eecueil," " The EecuyeU," and " Chess-Book."
VI. Specimen from " Les Sept Pseaulmes," and " Les Eais du Jason."
VII. A Page from " Propositio," and a page from a Book by Ulric Zel.
VIII. A Page from " Les quatre derrenieres choses."

THE
LIFE AND TYPOGRAPHY OF WILLIAM CAXTON.

CHAPTEE I.
WILLIAM CAXTON, THE MEECEE, A.D. 1423—1471.
Where bom — His Parents and Eelations — Caxton, Cauxton, and Causton — When
bom — Date of Apprenticeship and its term — The Mercers' Company — Eobert
Large ; his Eesidence ; Family and Household ; Death and WiU — Events during
Caxton's residence in London — His passage to the Low Countries, and progress
there — A Law Suit — A Stop to Trade — Caxton in London ; receives the Livery
of his Company ; fined for not attending the Mayor — The Merchant Adventurers'
Company ; their Charter and Constitution ; their Connexion with the Mercers ;
Caxton appointed Governor ; his Duties and Emoluments — His first Embassy,
Letter to Caxton from the Wardens — Letter from the Earl of Warwick —
Letter from Caxton to the Wardens, and the reply — Caxton's second Embassy —
An Arbitration — Charles Duke of Burgundy and his Duchess — Caxton and the
Vins d'honneur — He enters the service of the Duchess — Why did he resign his
Governorship? — ^He translates "Le Eecueil" — Its Popularity — He employs the
Art of Printing with success.
IN the Prologue to " The Eecuyell of the Histories of Troye," Caxton A.D. 1422-3.
declares of himself, " I was bom * * in Kente in the Weeld."
Lambarde says that the Weald had always been a very undefined portion Lambarde's Peram- *
of Kent, and that even in his time it was an easier thing to deny its 4to**London,i'576^
existence altogether than to define its boundaries with any accuracy, p^s^^is.
Considerable research has been made, but ia vain, to discover the exact
locaKty where our Prototypographer first drew breath. There appears to
be some connexion, though perhaps only verbal, between the old Manor
of Causton, near Hadlow, and the family of Caxton; but, as wiU. be shown
farther on, the Hnk is but shght, and we must fairly ackaowledge that we
can add notlnng more precise to Caxton's own words, " I was bom in
Kente in the Weeld." Fuller in his "Worthies," overlooking this assertion, The History of tiie
assigns the honor of his birth to the town of Caxton, in Cambridge- ian°d^*London i^el^
shire ; but apparently on grounds no stronger than the identity in name. ^^^^ ¦^^^¦
voir. I. c

LIFE OP WILLIAM CAXTON.

A.D. 1422-3.

St. Margaret's Re
cords.
Auth. K 3 & 6.

.Mercers' Records.
Auth. A 14.

Anth. A. 11.

Although this cannot be maintained for a moment, a coincidence in con
nexion with this town may be worth noting. Earl Eivers, the patron and
employer of Caxton on his first attempting the new Art of Printing, had
ancestors who owned the town of Caxton ; but there is nothing to lead
us to suppose that either the family of Wydeville or Caxton had any
connexion with this town in the 15th Century.
As to Caxton's pedigi-ee and family we are equally in the dark, no trace
of any relatives except his parents having been discovered. He tells us in
the Prologue to his translation of " Charles the Great," that he was sent
to school by his father and mother ; and this is the only notice we have
of their existence, unless we receive the opinion that the William Caxton
who was buried in 1478 in St. Margaret's, Westminster, was the father of
our printer. That the latter was buried also in St. Margaret's in 1491 is
weL. known, but the connexion of the two cannot be grounded on more than
identity of name as well as burial place ; and the strength of this coinci
dence is somewhat diminished by the frequency with which the name of
Caxton appears in the 14th and 15th Centuries. (Note a.) In one other
instance there seems to be a probabihty of relationship. The records of the
Mercers' Company contain many notices of the "entries" and "issues" of
apprentices, and in 1447 it is recorded that one Eichard Caxton had finished
his term of servitude with John Harrowe. Now a son of this John Harrowe
was one of the apprentices of Eobert Large at the same time as our WiUiam
Caxton. As Large and Harrowe were feUow Mercers, and CAddently on
firiendly terms, and as each had an apprentice named Caxton, the proba
bility is that the two youths were of one family.
The City Merchants of those days were very exclusive in their reception
of apprentices, and perhaps none more so than the Mercers, who ranked
the first of all the City Companies. The leading men of the superior
Companies, as was natural, apprenticed their sons to one another, and
thus the family names of Caxton's fellow-apprentices are the names also of
the Wardens, and the most respectable citizens of the period. The family
name of "Caxton" does not, indeed, figure at all among the City magnates ;
but his admission to the household of one of London's most eminent
Merchants, and his being apprenticed at the same time as his master's son,
go far to prove the family to have been well-connected.
In the 15th Century the word Caxton was fi'equently pronounced
Cauxion or Cawston, the x and s being considered interchangeable;
"to axe" is the common form of "to ask" m Caxton's works, just as

LITE OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 6
Alisaunder is of Alexander, — ^the u being continually inserted after the ¦^•^- 1432-38.
a where the pronunciation was broad, as in Fra?/nce, commawnd, &c. It
might therefore be expected that we should find the word under various
forms of orthography, and such is the case ; Caxton in Cambridge
shire is frequently spelt in the old Parish records Causton ; and in the Notes and Queries.
Mercers' books, Thomas Cacston appears as one of the Liverymen chosen ,. ^'^' ' ',
' ^^ •' _ Mercers Records.
to ride out to meet Edward IV on his entry into London, the name being
immediately after entered as Thomas Cawston. This opens a new field of
inquiry, for the name of Causton was very common in that age, (Note b,)
and a reference to any old Kentish history will show that there was in
the 14th Century a Manor of Causton in Kent in the Weald, which was
anciently held in possession by a family of the same name. (Note c.) Hasted's History of
This Manor was in the hundred of Hadlow, or Haudlo ; and although for ^^11, page 3i7.
many years previously to Caxton's birth it had been alienated to the
family of Watton, it is not impossible that a branch of the old stock may
have become rooted in the neighbourhood. There is certainly no other
place in the Weald with which even a verbal connexion can be traced ;
and if we imagine our Printer to have descended from this ancient line,
it win at least bear out Bagford's random assertion, that " Caxton's family Bagford's Mss.in the
was of great repute of old, and genteel-hke." ^''^^'""' ^"^ ^^^"¦
When was Caxton born? To this question there is a more satisfactory
answer, as we know the year of his apprenticeship, which, although till now
overlooked, has fortunately been preserved in the records of the Mercers'
Company. It has generally been assumed fi:om the unqnahfied statement
of Dr. Kippis, and later biographers, that 1412 was the date of his birth, Biog.Brit, Edit.i784,
the sole ground for the assertion being the complaint of Caxton himself ^° ' ' ^^^^
in 1471 that he was growing old and weak. From this the inference is
drawn that he must then have seen at least sixty years. That 1412 how
ever is a date much too early is proved by the following extract from the
earHest volume of " Wardens' Accounts " in the Archives of the Mercers'
Company. It occurs in a Kst of fees for the binding and enrolment of
apprentices "pnr lan deunt passe cest assauoir des Fest de Saynt John
Bap*® lan xvj du Eoy Henr sisme," that is, "for the year just passed namely
at the Feast of St. John Baptist the 16th year of King Henry YI." Mercers' Records.
Auth. A 11.

(June 24, 1438.)

Entres des Appntices.
lE John large, 1 les appntices de
l£ WiUm Caxston, j Eobert Large ^J ^ c 2

4 LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
A-D- 1438. ^e here arrive at the interesting fact, that in 1438 Caxton was appren
ticed to Eobert Large. It is the first genuine date in his Hfe with which
we are acquainted, and furnishes us with a standing point from which can
be reckoned, with some degree of assurance, the date of his birth.
The age of twenty-one has always been considered as the period when
a man arrives at his legal majority; but in the 15th Century there was also
what may be termed the civic majority, which did not occur till three
Puiung's Laws and years later. At that time no man could become a fireeman, and engage in
8vo. 1842, page 6i! trade on his own account, tiR he had attained the age of twenty-four.
This custom was continued so late as the 17th Century; for in 1693 an
Act of Common Council is recorded enforcing upon the Chamberlain the
necessity of ascertaining that every claimant, before admission to the Free
dom of the City, had " reached the fiiU age of twenty-four." It was with
reference to this that the phrase " quousqj ad etatem suam xxiiij"'' annor'
Large's wm and pucnerit," is SO commouly found in old wills ; and in view of this the
Liber K,^p°assim. indenture of an apprentice was always so drawn that on the commence
ment of his twenty-fifth year he might issue fi:om his apprenticeship. This
necessarily caused a considerable variation in the length of servitude,
which ranged according to the age of the youth, fi:om seven years, the
shortest term, to fourteen years.* The mean, or ten years, appears to
have been the term most common in the 15th Century. Eeckoning his
servitude at seven years only, Caxton could not have been more than
seventeen years of age when apprenticed, and must therefore have been
bom after the year 1421: that he was not much younger is evident
fi-om his position at Bruges only eleven years after he " entered " his
Bruges Records. apprenticeship, whcu hc was considered as good surety for a sum equal to
£1000 of the present day; so that, if we assume 1422-3 as the date of his
birth, we cannot be far wrong.
Prologue to " Charles Caxton tcUs US that previously to his apprenticeship he had been to school
in Kent, but as no other particulars of his early history are known, we wiH
pass at once to the year 1438, and imagine him, fresh fi:om the Weald,
already estabhshed in the household of Eobert Large, and duly invested
* Fouiteen years is the longest term I have noticed in the City Eecords (Lib. Dunthorne fol. 3985,)
and an apprenticeship for so long a period appears to have been uncommon, as the youth in that case
could not have been more than ten years of age on his entry. The periods for which three of Large's
apprentices were hound are noted among the entries and issties in the Mercers' hooks, as follows 
Thomas Staunton entered ... 1422-3... and issued 1434-5, being a term of 12 years.
Eandolphe Streete entered... 1427-8... « 1437-8, « 10 „
Eio. Bonefaunt entered  1430-1... ,, 1441-2, « 11 „

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
with all the rights and privileges of a London apprentice. When we ^-^^ 1438.
consider how many of these apprentices were young men nearly twenty-
four years of age, we can easily beheve that very strict rules were required
to keep them within boimds, and that when they did break loose it was
sometimes beyond the power of ah the City authorities combined to
restrain them. The EvU May Day, as it was caUed, in 1517, when the strype's stow,
apprentices rose against all foreigners, and, notwithstanding the efforts of vol. ii, page 436.
the Mayor and Aldermen, ravaged the City, burning houses and killing
many persons, is recorded by aU the old chroniclers : it was long re
membered by the masters with fear, and by the apprentices with pride;
although twelve of the latter ignominiously perished by the hands of the
hangman, upon the quelling of the riot by the King's troops.
The master's duties to his apprentice were to feed him, clothe him, and Mercers' Records.
teach him weh and truly his art and craft. On fading to fiUfil these ^^^ ' ^ ^'
duties, the apprentice could, on complaint, and proof shown before the
Court of Aldermen, have his indentures canceUed, or be tumed over to
another master. On the other side, the apprentice took oath to serve his
master weU and truly, to keep aU his secrets, to use no traffic on his own
account, and to obey aU his lawful commands.
Eobert Large, Caxton's master, was one of the richest and most
influential merchants in the City. He was a Mercer, and the son of
a Mercer, and according to Stow, was bom in the City of London. In strype's stow,
1430 he fiUed the office of Sheriff, and in 1439-40 was elected Mayor. The ^''^' "' ^'^' ^'^^¦
Mercers' Company was then, as it is now, the oldest chartered Company
in existence. Its members comprised the merchants of highest standing
in the City. It paid more money to the King's revenue, sent to
a " Eiding" more weU-mounted men, spent larger sums on its " Hveries,"
and jielded fi-om its ranks more Sheriffs and Mayors than any two of
the City Companies besides. Of this Company Large was elected Warden Mercers' Records.
(or, as the old Clerk writes it " Gardein,") in 1427, and appears to have '*^"*" ^ ^•
made himself very popular, if we may judge from the unusual expenditure
at his " chivacherie" when he succeeded to the Mayoralty. The Mercers
on that occasion rode before their Mayor in new Hveries, preceded by
sixteen sUver trumpets made for the occasion. The few absentee Auth. a 12.
Liverymen were fined heavUy.
The house in which Large resided no doubt presented a great contrast
to Caxton's home in the Weald. It stood at the north end of the Old
Jewry and appears to have been a very ancient and extensive mansion.

Auth. D 1 & 2.

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
A.D. 1441. Stow gives a curious account of its vicissitudes, and sums up its history
thus, — " sometime a Jews' synagogue, since a house of Friars, then a
Nobleman's house, after that a Merchant's house, wherein Mayoralties
have been kept, but now a wine tavern." Large Hved there tiU his
death.
Large's Will. The houschold of which Caxton had become a member consisted, at least,
of eighteen persons, not including menials — ^Eobert Large, and his second
wife Johanna; four sons, Eobert, Thomas, Eichard, and John, all under
age (24 years), the last, as above shown, being bound apprentice at the
same time as Caxton ; two daughters, AHce, and EHzabeth, both under
age (21 years) ; two " servants," or men who had served their apprentice
ship, and eight apprentices. Large did not Hve long after his Mayoralty.
His wiU is dated April 11th, 1441, and he died on the 24th of the same
month. He was buried in St. Olave's, Old Jewry, in the same grave as
his first wife EHzabeth,* and the monument over their bodies existed in
.strype's stow, Stow's timc.f A copy of Large's WiU, imfortunately imperfect at the
vol. I, page 571. ^^^^ -^^^ ^^^^ preserved in the Prerogative Court, Doctors' Commons.
From this we learn, that he owned the Manor of Horham, in Essex,
of which County he was probably a native, as he left various sums to
the Parish Churches of Shakeston, Aldestre, and Overton, where some of
his relatives were buried. It would have been interesting to find that Large
had been connected with Kent, Caxton's county, but although no trace
can be discovered of tliis, it is curious that two of his apprentices should
have Kentish names, Caxton, as we have aheady seen, being only another
form of Causton, a Manor near Hadlow, and the Hundred of Strete being
represented by Caxton's feUow-apprentice Eandolph Streete. His bequests
to his parish Church of St. Olave, Old Jewry, and for rehgious purposes
generaUy, were extensive. He also left considerable sums for the com
pletion of a new aqueduct then in course of construction — ^for the repairs
of London Bridge — for cleansing the watercourse of Walbrook — for
marriage-portions of poor girls — for reHef of domestic servants — and for
various hospitals of London, among which may be noticed "Bedleem,"
Bishopsgate- without; St. Thomas of Southwark; and the Leper-houses
at " Hakeney les lokes."
* Her Maiden name was Staunton, and to her brother Thomas Staunton was left the Guardianship
of Large's son Robert.
f " Here (St. Olave's, Old Jewry) on a plated stone, on the ground in the South isle, 'Hie requiescat
in Gratia et misericordia Dei, Eobeettjs Large, quondam Mercerus et Maior istius civitatis. Qui
ohiit 24 die April 1441. Et Elizabeth Uxor ejus, ao pueri eorundem, Cujus, &c.' "

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON. '
Among the many bequests in Large's WiU, the foUowing may be found a.d. 1441.
worthy of notice, as showing the names and approximate ages of Caxton's
feUow apprentices, of whom he, both by the order in which Large mentions
him, and by the dates in the Mercers' books, appears to have been the
youngest. Eichard Bonyfaunt  (issued 1440) ... 50 marks.
Henry Okmanton  (entered 1434) ... 50 pounds.
Eobert Dedes  ( ) . . . 20 marks.
Christopher Heton*  (issued 1443)... 20 pounds,
WiUiam Caxton  (entered 1437)... 20 marks.
Besides the above there were — Eandolph Streete, who issued in the Mercers' Records.
same year as Caxton was bound ; Thomas Neche, who issued in 1440; is', &14. '
and John Harrowe, who issued in 1443. These are aU entered as
" appntices de Eob*" Large," in the Mercers' books.
And here, before proceeding with the account of Caxton, we may
briefly state what is known of the subsequent history of the famUy in which
he Hved. Mrs. Large (whose son Eichard Tumat by her first husband is
mentioned in the WiU of Large) was now again left a widow. This, her
second bereavement, appears for a time to have affected her most deeply. In
open church, probably over the body of her husband, she went through the
solemn ceremony of vowing to devote the remainder of her days to
charity and chastity. This humour was, however, of rather short dura
tion, as in about three years she was married, for the third time,
according to the foUowing quaint and curious entry fi:om Stow's First a Survay of London,
Edition. Talldng of John Godnay, Draper and Mayor in 1427, he says, ^^' ^^^^' ^°^-^^^-
" This Godnay in the year 1444 . wedded the Aviddow of Eobert Large
late Maior, which widdow had taken the ManteU and ring, and the vow
to Hue chast to God tearme of her life, for the breach whereof, the
marriage done, they were troubled by the Church, and put to penance,
both he and she."
AJl the chUdren mentioned by Large in his WUl were by EHzabeth, his
first wife. Eobert and Thomas did not long survive their father ; John
died soon after his apprenticeship, which occurred as we have seen at the
same time as Caxton's, and his name therefore does not occur at aU in
Large's WiU ; accordingly we find Eichard the sole survivor succeeding,
as was his father's wish, to aU the property devised to his two elder
brothers, and his claims aUowed on his " attaining his age of 24 years" by city Records.
Liber K, fol. 208.
* Called Christopher only in Large's WUl, the Surname being taken from the Mercers' hooks.

8 LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
A.D. 1438-41. the Court of Aldermen in the year 1444. Of the daughters, AHce does
not appear as having clahned her patrimony on arriving at maturity,
City Records. sHc therefore in aU probabihty died previously ; but EHzabeth married
Liber K, fol. 228. g^^^ g^£(.gj. j^g^ father's death, and her husband Thomas Eyre, son of the
Lord Mayor, received her dowry in 1446.
The three years which Caxton passed as apprentice with Large were
very eventfiil, and, as it was during this term that he must have received
his most vivid impressions of life, it may not be amiss to take a rapid glance
at a few of those events which chiefly stirred the minds of the people. He
no doubt was witness of the great jousts in Smithfield in 1438, which lasted
three weeks, and are so graphicaUy described in Lansd. MSS. No. 285, and
his intense love for knightly sports may have been there first developed.
But though sights of knights at toumays were to be seen for nothing,
common bread was very dear, and many deaths fi?om starvation occurred
Hari. MSS. No. 565, in the Same year. An old chronicle says " Men ate rye bread and barly,
fol. 92 J. g^^^ i^^g^ ^g^j of benes, peses, and fetches: and wel were hym that
my5te haue ynowe therof " In the additions made by Caxton himself to
" PoHcronicon," he is more than usuaUy minute in his record of the events
which occurred during the period of his apprenticeship. Speaking of this
PoUcronieon. ycar, he recouuts that, " Come was soo skarce that in some places poure
1 eru . ap. . ^g^-^g made hem brede of fern rotes."* In 1439 Large was elected Mayor,
and doubtless at his " riding " to Westminster and back, aU his apprentices
assisted to sweU the shout in honor of their master; but a sad spectacle
was seen that same year on Tower HiU, when Sh Eichard Wyche, Vicar
of Deptford, was burnt at the stake for LoUardism. His love and charity
had much endeared him to the poor, and an old Chronicler, at the end of
Cotton MSS. cieop. his accouut of this martyrdom, adds " for the which Sir Eichard was
C. IV. fol. 58. , !; -, „ ^ -, . ., „
Hari. MSS. 565, ™^'^® S^^*^ "^''^^ among the comyn peple. On the mght of this event aU
fol. 93 i. the watches of the City were doubled, and great fears entertained of a
general rising. The impression it made on the mind of Caxton may be
Poiicronicon. gathered from his own relation; "This yere Syr Eychard wiche, vycary
ap. 2 . ^£ hermettesworth, was degrated of his prystliode/ at powlys/ and brente
at toure hyUe as for an heretyk on saynt Botolphus day/ how wel at
Ms deth/ he deyde a good cristen man wherefore after his dethe moche
people cam to the place/ where he hadde be brente/ and offi-yd and
made a heepe of stones/ and sette vp a crosse of tree and helde hym
for a saynt tUl the mayer and shreues by commaundement of the
* Probahly the Ehizome of Pteris Aquilina.

Liber ult. cap. 22.

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXT0N« !
kynge and bisshops destroyed it/ and made there a donghUl." Another A.D. 144D-1,
grievous event in the foUowing year, 1440, appears to have excited the
compassion of our young apprentice. On three alternate days EleanOr PoUoronicon,
Chobham, the beautiftd wife of Duke Humphrey, was landed on the banks
of the Thames, in a white sheet, holding a taper, and, accompanied by the
Mayor, Sheriffi, and Crafts of the City, walked to Paul's barefooted over
the stones, as a penance for her presumed sorceries with the witch of
Eye : * Caxton has recounted this at unusual length. There were great
toumays again this year in the Tower, and a desperate fight between the
Citizens and a body of the Courtiers, for which the former, although first
attacked, were heavUy fined by the King. An old Chronicler describes Cotton Mss.vitei. a,
the fii'ay as " a great debate by the night time, where through shots of - " ¦
bows there were many hurt foul and slain." But the chief event of this Macpherson's Annais
period, as an important element in Caxton's destiny, was the conclusion LondOTTms,
of a three years' peace between England and Flanders. This, with the ^°^- •"¦' p^^® ^^'^^
* The reader wUl probably feel interested in the following account of this instance of pohtical Cotton MSS. Cieop.
revenge. It is extracted from one of the Cotton MSS. Anno 1440. " In this year the Duchess of ^- ^> ^°^- ^^ *•
Gloucester was arrested and put in hold, for she was suspect of treason, and a clerk belonging to her
which was called Eoger, which was taken for sorcery against the King, and he was put in the Tower
of London, and afterwards he was brought to Paul's, and there he stood up on high on a scaffold
against Paul's Cross, on a Sunday, and there he was arrayed in his garments, and there was hanged
round about him all bis instruments which were taken with him, and so shewed all the people. And
after he was brought tofore the Lords, and there he was examined, and after brought into the GuUdhall
(yeld hall), and there he was arraigned before the Lords of the King's Counsel and before all the Judges
of this land, and anon after, the lady of Gloucester aforesaid was made appear three sundry days before
the King and all his Lords spiritual and temporal, and there she was examined of divers points of
witchcraft, of the whioh she acknowledged she had used through the counsel of the witch of Eye, the
whioh witch was brent on the even of Simon and Jude in Sndthfield. In this time the lady of
Gloucester had confessed her witchcraft as is aforesaid, she was enjoined by all the Spiritual assent to
penance to come to London from Westminster on the Monday next ensuing, and landed at the Temple
bridge out of ber barge, and there she took a taper of wax of two pounds in her hand, and went so
thro' Fleet Street on her feet and hoodless unto Pauls, and there she offered up her taper at the high
altar ; and on the Wednesday next ensuing she came from Westminster by barge unto the Swan in
Thames Street (Temp'se strete), and there she landed and went forth on her feet through Bridge
Street, Gracechuroh Street, to the LeadenhaU, and so to Christchurch in the wise aforesaid (thorow
Briggestrete Grischirch strete to the ledyn ball and so to Crichirch in the wise afomseyd). And
on Friday she landed at Queenhithe, and so forth she went into Cheap, and so to Saint Michael in
ComhiU, in the form aforesaid. And at each of the times the Mayor and Sheriffs and the Crafts of
London were ready at the places where she should land. And after Eoger the clerk aforesaid on the
same day, that is to say the 18th day November, was brought to the Guildhall, with Sir John Home,
priest and William Woodman, Squire, the which Sir John was damned, and the same day was drawn
from the Tower of London to Tyburn, and there hanged, headed and quartered, and the head set on
London bridge, and his one quarter at Hertford, another at Oxford another at York, and the fourth
at Cambridge. And the lady put in prison and after sent to the Isle of Man, there to abide while
that she hved."
TOL. I. D

10 LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
A.D. 1441. termination of the war which had raged fiiriously between Holland and
Macpherson'sAnnais, Zealand and Hamburgh, was probably a material cause in determining
&c. page 659. Caxtou's departure from England.
Of the exact duties devolving upon Caxton in his apprenticeship we
have no knowledge, but as an assistant to Large, who had extensive
connections, and was doubtless in frequent correspondence, with Bruges,
then the great centre of EngUsh traffic abroad, he must have obtained
considerable insight into the ways of Foreign trade, and perhaps become
personaUy known to many Flemish Merchants. We must not forget that
at the death of his master, Caxton was not fi:ee from his indentures.
If he wished to continue his course as a trader, whether in England or
abroad, he was obHged to serve out his time, and that he did so, we gather
from his admission to the Hvery of the Mercers' Company in after years.
Puffing's Laws, &c.. The Exccutors were bound to provide the apprentices of the deceased
P^^® ¦ with a new home, and it would seem that the original master might name
a new master in his WUl or assign the apprentice of his own accord
during his Hfe without making the apprentice himself a party to the
assignment. As far as we know Large made no arrangement of this kind,
and it appears probable that the usual course of the Executors providing
a new master for the bereaved apprentice was adopted in Caxton's case.
It was not uncommon for young men in his position to be sent to some
A Treatise of Com- great Mart Town abroad to obtain experience in trade. Wheeler says,
wbeeier.Secretarie " The Merchants AdventuTcrs sende their yong men, sonnes, and servantes
MerdfantesAdven- ^^ apprentices, who for the most parte are Gentlemens sonnes, to the Marte
bw'^h'i6oi^''^29' '^o'^^ss beyonde the seas, there to learne good facions and knowledge in
trade." Whether Caxton left England by his own desire, or at the instance
of his new master, is quite unknown, but that he took up his abode in the
Low Countries, and probably at Bruges, in the same year that his first master
died, 1441, we gather fi?om his own words in the Prologue to the EecuyeU,
where he states in 1471 that he had been abroad thirty years. It is
improbable that he carried with him more than the twenty marks (£150
to £160 of our money) bequeathed him by Eobert Large.
The City of Bruges had long been not only the seat of Government for
the Dukes of Burgundy but the metropoHs of trade for aU the neighbouring
countries. Thither resorted merchants fi^om aU parts of Europe, who were
certain to find there the best mart for their wares. EngUsh traders
A Treatise of Com- especially abounded, having been greatly favoured by PhiHp le Bon, who
merce, c.pages . -j^^^ almost from a chUd been brought up in the Court of England, and

LIFB OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 11
who in 1446 gave great privUeges to the Merchant Adventurers under the a,d. 1446-50.
name of The English Nation, by which title they were ever after most
commonly known. So greatly were the Duke's dominions indebted to the
trade in wool and cloth with England, that PhiHp le Bon, when instituting origin of Commerce,
in 1429 a new Order of Kxughthood, adopted for its title and badge the 4to. London, ivs?^
*' Golden Fleece." ^°^- ^' P^^e 449. '
About 1446 Caxton issued out of his apprenticeship, and became
a freeman of the Company, though as this happened abroad, no notice of
it occurs in the Company's books. It would appear that he immediately
entered into business on his own account, and that he prospered, for in
1450 we find him in Bruges, and so far successful as to be thought
sufficient security for the sum of £110 sterUng (more than equal to
£1000 now). This appears from the foUowing curious law proceedings Bruges Records.
preserved in the archives of the City of Bruges. In the year 1450
WUUam Craes, an EngUsh merchant, sued in the Town HaU of Bruges,
before the Burgomasters, Merchants, and Councillors of the City, John
SeUe and WiUiam Caxton, both EngUsh Merchants, for a sum of money.
|WUHam Craes deposed that John Granton, of the Staple at Calais, was
indebted to him in the sum of £110 sterHng, for which the said John SeUe
and WUHam Caxton had become sureties. That the said John Granton
having departed from the City without payment made, he (Craes) had
caused his sureties to be arrested for the amount. The defendants
admitted that they were the sureties for John Granton, but pleaded that
as Granton was very rich, complainant should look to him for payment.
Judgement was given by Eoeland de Vos and Guerard le Groote, the
Adjudicators, for the complainant, the defendants to give security for the
sum demanded. If, however, John Granton on his return to Bruges
should prove payment previously to his departure, complainant to pay
double the sum claimed.
At this period (1450), we find by their books, that the Mercers were
engaged in a considerable trade with the Low Countries, which, however,
was shortly to receive a check by the edict of the Duke of Burgundy
prohibiting the importation of aU EngUsh cloths. The item in the
Mercers' accounts — " To Eichard Burgh for bearing of a letter over the Mercers' Records.
sea, 6s 8d," * — ^probably has reference to this.
* From the small sum paid to Burgh, in comparison with several similar entries, it may be inferred
that he was not a special messenger, but that having to go to Bruges on his own account, he took
charge of the letter.
D 2

12 LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
A.D. 1453. The date when Caxton was admitted to the Freedom of his Company
does not appear ; it was doubtless shortly after he had issued from his
Mercers' Records, apprenticeship. It must havc occurred before 1453, as in that year he made
Auth. A 17. ^ journey to London, accompanied by Eichaert Burgh and Esmond
Eedeknape, when aU three were admitted to the Livery of the Mercers'
Company, a privUege to which the admission to the freedom was a
necessary step. It may be inferred that, Hke Caxton, Burgh and Eedeknape
Auth. B 7. were EngUsh traders settled at Brages ; Eedeknape was probably a rela
tive of the W, Eedeknape of London, who appears farther on as a Mer
chant trading with Bruges ; whUe the spelling of Burgh's Christian name,
¦Richaert, is quite Flemish, and we have already noticed him as the bearer
of a letter to the same city. We may remark also that the usual fees on
their taking up the Hvery seem to have been remitted, as the whole
passage in the volume of accounts is erased by the pen. The same year
the Mercers' accounts show charges for sending two letters to the Duchess
of Burgundy.
Auth. A 18. This year (1453) Geofirey Felding, Mercer, was Mayor, and the names
of WilHam Caxton, Eic. Burgh, Thos. Bryce, and WiUiam Pratt appear,
charged with fines to the amount of 3s 4d each for not attending his
riding (qils fautent de chiuachier ouesque le mair.)
As an EngUsh Merchant, in Bruges, Caxton would necessarily be
subject to the laws and regulations of the Chartered Company caUed the
Merchant Adventurers, whose Governor had control over aU EngUsh
and Scotch traders in those parts.
AU Foreign trade at this period appears to have been carried on by
means of Trading GuUds. These Associations, which occupy so promi
nent a position in the early history of European commerce, had in most
cities a common place of residence,* and were governed by laws and
Charters granted on one side by the Government of their own country,
and on the other by the Government of the country in which they
had settled themselves. They appear to have originated in a com
mon necessity. The trader in a Foreign country was always an
object of suspicion to the inhabitants, and often found himself restricted
* As an example in London we need only mention the Esterlings, often called the Hanse Mer
chants, who inhabited the Steel Yard, and for centuries carried on a flourishing trade. An excellent
monograph on this Association has been pubhshed, entitled " Urkundliche Geschichte des Hansischen
Stahlhofes zu London, von J. M. Lapenberg, Dr." Quarto. Hamburg, 1851. It is much to be
regretted that the similar Association of Merchant Adventurers, which contributed so greatly to
the mercantile prosperity of this country, should stiU remain without an historian.

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 13
by its laws as to the articles he should buy or seU, and in the prices A.D. 1453-62.
he should give and receive. These laws being frequently unjust and
subversive of aU legitimate trade, besides being often strained to the
great injury of individuals, it was found expedient for aU traders in
Foreign lands to unite, and by combined action to gain that respect for
their rights which the individual could not obtain. Hence arose the
Association of Merchant Adventurers, which consisted of EngUsh Merchants,
who ventured their goods in Foreign markets. The Mercers, whose Foreign
trade exceeded that of aU other Companies, seem to have originated the a Treatise of Com-
Association in the 13th Century, under the name of the GuUd or Fraternity ™^™^' "' ^*^^
of St. Thomas-k-Becket, and to have retained the principal management of
its affafrs tUl their disconnection in the 16th Century. Thus we find that
although Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers, and several other Trade Com
panies jdelded their quota of members, and added their influence when
support was needed, yet the Mercers were the most important section,
the meetings of the Association at their head-quarters in London were
held in Mercers' HaU, and their transactions entered in the same Minute
Book as those of the Mercers' Company itself untU 1526, when they
became entirely independent, although the last Hnk between the two
Companies was not severed tUl the Fire of London destroyed the office Mercers' Records.
which the Merchant Adventurers held of the Mercers under their HaU. In ^ ™™ ^
connexion with the Adventurers several Charters were granted by our
Kings to their subjects in divers parts of Europe for their internal govern
ment. In 1407 Henry IV granted powers to the EngUsh Merchants in
HoUand, Flanders, Prussia, and other States, to assemble and elect Governors, Rymer's Fojdera,
with power to rule aU EngHsh Merchants thither repairing, and to make 1727, vol vm,
reasonable ordinances, &c. In 1444 these powers were renewed by p*s«464.
Henry VI. On the accession of the house of York, the Mercers consulted
the Eecorder and "Eigby" respecting their Corporation; and by the Statute,
1 Ed. rV, c. i., passed for confirming the titles of those who held under
grants of any of the three preceding Kings, (therein described as " in fact
and not in right" Kings of England) aU grants to the Wardens of the
Mercers were speciaUy confirmed. The Merchant Adventurers now HaUuyt's Principal
obtained a larger Charter from Edward IV, which Hakluyt styles "The ag^e^^^Sffiques^
Merchant Adventurers' Patent," for the better government of the EngHsh ^^e EnXh^Na-
Merchants residing in Brabant, Flanders, &c., and WUHam Obray was tion,foiio,London,
appointed under it as "Governor of the EngHsh Merchants" at Bruges. Auth. h. '
Its date is April 16th, 1462.

14

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.

A.D. 1462-3.
Mercers' Records.
Auth. B 2.

Auth. A 19.

Auth. B 3.

Auth. A. 21.

Hakluyt, &c.
Auth. H.

Whether Obray died about this time is not known, but he does not seeni
to have acted long in his new capacity; for between June 24th, 1462, and
June 24th, 1463, we find by the Mercers' books that William Caxton was
performing the official duties of Governor, and in correspondence not only
with the Wardens of the Mercers' Company, but also with the Lord
ChanceUor, writing to both about the best method of regulating the buy
ing of ware at Bmges. The expense incurred by the Wardens for
boat hire in deUvering to the Lord ChanceUor Caxton's letter is duly
entered in the "Forein expenses." When Caxton's name next appears
there is no doubt of his position, as he is addressed by the title of
" Governor." The occasion was as foUows : — ^It was one of the duties of
the Governor at Bruges by his "correctors" to see that aU goods exported
to England were of just weight and measure ; but on 16th August, 1464,
at a Court of Adventurers, W. Eedeknape, W. Hende, and John
Sutton complain that they had received both cloth and lawn deficient in
breadth as weU as length ; whereupon it was decided that a letter should
be dispatched to " William Caxton, Governour beyond the Sea, for
reformation of the same." This was done by a special courier, who
received 28s 6d for his journey.
Having estabhshed Caxton at the City of Bruges, in the important position
of Governor of the EngHsh Nation in the Low Countries, it may be as weU to
take a short survey of what his duties and emoluments were at this period.
These we find expressly laid down in the Charter aheady noticed, granted
only two years previously in 1462. The Governor had fiiU power to govern
by himself or deputies aU merchants and mariners ; to make such minor
regulations for the conduct of trade (not contrary to the International
Treaties) as seemed to him fit ; to decide aU quarrels ; and to pass sen
tences in a court composed of himself as Governor and twelve Justicers
to counsel and advise him ; six Sergeants being aUowed " to do the
executions and arrests of the said court." The Justicers to be chosen by
the "common merchants and mariners," subject to the approval of the
Governor. He was to appoint at pleasure correctors and brokers to
witness aU bargains ; folders and packers to make up the packs of the
merchants, (who were not aUowed to pack their own goods, lest any pro
hibited articles should be included) and to be present at the unpacking
of newly-arrived goods. No parcel to leave the City without first being
sealed. The officers were paid by a fee on packing or unpacking every
pack. The Governor was paid at the rate of 2d a pack on every pack

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 15
sealed for exportation, and Id for every bargain witnessed by his deputies, A.D. 1463.
besides several smaUer levies which are not mentioned in the Charter,
except by the term " accustomed dues." From aU this it vpiU be seen that
the Governor was a sort of King over his countrymen, with almost
unhmited authority. His duties must also at times have been very one
rous, devolving much responsibUity upon him, and requiring talents of no
mean order. To him would be made aU communications from the
Government under which they Hved, and to his diplomatic powers and
influence would be owing to a large extent the comfort or discomfort of all
the EngHsh residents.
By the Charter, W. Obray appears to have been the nominee of the King
himself, but this was only in form, as the custom seems to have been for
the Court of the Adventurers to recommend " a fit person" to the
King, who thereupon appointed him. In whose hands the executive
power reaUy resided the foUovnng example wiU show : — ^the name of
John Pykering appears in the Mercers' books as the successor of
Caxton in the office of " Governor of the EngHsh Nation." This Pykering, Mercers' Records.
who was a Mercer of renown, having spoken against the Wardens of his
Company, was summoned before an Assembly of the " Adventurers of the
different FeUowships" in London. There disdaining to " stond bare hed,"
and speaking " aUe hawty and roiall," he was by the advice of the Court
of the Mercers discharged from his office of Governor, and heavily fined.
Shortly after, he appears to have repented his boldness, as we find him in
the humble position of asking pardon on his knees in a fiiU Court.
Nothing could more strongly prove the power exercised by the Mercers'
Company, who, in fact, were mainly instrumental in obtaining the new
Charter for the Adventurers, or, as they are often termed " the felawship
by yonde the See," for in the year following the granting of their new Auth. a 20.
patents they are charged for the same by the Mercers' Company
£47 Os lOd.
The " EngHsh Nation," as we have aheady remarked, was a very
important body at Bruges, and Hke the Esterhngs, the Florentines, and
other Merchants, had their own " House." This house was existing in its
original state when Sanderus, who calls it " Prsetorium peramplum "
wrote his "Flandria lUustrata." From this work, which contains Antonii Sanden
numerous iUustrations of the ancient buildings and streets of Bruges, frate^foK^i^eli,
including the residences of the various Guilds, we present the reader ^°^- ^' p^s« 275.
with an engraving of the Domus Anglise, occupied by the Merchant

16

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.

Ixxviii.

Auth. B 4.

Rymer's Poedera,
vol. XI, 536.
Auth. M.

A.D. 1465. Adventurers, (Plate I) ; and have extracted a portion of the account
Ames'sTypographicai Ulustrativc thereof* Here there seems every reason to beheve that
Antiquities, by "^/ViQiam Caxtou, as " Govcrnor," resided for many years.
T. P. Dibdm, 4to. ' , . , . i j j xi.
1810. vol. I, page On Caxtou's entering upon his duties as Governor, he acted under the
articles of a Treaty of Trade between the two countries, which for many
years had been in force, but which would terminate November 1st, 1465.
It was highly necessary that a renewal of this treaty should be made before
that period, and accordingly we find that the King issued a commission,
dated 24th October, 1464, in which he showed great wisdom by joining
in one embassy a clever Statesman and a successful Merchant. These
were Sir Eichard Whitehill, Knight, who had been aheady employed in
several important embassies, and our WiUiam Caxton, who, as the chief
EngHshman in Bruges, and acquainted with aU existing trade matters, was
" a most fit person." They were, however, unsuccessful, (for what reason
does not appear) and on October 1st, 1465, the treaty was stiU unrenewed,
as " a convencion of lordes " was fixed to meet at St. Omers on that
day to consider the matter. This convention, did not at aU improve
affairs, for on the 14th of the same month the Wardens of the Mercers'
Company wrote a long letter to Caxton informing him — ^that " the con
vention holdeth not;" — ^that the King, taking into consideration the near
approach of the term of the existing treaty, had written to the Mayor of
London requesting him " to provide a person" to go over to the Duke of
Burgundy about " the prorogation of the intercourse ;" — that the Wardens
of the Mercers with the Wardens of diverse FeUowships, Adventurers,
considering that hitherto in simUar cases the King, " with the advice of
his Council, had made provision in that behalf," and . that it was not then-
part to take upon themselves a matter of such great weight, had urged
the Mayor to write a letter to the King in the most pleasant wise that he
could, beseeching him " to provide for this matter ;" — ^hat considering the
near approach of the term of the treaty and the uncertainty of any speedy
action by the King, Caxton had better consult with his feUow merchants
at Bruges in as " goodly haste" as possible as to the best means of

Mercers' Records,
Auth. B 4.

Auth. B 4.

Plandria Illustrata,
vol. I, page 275.

* "Domus Anglorum, Bruges. Angli hie peramplum hahent Prsetorium, cujus Iconem hie
adjecimus. Quemadmodum et Scoti ahseque nationes, quas recensere lougum esset. Quse omnia
veteris magnificentise & splendoris Brugensium certa sunt argumenta. Haec nationum quoad
Mercatum, & cum illo rerum omnium abundantiam & ubertatem ; iUa prsesulum & magnatum qua
non hnpari ratione, ftequentes hie ohm faisse Flandrise Prmcipes, & Principum Asseolas, Proceres, ac
Senatores, ipsumque ade6 cum amphsaima potestate Flandria CanceUarium, qui D. Donationi
prsepositus erat, testantur."

PLATE I.

Facsimile.

DOMUS ANGLORUM.
The House in which Caxton lived while at Bruges.

City Facsimile. Large's
Arms, Arms,
1440. 1440.
From Aggas's Map in the Guildhall Library.

THE OLD JEWRY.
Where Caxton passed the first years of his apprenticeship.

H.I

ojiii -ap

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 17
protecting their goods and persons untU such time as the treaty might be A.D. 1465-7.
renewed. The letter was signed by the four Wardens and addressed
" a W. Caxton."
This must have been a very anxious year with Caxton, for not only was Macpherson'sAnnais,
the treaty unrenewed, but the Duke of Burgundy decreed the exclusion of ' ^^^
aU EngUsh-made cloth fi-om his dominions. This of course induced
retaUation, and thereupon by Act of ParUament the importation of aU Rymer's Foedera,
Flemish goods into England was prohibited. Neither the Flemish nor the ^° ' ' ^^^^
EngHsh Merchants could afford to have their trade paralyzed in that way,
so the traffic was carried on by a more circuitous and expensive route,
through neighbouring States. The next year the Earl of Warwick (to Mercers' Records.
whom Caxton afi;erwards dedicated his first edition of the Chess-book),
wrote to Caxton, caUing upon him to enforce the Act of ParUament for
bidding the purchase of wares by EngHsh traders in the Duke of Burgimdy's
dominions. Caxton immediately communicated this to the Mayor and the
Wardens of the Mercery at London, in a letter dated 27th May, 1466, at the Auth. b 5.
same time desiring to be informed of what the " lordes intent " was ; whether
they had received a letter which he had sent vik St. Omers ; and requesting
early news of any " ioperdy that shulde faU." The letter arrived in London
on 3rd June, when a fuU court of "Aventerers" was instantly summoned,
and, after a debate, it was determined that an immediate answer should be
returned. This was accordingly despatched the next day by the hands of
Simon Preste, addressed "a Will"' Caxton, Gunor de la nac9 deng°-" and
signed by the four Wardens. In it Caxton was instructed that the Act of
ParUament must be maintained, and the fines enforced in every case of
infringement ; that, being ignorant themselves of the intention of the Lords,
they could give no information on that point ; and that as to any threatened
jeopardy, it was Hkely to be knovm sooner in Bruges than at London, •
Matters remained ui this unsatisfactory state tiU the death of PhUippe le Bon,
who was succeeded, June 15th, 1467, by his son Charles le Temeraire.
The tide of affairs now turned in favour of England; and in the suc
ceeding year an embassy, greatly affecting Caxton's fortunes, took place:
Lord Scales, John EusseU, and other Ambassadors, concluded a treaty Rymer's Fcedera,
of marriage between Charles, Duke of Burgundy, and the Princess ^°^'^ ^^^^^ °^^
Margaret, sister of King Edward IV. Lord Scales was in after years,
when Earl Eivers, one of Caxton's most Hberal patrons ; and his transla
tion of " The Dictes and Sayings of the PhUosophers " was the first book,
with the date of imprint, which issued from Caxton's Press. John EusseU,
TOL. I. B

18

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.

A.D. 1468-9.
CampbeU's Lives of
the Lord Chancel
lors, Svo. London,
1845-7, vol. I,
page 399.

Annales du Socifte
d'Emulation de la
Flandres, Svo.
Bruges, 1843-8,
2" Serie, torn. II.

Mercers' Records.
Auth. B 6.

Auth. B 7.

Rymer's Fcedera,
vol. XI, page 605.

The Recuyell,
Prol. to Book I.

who was associated with Lord Scales, appears to have been of the Bedford
family. His oration on the admission of the Duke of Burgundy to the
Order of the Garter, on February 4th, 1470 (new style), is also one of the
earHest works connected with the Press of Caxton.* The marriage was
solemnized in Bruges, on June 5th, 1468, with the greatest possible
pomp; and long accounts of the splendour of the ceremony, and the
accompanying festivities, have been given by the old Chroniclers. Doubt
less Caxton, from his position as " Govemor," would participate largely in
them, and be in close intercourse with the many EngHsh Nobles fre
quenting the Duke's court. It is not improbable that at this period he
attracted the notice, and gained the good-wUl, of the Duchess herself, as
he was certainly in her service two years later.
Not long after the nuptial feasts came treaties of trade, and the King,
by the advice of his counsel, determined to send an embassy to the Duke of
Burgundy for the " enlarging of wooUen cloth in his dominions." For this
purpose he issued a special command to the Mercers' Company that they
would present unto him certain persons of theh number " to go out in
embassage with diverse Ambassadors into Flaunders." The Mercers in
Court assembled thereupon nominated William Eedeknape, John Pykeryng,
and WiUiam Caxton. This was on September 9th, 1468, and the three
Ambassadors having been approved by the King, the Court of Mercers
met again on the 28th of the same month, and voted £40 " out of the
Cundith mony" for the costs and charges of Eedeknape and Pykeryng in
the said embassy. From the omission of Caxton's name in this grant we
may presume that he was in the performance of his duties as Governor at
Bruges, and therefore did not require any traveUlng expenses. The
Ambassadors were successfiU, and the intercourse was renewed between
the two countries in October of the same year.
Although the duties of Caxton's position must necessarUy have occu
pied a great portion of his time, he seems to have found some leisure for
those Uterary pursuits to wliich he was so much attached. It was in
March, 1469,f that he first began to translate the most favourite romance
of the age, " Le Eecueil des Histohes de Troye." This, he informs us in

* An account of this tract is given ia Vol. II. of this work, under the head of " Propositio
clarissimi Oratoris Johannis EusseU," with a short history of this learned ecclesiastic and ahle
^'toT" b^ Sir H^is P°^*^°'^'^' ¦^^° i^ enthely unnoticed hy Whiffin m his " Historical Memours of the House of Eussell."
Nicholas, London, t Caxton says in the Prologue, that it was hegun in Bruges on March 1st, 1468 ; hut as the new
Svo. 1838, p. 47. year in Flanders did not commence till Easter-day, it was really 1469.

LIFE OP WILLIAM CAXTON. 19
a Prologue, he undertook to avoid sloth and idleness. The constant use A.D. 1469.
by Caxton of phrases, in which he excuses himself for his translations by
urging the duty of eschewing sloth and idleness, would almost lead one to
imagine that he was of an indolent nature. The whole of his life, and
especiaUy those few last years, when he performed such prodigies of
Hterary labour, give a denial to this. Phrases of this sort were the
conventionaUties of his age; and nearly every writer in the 14th and
15th Centuries, seems to have considered the avoidance of sloth as
the one suitable excuse for bringing forward any Hterary offspring. In
the manuscripts of Caxton's time, these depreciatory prefaces are very
common; and in many cases a comparison vnth the French original wiU
show that these sentiments, although adopted by Caxton, are those of the
author, instead of the spontaneous expressions of the translator. This
explanation is necessary to prevent too much weight being attached to
Caxton's phraseology in the Prologue to " The Histories of Troy," as
when he commenced that translation he was stiU " Govemor," an office
necessarily entaiUng a considerable amount of responsibiUty. But whether
Caxton reaUy had at that time " no great charge or occupation," or
whether he was too busy to devote the needful time to it, he teUs us TheRecuyeU,
himself that he proceeded no further than five or six quires. As each Book?!^ *"
quire or section consisted of eight or ten leaves, this would amount to
between forty and sixty leaves of manuscript. Here, dissatisfied with the
results of his labour, he put them by, as he says, without any intention
of completing his translation.
About two months later, viz., on May 12th, 1469, Caxton appears to
have had more " occupation " than he could get through alone ; for,
although stUl acting as " Governor," a judgment was deUvered in his
name, in which he is styled " WilHam Caxton marchant dangleterre Bruges Records.
maistre et gouverneur des marchans de la nation dangleterre par deca." * "* • •
The case in dispute being between an EngHshman and a Frenchman, they
agreed to abide by the arbitration of WUHam Caxton and Thomas Perrot
as common friends ; but Caxton being obHged to leave Bruges for some
cause not mentioned in the document, a fuU court of Merchants was sum
moned, and the judgement declared in the names of the Arbitrators. This
judgement is dated May 12th, 1469, and is the latest instance, at present
discovered, in which Caxton appears in his executive capacity.
* This document was first puhhshed by Van Praet in his interesting work " Notice sur Colard
Mansion." Svo. Paris, 1829. E 2

20

LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.

A.D. 1469-71.
Bruges Records.
Auth. G 2.

Auth. G 2.

Rymer's Foedera,
vol. XI, page 651.

The Recuyell.
EpU. to Book III.

There is yet another notice of Caxton lately discovered in the Archives
at Bruges, but whether we can refer it to a period before or after his
resignation of office, is uncertain. It is in a document containing a Ust
of persons who, on 13th August, 1469, were considered by the Town
CouncU as of sufficient importance to share in the gifts of the " Vins
d'honneur" usuaUy distributed on great pubUc occasions. Caxton received
four kans of wine, but whether presented to him as " Govemor," or as an
official in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy, is unknown. Treaties
were certainly in progress, and Ambassadors from England were at Brages
in 1469, and received on June 11th a present of " trois pieces de vin;" but
this was two months earUer than the date of Caxton's present.
On February 4th, 1470, an imposing ceremony took place at Ghent,
Ambassadors being sent by Edward IV to invest the Duke of Burgundy
with the Order of the Garter. Among these was the John EusseU,
aheady noticed, who is styled " Docteur en Decret, and Arcediacre de
Berksuir." There is no direct evidence to support the supposition that
Caxton was present on this occasion. That he was at Ghent, though
apparently a year later, is stated in his Prologue to " The EecuyeU," and
he appears to have been connected with the printing of the Latin oration
made by Dr. EusseU.
In October of this year (1470), Edward IV, accompanied by many of
his nobles, took refuge in the capital of the Duke's dominions, from the
machinations of the Earl of Warwick. Here Caxton, whether as
" Govemor," or as a servant of the Duchess, had an exceUent opportunity
of assisting his countrymen, who, tiU the restoration of their King, were
in great need. That he did so may be inferred from the courtly favour
extended to him in after years.
< The exact date when the Duchess engaged Caxton in her service, as
also the period when he reUnquished his Governorship is uncertain. The
two facts may have bome the relationship of cause and effect. From
Caxton's narrative we gather that about two years after his first essay at
translating " The EecuyeU," that is, about March, 1471, he was actuaUy
in the service of the Duchess, receiving a yearly salary and other benefits,
and that at this time he was instructed to continue his Hterary task. The
" dreadful command " of his royal mistress seems to have been obeyed
with wonderful alacrity; for although at one time at Ghent, and then
at Cologne, the translation was never again intermitted, tUl on the
19th of September, in the same year, the whole was completed, and

LIFB OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 21
probably in the shape of a Three- Volume Manuscript,* offered by Caxton A.D. 1469-71.
to the Duchess, who handsomely rewarded him for his trouble.
The nature of the service rendered by Caxton to the Duchess is very The RecuyeU.
uncertain. He says of himself that he was her servant, receiving a yearly v - o °°
fee, and other good and great benefits. That it was an honourable office
admits of no doubt, and that it was one in which Caxton's knowledge and
talents as a Merchant would be serviceable seems probable. We must not
forget that Princes and Nobles in those days did not consider it inconsistent
with their dignity to trade on their own account ; this they frequently did
under special exemptions from taxes to which the merchant trader had to
submit. Edward IV and many of his nobiUty owned ships of merchandise.
In 1475 the Wardens of the Mercers' Company wrote to Antwerp Mercers' Records.
concerning a ship called " The Sterre," belonging to Earl Eivers ;f and in
1472 we find a document which seems to throw some Hght on the nature
of the services which a merchant such as Caxton may have rendered to a
royal mistress. In that year the EngHsh King granted to his sister, the ^^f xT^'^'^^'^^735
Duchess of Burgundy, special privUeges and exemptions for her own
private trading in EngHsh wool. The late Duchess, wife of PhUippe le Bon,
was also engaged in similar transactions, in which her female attendants
were apparently in some degree interested, if we may judge from the
foUowing entries in the Mercers' accounts under " Foreign Expenses : " —
1450. Paid to John Stubbs for perys [pears] to the Gentlewoman
of the Duchess of Burgeyn  TJ d Mercers' Records.
1451. I? Paid to him [Hewe Wyche] for a writ directe to Sande-
wyehe for gownys of the Gentilwomans of the Duchess
of Burgeyn  ijs vjd
1454. lE Pour la copie dune lettre enuoie a la duchesse de Burg°. . xij s
1455. I? a M Gervers pour une lettre & la copie enuoi a la
duchess de Burg^  xxs
In conducting mercantUe transactions for the Duchess, Caxton, from his
experience, would be a valuable assistant, but whether so employed or not,
we have aheady seen him about this time engaged in an occupation
apparently much more to his taste, viz., the translation of a French
Eomance into EngHsh.
* THie printed edition was plainly intended to be hound in three separate hooks, for which purpose
some pains were taken to arrange each book in complete sections. In manuscript the bulk would
be considerably larger, and therefore the less likely to he issued in one volume.
t The Earl's Coat of Arms had three stars in the field.

22 LIFE OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
A.D. 1469-71. And here, the question is naturaUy suggested, — How was it that, holding
the high and remunerative position of " Govemor of the EngHsh Nation,
at Bruges," Caxton resigned that post to enter upon duties of a much less
ambitious character. There is not the least reference hi the Mercers'
records to any disagreement between Caxton and the Home authorities,
nor had he at this time (1469) embraced the idea of retumhig to his
native country ; but we must remember that during a very eventful and
anxious period, he had held for some years a position of the gravest
responsibiUty. That the troubles of official Hfe had undermined his health
we may assume from his complaint two years later, that age was daUy
Epii. to Book III. creeping upon him and enfeebUng his body. We can easily imaghie,
therefore, that he would gladly embrace the opportunity of exchanging
the cares of office for the easy service of the Duchess of Burgundy, where
he could indulge in the congenial pursuit of Hterature and the " strange
meruaylous historyes" in which he so much dehghted.
We have now arrived at the turning point, typographicaUy considered,
of Caxton's Hfe. His " Histories of Troye " was a welcome novelty to his
countrymen, who had been accustomed hitherto to hear or read such works
only in French, which, notwithstanding the great advance and improvement
made tn EngHsh, stiU retained its pre-eminence as the language of the Court
and of Hterature. The demand for Caxton's translation soon became greater
than his pen could possibly supply, and this appears to have led him to turn
his attention to the new art which offered such facilities of multiplying
copies. Successful again, his future course was determined, and resulted
eventuaUy in liis settlement at Westminster.
Here, for a time, we must break the thread of this history; for, as a
correct understanding of Caxton's position as a printer depends enthely
upon an accurate view of the circumstances, both Hterary and typographical,
by wliich he was surrounded, the reader's attention is claimed for the
ensuing chapters, before he crosses the ocean with our Prototypographer,
to set up the first Printing Press which blessed the shores of Britain.

CHAPTEE II.
THE STATE OP LITEEATUEE IN THE 15th CENTUEY.
The Patronage of Literature in Prance by King John and his Sous ; in Planders by
Philip le Hardi and Philip le Bon — Louis de Bruges — The great extension of all
Trades connected with Book-making — The Guild of St. John — The bearing of
these subjects on the History of Caxton,
THE revival of Hterature in Europe, commencing with the latter A.D. 1400-50.
part of the 14th Century, its steady growth, and the wonders it
developed in the succeeding age, have been dwelt upon by many writers.
In no country did this revival show itself more strongly than in France
and the Low Countries, where the French Kings and the Princes of their
blood were, through aU their wars and troubles, for generation after
generation, the constant patrons of authors and of aU engaged in the
production of books.
In 1350 King John, who has the credit of founding the Library of the '^^^ Praet's Cata-
Louvre, ascended the throne of France. No particulars of the Hbrary of I'ancienne BibHo-
this Monarch have been preserved, and it was probably of no great 8vo?"paris, "isse,
extent ; but his Hterary tastes descended to aU his four sons, and from the p*^^ ^'¦'•
inventories which have reached us of the Hbraries of these Princes, we
obtain very interesting information concerning the number, the descrip
tion, the illuminations, the bindings, and the market value of the books
they contained. Charles, the eldest son, who succeeded his father in
1364, had a strongly-developed taste for everjrthing connected with the
Fine Arts. He increased the number of volumes in the Louvre Library
to a great extent, so that in the ninth year of his reign, when GiUes
MaUet made out a Catalogue, their number amounted to 910, the greater
part of which were written on fine veUum, magnificently bound, and
enriched with precious stones and gold clasps. This was the Hbrary van Praet's Cat.,
which the Duke of Bedford in 1429, when Eegent of France, is supposed *"' ^*^* '"'•'¦
to have transported to England. In after years a few of the volumes
were taken back again to France ; but the famous Library of the Louvre

24 LITERATURE IN THE
A.D. 1400-50. never recovered its original splendour. Louis Duc d'Anjou was the
Memoire historique sccoud SOU of King JoHu, and shared to a great degree in the love of books
sur la BibKoth^- g^^^j works of art displayed by his elder brother. The third son, Jean,
que de Bourgogne, ± j j , . r^-, t t->- a
BruxeUes, Svo. Duc dc Bcrri, formed an extensive Hbrary at his Chateau de Bicetre, near
Lasern^!'^ * Paris, Only inferior to that of the King himself But of aU the brothers,
BibHoth^que Proty- PMUppc Ic Hardi, who soon cquaUcd his eldest brother in power, far
j?^arroS^%^k^ suTpasscd evcu Mm in the number and splendour of his Hterary treasures.
4to. 1830. King John's second vdfe was Jane, widow of the Duke of Burgundy, and,
Catalogue d'une par- q^ ^q death of Her Only son, that dukedom reverted to the King of
tie des Livres com- ....... .
posant la BibUo- France, through his wife. On dividinsf his kinsrdom among his four sons,
tb^que des Dues ^^. ^\ ° . , , . ^ ., ° ^ ^, .,. ° -tt t i
de Bourgogne, par King JoHn apportioned this duchy to the youngest, PhiHppe ie Hardi, who,
svo.iiii.' '^™' by marrying Margaret, only daughter of Louis, Count of Burgundy and of
Catalogue des Manu- Flaudcrs, inherited on the death of his father-in-law a large extent of
Uotb^ uedraDucs territory. PhiHppe le Hardi, who has the character of a generous Prince,
de Bourgogne, par Tjyas wcU read in the Hterary lore of his ase. To music and the coUection
M. Marcbal, Brux- . •' °
eUes, foUo, 1842. of fine books he was passionately addicted, and he spared no expense in
La Librairie de Jean the employment of artists to adom his Hbrary, and in the purchase of their
Hirer deBeauvoS! niost choicc productions. Nor did he rest satisfied with the encourage-
Paris, Svo. 1860. ^^q^^ of artists alone, but gathered round him some of the most learned
and able authors of his time, who enriched his stores vdth new works.
This Prince died in 1404, and his son, Jean sans Peur, succeeded him,
who, although distracted by continual wars, maintained and even added
somewhat to his father's Hbrary. Christine de Pise received 100 crowns
for two books which she presented to him. But aU previous patronage
sinks into comparative insignificance before the encouragement given to
everything connected with literature by PhiHppe le Bon, who succeeded
Jean in 1419. At Bruges, where he kept his court, he gave continual em
ployment to multitudes of authors, translators, copyists, and painters, who
were constantly enriching his Hbrary with their best productions, and
who did not forget to sing the praises of their generous patron.* In the
account of the Hbrary of this Duke, given us by M. Barrels, we find
enumerated nearly two thousand works, the greater part being magnificent
* David Aubert, a celebrated writer of the 15th Centxuy, thus describes the Duke in 1457 •
" Tres-renomm^ et tres vertueux prmce Philippe duo de Bourgogne a des long-temps accoutume de
journellement faire devant lui lire les anciennes histoires; et pour etre garni d'une librairie non pareiUe
& toutes autres il a des son jeune eaige eu a ses geiges plusieurs translateurs, grands clercs, experts
orateurs, historiens et escripvains, et en diverses contr&s en gros nombre diligemment labourans;
tant que aujourd'hui o'est le prince de la ohrestienuet^ sans r&ervation aucune, qui est le mieux garni
de autentique et riche hbrairie, come tout se pent pleinement apparoir." — Barrois p. iv.

FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 25
veUum foHos beautifiiUy Uluminated, bound in velvet, satin, or damask, A.D. 1400-50.
studded with gems, and protected by gold clasps jeweUed and chased.*
The taste of successive Eulers spread its influence among their subjects,
and Fashion lent its aid in multipljdng Hbraries. Nothing was more
acceptable than a beautifully executed manuscript, and the opulent Nobles
of the French and Burgundian Courts presented their Sovereigns and
their fiiends with sumptuous books in costly bindings. The records and La Librairie de Jean
inventories of this period afford numerous entries of such gifts, frequently " ^ ^ > •
with theh estimated value.
Among the nobles at the Court of PhiHppe le Bon none showed greater Reeherches sur Louis
taste and generosity in the formation of his Hbrary than Louis de Bruges, ^ i^^Sc™ des
Seigneur de la Gruthuyse. This nobleman, who had risen by his talents ^^"jrtlnu ^" svo*
to the highest position under his Sovereign, received in 1470, at his I'^ris, i83i.
Ch&teau of Oostcamp, near Bruges, Edward IV of England, when he took
refuge in Flanders from the Lancastrians, and was afterwards rewarded
by the King with the title of Earl of Winchester. (Note d.) His Hbrary
was scarcely inferior to that of his Sovereign, and nearly the whole of
the manuscripts were the production of Flemish artists at Bruges, or at
Ghent. The large size of the volumes, the beauty of the veUum, the
elegance of the writing, the number and artistic merit of the Uluminations
and ornaments, and the luxury displayed in the bindings, which were
mostly of coloured velvets, protected by golden bosses, corners, and clasps,
are evidences of the deep interest taken by the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse
in the formation of his Hbrary. On his death it passed to his son,
Jean de Bruges, and was soon after added to the coUection, aheady
existing at the Chateau de Blois, belonging to the Kings of France.
After this union great pains were taken to obUterate the armorial Reeherches, &c.
bearings, devices, and monograms, which showed the former ownership
of the volumes. These efforts were but partiaUy successful, and about
100 volumes now among the most prized manuscripts of the Imperial
* The passion for books thus displayed was not confined to France, or the French Princes. In
Italy, Germany, England, and other countries, the same taste spread. In this Country Henry VI
had a valuable library, many books written and illuminated for him being still among the Eoyal MSS.
in the British Museum. The Duke of Bedford, whose love for hterature was probably greatly
stimulated while Eegent of Prance, was surpassed by none of his countrymen in his patronage of the
fine arts, and the celebrated Missal executed for him stiU remains as one of the choicest productions of
his age. Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, the Protector of Henry VI, was also greatly attached to his
library, and bequeathed many hundreds of volumes to the Umversity of Oxford and to King's College,
Cambridge. Many manuscripts are now extant in various hbraries in which the autograph " Cest
a moy Homfrey," is evidence of their original owner.
TOL. I. !¦

page 82.

26

LITEEATUEE IN THE

A.D. 1400-50.

Notice sur Colard
Mansion, Libraire
et Imprimeur, Svo,
Paris, 1829.

Notice, &c. page 73.

Notice, &c. page 77.

Le Bibliophile Beige,
Tome V- pp. 76
and 290.

Library, Paris, stUl attest, by the arms on the binding, or by internal
evidence, that they once belonged to this celebrated man. As the patron
of Hterary men and artists, the name of Louis de Bruges ranks high in
the history of his country, and the fiiendly position he assumed relative
to Colard Mansion, in the early career of that unfortunate pioneer of the
press, should ever endear his name to bibUographers.
Ovdng to these causes, the various Artists connected with bookwriting
and bookbinding, as weU as the trades necessary to them, received great
encouragement, while, to ensure speed as weU as exceUence of workmanship,
division of labour was carried out to a great extent. Indeed so important
a branch of commerce had the manufacture of books now become, and
so numerous were the various classes of craftsmen employed in this way
in Bruges, that there sprung up in that City a GuUd, apparently very
similar to our Trade Companies in London, which in 1454 had a formal
charter and privUeges granted to it by the Duke.* In the volume of
receipts and expenditure of this GuUd, beginning with the entrance fees
of the original members, which is fortunately stiU to be seen in a perfect
state of preservation in the Town Archives of Bruges, the Company is
styled " der ghUde van sinte jan Ewag3," or " The GuUd of St. John the
Evangelist," who was the patron Saint of Scribes. Van Praet gives some
interesting extracts from this volume, from which we learn that the GuUd
comprised members of both sexes ; and theh trades being affiixed to theh
names we are enabled to present the following Ust. From this may be
gathered the number of various branches of industry employed at that
time in the manufacture of books.
Librariers et bockverkopers (Booksellers). Prenter-vercoopers (JPrintsellers).
Vinghette makers (Painters of Vignettes'). Scilders (Painters).
Scrivers et bouc-scrivers (Scriveners and copy ers of hooks).
Scoolmeesters (Schoolmasters). Scolevrowen (Schoolmistresses).
Verlichters (illuminators) .
Prenters (Printers, whether from blocks or types).
Bouc-binders (Bookbinders) .
Eeimmakers (Curriers). Drooch-scherrers (Cloth shearers).
Parkement makers et fransyn makers (Parchment and Vellum makers).
Guispel sniders (Boss carvers).
Letter-snyders (Letter engravers).
Beelde-makers (Pigure engravers).
* Other Cities also had similar Corporations. Thus at Antwerp the Society of St. Luke was formed
before 1450. Theu- records still exist, and the members consisted of various trades, similar to those
of the GuUd of St. John at Bruges. At Brussels was a GuUd of Writers called " Les Freres de la
plume."

FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 27
The GuUd supported their own chapel and chaplain, and had con- A.D. i400-50.
eiderable property. Most of the early Printers whose names are now
famous in the annals of Flemish Typography were enroUed in this or
a similar association.
The object of the foregoing sketch, and its bearing on the subject of
these memoirs, wUl be evident to the reader who recaUs to mind that it
was whUe the pursuit of Hterature in Bruges was most ardent — ^that it was
during the reign of the greatest BibUophUe of the 15th Century, when
Bruges teemed with authors, scribes, translators, and iUuminators, who
resorted from aU parts of Europe to Philippe le Bon as to a second
Mgecenas — 'that it was when the bibUographical treasures of PhiHppe le
Hardi, enriched by the numerous additions of his son and grandson — when
the Hbraries of Louis de Bruges and other Nobles of the Court were
concentrated in the same City — that it was during this period that our
WiUiam Caxton was, for the space of at least thirty-three years, a resident
in Bruges. As "Govemor of the EngHsh Nation," through whom aU
negotiations between the EngHsh and the Duke's Government would be
carried on, he would necessarily be weU acquainted with the courtiers
and household officers of the Court, and his services would often be
required in obtaining manuscripts for the EngHsh Nobles. We know, for
instance, that the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Somerset (herself an
authoress), purchased from him a copy of the romance of " Blanchardyn See Prologue to
and Eglantyn." Access to the Hbraries at Bruges would be easily pro- and Egiantj^""
cured by Caxton, and that he did not faU to avaU himself of these sources
of knowledge seems the more probable, as, in after years, we find that,
without an exception, the books which he translated for his own Press,
may even at this day be traced as manuscripts in the noble Hbraries then
at Bruges. (Note e).

F 2

CHAPTEE IIL
SCEIBES AND PEINTEES.
On the Eesemblance between early printed Books and the Manuscripts of the Age — On
the gradual Divergence of Printers from the Usages of the Scribes — On Typo
graphical Developments as indicative of priority of Production — The whole with
reference especially to the Bruges and "Westminster Presses.
A.D. 1400-1500. /-^ OSTUME, that sure guide of the historian and antiquarian, is
yj perhaps nowhere more discernible than in Hterature; and that not
merely tn the dress of language and expression, but also in the visible
exponents of that dress — writing and printing. Thus, whUst such a
long stomacher is undoubtedly EHzabethan, or such a ruff of the time of
James II, such a manuscript, and such a printed book may, by its writing
or printing alone, be ascribed to a determinate era. In other words, a
carefiil investigation of constructive fashion wUl, in most cases, enable us to
determine the approximate age of every book, from the early manuscript
to the machine-printed volume of the present day. In tracing the fixst
development of printing, we are able to note those successive deviations
from the form of its parent, CaUgraphy, which were necessary to the
pecuHarities of the new art. Commencing simply as a substitute for
manuscript labour, it was instinctively an accurate imitation thereof;
and hence printers suffered at first under many inconveniences which
were shaken off as the capabilities of theh new discovery became better
understood. These changes often afford to the critical eye the only
though satisfactory evidences of printer's name, place, and date. We pro
pose, therefore, as an assistance to chronological arrangement, to notice the
points of similarity between the earHest printed books and manuscripts
generaUy, but especiaUy with reference to the productions of Colard
Mansion and Caxton; and then to trace the novelties, purely typographical,
introduced by the printers.

SCEIBES AND PEINTEES. 29
1. There was a selection of material. The scribe naturaUy wrote his ^'^- 1400-1500.
choice productions on fine veUum, carefiiUy sorted for evenness in tone,
quaUty, and stoutness; with the same idea the early printers sorted out
theh paper before beginning to print. This is frequently evident when
an opportunity of comparing together two or three copies of the same
book occurs. One is found to be enthely on thick, while another is aU on
thin paper, — one without a flaw, and another made up of what the modem
stationer caUs " outsides." The two copies of Caxton's " Knyght of the Press Marks,
Toure," in the British Museum, present a remarkable instance of this ' '" 
plan of selection.
2. It was a common custom with the scribes, when employing paper Hari. mss. Nos. 43
for theh books, to use veUum for the inmost sheet of every section. The aowue ms's. No!
intention of this was to give a firm hold for the thread of the binder, and others ^"^ "'^"^
thus strengthen the volume, an object undoubtedly attained, although at Also "Propositio"
a sacrifice of appearance. Caxton adopted a modification of this plan, voi!^*^f"^"*Mi^OT
and instead of a sheet, pasted a strip of veUum down the centre of the Poems" at Cam-
' ¦¦¦ ¦¦• _ _ bridge, and several
section. Many are the books which, having escaped the cleansing others.
care of the modern bookbinder, stUl present to the observer either the
sHps themselves, or theh visible traces in the brown stains left by the
paste. 3. On commencing his work, the scribe was mostly accustomed to
leave the first leaf unwritten upon, and to begin on the third page,
probably as a protection to the volume from soiling during the com
pletion and binding. But whatever the motive, the practice was foUowed
in all the early works which issued from the presses of Flanders and
England, Unfortunately most of these books having received an expensive
modern binding, the blank has been rejected as too coarse for a fly-leaf;
and thus many volumes, although perfect as regards the print, have been Ames's Typogra-
described, in the absence of this leaf, as wanting the title-page. L^ondo^olmo!
4. The scribe necessarUy wrote but one page at a time, and curiously !'»««»«'•
enough, the early printers here also assimUated theh practice. Whether
from want of sufficient type to set up the requisite number of pages, or
from the Hmited capabUity of the presses, there is strong evidence of the
early books from Caxton's press having been printed page by page. Thus
in aU the books printed in Type No. 1, instances are found of pages on
the same side of the sheet being out of paraUel, which could not occur
if two pages were printed together. A variation in the colour of the
ink, though often very noticeable, is not a sure proof that the two pages

30 SCEIBES AND PEINTEES. ¦
A.D. 1400-1500. so differing were printed separately, as that may have occurred through
See aiso"d^cription hnpcrfcct beating. A positive proof of the separate printing of the pages
of'TheEecuyeu," ^ay be sccu in a copy of " The EecuyeU of the Histories of Troye," m
vol. n'T tiS the Bodleian; for the 9th recto of the 3rd quintemion* has never been
^"""^^ printed at aU, whUe the 2nd verso (the page which must faU on the same
side of the sheet) appears properly printed.
For MSS. with sig- 5. The method of signatures in use by the scribes was adopted by the
natures,^^see^Ee| p^^ters, although many bibhographers have written as if these necessary
Arundel MSS. No. marks wcrc an invention purelv typographical. Signatures were neces-
112, and many ^ hii-ttt i n
others. sary aUke to the writer, the printer, and the bmder; and the absence ol
them would certainly have entaUed much confusion, and waste of time.
Being useful only so long as the book was unboimd, they were placed as
near as possible to the bottom of the leaf, so that they might disappear
under the plough of the binder. This has happened in the great majority
of instances, but in every case where the manuscript is uncut they may be
seen. The earHest products of the press appeared without printed
signatures, on account of the great inconvenience of printing them in
the usual position, viz., at the extreme bottom edge of the leaf, yet
as in the written books, where we can examine an uncut copy, there
See "Le Eecueil," they are in manuscript. From this it seems certain, that before the
andat'EritiSfMu- practicc of printing signatures was adopted, every sheet was passed under
seum,c. 22. b. ^^^ hand of a scribe, and signed as it came from the press.
6. At the commencement of a manuscript, the upper portion of
the first written leaf was frequently left blank, for Ulustration by the
vignette painter. Space was also left at the beginning of every chapter,
and sometimes of every sentence, for the Uluminated initial. ' The
early printers for many years foUowed this plan, every book they
issued requiring the artist's hand to complete it. The artist not being
always sufficiently attentive, sometimes inserted the wrong capital. To
avoid error therefore, a smaU directing letter was often inserted in the
space to be fiUed in.
7. In transcribing a book it was seldom thought a matter of any
importance to add the date of transcription and the writer's name, though
occasional instances of this are found. It was probably a similar feeUng
which induced the early printers to foUow this example; a practice
which has caused the modern bibUographer to be doubtfiil on many
* "The EecuyeU" is made up of sections oi five sheets in foho, folded quirewise, or inside one
another.

SCEIBES AND PEINTEES. 31
chronological points of great interest. It was considered so needless to ^•^- 1400-1500.
inform the reader when, where, or by whom his book was printed, that
out of twenty-one works known to have issued from the press of Colard
Mansion at Bruges, not more than five have any date to them, and of
nearly one hundred pubHcations attributed to Caxton's press, considerably
more than two-thhds appear vdthout any year of imprint.
8. Lastly, we wiU notice the shnUarity, amounting almost to identity, Deroriginedei'im-
, 1 ¦ -, 1 n T -, 1 TT primerie,parAug.
between the prmted characters ot the early typographers, and the Bernard, Paris,
written characters of theh contemporaries, the cahgraphers. It was this partie, page 286.
that probably first gave rise to the now admitted fable of Fust selling
his Bibles at Paris as manuscripts, his impeachment before parliament as a
sorcerer, and the consequent necessity he was under of saving his life by
revealing his typographical secret.
The first printer, when he set about forming his Alphabet, was never
troubled as to the shape he should give his letters. The form which would
naturaUy present itself to him would be that to which he and the people,
to whom he hoped to seU his productions, had been accustomed. It
is not at aU wonderfiU, therefore, that the types used in the first printed
books closely resemble the written characters of the period; nor that this
imitation should be extended to aU those combinations of letters which
were then in use by the scribes. Thus the Psalters and Bibles which
appeared in Germany, among the first productions of the press, were
printed in the characters used by the scribes for ecclesiastical service-
books, whUe more general Hterature was printed in the common bastard-
roman. When Sweinheim and Pannartz, emigrating from Germany, took
up theh abode at the famous monastery of Subiaco, near Eome, they cut
the punches for theh new types in imitation of the Eoman letters
indigenous to the country, although the Gothic tendency stiU shows itseU".
In the dominions of the Duke of Burgundy, where the vocation of the
scribes had been so extensively encouraged, we find the same plan pur
sued. Colard Mansion, the first printer at Bruges, was also a celebrated Notice sur Coiard
caUgrapher, and the resemblance* between his printed books and the ^teTa ^'^'
best written manuscripts of his time, is very marked. The same character
* In Paris, the comparison may be made most satisfactorily, as the Imperial Library possesses the
finest coUection in existence of books printed by Colard Mansion ; and at the same time can show
more than one hundred MS. volumes from the hbraries of the Dukes of Burgundy, in the 15th
Century, — several in the handwriting of Colard Mansion himself. At the British Museum may be
compared the "Controversie de Noblesse," and "Bocoace," by Colard Mansion, with Hari. MSS.
No. 6199 ; or Eeg. MSS. 14 E ii. ; 15 E i. ; and 19 C viii.

32 SCEIBES AND PEINTEES.
A.D. 1^)0-1500. of writing was also in use in England; and Caxton's types, especiaUy
those numbered 1, 2, 4 and 6, bear the closest resemblance to the
hand-writing in the Mercers' books, and to the volumes of that era in
the Archives at GuildhaU. Notwithstanding this, Dibdin thus censures
Typog. Antiq. vol. I, Caxtou for uot printing with Eoman-cut types: "That perfect order,
page cxxvi. ^^^ symmetry, of press work, so immediately striking hi the pages of
foreign books of this period, are in vain to be sought for among the
volumes which have issued from Caxton's press; and the uniform
rejection of the Eoman letter so successfully introduced by the Sphas,
Jenson, and Sweynheym and Pannartz, is, unquestionably, a blemish in
our printer's typographical reputation."
It win be apparent, from the foregoing remarks, that the books of our
first printers necessarUy bore no shght resemblance to manuscripts;* but
this resemblance was soon modified, in many particulars, to suit the
requhements of typography.
The first pecuHarity to give way was the short spacing.f The uneven
length of the Hues, so noticeable in manuscripts, is a necessity, as the
writer cannot forecast the space between the words so as to make the
lines all of one length. It certainly was no necessity with the printers,
and although in this respect they foUowed the time-honored customs of
the scribes for a few years, they soon saw the improved appearance which
evenness gave to their work, and thus estabhshed a typographical step
in advance. With the Mentz and Cologne printers, this occurred at a
very early stage. The first Psalter, 1457, and the Bible, from the Mentz
See vol. II, under * Iu 1856, an old-estabhshed bookseUer, in one of our largest cathedral towns, marked a copy of
" Statutes." Caxton's " Statutes of Hen. VII." as an old MS., and sold it for 2s &d ! See also the Eemarks on
Verard's " Euryalus et Lucrece," in Hari. MSS. Catalogue, vol. Ill, No. 4392.
t We may here observe, that bibhographers often misuse the word "justification," when referring
to this practice of placing all the space at the end of lines. The printers' term, "justification' does
not necessarUy refer to the spacing out of the words in a line. Every line in a page rrmst be '
"justified," that is, made of the normal length; and the last line in a paragraph, containing
perhaps no more than one word, must be justified equaUy vrith the fuU-length line. Short hnes
are justified with quadrats, or pieces of metal, which fiU up the hue, but, being lower than the
type, do not print. What is caUed "short," or "bad," or "imperfect justification," is sure to
reveal itself, to the dismay of the compositor, by aUowing the faulty line to faU out when the
" form " is hfted. The probable reason why Colard Mansion and Caxton did not space their
lines to an even length is, that at that time they had not begun to use the setting-rule. This
useful httle shp of metal enables each stamp, instead of catching in every unevenness or burr of
the previous hne, to be passed along an even surface to its destination. Its absence would
entail many obstructions to the spacing-out of lines, and render the plan of leaving aU the spare
space at the end, which was actuaUy adopted, at once more easy, expeditious, and free from
accident.

SCEIBES AND PEINTEES.

33

and " Boccace "
in the British
Museum.

press, show, now and then, lines slightly deficient in length, as do some of ^¦^- 1400-1500..
the earliest productions of Ulric Zel ; but this rudeness soon gave way
to a systematic plan of spacing the lines to one even length.
In the early specimens from the Bruges and Westminster presses, the See " controversie
practice of placing all the spare space at the end of the Hnes, instead of
dividing it between the words, gives a very rude appearance to the page;
and in these books, it is carried to a greater extent than in the works of
any other printers. Colard Mansion changed this practice in 1479, and
Caxton in 1480.
The adoption of printed signatures, close to the bottom Hne of the page,
was another typographical divergence. They could not, for mechanical
reasons, be printed in the position always chosen by the scribes, whence
they would disappear by the hands of the binder; so their unsightliness
was overlooked, and they were placed immediately beneath the text itself
Printed signatures were first used at Cologne in 1472. Caxton did not
adopt them tiU 1480.
The execution of manuscript capitals being both tedious and expensive
led to the early introduction of large letters engraved on wood, which
were either printed in black at the same impression as the other portion,
or in red, by a separate operation. Colard Mansion never seems to have
adopted them, although several of his books are illustrated by large and
numerous woodcuts. Caxton inserted iUustrations on wood in two or
three books before 1484, which is the date of " ^Esop," where wood-cut
initials appear for the first time.
Title-pages, again, are purely typographical in their origin, the scribes
having satisfied themselves with heading their first page with the " Hie
incipit" and name of the treatise. Caxton followed the manuscript practice
in this particular ; for, with one single exception, where the title of the see " Chastising of
book is printed alone in the centre of the first page, his books appear ^^ ^li n o/ this
without any title-page. Wynken de Worde adopted title-pages immedi
ately after the death of his master. MachUnia, and the schoolmaster-
printer of St. Alban's, never used them. We have hitherto noticed only
those peculiarities which are related to something similar in manuscripts ;
but there are other signs which often afford a criterion by which to
determine the date : such are the size of the printed page, its depth and
width, the number of Hnes in a page, but, above aU, the sequence in the
use of various types. In Caxton's books this is very remarkable, as will
be seen by the foUowing table, where only books with fixed dates are

work.

TOL. I.

34

SCEIBES AND PEINTEES.

A.D. 1400-1500.

entered, so that the reader may judge for himself of the chronological
sequence of the peculiarities aheady noticed : —

Title.

Date of
Printing.

No. of
Type.

Length Line.
Inches.

Lines
spaced out
to the end
or not.

Length Page.
Lines.

Signa tures.

Initials.

The EecuyeU 

•J

r 1

5

not

31

none

none

The Game of Chess, 1st

^ Before 1477

|l

5

not

31

none

none

The Life of Jason 

j

I 2

5

not

29

none

none

Dictes, 1st edition 

Nov. 18th, 1477

2

5

not

29

none

none

Moral Proverbs 

Feb. 20th, 1478
Mar. 24th, 1479
June 10th, 1480

2
2&3 4

In
5
4f

Metre. not
spaced out

282840

none
none
rom.num.

nonenonenone

Cordyale 

Chronicles, 1st edition. . .

Eeynard, 1st edition . . .

June 6th, 1481

2

4i

spaoeldout

29

arab. figs.

none

TuUe 

Aug. 12th, 1481
Nov. 20th, 1481

24

4i4|

spaced out
spaced out

29
40

arab. figs.
arab. figs.

nonenone

Grodefroy 

Polycronicon 

July 2nd, 1482
Oct. Sth, 1482

4

4i

spaced out

40

arab. figs.

none

Chronicles, 2nd edition .

4

4f

spaced out

40

arab. fig,s.

none

Pilgrimage of the Soul

June 6th, 1483

4

4i

spaced out

40

rom.num.

none

Liber Pestivahs, 1st ed.

June 30th, 1483

4*

5

spacedout

38

rom.num.

none

Confessio Amantis 

Sept. 2nd, 1483

4

2f

spaoedout

46

arab. figs.

none

Knight of the Tower . . .

Jan. 31st, 1484

4*

5

spacedout

38

rom.num.

none

.35sop  .' 

Mar. 26th, 1484

4*

4f

spacedout

38

rom.num.

wood

King Arthur 

July 31st, 1485

4*

31-

spacedout

26

rom.num.

wood

Charles the Great 

Dec. 1st, 1485

4*

4i

spacedout

38

rom.num.

wood

Paris and Vienne 

Dec. 19th, 1485

4*

2|

spacedout

39

rom.num.

wood

Book of Good Manners

May 11th, 1487

5

4i

spacedout

34

rom.num.

wood

Directorium Saoerdotum
2nd edition 

}  1489
June 15th, 1490
June 22nd, 1490

66
6

4i 41
4|

spacedout spaoedoutspaoedout
spacedout

313131

rom.num. rom.num.rnm.TinTTn,

woodwood wood

Art and Craft 

Eneydos 

Pavts of Arms 

July 14th, 1490

6

41*4

31

rom.num.

wood

A few interesting facts may be gathered from this table.
1. That the types used by Caxton bear a definite chronological relation
to one another. Type No. 1 goes out of use, and is succeeded, in 1477,
by No. 2. Type No. 3 is principaUy employed for headlines, &c. during
the use of Nos. ^ and 4. In 1480 Type 4 makes its appearance, but not
till No. 2 is about to disappear. In 1483, Type 4* supersedes its prede
cessor, and makes way, in its turn, to Nos. 5 and 6, which close the list.
Were the books added which give the dates of their translation, which
were almost always the same as that of their printing, the same result
would be shown.
2. We notice that all the books printed before 1480 were with lines
of an uneven length, while all after were spaced out evenly.

SCEIBES AND PEINTEES. 35
3. That signatures and even-spacing of the hnes were synchronous -^-l^- 1400-1500.
improvements, and that both being once used were never abandoned.
In the signatures themselves, a curious fact may be noted: that whereas
the custom of Caxton was generaUy to use letters and Eoman numerals
(thus, 6 j) for his signatures; yet in the two years, 1481 to 1483, he used
Arabic numerals, thus ft 1, or 2 1, and at no other period.
We may add that the use of the paragraph mark never appears before
1483; that the great device makes no appearance (the printed date to
3rd edition of "Dictes" notwithstanding) tUl about 1488; and that
initials in wood first appear in the " .^^sop," 1484, and never before.
By applying these tests to the undated books, we are enabled to
attribute them, with tolerable certainty, to a period not extending over
more than three years, and very often much less. On this principle the
sequence of the books, in the second volume of this work, has been
arranged. The works of Colard Mansion being comparatively few, of which only
five are dated, do not offer so good a field for example, but as far as they
go, they show the same results. Thus the early books are aU in type
No. 1, with uneven Hnes, tiU about 1478, which was probably the date
of " Le QuadrUogue," as the translation was in 1477. We then find a
new type (No. 2) more Hke the Roman character introduced, and with
that come the fuU lines, even at the end, the practice of uneven Hnes
having never again been adopted.
From the foregoing statements, the foUowing deductions may be
made : —
1. That out of any number of dated books fi:om the same press,
those in which the lines are not spaced out to an even length, bear
without exception an earher imprint than those in which the Hnes end
evenly. Of this proposition the converse must also be aUowed, viz. : —
2. That in a number of undated books fi:om the same press, the fact
of the Hnes being of an uneven length is sufficient proof of priority of
workmanship. 3. It follows, as a coroUary, that aU books firom the same press, with
Hnes of an uneven length, preceded the first dated book fi:om that press.
In arranging a number of books on this simple principle, a remarkable
chronological agreement in the method of signatures — ^in the use of
engraved capitals — ^in the sequence of types, in the vridth and depth
G 2

36 SCEIBES AND PEINTEES.
A.D. 1400-1500. of the pages, and in many other particulars, gives increased strength to
these deductions.
In the ensuing Chapter, these evidences wiU be used to prove that
Colard Mansion, of Bruges, must have issued his " Primum Opus " three
or four years earher than 1475, which is the usual period assigned to
" Le Jardin de Devotion," which again wiU give strong support to
a succeeding Chapter, in which evidence of an independent character
will be brought forward to show that in fact Colard Mansion did print
for, or with, WiUiam Caxton, and was his instructor in the new art.

CHAPTER IV.
THE BEDGES PEESS.
The Pre-eminence of Bruges — Printing carried on there at a very early Date —
Colard Mansion ; his History and his Typography.
BRUGES, the old metropoHs of Flanders, offers many points of the A.D. 1445-84.
greatest interest to the historian and the antiquary. In the 15th
Century, it was for generations the chosen residence of the Sovereigns of
the House of Burgundy. There, as already noticed in Chapter I, were the chap. i, page lo.
affairs of State transacted, and to its marts the most opulent merchant-
traders in Europe resorted. There the arts as well as commerce were
developed to a degree of exceUence never before equaUed, and there
even Paris was surpassed in number and beauty of Hterary treasures.
Artists and craftsmen were consequently numerous, and we have aheady
seen that portion of them connected with the production of books, enroUed Chap. in, page 26.
as a trade guUd. Nor is this pre-eminence immaterial to our enquhy, for
not only was it in Bruges that our William Caxton was for more than
thirty years a constant resident, holding for a considerable period a
position of great authority, but it was in this City that he took his first
lessons of typography, and from this City that he obtained the materials
for prosecuting the New Art in his native Country. Let us then shortly
review the rise of printing in Bruges, the cradle of EngHsh typography.
The reader has perhaps been surprised, whUe perusing the Hst of
trades enroUed in the GuUd of St. John, at Bruges, to find that in 1454,
or a few years later, there were not only in active operation vignette
painters, scribes, and illuminators, but also figure engravers, letter engravers,
and printers. The " figure engravers " were doubtless the artists of the
playing cards, the images of Saints, and the block books, then manu
factured to a great extent in HoUand and Flanders. The term " letter
engraver " may have been appUed to the sculptor of the legends on the
block books, when not executed by the same artist as the figure itseh, but

38 THE BEUGES PEESS.
A.D. 1445-84. of this there is no evidence, and it seems far from impossible that the term
was used to denote artists employed to produce moveable types. The
"printers" were doubtless workmen who took the impressions, whether
by fi'iction or a press, from the engraved blocks dehvered to them; but
there is no reason to restrict the meaning of the word, and the same term
was from the commencement always appHed to printers from moveable
types. There is therefore, pn'm^ facie, evidence to support the supposition
that at a very early period there were workmen in Bruges who employed
themselves, albeit in a very rudimentary way, in printing from moveable
types.
Deroriginedei'im- The Hstory of the invention of printing does not come within the
Sefchap."L"' bounds of our present subject. The general opinion of late wrhers is, that
Reeherches sur la Vie the art was Hicst perfected at Mentz, by the famous trio. Fust, Gutenberg,
impri^erar^Bd! and Schceffer; but that nevertheless the earliest use of moveable types
ftahUs^l^'^San- ^^^^ ^6 recognised in the rude specimens attributed to Laurence Coster,
ger,parP.c.Van of Haarlem. Coster died in 1440, and nothing is known to have issued
der IkXcsrsch 8vo
Gand,i856. Vo^ez from the Haarlem press between that period and 1483 ; but what
became of his assistants ? Did they after gaining some insight into the
curious effects of Coster's trials, resign aU further attempts, or did they
seek to imitate him, some in one town, some in another ? No one
knows; yet it seems more than probable that experiments in the dhection
of printing from moveable types were making about this period in every
city where wood engraving and block printing were practised. An
intelligent workman continuaUy employed in engraving the legends on
the pages of the block books, and feeUng the great need of a more rapid
production as the demand for books grew stronger, would necessarUy
be impressed with the advantage to be gained if the letters which requhed
so much care and time to form could only be re-arranged without
re-cutting. The idea was simple enough, in the execution was the
difficulty. Nor need the opinion that at Bruges there existed at a very
early period rude printers, be based on the notice of "letter-snyders"
and " prenters " only ; there has fortunately been preserved in the Archives
at LiUe an original manuscript containing a diary of Jean le Robert,
Abbe de S. Aubert de Cambrai, among the entries in which the two
foUovdng are especiaUy worthy of notice, as shovraig that Httle books
for the instruction of youth, which, so far as regarded the workmanship
were doubtless " worthless " enough, were nevertheless printed and sold
in Flanders, Bruges being apparently a depot for them.

THE BEUGES PEESS. 30
" Item. Por a printed Doctrinal (doctrinal gette en molle) that I have sent for to A.D. 1445-84.
Bruges, by Marquet, a writer of Yalenciennes, in the month of January, 1445 (i. e. 1446), 
for Jacquet, xx sous tournois."
" Item. Sent to Arras a Doctrinal for the instruction of dom. G-erard, which was
purchased at Valenciennes, and was printed (jettez en molle), and cost xxiij. gros. The
same Doctrinal he returned to me on Christmas day, 1451, saying that ' it was worthless,
and fuU of errors : ' he had bought one on paper for xx patards." *
Jettez en molle ! — Cast in a mould ! What can this expression mean,
except that the " doctrinals " were printed from cast types. As appHed
to manuscripts, or to stencUUng, or to block printing, ^'¦jettez en molle'' has
no meaning whatever. We must remember that printing at first came
into competition with only the block books and the very lowest class of
manuscripts used as school books. These " donatuses," " doctrinals," and
other similar productions, being rude and necessarily cheap, it is not
surprising that the printers of them have not appended their names, as
they might have to books more worthy of preservation; nor can we
wonder, if, being unworthy a place in any Hbrary, all trace of the
existence of most of them has disappeared. It is indeed astonishing
that any relics of these rudimentary efforts of the Press have been pre- '
served to this day, when we consider that large books of a much later
date, and weU printed, are in several instances lost or represented by
a unique copy.
Turning, however, from the uncertainties of typographical development,
we find that the first book with a printed date which was issued at Bruges
was the " (Euvre de Boccace du Dechiet des nobles Hommes et Femmes,
foHo, 1476." This was from the press of Colard Mansion, but there is
strong reason to beUeve that this was not the date of his commencement
by some years, and that several books besides " Le Jardin de Devotion,"
which bears the Colophon " Primum opus impressum per Colardum
Mansion, Brugis," preceded the " Boccace."
CoLAED Mansion is, generaUy admitted to have been the first printer at Notice sur Coiard
Bruges (see Note/). It might, perhaps, be more correct to say that he ^™2^and'7?).
was the first to print books there worthy of his own name and the
* Extracts from " Memoriaux de Jean Le Eobert, Abbe de Saint- Aubert de Cambrai," as quoted
by M. Bernard : —
Foho 158 recto. "Item pour .j. doctrinal gette en molle anuoiet querre a Brug. par Marquet De I'Origine de I'lm-
.j. escripuain de Vallen. ou mois de jenuier xiv pour Jaq. xx. s. t. prinaerie, &c. V^"
" Item enuoiet Arras .j. doctrinal pour apprendre ledit d. Girard qui fu acoatez a VaUen. et estoit Smu'e'^ ^'^^ ^"^
jettez en moUe et cousta xxiuj. gr. Se me renuoia led. doctrinal le jour de Touss. lan .Ij . disans quil
ne faUoit rien et estoit tout faulx. Sen auoit accate .j . x patt. en papier. *

40 THE BEUGES PEESS.
A.D. 1445-84. typographic art. Of his history but little is known. The first time his
Notice sur Colard name occurs is in a document recording the payment to him in 1450 of
Mansion, &C.P.70. gf^^.f^^^ j^-^^cs foT a mauuscript, written by him, entitled " Romuleon,"*
which was purchased for the library of the Dukes of Burgundy. We
Notice, &c. pp. 15 also find that both the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse and the Seigneur de
Creveceur were his patrons. The former indeed was at one time on
such friendly and familiar terms with Mansion, that he stood godfather
Notice, &c, page 3. to One of Hs children. It does not, however, appear that in later years,
^^ de Bru''er&c'°™^ whcu povcrty laid its heavy hand on the unfortunate printer, that any
page 12. of his patrous came to his assistance. From 1454 to 1473 the name of
Mansion appears, year by year, as a contributor to the Society of St.
John, the formation of which has been already noticed. In 1471 he was
" doyen " or Dean of the Guild, an office which lasted for two years, at
the expiration of which time he is supposed to have left Bruges for a
year, to have learnt the new art of printing. This is a needless assump
tion, and grounded solely on his subscription for 1473 having been paid
through a brother of the Guild. From 147G to 1482, his name does not
appear at aU as a contributor, although the dates of " Boece," " Le
QuadrUogue," and " La Somme riirale," show that he was stiU at Bruges,
and pursuing his vocation. His subscription to the Guild is again entered
in 1483, and his name occurs in the Guild Records for the last time
in 1484. This was a disastrous year to Colard Mansion; for, although
not overtaken by death, as his early biographers have assumed, disgrace,
poverty, and expatriation awaited him. He appears to have been
Annales de Soeiete in Straitened circumstanccs for some years, as in 1480 he could not
B^estSv,""' execute the commission of Monseigneur de Gazebeke for an illuminated
prge^ln'.''''""^'^' ^°P7 °^ " Valerius Maximus," in two volumes, without several advances
of money. The receipts for these part-payments are stUl preserved, as is
also a notice of Mansion's place of residence, which was in one of the
poorest streets in Bruges, issuing from the Rue des Carmes. His typo-
Bruges Records. graphical labours were carried on in one of two rooms over the church-
1, 2, & 3. porch of St. Donatus. Here we may assume that he paid the same rent
as the next tenant, six Hvres (6 Hb. paris.) per annum. His landlords
were the Chapter of St. Donatus, and, if we may judge from the church
records still to be seen at Bruges, showed him Httle mercy. It was
* A manuscript of this book, beautifully illuminated, and in a hand closely resembhng the " gros-
batarde " of Colard Mansion's printed books, is in the British Museum. (MSS. Eeg. 19 E v.)

THE BEUGES PEESS. 41
May, 1484, when, in this room, Colard Mansion finished his beautifiil edition A.D. 1445-84.
of Ovid's " Metamorphoses," a magnificent foho of 386 leaves, and fuU of Coiai-d Mansion et
wood-cuts, printed-in separately from the text. We know nothing of the BrugeoTs^duTs™
sale of this noble production; but the expenses connected with it were ctrtonrsvo^t*
probably his ruin, as about three months later he fled the town. The P^ge*^. ^um fig.
r-i-i j^ T 1 1 f» 1 . Bruges, 1851.
Chapter, leeHng alarmed lor their rent, soon made inquiries about his
return, especiaUy as they had an opportunity of letting the room to a
better tenant; but aU was in vain, and tn October, 1484, the apartment
where for so many years Mansion had been labouring at those volumes,
which future generations would prize as the chief glory of theh city, was
made over to John Gossin, bookbinder.* Nothing more is knovm of
Mansion after this sad event; and it is mournful to contemplate the poor
old man turning his back upon his native town, and, after so many years
spent in Hterary laboiu", having to begin life anew at the age of nearly
sixty years. It has been suggested that he took refuge in Paris, as in that
city the names of Paul and Robert Mansion appear as printers in 1650.
We would rather beheve the suggestion that he joined his old associate,
WiUiam Caxton, and assisted him by designs for his large device and
various woodcuts for the books, which about this time made theh
appearance from the Westminster press. But, turning from the melancholy
fate of Mansion, it is cheering to find that his clerical landlords were not Bruges Records.
losers by his departure, as they took good care to exact from the book-binder,
as the only condition of tenure, that he should pay aU the arrears due by
Colard Mansion, in addition to the usual rent of six Hvres per annum.
We wiU now examine some of the products of Mansion's press. It is
somewhat confusing to the lover of accuracy, to find that Colard Mansion,
Hke aU the fixst printers, issued most of his productions without date, and
many even without name or place. In this he merely foUowed the
example of his predecessors, the scribes, who seldom appended theh
names, or the date of the transcript. Of the works of his press Van Praet ABibiiographicai,&c.
enumerates twenty-one, since which another has been discovered. These, and'^Gerinany,^'by
to the eye of" a printer, naturaUy divide themselves into two classes. ^g^- ^''^^^' ^\l'
1st. The earUer books printed in a large bold secretary type. (Plate H.) page 127.
2nd. The later books, printed in a smaU semi-roman character, knovsm
as " Lettres de Somme."
* This John Gossin appears to have united the occupations of scribe, bookbinder, and excise officer. Notice sur Colard
In one of the town registers, which contains a hst of aU the offices in the gift of the " Magistrat Mansion, &c.
de Bruges," his name appears in 1493 as " wynspuerscepe,'' or wine-taster. P^^® °°'
TOL. I. H

42 THE BEUGES PEESS.
A.D. 1445-84. Jt has been aheady shown that short-spacing, in early books, is a sure
ciiap. Ill, page 35. sigu of priority of workmausMp to those in which the Hnes are aU of
equal length. The dated books of Colard Mansion fuUy bear this out.
They are only six in number.
Le Jardin de Devotion  before 1476 short spaced.
Boccace du dechiet des nobles hommes, &c  1476 «
Boece de la consolation de Philosophie  1477 »
Le Quadrilogue d' Alain Chartier  1478* fuU spaced.
La Somme rurale  1479 »
Les Metamorphoses d'O vide  1484
Taking, then, .1478 as the year in which Mansion changed his prac
tice, we may assume, without fear of being wrong, that aU the undated
books, with short-spaced lines, were anterior, and aU the undated books,
with their Hnes spaced to one length, posterior to " Le Quadrilogue."
The foUowing Hst of his undated productions, is arranged on this basis : —
Not later than 1478, having Hnes of an uneven length: —
Lea Dits moraux des Philosophes  short spaced.
Les Invectives contre la Secte de Vauderie  »
La Controversie de Noblesse  «
Debat entre trois valeureux Princes  ,/
Not earher than 1478, having Unes of an even length : —
Les Advineaux amoureux (1st edition)  full spaced.
Le Doctrinal du temps present  „
La Doctrine de Men vivre  ,,
L'Art de bien mourir 
La Purgatoire des mauvais Maris 
L' Abuse en court 
Les Evangiles des QuenoiUes  „
Le Donat espirituel  „
Dionysii Areopagitae liber  „
The two foUowing books have not been examined; but, from Van
Praet's account, the former would probably take rank among the short-
spaced books, and the latter among the long-spaced: —
Traite des Monnoies  short spaced?
Les Adeuineaux amoreux (2nd edition^  full spaced ?
Colard Mansion seems never to have produced works from his press
with rapidity; and therefore, if we assume that the four books which
certainly were printed before 1478, were, with the "Primum Opus,"
issued before the "Boccace" of 1476, we must, according to the rate
* The only date in the Volume is 1477, which was the year when the Prologue was composed ; the
printing must have been later than this.

THE BEUGES PEESS. 4
of production of Colard Mansion's press, which appears never to have a.d. 1445-84.
exceeded two books in the year, take back the earliest of these books
to about 1471-2. This estabUshes him as a printer in Bruges about
the time when Caxton finished his translation of " Le Recueil des
Histoires de Troye." Probably Colard Mansion had been practising
a rude Mnd of printing for many years before he arrived at skill
sufficient to produce the books just noticed. What assistance he ob
tained, or what information he derived from towns where the Press was
already estabhshed, it is impossible to say; but that he did not leavn his
art at Cologne in 1473, as is generally assumed, or at any other time,
must be the conviction of any one who dispassionately compares the
productions of the two presses. AU the typographical practices of
Mansion and the Mentz school, as shown in their books, are widely
different, and plainly evince a distinct origin.
In his early books Mansion employed a very bold secretary type, much
the same in shape and size as the character in which he was accustomed
to execute his manuscripts (See Plates II and IV). He Hkewise printed, at
the beginnings of chapters, the summary in red ink; and here he displayed
so curious an appHcation of typographical ingenuity that the reader's atten
tion is particularly requested to a description of it. In Plate No. Ill is
given a close imitation of the appearance which the red ink, as used by
Mansion in his " Boccace," " Boece," " La Somme rurale," and " Ovide," Boccace, i476.
presents. This Plate is from the "Boece" of 1477, in the public library ^479^'"" ™'^'^'
of Bruges. It wiU be noticed that the red ink is very dirty in colour,
and moreover that the black lines, nearest the red, have their edges aU
tipped with red.* As a printer, this at first puzzled me exceedingly; for
the separate printing of Hnes in red ink affords no opportunity for the
production of this defect. The foUowing explanation wUl satisfactorily
show the modus operandi. The two colours were printed by one and
the same pull of the press, all the type, both for black and red, being
included in the same form. But it was impossible to beat the form with the
baUs, and leave a single Hne in the middle untouched; so the whole page
was first inked black, and then (a space for play being always left above
* There are at present only three specimens of the Bruges Press in the Library of the British
Museum. The " Controversie de Noblesse " is all in black ink. The " Boccace " (purchased in 1858
from the Library of M. Borluut de Noortdonck, at Ghent) would have oifered on Foho ij a good
specimen of red and black ; but unfortunately that leaf in this copy is not original. The " Somme
rurale," however (lately procured at the sale of M. Solar's Library, Paris), although of a later date,
and in the second type of the Printer, shows this peotdiarity very plainly.
H 2

Ovide, 1484.

44 THE BEUGES PEESS.
A.D. 1445-84. g^j^^ below) the black ink was carefuUy wiped from the intended red Hne,
and that Hne being re-inked with red, by the finger (as in our specimens)
or by other means, the sheet was then pulled. Two inconveniences
attended this clumsy process, — the black could never be removed so
completely that it would not taint the ensuing red, and the utmost care
would not, in most cases, prevent the black Hnes nearest the red, from
receiving a slight visit from the red finger, or baU. In fact, both these
defects appear in every book printed by Colard Mansion, where the two
colours were used, and frequently a third, — the loss of a portion of the
black ink nearest to the red, which occurred in the wiping process.
Actual experiment shows that this mode of working both colours at once
is the only solution of the appearance, and the inducement for its adoption
was in aU probabUity the perfect accuracy of " register " it necessitated, as
by this plan there was no fear of the red Hnes not fitting exactly in theh
proper places, — an accuracy very difficult to obtain, by separate printings,
at a rudimentary press. This peculiarity of workmanship in the Bruges
printer seems to be entirely confined to himself Neither the Mentz nor
the Cologne printers afford any instance of an approach to a similar
practice. In the next Chapter it is proposed to show how aU the pecuHarities
noticeable in the printed productions of Colard Mansion may be traced
in those attributed to WilHam Caxton.

PLATE II.

Facsimile.

LA CONTROVERSIE DE NOBLESSE.
[British Museum.]
An early undated work of Colard Mansion. Recto of 1st leaf.

A specimen of Mansion's Type No. 1, showing the same design as the early types of Caxton, and the
Manuscripts of that period.

PI II

waimx nomm* ^uvfe ;5^ ptftfej?^ .
ntct no5 ancime ntaifftw a cffe fou <
fcttt:© ont cm^ie quefifc fttft fcidtce
mi <|ttctte «ft tnf fttcnce % w<^ffc6 .€^ ntouC^
^ %tJ6i 0(Jat6 put a q ct mc fem6fe eftte
rt |)Cflit^pr« .rt auffi put ce que ic m taj^ ptx©
ain<ot»e« feouucc foufftfammcn^ (xaidm v^x
Cfe« «ta^<tti^6 nag % mop mefmccj tnfttpxmc
T» P4 m««« pftt; efcrtp^ rt Cfe w;)mtc cij ife& ttoti
utiXt mamm ^ ^cC^maftotj : crj CiicjucEPc no ^
6&ffc ia^t^ fc ^firtorf fouuctjaincmcn^ feu<
fea^ «« p(ii6 anacn« commc cij cc ou <>ucCco/
quce <on6nftotj W5 caufc« f «rainc« pjot^ pfttcj

PI. III.

X0pxt fixxu lit ^cfcn6f Die
(c^ ^mmc6 fenatmt^? Bet q
Cle ^ffc^ ne k^apx^fattma
^xtu^mai^ fertewettj?*c9
mc feffeSwttftft wse^wrnuf
^manii j^m &^?^ cflt^*
Cij cc <txxatt meireaiKcj ^
:p0t6)fc^^ic d manfite 9tte
fe0ci6^nc))m^cf^irouuecccsc^feefbt^^ cfi^cfe^
na auctti) «p)0: efife moflrc
comm?^ fommc)»ti5mi6x
tort ectr^tcT/ ctnott« amort
neffcdttmogc^ eftai^je);)^? ?
(SSmfc|uteM(^)et€ne can?
ttte:)»uererc»n)gc. Ccgfe
i ouipmni'mMi comjx>fct?*
fmne ftcge|»utte|»fei*

j&efwt;»^u QSCuffi (5^0 fei<
9^cff tt/cnt )tt
ftiie^
^o^^^^ficge €et6tnj few
^a matfoi) I
toc^icr CatrcomBtetj
nanimcffie fceemcte.ixttf ofjarfefb^ts
Conottttattcf 6tjtcga6an(i <S5Jbfc. (gl
foro))^tc fdttfe
r::p;tcntietiemei
fire <5incf c^fe
ucv pwtt? ftcgc

PLATE III.

Imitation.

BOECE DE LA CONSOLATION DE PHILOSOPHIE, 1477.
[Pubhc Library, Bruges. No. 3876.]
From the Press of Colard Mansion. Portion of a large double-column page ; folio 44 verso.

This Plate shows the same peculiarity in the use of red ink as is found in " Les quatre derrenieres
choses," hitherto attributed to Caxton. See Plate VIII.

PLATE IV.

Facsimile.

A MANUSCRIPT, WRITTEN AT BRUGES.
[British Museum. Reg. 14 E ii.]
From " Le Livre de I'Ordre de Chevallerie," written at Bruges for Edward IV Large Folio, with
illuminations. The Writing shows the same design as the types used by
Colard Mansion and William Caxton.

HIV.

^uft» i|pfc^ <(fyfix^(t
IKwffe^ tw>u^ wmnerwm^ re wii^^
m^mti <fuf f^fftmm^ fur ft^ Ar^^
^u^ fHr^wenw fciip^ ef^nufip
^mtte Wmfi^a ftfru^ 61^ t^^ e^^/

iifi

/- /

e^i<i ew/i <^ffe
(cm
^6

PlV

ftivpaimttmozt qmUte nc fouff riffcitf aucuij ^mmc ti?
Hir ikafie/ou fane (ot) fceu pavGiv a fa (iC[c/cD.jiant ji ot ce
fait JC vctouvna «t) ^a dte -bav^ze cf affcniBPa.rrLfoztee fkm
WKP ftf qticff^e y fouiiot^a ti muo^a ^avbcr Qi poztt <f Ckn
ttxi be c^Qc tour oCa ccHOfitc« tc cee c%ofee niotn «t) fi ^wlfc
fot) cjuc towtc (dtrccB <ti flit |>Q»tMc tc mcfuciff cf mj? auoif wj^
mpvinceqnimyCainbiftQi pcrfe bs CiJcrtMcffc be baticg
qtti C>z^ cfioif t^rtwc youf Ri :j>lu0 BeOEc be ivute^ Tc^ jjw/
Commc (^ MoBf^t^p ^^ipifec <t) ^ife be bz mcf/^(jkr

*ft) ^fHJtujf «ig of {^bftn<« mobtf of aft viceo . j[ ^ii« be/
ECei'Cb;? ifj iti{' feif fb: t^« a)iitFm:|jCicioi) of itif fapb? tc
bJttSfib Cibf io to^c t^a Oifoune iij fyinin 6f ^ fiiff mnce
rtrtb? fj^i^z of aitn^^if jjob? . n^^mc j| mc^4f ^ifpCpc
io ^^uc mc ^racp io rtccom|>Cj'fl^< §ti io t^c ^Ci|?(ir of
fjet- t^rti i« mufeir t^ccof anb^ i^at fljc tcffcf uc ^ii tij ^tc
of mc ^ frti^fuff icctxic a mof^ ^wmBt^ fctuanix^,
%^^e tntiik^ i^c /cconi« ft>oR •

Otoi^f x<t 2(nbe <§t0 fufficei^ of ti^c OXticttc .
tr% t^irbe c^a^iiw of t^c fccontx frarfatc irefef^ of
<§« aipQptte fjer o^cc^ ani^ titanct'0 .
it)* 3fCy§prte ou^ io Be mabs aHb? foimcb? «)
iiiancvc of Jugctf fpttj'iijjc wj d d^a^tv 'Xb^t^ a
Boo^ o^jci) ix>fovc t^cir cf ct)/2Cfit^ t^ai t«t Bi (uufh
iS^at fomc mufe^ Bet) crj^mj^Hctf / 3fHJ^ fomc £b| c^wf fe
a« aS^utp pofftff^one anb^ ot^cr irm|>otcff t^fit^c^
dnJ^ ivtfpacee / QCh^? t^crfbw ou0^ to 6c iujo Jujjctf

PLATE V.

Facsimile.

Caxton's Type No. 1 .

LE RECUEIL DES HISTOIRES DE TROYE.
[British Museum.]
From the recto of leaf 42.

THE RECUYELL OF THE HISTORIES OF TROYE.
[British Museum.]
From the recto of last leaf in Book II.

CHESS-BOOK. First Edition.
[British Museum. Gren. 10643.]
From the verso of leaf 12.

PLATE VI.

Facsimile.

Caxton's Type No. 1.

LBS SEPT PSEAULMES PENITBNCIAULX.
[British Museum.]
The first eleven lines in the Book.

DITTO.

The last eight Hnes in the Book.

LES FAIS DU JASON.
[Eton College.]
The last lines in the Book.

"¦| VI

3f vmf « ^jcmtonop cp commc aucum «/c@tcIl«
i pat QiqucQc G>iiimc ipcc^cut* qui fcCbt) Gi f>4mB:)C^
be (hiuaH^idt bifccnbp be J^cru/aftti) cij jj^crico
monta tn tsec^uf be J^crico it)J^€vufa(ktt}/cefi avifiot) be
liatjkr.Car fluflft J^ctufaQjtf) <ftvifiot) be |?mp Jnferpwiec
Ct) otfii cfc^itdc fcnf fcpt bejjw^ cf qudj couicHHCMf Cfetf
(r f»t :p/eaulm«<» CbfqticljpcmtEttciaidv fonf a^pcflc^ /iCc
^ttrnicr be^ cf? /Ctacmcut be patnc cf be lui commence (c
p/cdulmc pwihncial afj^uoir-^oitnuc m itjfuroiiefuo
arj^40 mc mq^ti) im tua cozriipia^ mc / fJClifetcte tmi to
iniMC quoniatt) mfinime ftiw) xcf :Pdr C^qucl pfeauhm (k

ceCtpicl ^cffiiirtiT be ma propve Vtvtu iBi fitiaBftmcrtf
c^itncioi) be Ccc/fc c/^iritwcSc/Puie cncovet^ fil ft pQiijIf
mc bonne que patcefeptenuaive t^^ p/cauimc^ be pznitem
ce &|'qucl^ coziv^onbeitf aux ftpt affecti be Cbitimc iirin^
pour Vie fcpi tn^tt^ te ftfc^icdc be :pcnitrnn? Jc puif)^c mo^
tpr ci piirucnit' afop ct) cpflc fwtf ^(bzicufe cite be JQsrufh^
(t«^ Cl) Qiqucdc iu ^Biiee ci fe offi*ir aucc (ee fame ci ix^?
ficutr^ Pe (acrifiae be Cxnijc fane fit)/: 3f JH^EI^

Bfemcni que poffiB(e iiii fui/& pacainfi %afot) «t mcbec
vei^ncoenf cf (kuv ropaulmc ^ouucmcweni ^uffemcniton^
ietnpe / jOcnbanf (equ«l 3I5 "tefqutwnf cnfcmBC^ ci) j^mnf
^mout cf coHcozbe cf dicnf plu{icui*0 tnouif Beauix cnfune
qui ix^ncwf apcce cul^ bonf Jc na^ frouuc qucCque ^ifioive
ou /cnfrttcr / <fef jjour OP Jc fincmp cefii^ificm atani pii^
ant a mot) tenant bif itvjfwcbouBfe /ajjncur/^f aioue <neuljb
qui ft oontrnu be cc |>t«/cnf tJolumc fii'onf . ou cntoni Rtie *
qniC ftur |?Uii/c be jjmcr cjcciifer aufnnf que moi| pcfif cf ru
be cni^it) na fceu iofic^icr «c ftcu compwnt>tt zc^ * : .
iBppBdt

^w^»pito CMfftim ©^flfcnef+^flgipti ^o
doS^^ae tDEiue ^^noft foae^i^ ^)^ ^^cf <;(0t^
^»tam c«8i« ^pigiuw) ^' puCtgimmS fw^jg
ep 5)e0tii<^ ^noa0«e cffewmuei^.(t>f)fetnie<j i^t
6iif t pim^ «0 lm<»6tK ^o eanii ^»tm<»;t>if)f ^of
^<i9<$ M^ euun) ftt^effue ^^(ia^ f^uCttHtn) ^m9
viman\qu((iemtc$ nee tnantc^ ctu^ fttj^u^tua nn
tonS tofl^egioig repw^^t mu2cto+]|afean( 95
fj5^fe« amfoj^ pxinctpii %» pfttwKan? ?«6j«n^
§6tt<^ti*(n«i9 p W0 «0 nopm mmom ^pdtt

PI VII

faluauit.g e)ccetamt^II3o ebifiea uit g fi^pbia ifla
iut>£tgo fi fapics ce cupis.^qce fro las iiii? q bi
jcit btSs fp que tu ccubiei© bite a fce (egc tua booi
CIS eii*5nqb?rcoE ^ponc^ fibi facua fccipojcaM q
uti^ailocogfe©fifedestuapuicf?ca anfeba
ibibife© vias vitc a vl fapie*vias falu69 a btt
tubis ef ne*ibi biftES i tcis ea quo:^ Haa tecu pfc
ue^bit t ceE^Vbi ffciifeB qlif ad ipit) pueiae que
femclvidifTc coia bibid(te*5niif U;c 1^ q fat alia
ota'tUu a&t nefat te^? atic It lilii IHt cc fi alia ne
fat^Pto cete aia mea a mc&itaS bui? tpis buita
tc V)9 tpis i merebD pacfirate.fB boctpe mo2tt0
incuitabilitate qb ii^bj Quants c&\:d9 nimte^qb
inccm? fpca moztis^Moze ferribj c i fotibP-.Jwwfl
rrib? i ttifidfje nulli? tnifece^^nemie; v^tuc^o fp
qb c fl: tuu vm? biu b' t- cp btu^iris cmptne a te
brjs i moste abi^*qb be bac vita qua ittaflri m to
iozeottnuafli cu labo^^ejciB oi ttemo2e*in q cs be
biEad opan6*iadE ad feburieJ fcagiE ad rfifljed
^n? ad <at5btt tacb5> ad ciucgciiXuid cc f aia
fitca cutelici)S cozpis m tu tnco^pea fi© qd i cele
fK al gaudt]0 mubi-vttqj viE ofolaco q ve heli^
coic e ipsbi^ua q piatntc b? t fBieao Buitate i te
pe i riida i fine mifeiajt affcupdicoe^t e)eitu«£t q
le feb? f dt cozpaiibj mebis quo2jK ta wluptad
h9 acfces ut jpcias non feittias tdcacoe^ mtelic
^uales.Scce modicum /z cadauecetit b^tdbum

PLATE VII.

Caxton's Type No.

PROPOSITIO CLARISSIMI JOHANNIS RUSSELL,
[Althorp.]
The First Page.

Facsimile.

Ulric Zel's Type.

SPECULUM ANIM^ HENRICI DE HASSIA.

The verso of leaf

PLATE VIII.

Imitation.

LES QUATRE DERRENIERES CHOSES.
[British Museum.]
Without date. Recto of 5th printed leaf.

Shows the same pecuUarity in the use of red ink as is found in " Boece " and other early books from
the Press of Colard Mansion.

PI. VIII.

^of«<j (\m (oni « '^wemr t
(^ ptemiete ijAxUt tc^ t\uaitc ti^t\xfnm^ t§o ^
f fc« ® o«i iKst ntemoite 9^e^mt^ ftntme bit^ pt i?
put ce ^ip fain^ Barnatb cw mtwir ^e mo^
ne« J^* fouuemme p^i^op^ie ep ^upowir^ pmfct ^ ^
m<»i 4-<^^ tommt t\m k pc^^ ^uee ^g c»)(|wefc|ue Keu qmC
^w '^t ne pfcc^et^ Jrttn(tt5+ 2(^^ f^^ ^"5"|^ "^P
«; (ot) 6tute 5e« t^^^f^fion^ ;J^ nep ^im^ t\\d ^mfi ^euoc
que ^mnte ^« p^c^i^ ecmtme ftttifeuu^ti p^nfct :» ^ ntw^
Cetiee (tp ctffi e t|w' ^tf K^tHwte fog ^umtllet ^ wtefpupet?
6jm^« ^ofe« ee ett^t«pt?^n^t» pmt^nce t
. Ccmjnmi memoite ^ 0t mozi fati iK>m)ne fog ^umiGkr
t 0)mme fog ^wtmKetr +<^^ put te '^ip fatn^ mi^u;
fin^ ou ftute ^ noptefeto^neut que fontme fc con
gnoiffe eptt tnozfe? "^t ofim. ^ fo^ ^ixtut^ mamett^ ^»
cgutit +<Bii) ^xitit ^utit^ no5 mtK^ cgop^ ^ni 6bnne«J
que wauudtpe fwi Jncet<*tne^ / m^^i^ Kx puKe m<Xii no9
ep <et^nte + <^^ ^afoi^ ce <jue ^ut» ^ fot) '^«ene)nm^
nou^ pi( wufftee f Jn<et6tme / mt efl^e ftnani ^n^t;w i^
6p ^ ne m^m pnt^ +<^^ « <e ptop^ '^ip (^ocfepape 9
fo^ qua^it^tefme tJ^a^ittt ^og^ t3emm0?;ftn^ qu^ dx mo^
ne ^r^e pm^ "^t ep ^ufp epnp^ «») i^^^ie Cjue fe wc^^ fs;

CHAPTEE V.
WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
On eertaia Books generally attributed to Caxton before his Settlement at "Westminster —
Eeasons for attributing the whole of them to Colard Mansion — The extent of
Caxton's Typography at Bruges — Date of his return to England.
YEKT vague and contradictory are the opinions of bibhographers on A.D. 1470-75.
the typographical productions attributable to Caxton before his
return to England; and the difficulty has increased, as, time after time,
fresh specimens have been discovered.
The hst, which a typical examination of the books in the hbraries of
HoUand and Belgium would probably still further augment, now includes
seven books in two sorts of tjrpe, viz. : — ¦
In Type No. 1.
1. The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye. Foho. Translated by Caxton
in 1471, but without Place or Date of Printing. This will be quoted
• for shortness as " The EecuyeU."
2. The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Folio. First Edition. Finished
31st March, 1474. Without Place of Printing. Short title, " The
Chess-Book."
3. Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye. Foho. Compiled in 1464, but
without Printer's Name, Place, or Date. Short Title, " Le Eecueil."
4. Les Fais du Jason. Foho. Sine uUa not4.
5. Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes Penitenciauh. Foho. Sine vllk
nota. Short Title, " Meditacions." In Type No. 2.
6. Propositio clarissimi Oratoris Johannis Russell. Consisting of Four
Quarto leaves. Sine uU^ nota. Short Title, " Propositio."
7. Les quatre derrenieres choses qui sont advenir. Foho. Sine uU^ notfi,.
Short Title, " Les 4*^8 derrenieres choses."

46 WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470-75. Of these productions, " The EecuyeU " alone has been by general con-
The Life'rfMayster seut ascnbed to Caxtou wMle abroad. Lewis was only acquainted with
r^^joSi *L^^s' " The Eecuyell " and " Chess-Book," the latter of which he presumes to
Minister of Mer- jjavc been the first book printed in England, an opinion adopted by Ames
gate, 8vo, London, —, ., -, -i . -\ t t ,, -r t, ¦im--
1737. and Herbert. To these two books Ames added " Le Eecueil, givmg it
''^q-dties^'^by j^ph the foremost place in his hst, but was doubtful about attributing it to
doTi749°' ¦^°'" Caxton. Dibdin, supported by the opinion of Bryant, beheved aU three
Typographical Anti- .j.^ jjavc been produced by Caxton, at Cologne, and even adds a fourth,
quities,augmented ^ •' ,, ,, . ^ i ¦ i
by William Her- " Propositio ckrissimi Johannis EusseU, m Type No. 2, which he
London, i785-9o!' imagines to have been also by Caxton, before his return to England,
^'^qilie^'^Ti^^d though he refrains from venturing an opinion as to the place of printing.
^^ ?".F"x^'''f'°' To these M. Van Praet (and several Continental bibliographers) added
4 vols, 4to, London, ^ .
1810-19. " Les Fais du Jason," ascribing all to Caxton, at Cologne ; in which
Notice sur Colard .. „... ,. ,ti
Mansion, &c. p. 79. opimon, SO lar as the place oi printing is concerned, he is supported by
"'^prii^ne.^&c. """ the latest writer on the subject, M. Bernard, who has thrown so much
vol. II, page 202. Yig}^^ q^ the early history of printing. The hst was completed, so far as
See an Account of, knowu at present, wheu Mr. J. Winter Jones discovered, about ten years
vol. xxxi, p. 412. ' ago, in the British Museum, " Meditacions," and " Les 4*^6 derrenieres
choses." We have now to consider the proofs of printer's name, place, and date,
afforded by these seven books. The evidence adduced wiU be, — First,
that derived from the prologues, epilogues, and colophons, attached to
some of the books ; and, secondly, that obtained by a minute examination
of the pecuharities of workmanship and arrangement!
I. Of the seven books above enumerated, only three afford, by prologue
or epilogue, any information as to their origin.
The EecuyeU. " The Eecuyell " has curious and interesting gossip from Caxton's
Epii! to book li. own pen, from which we learn that the translation was finished at the
EpiLtobookiii. (jQj^rmjand of the Duchess of Burgundy, whose servant Caxton then was;
that it was begun at Bruges on March 1st, 1468, or, as we now should
reckon 1469,* was carried on at Ghent, and finished at Cologne on 19th
September, 1471, making a period of two and a half years; that, on the
completion of the whole, he presented a copy to the Duchess, who largely
rewarded him ; that many persons desired copies also, but that, finding
the labour of writing too wearisome for him, and not expeditious enough
for his friends, he had practised and learnt, at his great charge and
* The year at that time, in Flanders, was reckoned from Easter, which, in 1469, did not happen
tni Aprd 2nd.

who TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 47
expense, to ordain the book in print, to the end that every man might A.D. 1470-75.
have them at once. As was natural to a person making practical
acquaintance, for the first time, with the effects of typography, Caxton
ends with noticing what to him, accustomed to see one copy finished
before another was begun, was the most wonderfiil feature of the new
art, viz., that aU the copies were begun upon one day, and were finished
upon one day.
The periods of time mentioned by Caxton in the Prologue to this
work require notice. He began to translate on March 1st, 1469, but
soon relinquished his self-imposed task, after writing no more than five or
six quires (or sections of four or five sheets each). At the end of two
years, or in March, 1471, he resumed the translation; and, in the foUow
ing September he presented the Duchess with a complete copy. Now
six months would be a very likely time for the translation and a fair
copy to occupy ; but it would have been impossible to have accomphshed
the printing also in that space of time, especiaUy as the whole translation
was finished before the first sheet was printed, as wiU be proved further
on. We may also notice, that the duration of Caxton's stay at Cologne
must be confimed to a very short period, as his whole joumey from and
to Bruges occupied no more than six months.
" The Chess-Book " affords in the Prologue but very Uttle room for
comment, being, as wiU be seen on reference to the reprint at the end
of this volume, for the most part a translation of the French Prologue,
written by Jehan de Vignay for his work. It offers, indeed, one datum ;
but that is open to question in its apphcation. " Fynysshid the last day
of marche, 1474," are the concluding words of the EpUogue. But what
was finished? The translation, or the printing? From the context it
was probably only the translation, although the book would be printed
not many months after. This date must also be advanced a year; for, as chronology of His-
already noticed, the new year, in Flanders, did not commence tiU Easter- *°''^' '"' ^''^'' ^'
day, which feU in 1474 on AprU 10th; so that March 31st, 1474, was,
according to the modern reckoning, March 31st, 1475.
The Prologue to the second edition throws a httle Ught on the history see Prologue to
of the first. Caxton there says, in reference to his connection with the edition^""'"' ^"'^
book: "  an exceUent doctor of divinity  made a book of the
Chess moralised, which, at such time as I was resident in Bruges, came
into my hands. . . . And to the end that some which have not seen it, nor
understand french nor latin, I deUberated in myself to translate into our

48 WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470-75. maternal tongue; and when I had so achieved the said translation, I did
do set in imprinte,* a certain number of them which anon were depesshed
and sold." Caxton here seems to mean that the printing foUowed closely
upon the finish of the translation, and that both were performed in
Bruges. " Le Eecueil " has but one date, and that evidently referring to the
Uterary compUation alone, and affording no clue whatever to the period
of printing. Indeed the numerous copies, stiU extant in manuscript, prove
that the work enjoyed considerable popularity before it came under the
hands of the printer. The date of this book has been fixed, by several
Dibdin's Typog:ra- writcTS, between 1464 and 1467, from the foUowing considerations:—
vKt^ge^a:*'''' Le Fevre (the compUer) is spoken of, in the Prologue, as Chaplain to
the Duke of Burgundy, and in such a manner as to signify that the Duke
was then Uving. But in the translation, printed some few years later,:
there is a material difference: Le Fevre is not styled here as he was
before, in the French, " ChapeUain de mon tres redoubte signeur Mon
seigneur PhiUipe le Duc," &c. ; but " preest and chapelayn unto the right
noble prince, in his time, PhUip Duke of," &c. Phihp, therefore, was not
then aUve: now he died in 1467; so that "Le EecueU", was printed
before that time, but after the year 1464. That this should be considered
as proving anything more than that the original French was compUed in
the hfe-time of PhiUppe le Bon, and that when Caxton translated the
same the Duke was dead, seems imaccountable. All the editions of " Le
Eecueil," both manuscript and printed, followed the verbiage, as originaUy
written, and the printer would no more think of altering it in 1475-6
(which is the probable date of imprint), than the transcriber would in
copying the same twenty-five years later. In the Imperial Library, Paris,
is a manuscript of this very book written after 1500, but reproducing
exactly that title which, in the printed edition, is considered to be a proof
* This phrase, " I did do set in imprinte " may, acoordhig to the idiom of that Century, he under
stood, " I did cause (by the hands of another) to he set in imprinte." The phrase was commonly
used in this sense hy Caxton, though not invariably so. Thus in " Jason '' (fol. 22), " He dyd do be
said to the messenger ; " for " he caused to be said," &c. In " Chess-Book '' (foL 55), " The Emperor
Predericke dide do make a gate of marble." In the Prologue to " Jason," " The noble duke Phihp
did doo maken a chamber." In the " Canterbmy Tales," (Prol. to " Monkes' Tale,") —
" I wot wel sohe wol do me sle som day
Les Manuscrits Some neighebor and thanne renne away."
1 ranQois, par A. « pjain pouoir de prendre et faire prendre les larrons, murdriers," &c. (Prom an Ordormance,
Paris 1842 ' ' dated June, 1401 : and quoted by Paulin Paris, in his work on French Manuscripts. Similar
vol. V, page 2. examples might be added in plenty.

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 49
of execution prior to 1467. Caxton, in his translation, altered and adapted -^-D- 1470-75.
the Prologue of Lefevre to suit his own time, but, in printing from the
manuscript of another (assuming his connection with " Le EecueU,") he
would have opposed the practice of his age had he altered his copy.
His account was in its turn printed and reprinted, word for word, long
after it was out of date.
There is, therefore, no reason whatever for asserting that " Le EecueU,"
written in 1464, was printed before " The EecuyeU," translated in, and
put to press soon after, 1471. In fact, the whole tone of Caxton's
EpUogue to Book III of " The EecuyeU," leads unquestionably to the
conclusion that that was the very first time he had busied himself with
typography. He would never say, " I have learned to ordain this book
in printe at my great charge and expense," if he had abeady printed one
or two others. To those who maintain the priority of " Le EecueU,"
there is but one explanation of the difficulty left : they must assume, with
M. Bernard, that Caxton had nothing to do with the printing of " Le Dei'Originedei'im-
Eecueil," which must have been executed before he turned his attention p^Tik ^° ' '
to the new art. That this opinion is untenable, and that the book was
printed later than " The EecuyeU," and probably later than the " Chess-
Book," I shaU endeavour to show.
The four remaining works are UteraUy sine ulld notd; so that the
whole of the evidence under this head may be shortly summed up thus :
"The EecuyeU" was translated in 1471, and was printed shortly after.
The " Chess-Book " was printed after 1474, and probably in the latter
half of 1475. "Le EecueU" was compUed in 1464; but, hke the remain
ing four, affords no evidence of date of printing, which was probably
after 1475.
H. We will now examine the testimony afforded by a comparison of
the typographical peculiarities of these seven books. In coUating " The
Eecuyell," the make-up of the sections, at the beginning of the volume, is
worth noting. It was the general practice of Caxton, as of aU printers,
to commence the printing of his books at the text, which he, when using
signatures, always began on ft, any prologue or table, which might be
requisite, being added afterwards in a separate section, with a different sort
of signatures. These additions were nearly always placed at the beginning
of the volume. When, however, the whole of the manuscript was com
plete before it came into the workmen's hands, there was no occasion for
any such arrangement. This appears to have been the case in "The
TOL I. I

50

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?

A.D. 1470-75. EecuyeU," where nothing has been added to the beginning, as the first
section of five sheets or ten leaves includes aU the introductory matter,
as weU as a considerable portion of the text. Now, as the first page,
which bears the date of the conclusion of the translation is on the same
sheet as a portion of the text, it is evident that the whole volume, dates
and aU, must have been in manuscript before any part was printed. We
may infer, indeed, that Caxton issued a few manuscript copies, from his
own description of the effect so much writing had upon him. The copy
The EecuyeU. See he presented to the Duchess was undoubtedly manuscript; or, how in
Epilogue to book ^^^ p^^ covl^ he chrouicle her acceptance of the work, and his reward
for the present ? * And this again leads to the supposition that the portion
of the EpUogue relating to the typography, &c., was added by Caxton to
his original manuscript when he printed the work. This apparent inter
polation is marked, in the margin of our reprint, by a f at the beginning
and end. Thus we may be certain that it was not tUl some time after
September 19th, 1471, that the printing of " The EecuyeU " was begun.
For exactly simUar reasons, Caxton's Prologue to the "Chess-Book,"
which was a translation (or adaptation) of the original French before him,
is also a portion of the first section in the volume. None of the other
books under review have Prologues, so we wiU proceed to a comparison
of some other typographical particulars.

No.

Title.

Size.

"^of

No. of
Lines
in a page.

Measure
ment of Page.
Inches.

Spacing of
Lines.

Signa tures.

1
2 3
4 5
67

TheRecuyeU 

PolioPohoPolioPoho PohoPoho
¦4to

1
1111
2 2

313131313128
22

5 X 7|
5 X 7|
5 X 7|
5 X 7f
5 X 71
5 X 7|

unevenunevenuneven even even
uneven uneven

nonenonenone
none nonenonenone

The Chess-Book 

Le Recueil 

lies Fais du Jason 

Meditacions 

Les 4'"^ derreimieres choses. .
Propositio 

Epilogue to " De
struction of Troy,"
4to.LondonBridge, 1684.

From this table we perceive, —
1st. That the first five books are printed with the same types; are aU of
* In support of the opimon that Caxton first embraced the idea of printing, on account of the
demand made upon his resources for copies of " The Eecuyeh," we may quote the EpUogue attached
to nearly twenty editions of his translation even so late as 1702, at which period it was stUl very
popular. This is only Caxton's account " with the English much amended hy WiUiam Piston "
towards the end of the 16th Century ; but it shows what the traditionary behef for more than
a Century had been. " Now thus I am come to the finishing of this present book, 'which I have

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 51
one size, viz., Foho; aU without signatures; that aU agree exactly as to the A.D. 1470-75.
size of the page ; and that the even length of the lines in " Meditacions," and
" Les Fais du Jason," prove that they were later productions than the others.
2nd. That, therefore, the five books in Type No. 1 may be considered
as the production of one printer.
But who was this printer? On turning our attention to the shape or
cut of the letters in No. 1 Type, we notice a remarkable similarity
between it and the appearance of the writing of many Bruges manu
scripts of the same period, which would induce us, at first sight, to
attribute their manufacture to some artist of that City.
On this point, however, our best witness is M. Bernard, who maintains
the theory that Ulric Zel, of Cologne, procured Type No. 1, and printed
with it in that City. In describing a manuscript in the Imperial
Library, Paris, entitled, " La Penitence Adam," and written by Colard
Mansion's own hand for his patron, Le Seigneur de la G-ruthuyse, he
writes, " Ce hvre, ...est un petit in-quarto ecrit en ancienne b^tarde, Deroriginedei'im-
k longues Ugnes, parfaitement conforme au caractere du Recueil des His- voi™r™page 393.
toires des Troyes." — " This book is a smaU quarto, with long hnes, written
in old b^tarde, and of exactly the same character as " Le EecueU des
Histoires de Troye." This opinion brings home the pattern,, at least,
of Type No. 1, to Colard Mansion of Bruges. Notwithstanding this,
M. Bernard, with that strong national bias which has led him into several
errors, claims the types of " Le EecueU " as the product of a French artist,
and enforces the opinion by the fact that the only two water-marks found
in the paper of the volume, are a crowned shield, with three fleurs de Us
in the field, and a Gothic p, of which the tail is forked and the head De rongine, &c.
page 365.
translated (though rudely) out of Prenoh into English, at the commandment and request of my right
gracious and redoubted Lady and Mistress, the Lady Margaret, Dutches of Burgony, Lotherick, and
of Brabant, &c. ; amd forasmuch as I am weary of tedious writing and worn in years, being not
able to write out several boohs for the Gentlemen, and such others as are desirous of the same,
I have caused this book to be Printed: that being pubhshed the more plenteously mens turns may be
more easUy served. And as for the sundry Authors that have written, &c  And look what
pleasure or commodity men reap by perusing this Book, let him transfer the praise and the thanks
due therefore (next to Almighty God) unto my foresaid right gracious Lady, who not only caused me
to undertake this translation, but hath also bountifully rewarded me for my labours. To whose
good liking I humbly dedicate this work : beseeching her grace, and aU that should read the same,
to accept in good part my simple endeavour herein. And I most humbly pray unto Almighty
God, that the example of these cruel wars and desolation of this famous city may be a warning
to aU other Cities and People to flee Adultery and aU the other vices, the causes of Wars and
Destruction : and that aU Christians may learn to hve godly and in Brotherly love and concord
together, Amen." I 2

52 WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470-75. surmounted by a quatrefoil ; and that these marks are not found in
See the^I% books " The EccuyeU," and evince a French manufacture.* Unfortunately for
lo°The RecuyeU M. Bernard's facts, the former mark does appear in " The EecuyeU," as
and Les 4fe der- ^^^ ^ ^ c< ^gg j^^is du Jasou," and " Lcs 4*'^« derrennieres choses,"
rennieres choses, ' _ t p
atBritishMuseum, "whUe the latter is one of the most common Flemish water-marks of the
Eton. ' 15th Century, and makes a frequent appearance in the works of Mansion,
Caxton, and many other printers both Flemish and EngUsh.
M. Bernard's theory, accounting for Caxton's possession of Type No. 1,
De I'Origme, &c. is stUl more extraordinary. He imagines that Phihppe le Bon, wishing '
Ind 3^5.^^^^ ^^^ to have some printed copies of " Le Eecueil," employed a Frenchman to
cut the types, and Ulric Zel to print from them : that afterwards the same
printer used them for " Bartholomeus," and " Les Fais du Jason : " and
that, on the death of the Duke, these tjrpes reverted to the Duchess,
who, being friendly to Caxton, permitted him to use them for " The
De I'Origine, &c. EecuycU " and " Chess-Book." This story is in diametrical opposition
^ ¦ ¦^^^ ¦ to Caxton's aUusion to the great expense he incurred in ordaining " The
EecuyeU " in print ; yet, upon some such theory must every account which
ascribes any of these books to the Cologne press, be based.
The following are the grounds on which I maintain that none of
these books were printed at Cologne.
In no respect can any typographical connection between the known
productions of Zel's press, and these Flemish-looking books, be traced.
Ulric Zel is never known to have used b&,tarde-cut types, nor was
his paper of the same manufacture as that found in the books under
discussion. He printed, from an early period, two pages at a time;
whereas " The EecuyeU," as afready proved in Chapter III, was
De I'Origine, &c. * Pour moi, a voir la forme des types du EecueU des Histoires de Troyes, je suis convaincu qu'Us
vol. II, page 365. ggnt I'oeuvre d'un Pranjais, et que I'editeur n'est autre que PhUippe le Bon lui-meme  Ce hvre
ayant ete ecrit par ordre du duc, U est tout naturel de penser qu'U a aussi ^te imprim^ aux firais de
ce prince. Voici un fait qui me semble corroborer oette opinion. Le papier employe a I'impression
du hvre de Eaoul presente dans son iihgrane deux signes seulement, et tons deax sont etrangers aux
fabriques aUemandes : I'un reproduit I'&usson ordinaire de Prance k trois fleurs de lis surmonte
d'une couronne; I'autre un P gothique dont la haste se termine au has en forme de fourche, et
dont le haut est surmonte d'une espece de fleur a quatre feuUles ^gales ayant la forme du trefle.
Les ^diteurs fournissant gen&alement leur papier, ainsi que nous I'avons vu ddja, ne peut-on pas en
conclure que celui de la premiere Edition du EecueU de Eaoul fut tire de Prance, et peut-Stre m^me
en partie fabriqu^ au compte du duc PhUippe, dont la lettre initiale aurait ete placee pour cela m^me
dans le filigrane ? Ce qu'U y a de certain, c'est que oes signes ne paraissent pas dans le papier de
Tedition anglaise, imprimee apres la mort du duc. On y trouve seulement une grappe de raisin,
marque tres-commune dans les hvres imprimes en AUemagne, et qu'on voit dejk dans la Bible de
Gutenberg.

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 53
printed, page by page, as were the books of Mansion, who even A.D. 1470-75.
made a separate working of his woodcuts; Caxton, even when using See The "Ovide,"
the quarto size, cut up his paper into half sheets, and then, as with it l^'^ where the
foUos, printed in single pages. This accounts for the entire rejection by ™*g over-nde the
Mansion,* and the sparing use, by Caxton, of the quarto size for their
publications, as it necessitated twice as much press- work as the larger
size. But the strongest evidence is found in the fact that Zel, after seethe"Desinguia-
1467, always spaced out the lines of his books to an even length, and Cologne h^t!"'"
would have taught any one learning the art of him, to do the same ; whUe,
as aheady noticed, this improvement was not adopted by either Mansion
or Caxton for many years.
In truth, the more the books of the two presses are compared together,
the stronger is the conviction that Zel's typographical customs were learnt
in the original school of the Mentz printers, whUe the printer of these
books in No. 1 Type was instructed in the Dutch school, of which
Mansion was a pupU, and which, in its comparative rudeness, bears the
plainest proofs of an independent origin, having been in aU probabihty
founded by the workmen of Coster.
But whatever may have been the origin of the typography of Mansion
and Caxton, the opinion that either of them, after learning the art in an
advanced school such as Cologne, would, without any necessity for so
doing, adopt in their first productions primitive customs which they
had never been taught, to return in after years by slow degrees to the
rales of thefr original tuition, has only to be plainly stated to render it
imtenable. The Cologne theory labours under great disadvantages. It has to account
for the existence of five large works (six, including the "Bartholomeus")
from the same tjrpes, and evidently from the same printer, three of which
are in French, a language in which Caxton never at other times printed,
and are without any addition from Caxton's pen, a habit in which he
nearly always indulged at the early part of his career. The fact also
of two works "Les Fais du Jason" and "Meditacions" having thefr lines See the Table at
spaced to an even length is siUficient evidence that, if Caxton printed ^^^ '""*'
these two, it must have been later than 1479, or more than two years
after his settlement at Westminster.
* Van Praet errs in describing " Le purgatoire des mauvais Maris " as a " petit in-4''." The copy Notice sur Colard
he described from -wsa ploughed a httle more than usual; but the water-mark is in the middle of the Mansion, &c.
page, which proves the size to be foho. ^"^

54 WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470-75. Again then the question arises — Who was the printer ? Undoubtedly
it was Colard Mansion himself, who, as afready shown, had estabhshed
See ante, p. 43. a press shortly after 1470 at Bruges — who cast the types on his own
model for Caxton, and instructed him in the art while printing with and
for him "The EecuyeU" and "Chess Book" — who certainly printed
" Les 4*''® derrennieres choses," and probably " Propositio " — who supphed
Caxton with his material for the establishment of a press in England —
who, about the time of Caxton's departure, used the same Type, No. l,for
" Le EecueU," and who at a stUl later period printed alone " Les Fais du
Jason " and " Meditacions."
These opinions may not at first be received with favour, but the more
they are examined the stronger grow the proofs, and the reader is
requested to withhold his verdict untU he has given his carefiU attention
to the foUowing items of evidence :- — ¦
1. The connection between the hand- writing of Mansion and Type No. 1
has been afready shown. The connection of Mansion's large b^tarde Type
(Plate III) and No. 2 Type is equally plain. Indeed so identical are they
in character, that, as surely as one may recognise the well-known hand
writing of a friend, so surely may we declare that the same artist must
have cut the punches for these two founts. Compare carefiUly Plate IH,
with the plates of Type No. 2, and, though differing considerably in size,
no variation in design can be traced. Examine No. 2 through a magnifying
glass, and you may weU beheve you are reading a book printed by Colard
Exposicio Henrici Mausiou. But UOW look at a page of a treatise printed by Ufric Zel,
"Orationem^'oo- ^^d geucraUy attributed to about the year 1470, and the antagonism
SJcI''i47o.'^""^*°' between the two is evident. (Plate VH.)
2. Again on turning to " Les 4*"^^ derrennieres choses," printed in Type
No. 2 (the first fount used in England), a very striking connection with
Colard Mansion is estabUshed. The pecuhar appearance of the red ink
at once attracts the attention. (Plate No. VHI.) Here, as ia Colard
Mansion (see ante, p. 43), the two colours have been plainly printed at
the same puU of the press. Here too the same process of wiping the
black ink off hnes purposely isolated, and then re-inking with red, has
been resorted to. Here too, as with the acknowledged productions of the
Bruges press, the same defects have been produced; the red ink has
a tarnished appearance from the subjacent remains of the black, and the
black hnes nearest the red have received a red edging which, however
interesting as a connecting hnk between two celebrated printers, by no

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 55
means increases their typographical beauty. Now, as no other printer A.D. 1470-75.
is known to have resorted to this unique method of working in colours,
I feel no hesitation in ascribing "Les 4*''« derrennieres choses" either to
the press of Colard Mansion, or to Caxton working under his tuition;
and as this peculiarity is nowhere found in Caxton's productions when in
England, the former is the more hkely conjecture. Of one thing we may
be certain, that it was a method never practised by Ufric Zel, or the
German school of printing.
It may almost be said that Caxton never used red ink; and the only
three works connected with his name in which red ink appears, show
separate printings for each colour. Of these " The EecuyeU," as we have
seen, could only have been partiaUy executed by Caxton, whUe the
" Dfrectorium Sacerdotum," and the " De Transfiguracione " were printed
towards the close of his career, and in all probabiUty imder the manage
ment of Wynken de Worde. In the two latter, the register is far from
accurate. 3. The connection here estabhshed between the type used by Caxton
in his first EngUsh attempts, and those of Colard Mansion, is fiirther
strengthened by the fact, that the pecuhar form of the jxf used in every see The Life of
book printed in Type No. 1, is in several instances found, by an evident -^1°^, ist^edat!
oversight of the compositor, used instead of the proper &c. belonging ^g"°^' ^g* ^^j*'
to Tjrpe No. 2. We have here positive proof that, whether at Cologne and others.
or Bruges, or any other town, the two founts were under one roof.
Whoever it was that printed the five books in No. 1, most certainly
owned No. 2 Type also.
Upon what then have the supporters of the Cologne theory to rely ?
1. There is the direct testimony of Wynken de Worde in their favour.
2. Colard Mansion did not begin to print tUl several years after the
issue of" The Eecueil," or about 1475.
As the latter objection has been answered in Chapter IV, where the
date of Colard Mansion's " Primum Opus " has been proved to be about Bartholomeus de
1471, we will only here consider the first objection. In the Proheme to S'ci^oa'i49r
Wynken de Worde's undated edition of " Bartholomeus de proprietatibus
rerum " he gives the foUowing doggrel : —
" And also of your charyte call to remembraunce
The soxde of "WilHam Caston first pryter of this bote
In laten tonge at Coleyn hyself to auauce
That euery well disposyd man may theron loke."

56 WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470-75. The phraseology of this verse is very ambiguous. Are we to under-
~ stand that the editio princeps of "Bartholomeus" proceeded from
Caxton's press; or that he only produced the first Cologne edition?
that he issued a translation of his own, which is the only way in which
the production of the work could advance him in the Latin tongue ?
or, that he printed in Latin to advance his own interests ? The last
seems the most probable reading. But though the words wUl bear
many constructions, they evidently mean that Caxton printed "Bar
tholomeus " in some shape at Cologne. Now this seems to me a careless
statement of Wynken de Worde; for if Caxton reaUy did print "Bartho
lomeus " in that city, it must have been with his own types and presses,
as the workmanship of his early volumes proves him to have been
unconnected with any Cologne printer, whose practices were entfrely
different; a proceeding too improbable for serious consideration. The
period necessary for the production of so extensive a work must have
been considerable ; and as the short stay of Caxton at Cologne on the
See ante, page 47. occasiou of Ms finishing the translation of " Le EecueU " has been afready
noticed, the printing of this apocryphal " Bartholomeus " must have been
at a subsequent visit, of which no record remains. It is certain that no
copy has yet been discovered, which can by any stretch of imagination
be attributed to Caxton, although there is more than one old undated
edition, produced by the German school of printing. Accuracy of infor
mation was not in those days much studied, and, to a general carelessness
about names and dates, Wynken de Worde added a neghgence peculiarly
his own. We may excuse him for using Caxton's device in several books,
which by their dates and thefr types are known to have been printed by
himself; as well as for putting Caxton's name as printer to the 1493
edition of the " Golden Legend," two years after his master's death ; such
inaccuracies were thought Uttle of at that time: but, how account for
the blundering alteration in the 1495 edition of " Pohcronicon," where
Wynken de Worde, making himself the speaker in Caxton's Prologue,
promises to carry on the history to 1485; or the stUl greater error in the
"Dictes and Sajangs" of 1528, where, adopting Caxton's EpUogue, but
changing Caxton's name into his own, he makes aU the transactions there
related between Earl Eivers and Caxton happen to himself? Blunders
in statements are weU matched by blunders in workmanship, of which,
A copy in the howcvcT, WO wiU Only quote two. In Caxton's edition of " Stans Puer
Cambridge. ' ad mcnsam," the third and fourth pages of the poem were accidentaUy

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 57
transposed, but Wynken de Worde, notwithstanding the break of sequence, A.D. 1470-75.
bhndly reprints the error ! and in his edition of " The Horse, the Shepe
and the Ghoos," actuaUy omits a whole page, without discovering his
mistake! This is a heavy charge to bring against a printer who is
generaUy and not unjustly considered as having greatly improved the art
he practised; but other examples of carelessness might easily be adduced;
and if accuracy of text were to be taken as the standard, independently
of exceUent workmanship, it is to be feared that Wynken de Worde
would take a very low place in the rank of his contemporary typo
graphers.* Being compeUed to refiise credence to several of Wynken de
Worde's statements, why should we receive his " Cologne " dictum without
question, especiaUy as the weight of evidence is aU against it? Lewis Life of Wyiiyam
was of opinion that Caxton did not print " Bartholomeus ; " and the p^e°7.' ''"
probabiUty is, that Wynken de Worde (who was still living in 1534, and
therefore too young in 1471 to have been acquainted with any such fact
of his own knowledge) had some vague recoUection of Caxton having
been at Cologne, as noticed in the Prologue to " The EecuyeU," and
carelessly assumed the rest; the truth of the matter being of secondary
importance to giving point and rhyme to his doggrelf
The evidence in favour of and against the opinion that Caxton learnt
his knowledge of printing at Cologne, may be summed up in a very few
words: —
In favour of Cologne we have the above statement of Wynken de
Worde, unsupported by any corroborative evidence. Against Cologne we
have the facts : — ^that a printing press being afready at work in the very
city of Caxton's residence, there was no need for hun to seek the necessary
* WUHam Caxton — except in the occasional interchange of y with i, which were at that period
but one letter — never altered the orthography of his name, a fact the more noticeable as it certainly
varied in pronunciation : not so Wynken de Worde, who, only using his master's name eight times,
contrived to make four variations ; Caxton — Caxston — Caston — and Caxon. In his own name See post, page 64.
Wynken de Worde appears to have tried how many variations he could invent : even the foUowing
list is not complete.
Wynken de Worde Wynkyn de Word winandum de worde
Wynden de Worde Vvynkyn de worde Vunandum de worde
Wynkyn de Worde V Vinquin de Worde (Ex typis) — Vuinandi de vuorde
Wynkyn Theworde Wynandum de Worde V Vinand i V Vordensi
Wynkyn the Worde Wynandum de word Winandi de Wordensis
t Lewis, talking of the above apocryphal edition of " Bartholomeus," says, " Its having a Latin
title, might pos.sibly deceive De Worde, and make him think it was printed in Latin. However this
be, it does not appear that any edition of it, printed by Caxton or any one else, either in Latin or
English this year [1471], is now in being."
TOL I. K

58

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT ?

A.D. 1470-75.

Notice Sur Colard
Mansion, &c.
page 37.

See ante, page 46.

Poiicronicon. Liber ult. cap. 28.

Bibliographical &c.
Tour, edit. 1829,
vol. II, p. 104.

instruction in a distant town; the absence in Caxton's books of any typo
graphical hnk between him and the Mentz School of Printers; and the
total sUence of Caxton himself on the point, if we except an indfrect
aUusion in " PoUcronieon," presently to be noticed.
In favour of Bruges and Colard Mansion, we have, —
1. The dfrect connection of Caxton, with Type No. 1, through " The
EecuyeU," as acknowledged by himself; and the pattern of that Type
traced to Colard Mansion.
2. The pattern of Caxton's Type No. 2 identified with Mansion's Gros-
b^tarde. 3. The proof that " Les 4^'"^ derrennieres choses " in Tjrpe No. 2 was
actuaUy printed by Mansion.
4. The evidence, from the mixture of types, that No. 1 and No. 2 were
under the same roof
5. The entire conformity in all typographical pecuharities of the
presses of Colard Mansion and WilUam Caxton.
And, lastly, we may add, as a note, that a few years ago " Le Quadri
logue" by Mansion, and "Les Fais du Jason" (Type No. 1), were found
bound together;* as were also the "Meditacions" (Type No. 1), and "Les
4.tre derrennieres choses " (Type No. 2), both volumes having the same
original 15th-Century binding, which they received soon after printing,
and, as I beheve, in the workshop of Colard Mansion, over the church-
porch of St. Donatus, at Bruges.
Before concluding this portion of our subject, it may be satisfactory to
consider the meaning of a short notice of the invention of printing, written
by Caxton himself in " Liber ultimus " of the " Pohcronicon," 1482.
This is the more necessary, as it may be reUed on by some as affording
an indfrect argument in favour of the Cologne theory. Caxton, narrating
the events of the year 1456, thus expresses himself, " Also about this
tyme the crafte of Enpryntyng was fyrst founde in magounce in Ahnayne/
whiche crafte is multiplyed thurgh the world in many places. & bookes
ben had grete chepe and in grete nombre by cause of the same crafte "
We have here Caxton's account of the popular behef of his age, and it is
* Dr. Dibdin, speaking of the " Pais du Jason " at the Imperial Library, Paris, recounts the
foUowing anecdote : — An unknown, and I may add an unknowing, person, bought this most exceedingly
rare volume, with the "Quadrilogue of Alain Chartier" 1477, iu one and the same ancient wooden
binding, for the marveUously moderate sum of one louis ! The purchaser brought the volume to
M. de La Sema Santander, and asked him if he thought two louis too much for their value. That
wary bibhographer only rephed, " I do not thiok it is," and became the purchaser.

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 59
undoubtedly the true one. The chief ramifications of the art through a.d. 1470-75.
Europe sprang from one centre, Mentz. The Costerian school was very
rude and unprolific whUe the Mentz Artists were estabhshing presses
through aU the southern Cities of Europe. Mentz is by most writers
described as the bfrth-place of printing, because the art reached perfection
there at so early a period. Now this, although the truth, does not seem to
be the whole truth. Coster was the first to use moveable types, but never
made much progress or practical use of the discovery ; whUe only a few years
later, the celebrated trio of Mentz printers produced, from an independent
starting point, their chefs-dceuvre of typography. This view is not only
supported by one of the earUest writers on the subject, but by a printer who
was contemporary with the occurrences he narrates; who himself learnt
the art in Mentz ; in fact, by the very man who has hitherto been supposed
to have indoctrinated Caxton in the mysteries of typography; namely, Ufric
Zel, of Cologne. The account of printing, as narrated by Zel to the
anonymous writer of the " Cologne Chronicle," in 1499, is as foUows: —
" .... In the year of our Lord MCCCCL, which was a golden year, see Bibiiotheoa
then men began to print; and the first book printed was a Bible in Latin, vol m?page 282.
and it was printed in a larger character than that with which we now
print Mass-books. Item, although this art was discovered at Mentz at
first in the manner in which it is now commonly used, yet the first example
of it was found in Holland, in the Donatuses, which were before printed there.
And thence is derived the beginning of this art; and it is more masterly
and subtle than the ancient manner was, and by far more ingenious. 
Item, from Mentz, the before-mentioned art at first came to Cologne, thence
to Strasbourg, and thence to Venice. The beginning and progress of the
before-mentioned art was told me by word of mouth, by that worthy man
Master Ulrich Tzell of Hanault, printer at Cologne, in the present year
MCCCCXCIX, by whom the before-mentioned art is come to Cologne." *
* "  Ind in den iairen vns heren do men schreyff. MCCCCl. do was eyn gulden iair/ do began Bie Cronica van der
men tzo diucken ind was dat eyrste boich dat men druckte die Bybel zo latijn/ ind wart gedruckt mit MUige Stat van
eyme grouer schrifft. as is die achrifft dae men nu Mysseboicher mit druckt. Item wiewaU die kunst johan ' Koelhoif
is vonden tzo Mentz/ als vuisz vp die wijse/ als dan nu gemeynhch gebruicht wirt, so is doch die Cologne, 1499.
eyrste imrbyldzmg vonden in Bollant vyss den Donaten, die daeselffst vwr dier tzijt gedrucht syn. ^'S^^- g& ijj recto.
Ind van ind vyss den is genommen dat begynne der vursz kunst. ind is vUl meysterhcher ind
subtUicher vonden dan die selue manier was, vnd ye lenger ye mere kuntsthcher wurden  Item
van Mentz is die vursz kunst komen abe eyrst tzo CoeUen. Daimae tzo Venedige. Dat begynne
ind vortganck der vursz kunst halt myr munthch vertzelt d'Eirsame man Meyster Uhich tzeU
van Hanauwe, boiohdruoker zo CoeUen noch zertzijt. anno. MCCCCxcix, durch den die kunst vursz
is zo CoeUen komen." K 2

60 WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT?
A.D. 1470-75. The statements of Zel and of Caxton do not appear to me contradictory.
Caxton does not enter minutely into the early history of his art: he
narrates it as one of the events of his times, just as he does the faU of
Bow steeple, or the burning of a witch, or the capture of three great
"whalys" at Erith: in fact, he gives the popular behef of his age. So
also does the Cologne Chronicler, only fortunately for historical truth, he
added thereto the then unimportant particulars of the prior use of the art
at Haarlem.
And here, perhaps, I may be excused if, in the absence of sure foundation,
I venture to buUd a brief history, founded in many parts on probability only,
but which may nevertheless be welcome to some as drawing the scattered
threads of Caxton's career between 1471 and his estabhshment at West
minster, into a consistent narrative.
Caxton having finished and been rewarded for his trouble in translatuig
" Le EecueU " for the Duchess of Burgundy found his book in great
request. The Enghsh Lords at Bruges began to require copies of this the
most favourite romance of the age, and Caxton found himself unable to
supply the demand with sufficient rapidity. We have now arrived at
1472-3.' Colard Mansion, a skUfiil cahgrapher, must have been known
to Caxton, and may have been employed by him to execute commissions.
Mansion, who had obtained some knowledge of the art of printing (certainly
not from the Mentz school), had just begun his typographical labours at
Bruges, and was ready to produce copies by means of the press, if supported
by the necessary patronage and funds. Caxton found the money, and Man
sion the requisite knowledge, and between them appeared the first book
printed in the new type, which was at the same time the first book printed
in the Enghsh language, " The EecuyeU." This probably was not accom
phshed tiU 1474, and was succeeded on Caxton's part in another year, by
an issue of the " Chess Book," which, as we are informed in a second
edition, was " anone depesshed and soldo." Mansion, finding that success
attended the new undertaking, printed " Le Eecueil," and later " Les
Fais du Jason " and the " Meditacions," the two last after Caxton's
return to England. The three French works were doubtless pubhshed
by Mansion alone, as Caxton is not known, although perfectly acquainted
with French, to have printed a single book in that language. Caxton,
having printed at Bruges " The EecuyeU " and the " Chess Book " with
types either whoUy or in part Mansion's, now employed Mansion to cut

WHO TAUGHT CAXTON TO PRINT? 61
and cast him a new fount to the pattern of the large bl.tarde afready in ¦^•D- 1470-75.
use by Mansion, only smaller in size, with the intention of practising
the art in England. As proofs of its capabihties, the speech of John
EusseU on the investiture of the Duke of Burgundy was produced; an
oration which, from perpetuating a memorable occurrence, would always
be as welcome to the Burgundian Court as to the Enghsh. That
"Les 4*"^^ derrennieres choses" was also produced about this time under
the immediate workmanship of Mansion, has been also shown.
And now, early in 1476, Caxton appears to have taken leave of the land
of his adoption, and, after a residence of about thirty-five years, to have
returned to his native country laden with a more precious freight than the
most opulent Merchant Adventurer ever dreamt of, and to endow his
Coimtry with a blessing than which only one richer had ever been
bestowed — ^the introduction of Christianity.

CHAPTEE VI.
CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
Caxton's Settlement in England — Where was his Press erected? — The Abbot of
Westminster — Connection of the Abbots with the Mercers' Company — The
Wool-Staple at Westminster — The Guild of our Lady Assumption, and Caxton's
connection therewith — The connection of this Gruild with the Mercers' Company —
Caxton's Patrons — William and Maude Caxton — Caxton's Death, and Character.
A.D. 1476-7. T N the foregoing Chapters we have endeavoured to trace Caxton's
J- career as an Apprentice, as a Merchant, as Governor of the Merchant
Adventurers at Bruges, as a Magistrate, and as an Ambassador ; we
have tried to sketch rapidly, with imperfect materials, the revival of
hterary tastes in Europe, as shown by the steady increase of books, and
we have seen Caxton in Bruges surrounded by hterary influences; we
have noted the successful merchant rehnquishing his mercantUe pursuits
in order to devote the remainder of his days to the spread of Uterature
in his native land ; we have told of the encouragement he received
from the Duchess of Burgundy ; of the demand which sprang up for his
translations among his countrjrmen; and we have seen him obUged to
have recourse to the new Art of Printing, which at that time was
practised by Colard Mansion at Bruges. But we have yet to describe
the most important period of his history — ^those last fifteen years to
which aU his former hfe seems but an introduction — that short period
which alone has engraved the name of Caxton on the tablets of history,
and the typographical relics of which form the best and only memorial
which England possesses of her first printer.*
* There is the Roxburghe Tablet in St. Margaret's Church, Westminster ; and, better still, there
wUl be, in 1861, a " Caxton Pension " in coimection with the " Printers' Pension Society," by which
the wants of some aiflicted successor in Caxton's Art and Craft wUl be alleviated ; but a memorial
worthy of the name of om- ihst Printer, or at all oommensm-ate with his claims upon his country
men, has never yet been attempted. Por particulars of various "Caxton Memorial" efforts, see Note g.

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 63
We left Caxton early in 1476, after disposing of his printed copies of A.D. 1476-7.
" The Chess-Book," in Bruges, preparing to return to England. The next
certain notice of him is, after his settlement at Westminster, when, in
November, 1477, he had printed his first edition of the " Dictes and
Sayings." This book in fact is the earhest we have from Caxton's press,
with an indisputable imprint. But it is evident that his arrange
ments for setthng in England, the engagement of assistants, with aU the
other matters inseparable from a novel undertaking, must have occupied
a considerable portion of time. If therefore we assume, that about the
latter half of 1476, Caxton commenced his new career in this Country,
we cannot be far wrong. That Westminster was the locahty in which
Caxton first settled, there is fortunately no room to dispute, as the
numerous Colophons to his works are unanimous on the point; but
as the exact spot has given rise to considerable discussion, it may be
usefiU, before forming an opinion, to coUect aU the instances in which
Caxton connects his own name, with a definite locahty. We therefore
append the foUowing extracts verbatim et literatim : —
1477. DiCTES AND Sayings. First Edition. EpUogue. enprynted by
me william Caxton at westmestre.
1478. Moral Proverbs. Colophon. I haue enprinted the. . . .At west
mestre.
1480. Chronicles oe England. Ffrst Edition. Colophon, enpnted
by me William Caxton Jn thabbey of westmynstre by london.
1480. Description oe Britain. First Edition. Prologue, the comyn
cronicles of englond ben. . . .now late enprinted at westmynstre.
1481. Mirrour of the World. First Edition. Prologue. And
emprised by me. . . .to translate it into our maternal tongu£ . . . .in
thabbay of westmestre by london.
1481. Eeynard the Fox. Ffrst Edition. Epilogue, by me wilVm
Caxton translated. . . .in thabbey of westmestre.
1481. GoDEEROY OP BoLOGNE. EpUogue. sette in forme and em
prynted. . . .in thabbay of westmester.
1483. Pilgrimage oe the Soul. Colophon. Enprynted at westmestre
by william Caxton.
1483. Liber Festivalis. Ffrst Edition. Colophon. Emprynted at
Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton.
1483. QuATUOR Sermones. First Edition. Colophon. Enprynted by
Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre.

64 caxton at WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1476-7. 1483. Confessio Amantis. Colophon. Enprynted at westmestre by me
willyam Caxton.
1483. Golden Legend. First Edition. EpUogue. fynysshed it at
westmestre.
1483. Caton. Colophon. Translated  by William Caxton in thabbey
of Westmynstre.
1483. Knight of the Tower. Colophon, enprynted at Westmynstre.
1484. jS^sop. EpUogue. emprynted by me william Caxton at westmynstre
in thabbay.
1484. The Order of Chivalry. EpUogue. translated. >. .by me
William Caxton dwellynge in Westmynstre besyde london.
1485. King Arthur. Colophon, enprynted and fynysshed in thabbey-
westmestre.
1485. PariS'AND Vienne. Colophon, translated. . . .by wylliam Caxton.
at Westmestre.
[1489]. Directorium Sacerdotum. Colophon. Impressum. .. .apud
Westmonesteriu.
1489. Doctrinal of Sapience. Colophon, translated ... .by wyllyam
Caxton at Westmestre.
To these must be appended Caxton's Advertisement, printed about
1477-80.
See a facsimile in " If it plcsc ouy man spiritucl or temporel to bye ony pyes of two and
phicaiAntiqmils,' ^^ comcmoracios of sahsburi vse enpryntid after the forme of this preset
vol. I, p. cu. lettre whiche ben wel and truly correct, late hym come to westmonester
in to the almonesrye at the reed pale and he shal haue them good
chepe." The following are from Titles or Colophons to books printed by Wynken
de Worde in the house of his late master, only two of which are dated.
Scala Perfectionis, 1493: —
And Wynkjrn de Worde this hath sett in print.
In William Caxstons hows so fyU the case.
Lyndewode's Constitutiones, 1496 : — Apud Westmonasterium. In domo
caxston.
The xij proeytes of tribulacyon. Enprynted at Westmyster in
Caxtons hous.
Donatus minor. In domo Caxton in westmonasterio.
Whitals Dictionary. Imprynted in the late hous of William Caxton.
Accedence. Prynted in Caxons (sic) hous at westmynstre.

caxton at WESTMINSTER. 65
The Chorle and the Byede. Emprynted at westmestre in Caxtons ^-^^ 1476-7.
house.
DocTRYNALLE OF DETHE. Enprynted at westmynster Jn Castons (sic)
hous.
Ortus Vocabulorum. prope celeberrimum monasterium quod westmynstre
appellatur impressum.
If we add to the foregoing the testimony of Stow, we shall have before
us aU the evidence of any authority.
" Neare vnto this house westward, was an old chappel of S. Anne ; ouer ASurvayof London,
against the which the Lady Margaret mother of king H. the 7. erected °' • p- •
an almes-house for poore women. . . .the place wherein this chappel and
Ahnes house standeth, was caUed the Elemosinary or Almory, now
corruptly the Ambry, for that the Almes of the Abbey were there dis
tributed to the poore. And therin IsUp, Abbot of Westmin. erected the
first Presse of booke printing that euer was in England about the yeare
of Christ, 1471. WiUiam Caxton, cittizen of London mercer brought it
into England, and was the first that practised it in the sayde Abbey."
In reviewing the foregoing quotations it may be noticed, that although
the precise expression, Printed in the Abbey of Westminster, is affixed to
some books, yet the more general phrase Printed at Westminster being
used alternately, evidently refers to the same locahty, otherwise we must
suppose Caxton to have carried on two separate Printing offices for many
years. The word "Abbey " did not assume its modern sense, as applying
only to the buUding itself, imtU after the Eeformation; and the phrase
" dweUing at Westminster," used in 1484, just after " printed in the ^sop. i483. Order
Abbey," 1483, and before "printed m the Abbey," 1485, proves that kSaSuIs:
Caxton himself attached no very restrictive idea to the word. We find
also, from the advertisement just quoted, that "Westminster" meant in that
instance " The Ahnonesrye," * where Caxton occupied a tenement caUed
"The Eed-pale," for the purposes of his trade. The Almonry was
a space within the Abbey precincts, used for distributing charity to the
poor. Here the Lady Margaret, mother of King Henry VII, and one of
Caxton's supporters, buUt alms-houses. Other houses were also there,
for Caxton, who was a man of importance in the parish (as wiU be shown
presently), cannot be supposed to have resided for fifteen years in a house
of charity. We must conclude, therefore, that by in the Abbey, Caxton
meant nothing more than within the Abbey precincts.
* " Ahnones " the old form of the modern "Alms." "Almones-rye," the place of Ahns.
TOL. I. L

66 caxton AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1476-7. The position of St. Anne's Chapel and the Almonry, relative to the
Dibdin's Typogra- Abbey ChuTch, sccms misunderstood by aU the biographers of Caxton.
vStSe*^^-'''' Dr. Dibdfri places them on the spot where stands the Chapel of Henry
WiUiam Caxton, VII, wMch is of couTse the cast cud of the Abbey: so do Knight and
c. K%u, i2niZ later writers. The Almonry was considerably to the west, and the fol-
pa°ge^i4i. ^^^' lowing Statements, gathered from Stow, wUl give its exact locahty. After
Caxton, and the Art describing the Monastery and King's Palace, he says, " now wUl I speake
Lon™^^[i852i of the gate house, and of TotehUl streete, stretching from the west part of
page 73. ^-^^ Close .... The gate towards the west is a GaUe for offenders, &c 
On the Southside of this gate, king H. the 7. founded an almes-
house, &c  Neare vnto this house westward was an old chappel of
S. Anne, &c  the place wherein this chappel. . . .standeth was caUed
the Almory," &c. The Almonry was therefore west-south-west of the
Abbey Towers.
Dibdin, cii, as above. It has been argucd, that Caxton was permitted by the Abbot to use the
" Scriptorium " of the Abbey as a printing office. Printing, even in these
days of improvement, is necessarUy in some parts a very unclean operation,
but it was much more so in its earher state, some of the processes being
extremely filthy and pungent. The Abbot of Westminster would never
have admitted into the Scriptorium anything so defiling, much less within
the sacred walls of the Church itseE There is indeed no evidence that the
Abbey had a portion appropriated as a scriptorium : no mention of such
a place is made by any local historian, nor has any manuscript been
recognised as having issued thence.
An history of West- The Abbot, at the time of Caxton's arrival in England, was John
SSfly'^from Ma- Esteucy, who succecded to that office in 1474, and in 1498 was pro-
ritSty mo^i moted to the Bishopric of Hereford. Thomas MUlyng, his predecessor,
widxaore MA .^^s clccted Abbot in 1469, and died in 1474; and those writers,- who
London, 4to. 1751, ' ' \
page 117. maintain that Caxton came to England before 1474, have mentioned
MiUyng as his patron. George Fascet succeeded Esteney in 1498, and on
his death in 1500 John Islip was elected Abbot. Stow's chronology is
very erroneous in ascribing to Abbot IsUp any connection with Caxton,
whose death occurred about nine years before the election of IsUp.
There is nothing to lead to the supposition that Caxton and Abbot
Esteney were on intimate terms; indeed the probabiUty is, that they
knew Uttle of each other. Our printer mentions bim but once, and
that casuaUy, as iUustrating the difficulty which even educated men found
in deciphering documents of the previous age. In the Prologue to

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 67
" Eneydos," he says, " My lord abbot of Westmynster did do shewe to me a.d. 1476-7.
late certayn euydences wryton in old Enghsshe, for to reduce it into our
Enghsshe now vsid," &c. The sense of " did do," as afready noticed, See page 48, mte.
would seem to signify merely " caused to be done," that is, the Abbot
only sent the " certayn euidences " to Caxton. Caxton always appears to
have narrated, in prologue or epilogue, the names of those by whom he
was employed, and had he received any amount of favour or patronage
from the Abbot, he would in aU UkeUhood have dedicated one of his
numerous translations to him, as he did to so many of his patrons, some
of whom were plain " Mercers " only.*
On the whole, therefore, it is unUkely that Caxton went to West
minster by invitation of the Abbot, or that he occupied any place
within the church itself, or that he held any relationship to the Abbot
other than that of tenant. The rent-roU of the Abbey was under the
immediate charge of the Abbot's Chamberlain, and with him Caxton
would have to agree as to his tenure of " The Eed-pale " in the Ahnonry.
The reason of Caxton's preference for the Almonry is not at aU
evident, though his being a Mercer may, possibly, have had some
influence on his choice, as the Mercers' Company held certain tene
ments of the Abbots of Westminster. Divers of these were in the Mercers' Records.
parish of St. Martfri Otewich (Broad Street Ward), withm the City Auth.ci,2,&3.
waUs, and there was also a tenement caUed " The Pye," and another Auth. c 4.
caUed " The Grehounde," the locahties of which are not mentioned. Auth. c 8.
The rents paid for these are duly entered in the " Eenter Wardens'
Account-books " at Mercers' HaU. But whatever induced Caxton to
settle at Westminster, we may safely infer, as he mentions not more
than two or three years later "The Eed-pale" as his house, that it was
there he originaUy estabUshed himself; that there his translations were
made and works printed; and that there, surrounded by his books
and presses he breathed his last. Nor was the flow of Uterature from
" The Eed-pale " stopped by the death of Caxton; his successor, as we See page 64, «Mfe.
have afready noticed, printed several books in the same place, dating
them " from Caxton's house in Westminster." The phrase " a house in
Westminster " was considered, by the early biographers of Caxton, as
proving that he migrated from the side chapel where they assume he first
set up his press, and estabUshed himself in a new residence. Bagford,
with his usual fertility of invention, fixes the very street and house into
* e. g. Hugh Bryce and WUliam Praat. i 2

68

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.

A.D. 1476-7.
Gentleman's Maga
zine, April, 1846.
William Caxton, &c.,
page 148.
Monument to Cax
ton. Five Letters
by Richard Clark.
London, 1847.
16mo.

Mercers' Records.
Auth. C 8.

A Survay of London,
4to. 1598, p. 4,66.

St. Margaret's Re
cords. Auth. L.

which he moved, and assigns reasons for his ejection from the Abbey.
For a number of years an old house in the Almonry was currently
beheved to have been that inhabited by our first prmter, but Mr. Nichols,
who, as weU as Knight, gives a wood-cut of it, proved that the house
could not be older than the time of Charles II. Upon its faU or
demoUtion in 1846, portions of the beams were made into walking-sticks
and snuff-boxes, and presented to various patrons of Uterature as genuine
reUcs of the famous printer. Interesting, indeed, would it have been
could we identify the exact spot where the first press on EngUsh soU was
placed; stUl more so could we have stood in the very room where
Caxton worked; but uncertainty hangs over aU this part of our history,
and we only know that new buildings, not far from the great west door
of the Abbey, are now covering the space where the old "reed pale m the
almonestre " probably stood.
We have afready mentioned " The Greyhound " as being tenanted by
the Mercers' Company under the Abbots of Westminster. From the
same "Account-book," it appears that in 1477 the "Uvehhode" made
a "visitation," and "kept a dinner" at "The Greyhound," which cost
them 26s 8d, besides 2d for washing the table-cloth. There is nothing
to indicate the locahty of this tenement; but from the fact that Mercers,
as weU as Drapers, dealt largely in cloth and various wooUen goods, they
would necessarily be much interested in the great Staple of Wool, held
at fixed intervals, not far from the Abbey waUs.* In this case they
would require a place in the neighbourhood for meeting during the
visitation of their members, which would afford them, at the same time,
good accommodation for a dinner at the close of the mart.
And here we may notice that, although devoting so much of his
attention to translating and printing, Caxton probably stiU took consider
able interest in his old vocation. The Wool-Staple at Westminster was
an important mart, and many of the merchants resorting there were
feUow-mercers and benefactors to St. Margaret's Church. Some of
them were also feUow-members, with Caxton, of the " Fraternity or
Guild of our Blessed Lady Assumption." Several of the "Account-books "
of this fraternity are stUl preserved in the vestry of St. Margaret's; and
although they do not anywhere state the object of the guUd, it seems, from
the entries of salaries paid to several priests; from money spent in wax,
* stow says the Abbots of Westminster had six Wool-houses in the Staple granted them by King
Henry VI.

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 69
obits, vestments, &c.; and from the granting of a few pensions, A.D. 1477-9.
to have been something hke the " benefit societies " of the present day,
with the additional advantage of post mortem prayers for the deceased
members. And yet, if only a rehgious guUd, one does not see why they
requfred certain tenements in Aldermary, which they leased of the Mercers' Records.
Mercers' Company, not far from the Steel Yard of the Hanse merchants, ^"*'''*^^-
where large quantities of raw wool were stapled. But whatever the
nature of this guUd, thefr accounts, made up by thefr clerk every three
years, show that, towards the end of the 15th Century, they were in st. Margaret's Re-
a flourishing state, with a good balance on the right side; and, on Mid- Auth.' l 4.
summer-day, they too had a " general feast," on which they spent a large
portion of thefr income. The expenses of these lavish feasts, each fiUing
at least two foUo pages, are entered with great minuteness in the Accounts,
from the amount paid to the " chief cok " as a reward (which was more
than twelve guineas of modem money), down to the boat-hfre for the
" turbuts," and nearly £4 for " pottes broken and wasted at the same fest."
Of this guUd Caxton was a member for some years before his death.
It is pleasant to think of our Printer stiU retaining the friendship of
the City merchants after aU official relationship between them was dis
solved. That he did so, his warm eulogy of the City of London, and his Prologue to Caton,
continuance as a member of the Mercers' Company, tend to prove. He
probably had many personal friends and supporters among them ; indeed
it were hardly a stretch of the imagination to fancy that, during the
holding of the Staple at Westminster, Caxton was by no means an
uninterested observer; and that at its close, when the Wardens and the
" hvehhode " flocked to the " dener kept at the grehounde," if not there
by right as a Uveryman of the Mercers' Company, the Printer would be
always a welcome guest. Surely, before parting, one of the drinking pledges,
in remembrance of past associations and services would be, " The health
of WUUam Caxton, late Govemor of our Fellowship, beyond the sea."
But to return to facts. There is no doubt that Caxton, when he
printed the " Dictes " of 1477, was residing in his tenement in the
Almonry; he would, therefore, be in the Parish of St. Margaret; and
it is rather a curious fact, that some one bearing the same name was
buried in that parish about two years later. In 1479 the Parochial st. Margaret's Re-
Eecords show an entry among the Eeceipts of the Burial Fees, of twenty ^uth.' k 3.
pence for two torches and three tapers, at a low Mass, for William
Caxton. Dibdin assumes this to have been our Printer's father: it is

70 CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1477-90. possible, but there is no evidence of kindred. We may notice, however,
that although the amount paid may sound trifling to modem ears, it was
more than double the average burial fees of that period, as is evidenced
by the Accounts. About this time the King ordered a payment of £30
Issue Roll of the (equal to £300 or £400 now) to be made to Caxton for " certain causes
^Auth^x'^' or matters performed by him for the said Lord the King." Was this for
assistance to Edward IV and his retinue, when fngitives at Bmges?
or was it in some way connected with the introduction of printing to
England ? The reader must, in the absence of evidence, choose his own
St. Margaret's Re- solution. In 1490 died, and was buried at St. Margaret's, one " Mawde
Aufh.' K 6. Caxton," of whose relationship to WUUam Caxton there is no evidence.
Caxton, as might be expected, held a high position in his parish; and,
within a very short time of his arrival, his name was appended to the
Parish Accounts, as Auditor.
The Parish Audit seems to have been a simple affafr. It was open to
all the Parishioners, and was, probably, read aloud by the Clerk who was
engaged by the Churchwardens to keep thefr accounts. The balance in
cash, and the custody of the " treasures " in the church, were then handed
over to the in-coming Wardens, and the names of the most respectable of
the Parishioners present were added by the Clerk to the usual form,
declaring the correctness of the accounts. The business, on these occasions,'
Auth. K 8. was fitly concluded by a good " supper." Caxton's name appears annexed
to the audit for the years 1478-80, 1480-2, 1482-4; audit would have
been most gratifying to discover that the signatures at the end of these
and other accounts, were genuine autographs : but aU the names are in
the same hand- writing, which is that of the Scribe or Priest engaged
to keep the Parish Books.
Maria von Burgund In 1480, the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, visited England,
von Yortr"^ von ^lud pcrchancc may have paid a visit to her old servant at the " Eed-pale."
Lei z^'' 2^"vok Caxton did not enter upon his new adventure of printing books
8V0.1832, vol. IL without good and able patronage. Edward IV, as we have seen, paid
him a sum of money for certain services performed; and Caxton printed
" TuUy " and " Godefroy " under his " protection." The King's sister,
Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, was his friend and supporter, as was
also Margaret, Duchess of Somerset, mother of King Henry VH. The
Earl of Warwick must have had some knowledge of him, as Caxton
dedicated to hfrn his " Chess-Book." Earl Eivers, brother to the Queen,
was his fast friend, with whom Caxton seems to have enjoyed a consi-

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 71
derable degree of intimacy. The " Order of Chivalry " was dedicated to ^•^' 1*77-90.
Eichard IH. Henry VII personaUy desired Caxton to translate and print
"Faits of Arms;" and "Eneydos" was speciaUy presented to Arthur,
Prince of Wales. Maister WiUiam Daubeny, King Henry VI's treasurer,
was his "good and synguler fidend." WiUiam, Earl of Arundel, took great
interest in his progress, and aUowed him the " yearly fee " of a buck in
summer, and a doe in winter. Sfr John Fastolf, Bart, a great lover of
books, Hugh Bryce, Mercer and King's Ambassador, WUliam Praat,
a rich Mercer, and divers unnamed " gentylmen and ladyes," are known to
have employed him. Some of these engaged him to translate as weU as
to print, hke the " noble lady with many faire doughters," for whom he
produced " The Knyght of the Toure."
The history of Caxton, after his settlement at Westminster, is almost
confined to a Catalogue of the productions of his Press. Fortunately
many were printed from his own manuscript, and have additions which
often afford the date of translation or printing. The Table over-leaf
presents an arrangement of these, from which we obtain some idea
of the time occupied in translating and printing. The majority of his
works, however, bear no date whatever; and here the only basis of a
correct arrangement must be the result of a careful examination and com
parison of pecuharities in the various types. The chronology of the
undated books, with an annual Eegister of work accomphshed, wiU there
fore be more fitly introduced after the Essay on Caxton's types and
workmanship, with which it is intended to commence the second volume
of this work.
In the ensuing Table a variation may be noticed from some of the
dates as printed by Caxton; but these are only apparent discrepancies
caused by the difference between the old and new style of reckoning the
year, and also by the custom, then so common, of dating by the regnal
year of the Sovereign.
From the same Table, it appears that Caxton took ten weeks for the
translation of the "Mfrrour of the World," containing 198 pages; twelve
weeks for "Godefroy of Bologne," 284 pages; and nearly sis months
for "Fayts of Arms," 286 pages. The period occupied in printing
" Cordyale," 152 pages, was only seven weeks; for " Godefroy," supposing
the printing immediately to foUow the completion of the translation, it
was nearly six months; and for "Knight of the Tower," 208 pages, it
was eight months ; " Charles the Great," 188 pages, five and a half

72

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.

A.D. 1477-90. months; "Paris and Vienne," 70 pages, three and a half months; " Good
Manners," 132 pages, eleven months; and for "Fayts of Arms," 286 pages,
more than a year.

DATES.

TRANSLATIOI^

PRrNTING.

Begun.

Ended.

Begun.

Ended.

1477— Nov. 18
1478— Feb. 20
1479— Feb. 3
Mar. 24
1480— Apr. 22
June 10
Aug. 18
1481— Jan. 2
Mar. 8
Mar. 12
June 6
June 7
Aug. 12
Nov. 20
1482— July 2
Oct. 8
1483— June 1

Dictes, 1st edition
Moral Proverbs

Cordyale 
Cordyale
Ovid, 15th Book...
Chronicles, 1st ed.
Description, 1st ed.
Mirrour, 1st edit.
Mirrour, 1st edit...
Godefroy 
Eeynart, 1st edit...
Godefroy 
TullyGodefroy
Pohcronicon 
Chronicles, 2nd ed.
Knight of the Toure
.3Esop
June 6
June 30
Sept. 2
Nov. 20
Deo. 23
1484— Jan. 31
Mar. 26
PylgremageFestivalisConfessio
Golden Legend
Caton 
KnightoftheToure
.ffisop Order of Chivalry
Sept. 13
1485— June 18
July 31
Aug. 31
Dec. 1
Dec. 19
1486— June 8
1487— May 11
1489— Jam 23
May 7
July 8
Eyal 
Charles 
King Arthur
Paris and Vienne
Charles
Paris and Vienne
Good Manners ...
.
Good Manners
Fayts 
Doctrinal . .
Fayts ..
Directorium,2nd ed.
1490— June 15
June 22
July 14
Art and Craft 
Eneydos 
Fayts
CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 73
The foUowing is a classified Ust of aU the works at present known to -^l*- 1477-91.
have been printed by Caxton at Westminster. Several of these have
been discovered within the last few years, and are entirely unknown to
the bibUographical world. The books which Caxton tells us he was
commissioned to print, are in italics : —
Eeligion. — ^Psalterium, &c.; Horse (two editions); Infancia Salvatoris;
Golden Legend (three editions) ; Liber Festivalis (two editions) ; Quatuor
Sermones (two editions) ; Cordyale, or the Four last Things ; Speculum
VitEe Cristi (two editions) ; The Royal Booh; The Doctrinal of Sapience;
The Chastising of God's ChUdren; Divers Ghostly Matters; Art and
Craft to die weU; The Fifteen O's; Bedside Prayers; Tractatus de Trans
figuracione; A Treatise of Love; Pilgrimage of the Soul; An Indulgence;
and Directorium Sacerdotum (three editions).
Morality. — Chess-Book; Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers,
(three editions); Moral Proverbs; Boethius; Tully of Old Age and
Friendship, &c.; Knight of the Tower; Caton; Book of Good Manners ;
and Curial.
History and Biography. — The Chronicles of England (two editions) ;
Description of Britain; Pohcronicon; and Siege of Ehodes; Lives of
SS. Ehzabeth of Hungary, Catherine of Sienne, and Wenefryde.
Poetry. — Canterbury Tales (two editions); Troilus and Cresida; Book
of Fame; and several minor Poems, by Chaucer. The Werkes of
Sapience; Life of our Lady; and some minor Poems, by Lydgate,
Confessio Amantis, by Gower.
Eomance. — Life of Jason; Godefroy of Bologne; The Order of
Chivalry; King Arthur; Paris and Vienne; Blanchardine and Eglan
tine; Vfrgil's ^neid; Fayts of Arms; The Four Sons of Aymon; Charles
the Chreat.
Miscellaneous. — The Mirror of the World (two editions); ^sop's
Fables ; Eeynart the Fox (two editions) ; French and Enghsh Voca
bulary; Statutes; The Governayle of Health.
Caxton's own translations in this country were — Jason; Mirror;
Eeynart; Godefroy; Golden Legend; Caton; Knight of the Tower; ^sop;
Order of Chivalry; Koyal Book; Charles the Great; Paris and Vienne;
Good Manners ; Doctrinal ; Fayts ; Art and Craft ; Eneydos ; Curial ;
St. Wenefryde ; Blanchardine ; Four Sons of Aymon ; and Governayle of
Health. These make more than 4,500 printed pages. The total produce
of his Press, not reckoning the books printed at Bruges, reaches to above
TOL. I. M

74 caxton at WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1477-91. 18,000 pages, nearly aU foho size. These figures speak louder than any
See page 75, ^orf. argument for the great industry and perseverance of Caxton; and indeed
to this Ust we must add the translation of " Vitas Patrum," which he
did not live to print, although he managed to finish the translation but
a few hours before his death.
Those writers who have blamed Caxton for not choosing the Bible, or
Gibbon, as below. at least the Standard works of classic times for the use and instruction
of his countrymen, have quite overlooked the impossibihty of making
a business profitable (and Caxton teUs us, in " Charles the Great," that he
eamed his hving by it), unless it supphed the wants of the Age. The
demand in England was not then for Bibles in the vernacular, nor for
Horace or Homer, whose writings very few could read in the original: *
but the Clergy wanted Service-books, and he provided them with Psalters,
Commemorations, and Directories: the Preachers wanted Sermons, and
were supphed with the Golden Legend, and simUar books: the "prynces,
lordes, barons, knyghtes & gentUmen" were craving for "joyous and
pleysaunt historyes " of Chivafry, and the Press at the " Eed-pale " pro
duced a fresh Eomance nearly every year. Poetry and history require
for their appreciation a more advanced mental education, and of these,
therefore, the issue was more scanty: but in this way, by bringing his
commercial experience to bear, and by suiting the supply to the demand,
while at the same time in no shght degree dfrecting the channel in which
it should flow, Caxton contrived to earn an honest hving by the produce
See the Appeal to of his prcss, and avoided the fate of his typographical brethren at Eome,
the Pope, by the „ i • -, -r. i n ¦ ¦ n n p i
Bishop of Aieria, Swcynheim and Pannartz, who, having printed too many works oi the
witer on the^^his^ Classic AuthoTs (about 12,000 volumcs in five years), became bankrupt,
toryofPrmtmg. ^j^^ swik uudor the dead weight of their numerous unsold volumes.
Thus, in the selection of books for his press, some of which he obtained
" with grete instaunce, labour, and coste" — ^in translating and printing — ^in
friendly communication and intercourse with the best educated men of
his day — and in the fulfilment of the social duties of his position — Caxton
From the Miscel- * The historian Gibbon regrets that, in the choice of his Authors, Caxton " was reduced to
aneous Works ot gomply with the vicious taste of his readers; to gratify the nobles with treatises on heraldry,
Esq. 5 vols. Svo, hawking [^Caxton printed nothing of the sort], and the game of Chess; and to amuse the popular
London, 1814, creduhty with romances of fabulous Ejiights and legends of more fabulous Saints. The father of
vo . Ill, page 563. printing expresses a laudable desire to elucidate the history of his country ; but instead of pubhshing
the latin chronicle of Radulphus Higden [which very few could have read] he could only venture on
the Bnghsh version by John de Trevisa  the world is not indebted to England for one first edition
of a classic author !"

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 75
passed the few remaining years of his Ufe. In 1491, close upon seventy A.D. 1477-91.
years of age, but still in mental vigour, he undertook the translation of
"Vitas Patrum." Whether disease at this time was graduaUy under
mining his health, or whether, as seems more probable from the foUowing
Colophon, he was taken ofi" suddenly, is unknown ; but it is an interesting
fact that he was spared to work at his favourite task of translation tiU
within a few hours of his death.
The foUowing is Wynken de Worde's Colophon to the "Vitas
Patrum:." — ^"Thus endyth the moost vertuouse hystorye of the deuoute
and right renowned lyves of holy faders lyuynge in deserte, worthy of
remembraunce to aU wel dysposed persones which hath be translated
oute of Frenche into Enghsshe by WUUam Caxton of Westmynstre late
deed and fynysshed at the laste daye of hys lyff.','
The date of his death is not known with accilracy ; but it is entered in
the Parish Accounts for 1490-2, and, from the position of the entry,
would appear to have been towards the close of the year 1491. This
date is confirmed by the foUowing manuscript note quoted by Ames : —
" There is wrote down in a very old hand in a Fructus Temporum Ames's Typ. Ant.
of my friend Mr. BaUard's, of Cambden, in Gloucestershire : — ' Of your
charitee pray for the soul of Mayster WyUyam Caxton, that in hys tyme
was a man of moche ornate and moche renommed wysdome and connyng,
and decessed ful crystenly the yere of our Lord mcccc lxxxxj.' "
" Moder of Merci shyld hym fro thorrihul fynd, $
And bryng hym to lyff eternaU that neuyr hath ynd."
He was buried in his own Parish Churchyard ; and in the Account- st. Margaret's Re-
books of the Churchwardens, appear the foUowing funeral charges : — • Auth! k 6.
Itm atte Bureyng of WiUiam Caxton for iiij torches  yj s viij d
Itm for the belle atte same bureyng  yj d
These rates are considerably above those paid by the majority of the
parishioners, and are equalled in a very few instances ; another evidence
of the superior position held by our Printer in his parish.
Caxton's property was probably httle more than his stock in trade.
He left a WiU, however, to which letters of administration must have
issued, as fifteen copies of the Golden Legend are recorded in the Parish
Accounts as having been " bequothen to the chfrch behove by WiUiam Auth. k 7, 8, 9.
Caxston." The Golden Legend was first printed in 1483, but the second
edition, of which the bequest probably consisted, was not executed tUl five
M 2

cords.Auth. K 7.

76 CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1477-91. or six years later. By the Churchwardens' Account for 1496-8, it appears,
St. Marge's Re- that by that time they had disposed of three copies: one for 6s 8d, and
one for 6s 4d, by the agency of WUham KyoUe; and one for 6s 8d to the
Parish Priest, probably for his own use. In the next two years WiUiam
Geiffe took five copies at an average of 5s 4d each; John Crosse one
copy at 5s 8d; Walter Marten one at 5s lid; and Daniel Aforge one
at 5s lOd; a ninth being sold in "Westmynster haUe" for 5s 8d. This
should have left remaining fri 1500, four copies to be accounted for,
but the " Memorandum " only acknowledges three; so probably one copy
had been appropriated by the Churchwardens to the use of thefr
Church. Two more were sold in the ensuing two years, leaving one
StiU unaccounted for.
It would 'have been highly gratifying to have discovered the above WiU
or its copy, as it would probably settle satisfactorily many questions about
Caxton's famUy and relations. AU the Eegistries in which it possibly may
have been deposited have however been examined without success.*
* To ascertain the non-existence of a wished-for document is next best to its discovery ; therefore,
although the WIU of Caxton has not been found, an account of the research made may not be
iminteresting. There appear to be four Ecclesiastical Courts in which the Whl may possibly have
been registered. The common practice of these, as of aU Courts, has been to preserve the original
Whl in the Registry of the Court in which it was proved ; and also to make an official copy, gene
rally, in a book, which was likewise preserved in the Registry. In very many cases, although the
original Wflls have long been lost, the recorded copies are still preserved.
1. The Prerogative Court of Canterbv/ry. Doctors' Commons. Earhest original Whl, 1484;
earliest copy, 1383. The name of Caxton does not appear here, although Cawston occurs more than
once (see Note b). The practice in this Court (as in all the others) of charging a Fee upon every
reference to the Register, or the volumes of WOls, making no distinction between the professional
inquiry of the lawyer, and one of a purely hterary character, is a very great hindrance to historical
research. The annoyance of paying a abilling for each single reference is still more increased by
the intimation, which is certain to reach you immediately any signs of note-taking appear, that
nothing is aUowed to be copied except the name of the Testator, the date of the WUl and the date
of the Probate. The document, however, may be necessary for the development of your subject, and
you therefore request to be provided with an Office Copy. This would not be very expensive ; but
you soon discover that none of the assistants can decipher a WUl of the 15th Century (I am now
stating my own experience in obtaining a copy of Large's WiU) ; so you must pay for the services of
an antiquarian gentleman employed by the Office. It is useless to offer the sum he wiU charge, to
be aUowed to copy it yourself: such a proceeding is against the rules. You pay the fee of the
antiquarian gentleman (for Large's WiU, this was £2 2s), and make a particular request that the
transcript may be copied verbatim et literatim. Probably, in a few weeks, the document wiU be
ready, very neatly written, vrith the Registrar's certificate of correctness at the end. It appears to
be aU you want. Vain delusion ! pay another shUhng, and compare it with the original. Alas ! the
old signs and curious contractions — " which, like the precious rust on medals, are the marks both of
their antiquity and genuineness"- — appear mostly as words in fuU spelling, according to the under
standing or misunderstanding of the antiquarian gentleman : worse stUl ! the names of Legatees are
copied wrongly, and important legacies altogether omitted! Now represent your case to the

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 77
That our knowledge of WiUiam Caxton is confined almost entirely ^-^^ 1477-91.
to his pubUc Ufe, is much to be regretted. We can trace to some extent
his career in the Mart, and in his diplomatic duties. As a Printer too,
we can judge of him by an examination of his works; but when we wish
to portray the man as a master, or in his domestic Ufe, or want to know
what his neighbours thought of him, we are quite at a loss for material.
From his appending a bitter satfre on "Women" (omitted by Lord
Eivers) to the " Dictes of the PhUosophers," we might incUne to think
him a bachelor — a state certainly very favourable to those Uterary
Registrar ; and as you have already paid for what you are unable to get, you wiU probably, as a great
favour, obtain permission to gratify your first wish, and copy the WUl de novo for yourself. This
is an unexaggerated account of what occurred before a correct transcript of the WiU of Robert Large,
Caxton's master, could be obtained. (For the WUl, see Auth. D.)
2. The Court of the Archdeacon of London. Earhest original WUl, 1591 ; earhest copy, 1393.
The copies are kept at the Faculty Office, No. 10, Great Knight Rider Street (Searching Fee, Is.) ;
and the WUls in St. Paul's Cathedral (Searching Fee 3s 6d). The series of copies is very
incomplete, only one volume having been preserved anterior to 1549 : this ranges from 1393-1415,
but there is no alphabetical Index, and a long search was finiitless.
3. The Commissory Court of London. Earhest WiU, 1548 ; earhest copy, 1374. The Records
of this Court are kept in a room high up in St. Paul's Cathedral (Searching Fee, 3s 6d). There
is no alphabetical Index to the volumes untU the 17th Century, and a prolonged search among those
dated 1480-93, faUed to discover the vrished-for name.
4. The Consistory Court qf the Bishop of London. Earhest WUl, 1507 ; earhest copy, 1361.
These are also preserved in a similar room of the Cathedral, and can be consulted for a similar fee.
A good Index is kept at the Bishop of London's Office, No. 6, GodUman Street (Searching Fee, Is),
but it yields no name like Caxton.
Of the other Courts in the Diocese of London, such as, the Court of the Dean and Chapter of
St. Paul's, Cowrt of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, Cowrt of Peculiar's for the Deaneries
of the Arches, Ifc, Cowrt of the Archdeacon of Middlesex, and the Precinct of St. Katherine, not
one has a WiU, or a copy, so early as the 15th Century.
From a very early period to the 18th Century, the custom obtained in London of enrolling copies
of WUls of Citizens in the Court of Blustings. These copies have been preserved complete, in the
matchless coUections of the Corporation, from 1258 to the abohtion of the Court in 1717. As Caxton
was a Citizen, it was possible that a copy of his WUl might be found there. The search, however,
(free of charge), which was rendered easy by the admirable Index made by order of the Corporation,
did not discover the name of Caxton, or Causton, in the 15th Century, although in the previous ages
those names occur no less than eight times. (See Notes a and 6.)
A portion of the Weald of Kent having been in the Archdeacowry and Diocese of Bochester, it is
possible that the WiUs of some relatives of Caxton may have been deposited in the Courts of the two
jurisdictions, the records of which are intermixed. The WUls are in the custody of Messrs. EsseU,
Knight, and Arnold, of Rochester, Sohcitors ; the earliest bears date, 1440, and a search, kindly made
by Mr. Knight, yielded the name of Causton thrice before 1510. (See Note b.)
The Register Books of matters and adjudications, brought before the Archbishops of Canterbury,
are preserved from a very early period in the Archives at Lambeth Palace. Scattered through these
volumes are copies of hundreds of WUls, which were used as evidence in various causes. The
earhest date appears to be 1312, and the latest 1636. The Will of John de Causton, Mercer, is
among them. (See Note b.)

78 CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1477-91. habits which, judging from the results, must have been to him a second
nature. That he was unmarried whUe residing at Bruges is almost
certain, as the rules of ceUbacy were very strict among Merchants Uving
out of thefr own countries. The Steel- Yard Merchants had a stringent
law on the subject, and doubtless the Merchant Adventurers were guided
by the same pohcy. If married, the succession of Wynken de Worde to
his house and business, makes it unUkely that Caxton had any issue;
unless, hke Bagford, we make Wynken de Worde his son-in-law, — a very
gratuitous assumption.
We naturaUy turn to the Prologues and EpUogues, attached to his
translations, for traits of character; but here again, we are surrounded
by pitfals. There existed, in Caxton's time, no rights in Uterature. Every
author took from others what suited him, without acknowledgment, unless
to give authority to his own opinions. This practice has thrown consi
derable uncertainty over many of the works of that period. Caxton was
not free from this characteristic of his age ; and we find him appropriating
whole Prologues and Epilogues from the French originals, only altering
them when inappUcable to himself Instances may be seen in "The
Chess-Book" (1st edition), " Mirror," " Golden Legend," "Charles," and
others. Great care is therefore requisite to distinguish between the
efiusions of Caxton's own pen, and the mere translation of another's
phrases. But, making due aUowance for aU this, a substratum of
individuaUty in Caxton's Prologues and EpUogues yet remains, which
must be the basis for any right estimate of his character. From his
Chess; Epilogue to repeated eulogies of Edward IV, and the members of that famUy, we
Chronicles of Eng- kuow that aU his pohtical sjrmpathies were with the House of York.
Chapter. ^ ^ THs was Only natural, as the development of trade consequent upon
Mirrour; Epilogue, amity betwccu England and the Princes of the Low Countries, made all
(joaetroy; Prologue. •' ° '
&c. &c. &c. the English merchants staunch Yorkists. From his writings we gather
also, that he had a deep sense of rehgion, and was strict in the observance
of his Christian duties. Although the greatest Eeformer, if judged by
the results of the Art he introduced, that this country ever knew, he
was quite unconscious of its tendency. He was indeed, in the tone
of his mind, eminently Conservative, comparing the good old times of
his apprenticeship with the degeneracy of succeeding generations, when
Prologue to Caton. in the youth of Loudou there was " no kernel nor good corn found, but
chaff for the most part." Much concerned was he to note in his latter
days the decline of Chivalry, and urged his Sovereign to take immediate

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER. 79
measures for its revival, even to the extent of engaging in a new Crusade A.D. 1477-91.
against the Turks for the recovery of the "holy cyte of Jherusalem." Proiogueto Godefroy.
And as he was in opinions there seems reason to beheve he was also in
practice. Caxton never gave in to the new-fangled ideas of printers
about the advantage of title-pages to books (though if we may judge
from the fact of Wynken de Worde immediately using them on his
master's death, he was of another opinion). In his adoption of signatures,
initials, and lines of an even length, he was very late, and to the use of
red ink he was evidently averse.
As a linguist, Caxton undoubtedly exceUed. In his own tongue,
notwithstanding his self-depreciation, he seems to have been a master.
His writings, and the style of his translations, wiU bear comparison
with Lydgate, with Gower, with Earl Eivers, Earl Worcester, or any
contemporaneous writer. Many of his readers, indeed, thought him too Prologue to Eneydos.
"ornate" and "over curious" in his diction, and desired him to use more
homely terms; but, as others found fault with him for not using
pohshed and courtly expressions, we may fafrly presume that the happy
medium at which he aimed, " ne over rude, ne over curious," was
attained. When excited, as in the Prologue to " Ordre of Chivafry " —
a favourite subject with him — ^he grew quite eloquent, and the appeal
of Caxton to the Knighthood of England, has often been quoted as
a remarkable specimen of 15th-Century declamation. With the French
tongue he was thoroughly conversant, although never in France proper;
but Bruges was almost French; and in the Court of Burgundy, as
weU as in that of England, this language was the chief medium of
conversation. With Dutch he was also weU acquainted, as shown by his translation
of "Eeynart;" which language, after so long a residence in Bruges,
must have been a mother-tongue to him.
His knowledge of Latin has often been either denied or under-rated; Life of wyUyam
but as Governor of the Enghsh in Bruges, and as Ambassador, he must page 121.*^'
have been able to read the treaties he assisted to conclude, and the Dibdin's Typ. Ant.
. -I • /-^ ^'''- 1' P'^SS cxvi.
correspondence of the King s CouncU. Besides this, we claim Caxton as
the printer of books entfrely in the Latin tongue, some of which were
fiiU of contractions, and could only be undertaken by one weU acquainted
with the forms of the language. These were " Infancia Salvatoris ; " three
editions of the "Dfrectorium Sacerdotum;" "Psalterium;" "Horse;"
" Tractatus de Transfiguracione ; " and an "Indulgence." To "ordain in

80 CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1477-91. print" a Latin manuscript of the 14th or 15th Century required a know-
ledge of the language on the part of the workmen as weU as the master;
for, as the letters n and u were identical in shape, and as m and i only
varied in the number of strokes, the latter being mostly without a dot,
it became an impossible matter to read certain words — ^for instance,
uitmmww (minimum) where fifteen parallel strokes distract the eye — ¦
apart from their context.
As translator, editor, and author, Caxton has not received the meed of
praise due to him. The works which were undertaken at the suggestion
of his Patrons, as well as those chosen by himself, are honestly translated;
and, considering the Age he lived in, weU chosen. Of " Eomances," the
Proiogueto Godefroy. favouritc literature of his age, Caxton was a great lover; and that not
merely for the feats of personal prowess which they exhibited (though
no quality was more desirable in the 15th Century); but, as he himself
says, for the examples of " courtesy, humanity, friendhness, hardiness,
love, friendship, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue, and sin" which "inflamed
the hearts of the readers and hearers to eschew and flee works vicious
and dishonest." In poetry, Caxton shows to great advantage; he printed
all of any merit then in existence. The Prologue to his second edition
of the " Canterbury Tales " proves how anxious he was to be correct, and,
at the same time, the difiiculty he had in obtaining manuscripts free from
Prologue to the Corruption. The poetical reverence with which Caxton speaks of Chaucer,
2nde^itTandEiri- " the first fouudcr of ornate eloquence in our EngUsh," and the pains he
Sook^f^F^'^ took to reprint the " Canterbury Tales," when a purer text than that of his
first edition was offered him, shows his high appreciation of England's first,
great Poet. In history, the only avaUable works in EngUsh were the
" Chronicle of Brute " and the " PoUcronieon ; " the latter Caxton carried
on, to the best of his ability, up to nearly his own period. It is, indeed, as
Bale, 1548. a writer of history that Caxton's name is chiefly known to our old authors,
Pitrieoo. ^^^^ some of whom, while including his name among the Enghsh historians,
vossius, 1627. have overlooked the fact — a far stronger claim on the gratitude of
posterity — that he was also England's Prototypographer.*
The Original and * All reference to the hterary forgery of Atkyns, who, in the 17th Century, to support his claim
Growth of Pnnt- ^ certain exclusive powers of printing under the King's patent, m vented the foohsh story of the
Atkyns, 4to, 1664. abduction, by Turnour and Caxton, of one of the Haarlem workmen, and his settlement at Oxford in
1464, has been purposely omitted here. The whole account is so evidently false, so entirely at
variance with the known facts in Caxton's history, and has been so often refuted in works on Bnghsh
typography, that to enter at any length upon its refutation would be only lost time. The celebrated
Oxford book, "Expositio Sancti Jeronimi, Oxonie, M.cccc.kvuj," is the sole basis for the whole

CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.

81

As to his industry, it is marveUous: at an age when other men begin a.d. 1477-91.
to take Ufe easUy, he not only embarked upon an entfrely new trade, but
added to the duties of general supervision and management, which could
never have been Ught, the task of supplying his workmen with copy
from his own pen. The extraordinary amount of original, translated, and
printed matter which he put forth has afready been noticed; but there
seems reason to beUeve that some of his works, both printed and manu
script, have been entfrely lost. Of his translation of the " Metamorphoses
of Ovid," only Book xv has been preserved; but we may be certain that
Caxton never began to translate at the end of a work; and it seems
probable, as the manuscript is evidently intended for the press, that the
whole was printed as weU as translated. Agaia, several works being
unique, and many books attributed to Caxton, having been discovered
only a few years ago, we may by analogy conclude that time wiU yet
reveal to us other specimens.
For a more intimate acquaintance with our first Printer's character, the
reader is referred to Caxton's own writings, a complete coUection of which
wUl be found in this volume.
Great interest would attach to a portrait of Caxton, but although two
or three have been pubUshed, they are aU unreal. The only one that has
a show of probabiUty is the smaU defaced Vignette in the manuscript of
" Dictes and Sayings " at Lambeth Palace, which has received too much
praise from Lord Orford, and of which he has given a beautified engraving. Eoyai and NoUe
King Edward IV is represented on his throne, with the young Prince i806.°Frontispiece
(to whom Earl Eivers was tutor) standing by his side : there are two *° '^°^' ^^'
kneeUng figures, one of which. Earl Eivers, is presenting to the King
a copy of his own translation, which Lord Orford assumes to have been
printed by the other figure, who of course would then be Caxton. This
would be very interesting, if true; but unfortunately the second figure
is evidently an ecclesiastic, as shown by his tonsure, and apparently For a more parti-
represents "Haywarde" the Scribe, who engrossed the copy, and pro- tMsMS.'^seevoi.ii
bably executed both the iUumination and its accompanying rythmical g^*^^ s "^mw"*^
dedication. The portrait commonly associated with Caxton, and which
appeared first in his Life, by Lewis, is thus accounted for by Dr. Dibdin : —
argument. That this date is wrong ten years (by the omission of an x) is very evident by the
advanced stage displayed by the typographical particulars of the volume, and by its perfect agreement
in size, length of line, position of signatures, even spacing, &c,, with the " Aristotehs Ethica," and
the "iEgidius Eomanus," both printed in M . cccc . kxix at Oxford.
TOL I. s

82 CAXTON AT WESTMINSTER.
A.D. 1477-91. «^ portrait of Burchiello, the ItaUan Poet, from a small Svo edition
Dibdin's Typogra- of Ms work OU Tuscau poctry, of the date of 1554,* was inaccurately
voi.''i,page'cxxvm! Copied by Faithhorn, for Sir Hans Sloane, as the portrait of Caxton.
Lewis, however, was resolved to improve upon the ingenuity of his
predecessor, by adding a thick beard to BurchieUo's chin, and otherwise
altering his character; and in this form the ItaUan poet made his appear
ance, upon copper, as Caxton." Ames, Herbert, Marchand, and others,
have reproduced this mongrel engraving. From a note, however, written
» page cxxix. by Lcwis to Ames, it seems that, although Lewis admitted the portrait,
it was Bagford's creative genius that invented it, as may also be inferred
from Lewis's own subscription " inv. Bagford^' upon the plate.
In the preceding sketch no attempt has been made to exalt Caxton
at the expense of historical truth. As England's Prototypographer
a never-dying interest wiU always surround him. But although nowhere,
unless as a printer, does he shine pre-eminent; although we cannot
attribute to him those rare mental powers which can grasp the hidden
laws of nature, nor the stiU more rare genius which creates for aU time ;
we can claim for him a character which attracted the love and respect
of his associates — a character on which history has chronicled no stain,
and which, through a long period of civU war, whUe surrounded in
Church and State by the worst forms of cruelty, hypocrisy, and injustice,
retained to the last its native simphcity and truthfulness.
* " Where it is introduced as Ulustrative of a Florentine with the Capuchin and Becca — the
turban or cap, and garter or streamer : so that probably even the portrait of the Itahan Poet may be
an ideal one."

AUTHOEITIES;

BEING QUOTATIONS PROM ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE
LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAM CAXTON.

[Note. — The Letters and Numerals are for the ptirpose of Reference from the Marginal Notes to the
previoiis Chapters.]

If 2

SEQUENCE OF AUTHOEITIES.

A. Meecees' Eecoeds. — "Waedens' AccouifTs.
B. Meecees' Eecoeds. — Acts of Cotjet.
C. Meecees' Eecoeds. — Eentee 'Waedens' Accounts.
D. LaEGE's "Wllil, WITH A Teansiation.
E. CiTT Eecoeds. — Libee K.
r. Beuses Eecoeds. — Citil Judgments.
Gr. Beuges Eecoeds. — Town Eegistees.
H. Hakluyt. — Meechant Adtentueees' Patent.
I. Issue Eoll of the Exchequee. — 19th Edwaed IV.
K. St. Maegaeet's Eecoeds. — Chuechwaedens' Accounts.
L. St. Maegaeet's Eecoeds. — (3-uild of oue Ladt ; Waedens' Accounts.
M. Etmee's !P(edeea. — Supee Teeugis Buegundi^.
N. Etmee's Fcedeea. — De Eeceptione Oedinis Gaeteeii.
0. Beuges Eecoeds. — Chueoh of St. Donatus.

AUTHORITIES.

MEECEES' EECOEDS.— WAEDENS' ACCOUNTS.
(Mercer^ Hall, Loridon.)
A Foho' Volume in the Archives of the Mercers' Company, written on Mercers' Records.
parchment by various scribes in the 14th and 15th Centuries;, extending ^^ 
from 1344 to 1464. The contents of the volume include — a rent roll —
the oath of householders — of linen cloth meters — of hverymen— of brethren
— of brokers' — of apprentices on their entry and issue — of freemen — an
almanack — and the balance sheets of the whole Company.
The accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the Company are
annual, and reckoned by the regnal year of the King. These accounts
are generaUy made up under the following heads: — The annual fee of
every Uveryman — ^fees paid on the entries of apprentices — ^fees paid on
the issues of apprentices — ^fines-— quit-rents — general expenses — and
foreign expenses. The last head comprises all payments made for goods
and service not included in the legitimate business of the Company.
A 1.
The Othe for the Issue of Apprentices.
Ye shaU swere that ye shal be true vnto oure hege lorde the kyng oath taken by
and to his hefres kynges/ ye shaU also be obedient & Eedy to come at from^hiTappren-
aU lefiiiU Sumonns & Warnyng of the Wardenis of the mercery/ whan ticesMp.
and as often as ye be duly monysshed & warned by them/ or by any of
them/ by their BedeU/ or by ony other in their name/ lefiull excuse
alwey except/ All Ordynatmces & Eules by the fieliship of the merceri
Ordeyned made and stabhshed and here after for the wele worship &
profitt of the seid feliship to be made/ ye shaU holde & kepe/ AU coica-
cons necessarij Ordjmaunces and Cowncels for the welfare of the seid
ffehship and the secrets therof to you shewed/ ye shall kepe secrete &
holde for counceU/ and them ne ony of thejnn to discover or shew by
ony meane or coUour vnto ony persoone or persoones of ony other
ffehship. Ye shall also be contributory to aU charges to you putt by
the wardeins & ffehship & to bere & pay yo'' parte of charge sett for yo"^
degre hke as other of the same ffehship shaU do for their degre.
Moreou ye shall not departe oute of the seid ffehship for to serve
ne ye shaU not accompany you w* ony persoone or persoones of ony

86 AUTHORITIES.
Mercers^ Records, other fehship wherthrough preiudice & hurte may in ony wise growe
 vnto the seid ffehship of the mercery And on this ye shaU swere that
during the tyme of your seruyce ye shaU neither bey ne s.ell for yo''
owne self ne for ony other persone ne that ye shaU Eeceive ony goodes
or marchandise by ony coUour belonging vnto ony other psoon than
oonly to yo"" maist whiche that ye now serue or shaU serue w*ynne the
ffehship of ye mercerie except by his speciaU Ucense & wUl And also
that ye shaU not take ony shop hous ch'mbre seUer ne warehous by ony
coUo'' for to ocupie byeing and sellyng vnto suche tyme as that ye have
ben w* the wardeins of the mercery for the tyme beyng and by oon of
hem for shopholder amytted sworn and entred Ne that ye shaU take
ne haue ony apprentice or ony se for to ocupye vnto that he by you vnto
oon the seid Ward, for apprentice first presented & by the seid Wardein
so amytted AU which poynts & eny of hem to y'^ power wele & truly
ye shaU hold & kepe so help you god &c.
A 2.
Oath taken by Thothc foT such persoucs as at yeld shal be made fre of this Cite.
made°a freeman"^ Yc shall swcTC that je shal be good & trcw vnto o"" liege Lord kyng
of Englond and to his Eyres kyngs/ obeisaunt & obedyent to the Mayor
& to the minysters of this Cite/ The ffriinchises and Custumes therof ye
shall mayntejme and the cite kepe harmles in that that in you is/ ye shal
be contributary to al man'' charges w* in this cite as somons watches
contribucions taskes taUays lotte and skotte and aU other charges bere
yo"^ parte as ony other frema shaU/ ye shaU colo"" no forejms good wherby
the kyng might lose his custume or his auauntage/ Ye shaU know no
foreyn to bey seU nor merchundise w* another fforeyn within this Cite
nor the fraunches therof but ye warne the Chaumberlejm therof or some
mynysters of the chamber/ ye shaU emplede no frema out of this Cite
while ye mow have right & lawe here within/ ye shall take none appren
tice but if he be fre borne and for no lesse time than for vij yers/ within
the first yere ye shall do hym be enroUed and at the termes end ye shaU
make hym fre if he have wele and truly served you/ ye shaU also kepe
the peace/ in yo"" owne persone/ ye shaU know no gaderyngs conventicles
nor conspiracies made ayenst the peace but ye warne the Maier therof
& let it to yo"" power AU these poyntes ye shaU wele and truly kepe
accordyng to aU the Lawes & Custumes of this Cite to yo"^ power so
help you god and hohdame & by this Boke/

AUTHORITIES. 87

A.D. 1348.

Theobald de Causton
Nichol de Causton
Eoger de Causton

J^ g_ Mercers' Records.
Wardens' Accounts.
The FeUowship in the 22nd year of Edward III. numbered 4 Wardens
and 101 Liverymen, and in this year among those who paid thefr fees
appear — Eichard de Causton
Michael de Causton
WUUam de Causton
Henry de Causton
Also in the 2'nd year of Henry VI. — Stevyn Causton 1424.
A 4.
Under the 2nd year of Henry IV, among the "Entrees des Appren- 1401.
tices," is — ^WUUam Causton/ Appr. de Thos. Gedeney . . ij s
A 5.
Under the 6th year of Henry VI, the name of Eobert Large appears 1427-8.
for the first tune. —
Cest la compte de John Whatley, Eobert Large, Thomas BataUl, et
John PidiuyU fait alffeste de Seint John Baptist lan yj™^ aps. le conquest
en quUs Us estoient gardeins de la mistere del mercerie come piert apres.
A 6.
Under the same year, among " Entrees des Apprentices," —
Eobert HaUe K ~ -, -r^ i
Eandolf Streete j ^PP^^^' ^^ ^^^"'* ^^'S' ' "'J '
A 7.
Under the 9th year of Hen. VI, among the " Entrees des Apprentices," — 1430-1 .
Item ress. de Thoins Nyche appnt de Eob* Large . ij s
Item ress. de Eich. Bonifaunt appnt de Eob* Large ] ....
Item de James heton appnt de dit Eob* . . . ) ^
A 8.
The foUowing item is from the Warden's Eeceipts, in the 10th year of 1431-2.
Henry VI. —
Item. Us soy chargent qilz ount ressu de Thos. Staunton ffrere et
Attone de Eobert Large de monye qU ad ressu outre mere en ptie de
paiement de les xU prestres a John Wavyn pies gardenis de lan passe.

88 AUTHORITIES.
Mercers' Records. A 9.
 ' Among the Entries of Apprentices in the 14th year of Henry VI.—
A.D. 1435-6. i^ ^Q Henr. Onkmanton le aprentice de Eobert Large ij s
A 10.
1437-8. Among the Issues of Apprentices in the 16th year of Henry VI. —
I? Eandolffe Streete lappntice de Eobert Large . ij s
A IL
Among the entries for the same year —

I? John large ) les appntices de ....
I? WiUm Caxston j Eobert Large "^

A 12.
1438-9. Among the Wardens' Eeceipts in the 17th year of Henry VI. —
I? Us soy chargeont pour argent ressu p"" fynes de dius persones en
lo"' temps p'' ces qils fautent de chiuachier ouesq5 le mafr Eobert large.
In the same account under " fforein expenses." —
Item paie a xvi trumpetts le xxix i"" doctobre lan xvUj""* du dit Eoy
Hen vj""^ pour le chiuachee de Eobert large maij v U vi s vUj d
A 13.
1440-1. From the Wardens' Eeceipts in the 19th year of Henry VI. —
It Us soy chargeont pour argent resceu des Executes Eobert large del
legace du dit Eobert xx U
In the same year under the Issue of Apprentices —
It Thomas Neche qui fuist appntice de Eob* large ij s
1441-2. In the next year under the Issue of Apprentices —
I? Eich Bonefant q, fuist appiitice de Eob* large . ij s
A 14.
1442-3. Among the Issues of Apprentices in 21 Henry VI. — ¦
Xrofer Heton appntice de Eob* large . . ij s
Among the Entries —
Eichard large appntice de Gefirey Felding ij s
1443-4. Among the Issues of Apprentices in 22 Henry VI. —
John Harrowe appntice de Eobert large . ij s
1446-7. Among the Issues of Apprentices in 25 Henry VI. —
Eichard Caxton* s'unt de John Harrowe ij s
* This is the only entry that Pahner, who searched this Eegister, could find in coimection with Caxton.

AUTHORITIES. 89
J^ ]^5. Mercers' Records.
Wardens' Accounts.
In Foreign Expenses for the 27th year of Henry VI. — 
To Eichard Burgh for berynge of a I're our the See vj s viij d
A 16.
Under Foreign Expenses ua the 29th year of Henry VI. — 1450-1.
Item. Paid to John Stubbes for perys to the GentUwoman of the
Duchesse of Burgejm vj d
Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe to Sandewyche for the
Gownys of the GentU womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s yj d
A 17.
Lan du grace m cccc lUj Et del Eoy Herry sizme puis le con- 1453.
queste xxxj®
Under the heading " Entre en la lyvere pin An" —
It Emond Eedeknape . vj s vUj d
It"" Eichaert Burgh . . vj s vuj d
It™ WilUam Caxton . . vj s vuj d
These names have been erased with the pen, and the foUowing
memorandum added beneath — " q^ int debitores in fine copot?."
A 18.
In the Ust of persons fined " qUs fautent de chiuachier ouesque le mafr 1453.
Geffrey Felding" in the 31st year of Henry VI, are the names of —
Thomas Bryce . Uj s iUj d
WiUiam Pratt . . Uj s uij d
A 19.
Under Foreign Expenses in the 2nd year of Edward IV. — 1462-3.
Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye couseU the I're y* came
from Caxton & ye felaship by yonde ye See vj d
A 20.
At the end of the Wardens' Account for the 4th year of Edward IV. — 1464-5.
Dettours.
Item. Ye ffelaship by yende ye see for yefr patents xlvij li x d
A 2L
Among the Foreign Expenses for the same year —
Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour, for berying of a letter to Caxton ovfr
ye see xxvUj s vuj d
TOL. I. O

WUUam Caxton . Uj s iUj d
Eichard Burgh . Uj s Uij d

90

AUTHORITIES.

Mercers' Records. MEECEES' EECOEDS.— ACTS OF COURT.
Acts of Court.
 (Mercers^ Sail, London.)
A large FoUo Volume, in the Archives of the Mercers' Company,
written on paper in 1522, and compUed by WilUam Newbolde, Clerk of
the Company, from the old year books of the Company, which from their
number and bulk must have been inconvenient for reference. It is
entitled " The originaU actis and ordinaunces moste necessary to be had
in memory, had and made in dyuse courtis in the haUe of the honorable
company of the Mercery " &c. B 1.
A.D. 1461. [Folio v, verso.j Among the List of Mercers chosen to ride to meet King
Edward, on his entering the City from the North, is " Thomas Cacston."
B 2.
1463. [FoUo X, verso.] Anno xiuj°lxUj°.
Also it is accorded that as for a lettre sent from
WUlin Caxton and the felyshipp by yonde the see
dfrected to my lord chaunceler as for the best
reynyng of bying of Ware at Brudges shal be
delyued by the Custoses Hugh Wyche & John
Stockton.
Also it is accorded that what person of the felyshipp
be founde gUty in bying of Ware at Brudges shall
paye the fyne therof made after discreccion of the
Custoses. B 3.
1465. [Foho cxl, recto.] A° xUij" bcv°. Courte of aventurers holden the xvj*""
daye of August the yere aboue written.

[FoUo X, verso.j
A lettre to be
delyued by the
Custoses.

ffor eueU mesure
of cloth & lawne.

ffor asmuche as WUl" Eedeknape WU1°" hende &
John Sutton w* other complayne as weU for lak of
mesure in all white clothe and brown clothe as in
brede of the same/ and in lykewise in lawne nyveU
& purple hit is accorded that a letter shal be made
to WUl"" Caxton gouno"' by yonde the see as weU for
refourmacion of the psidentes os other &c.
A lettre of the same and other was sent by henry
Bomsted the Uij*'" day of September A" E' E. Uij*' inj*".

AUTHORITIES. 91

3 4. Mercers' Records.
Acts of Court.

[Foho cxlj recto.] Anno xiUj° lxv°.
Courte holden of the hole felyshipp the xvij*'" daye of octobr' the yere
aboue written. w "ar ^ ^ ^ ^

A lettre sent oil
the see.

A.D. 1465.

Welboloued we grete you weU certifiyng youe that
as towchyng the convencion of the lordes that was
appoynted to begyn at sent Omers the first daye of
the psent moneth of October/ the whiche we trusted
vppon/ it is so that it holdith not/ Neu the lesse oure souaign lorde the
kyng Eemembryng that thentrecourse expfred the fBxst day of Nouembre
next comyng/ hath written a letter to the mafre of london/ wherof ye
shaU receyue a copye closed in this letter/ And where as the kyng by his
lettre wiUeth that suche a psone as shulde go in message for the proga
cion of thentrecours shuld be pvided in suche fourme as ye may con-
ceyve by the lettre it is thougth here that it is not oure parte here in the
Citie to take vppon vs a mater of so grete weyght where that aU tymes
here to fore the kyng by thavise of his lords of his CounceU have made
the pvision in that behalfe and vppon this we have labored to the mayre
w* the wardens of dius felyshippes aventerers that he wiU write an
aunsware to the kyng of his lettre in the most plesunt wise that he can
that it wUl pleas his highnes by thavise of his CounceU to pvide for this
mater for the weall of aU his subietts/ wherfore consideryng that the day
comyth nygh vppon and how that the kyngs wrytyng and his message
shalbe spedde from hens we are not certen/ wherfor we pray youe for the
welle of aUe the kyngs subietts by thavise of the fehshipp there in as
goodly hast as ye can labo" for a meane by the whiche yo"" psones
& goods may be in suretie for a resonable tyme/ and in the mene
whyle there com wrytyng from the kyng to the duke/ or eles from
the duke to the kyng if it wiU so happen for progacion of the same/
and suche costs as ye do vppon the suytt we wiU that they be gene
raUy levied there in suche man and fourme as ye seme most expedient/
written &c. John lambert John Warde "j
a W. Caxton. John Baker John Alburgh j

o 2

92 AUTHORITIES.

Mercers' Records. B 5
Acts of Court. [FoUoCxlUij.]

ffor a lettre send
from Caxton Go-
uemo"".

A.D. 1466. Courte of adventerers holden the iij*'" (sic) day of June A" xiUj" kvj.
Hit is accorded by the said fehshipp for by cause of a
lettre send from WiUiam Caxton and theryn a Copye
of a lettre sent to the said WiUiam by therle of
Warwike for thabstinens of bying Wares forboden
in the dukes londes of Burgoyn by acte of plement that a lettre shalbe
made and sent to the said WiUiam by the Custoses and Adventerers
whiche is made and sent in the fourme folowjmg &c.

A lettre send ou
to Caxton gouno''.

Eight trusty Sir We grete youe weU/ lettyng youe witt
the daye of makyng of this We recey ved a lettre from
you dfrected to the mayre and vs written at Brudgs
the xxvij**" daye of maye last past and theryn closed
a copye of a letter dfrected to youe from oure good lorde therle of Warwik
whiche we haue well vnderstonde & conceyved/ and oppened it to our
fehshipp for whiche we desire and praye youe/ in that youe is to con
sider and fulfiU thentent made by acte of plement and the speciall
desfre of oure forsaid lorde for the pubhque weaU of this lande and that
due inqueraunce be made there in that youe is for the complyshment of
the same/ as right requyreth/ we willyng in no kynde the saide acte to
be broken nor hurte by non of oure felyshipp in that vs is and that the
psones founde quycly yf any suche be as god forbede that ye do
correcion after th ordenauce there made and thentent of yo"" lettre and as
for yo"' desire of aunsware of the lordes intent here as yitt we can not
vnderstonde their disposicion but as sone as we have knowlege ye shall
haue wittyng and as for the lettres that ye write ye shulde sent from
seint Omers we recey ued non as yitt and as for any ioperdy that shulde
fall ye shall vnderstonde it ther soner than we here/ and if we knowe
of any ye shaU have wrytyng &c.
Writ at london the iij*"" day of June/ J. Tate/ J. MarshaU/ Ed. Betts &
J. Broun Custoses of the mercery
& thaventerers of the same.
a WiU"" Caxton Guno"" de la nac? deng'.
Envoye p symond preste le iUj*'" io"' de June.

AUTHORITIES.

93

B 6.
[FoUo xij recto.] Anno xiUj" IxvUj".

Parsones assiged
to go in ambas-
sate by the kynges
commaundment.

Courte holden the ix daye of Septembr the yere
aboue writte hit was accorded and agreede that for
asmoche as the kyng & his CounseU desyred of the
feUsshipp to haue certen psones of the same to go
ou in Ambassat w* dius Enbassatos into fflaunders
as for the enlargyng of WoUen clothe that theis per
sones vnderwritten shulde be p'sented to the kynges highnes & his
CounceU/ they to do as shaU pleas them/ WilUam Eedeknape
John Pykeryng
WUUam Caxton.
B 7.
[Same FoUo and year.]
Mony assigned to Courte holden the xxvUj daye of Septebr' the yere
the said ambas- aboue said
satos for thefre hit is accorded that WiUiam Eedenape and John
Costs. Pykeryng shaU haue in honde xl U stling towarde
theire costs & charges for thambassatt of then-
largyng of WoUen clothe in the duke of Burguri londes whiche shalbe
leyde oute of the cundith mony at this tyme receyued vnto the tyme
another Courte be had for the pvision of the same by the advise of the
Aldermen of oure felyshipp.

Mercers' Records.
Acts of Court.
A.D. 1468.

1468.

MEECEES' EECOEDS.— EENTEE WAEDEN'S ACCOUNTS.
, (Mercers^ Hall, London.)
A foho Volume on paper, in the Archives of the Mercers' Company, Mercers* Records.
written in the 15th Century, being a continuation, on a different plan, of ^'i^Mounts.^" ^
the " Wardens' Accounts." 
It appears that about 1463-4 the wealth of the Mercers, especiaUy in
houses and lands, had so much increased, that it was found convenient
to appoint one out of the four Wardens, whose business it should be to
keep an account of the Company's estate. Accordingly every year
a "Eenter Warden" was chosen; and from this period the Eent-roU is
the main feature in the Books, the sum total only of the Fees and
Expenses of the Company appearing under thefr separate heads.

94 AUTHORITIES.
Mercers' Records. C 1.
Renter Wardens'
Accounts. Under " Qwyterents." — 3rd Edward IV.
A.D 1463-4. ^^^^ V^^^ *o y^ Chamberleyn of Westm"' for y" pye at S Martyns
Otewich for Uij t'm' at Est' A° Uj"" xx s
C 2.
1464-5. 4th Edward IV.
Item to ye in of S GUes in y® ffeld for tent' at S Martyns
Oteswich vj s viij d
Item to y^ Chamberleyn of yabbey of Westm"' for ye same xx s
C 3.
1467-8. 7th Edward IV.
Item paid for Eep'ac' done at S Martyns Oteswich as apith by ye
pap of yacopts/ as in tyleng and oy"^ yiugs xx s vj d ob^.
C 4.
1475. A" xiiij c Ixxv. Under the head " Discharge by Qwyterents of the
mercery." Paid to the Chambleyn of Wesf for the pye xx s
C 5.
1475. Same year. Under " Qw3rterents of Whet " (Whittington).
The Ward^ of 0"' lady brethered of seint Margaret at Westm"" v s
C 6.
1477. A° xUij c Ixxvij. Under " Qwyterents of Whetyngton.
I? of the Wardeyns of 0"" lady brethered of Seint Margarets at
Westminster v s C 7.
1484. A" xiiij c Ixxxiiij Under the same.
It of the ward' of o"" lady brethered of seint marg'ets at Westemest"' for
their tent? in Aldermare v s
C 8.
A" xiiij c Ixxvij. Under " Qwyterents."
Itin to the Chawmburleyn of wesf for the grehound inj s vj d
Under " Other paiements."
For a dener kept at the grehound at the visitacion of
the lyuelod xxvj s vUj d
Itin for wesshyng of a tabyU cloth ij d

A.D. 1441.

AUTHORITIES. 95
THE WILL OF EOBEET LAEGE, Prerogatiye Court,
Doctors Commons.
Citizen of London and Mercer — dated 11th AprU, 1441 — extracted from Robert Large.
the original copy in the Book, caUed " Eouse," deposited in the principal
Eegistry of Her Majesty's Court of Probate.
D 1.
Jin Dei noie Amen Vndecimo die mens' AprUis Anno diii MiUesimo
CCCC""° quadragesimo primo Eegni vero Eegis Henrici sexti post conqih
Anghe Anno decimo nono Ego Eobert^ Large Ciuis & incrus ciuit
london in bona & sana mea memoria existens condo faco & ordino piis
testm meu in hue modu Jn primis lego & coihendo alam mea deo
oipoten creatori & saluatori meo b'teq3 virgini marie mat eius & oibus
s'cis corpusqj meu ad sepehend' i eccUa poch' s'ti Olaui in veteri Ecciesia Sancti
Judaismo london scilct eodm loco quo corpus EUzabeth' nup vxoris mee juda^mo.
iacet humatu quo corpe meo sepulto volo & lego primo & pn"' q^ oia &
singula debita mea fideht et integre psoluat Et postmodu lego sumo
altari dct ecclie s'ci Olaui vt vicarius ibm p aia mea spiaht exoret C s
J? lego ad opus corporis eiusd' ecclie vbi mag' necesse fuerit iux^ sana
discreom pchianor' UUus ecclie disponend' viginti m'rcas Jtin lego
viginti Ubras per executores meos in empcoem vni? secte vestimetor'
iux'' assignationem pdcor' pochianor' soluend' & exponend' qua secta
vestimetor' volo i d'cta ecclia s'ti Olaui remanere ibm ad laude dei q'diu
durare valeat des'uitur' Jtih lego ducetas marcas ad inde iueiend' vnu
cappeUanu ydoneu et honestu ac i hijs quo ad dia ptinet officia cogrue
eruditu missa sua ad altare bte Marie i dta ecclia s'ci Olaui cotidie cu
dispoitus fuerit celebrat' vel alit' iux" discrecoem vxoris mee & ad dia
s'uicia singul' horis canoic' int futur' officiatur' adiutur' & mistratur'
iux* auisametti quatuor pbor' poch'nor' ecclie andc'e p viginti anos px'
futur' post decessu meu capiendo h'moi capeUan? p suo salario anuati
dece m'rcas per manus exec' meor' & soluend' & mistrandor' vt ipe
Capelan9 aiam mea aias quoq3 EUzabeth' & Johe vxor' mear' Eici Herry EUzabetha Large.
nup mag'ri mei & alas omi quib3 merito teneor ac alas omi fidehu R°c™dus^efry.
defimctor' deo h'ea? spiaUter recomendat Jtm lego sUmo altari eccUe
s'te margarete in lothebury londoii C s Jtm lego xx li per executor' Ecciesia Sancti
. - •„ i i- -i ) • a ¦ -- J' ' Margaretffi in
meos m empcoem vni? secte vestimetor lux* assignacoem pred cor Lothbury.
pochianor' soluend' et expo'^ qua secta vestimetor' volo i d'ca ecclia s'te
margarete remane ibin ad laude dei q""diu durare valeat des'ruitur^ J? lego
vigiti Ubras per execu? meos int paupes holes & feias i Warda de stre^et.^ oeman-

96 AUTHORITIES.
Prerogative Court, Colmaustrcte mag' iudigeii disponend' et distribuend' Jtin quatuor
°° °WiuTf™°°^' Ubras per execu? meos in? Capellanos & Clicos i ecc'hjs s'ti Olaui & s'te
Robert Large, margarete pd'te infra duos arios px post decessu meu participand' viz
vtroq3 aiio xl s vt ipi capeUi & Clici p aia mea exoret Jt lego noue
facture & costructoi Aqueduct de nouo icept? i Cit londoii quadringentas
Construct.Aqueducti. marc' infra quatuor anos iux" discret' exec' meor' soluend' sub condioe
tn q3 pdic? Aqueduc? fiat ifra huisi quatuor anos px post decessu met
futur' & no ah? Jtm lego ad opus facture & repacois pont londoii 0"°
marc' infra quatuor anos ecia iux** discret' executor' meor' solued' Jtm
Waibroke. lego ad mudacocm cursus aque vocat Walbroke ppe eccliam s'te marga
rete de lothebury & largicoem & costructoem eiusdm ecclie per sana
discrec' executor' meor' & q'tuor pbior' pachianor' UUus ecclie dispod'
CC marc' vel mag' si necesse fuit Jta q3 n5 excedat tres centas marc'
Jtin lego lego (sic) C"" marc' ad maritagia dece paupe pueUar' bone fame
iux" sana discret' exec' meor' viz cuUet huioi dece puellar' ad maritagiu suti
decern marc' ta in pria q"" i Ci*® londoii disponend' Jtin lego C Ul
pauperib^ domestic' i corn lancestr' & Warrewic' p exec' meos dispod' . s .
alicui hoi paupi domestico dece sohd' & ahcui vigiti solid' & ahcui xl s
put necesse fuit q'"diu diet C Ui ad hoc suffice valeat Jt lego xx Ui
p execut meos int paupes hoies & feias no maritat set sohcit degeii
Paroch.de Shakeston. pticipaud' vbi mag' neccssc fuit Jtim lego ecclie poch' de Shakeston vbi
pater meus sepeht vnu vestimetii pcij dece Ui i eadiii eccUa q""diu durare
Paroch. de Aldestre. valeat ad laude del des'uitur Jtin lego ecclie pach' de Aldestre vbi
aiicessores mei tumulat vnu vestimetii pcij dece Ubrar' Jtm lego ecche
Paroch. de Overton, poch' de Ovcrtou vbi aliq' de paretela mea tumulat vnu vestimetii pcij
X li Jt lego Thome Nyche s'uieti meo qilq'ginta marc' Jtm Eico
Bonyfaunt Appntico meo qiiquaginta marc' Jtm lego Henrico Onkman
ton appiitico meo xx li Jt lego Eoberto Dedes appntico meo xx marc'
wuiieimus Caxton. Jt Icgo xpofero appiitico meo XX U Jtfh lego WUlo Caxton appntico
meo XX marc' Jtin lego Johi Gode s'uieti meo x U Jt lego WUlo
Brydde s'uieti meo x marc' Jt lego WUlo s'uieti meo i coqiia xl s Jt lego
Katine s'uieti meo x marc' & Jsabelle lynde xl s Jt lego WUlo Sampson
Man. de Horham. s'uieti mco ad mauerit meii de horham v marc' Jt lego Petro s'uieti
meo ibin xl s & Thome s'uieti meo ibin xxvj s vuj d Jt lego Johe
de Eamseye s'uieti JsabeUe Boteley ad maritagiii suii x marc' It lego
Eico Tumat fiUo Johe vxis mee xx li Jt lego C marc' int Uberos Johis
Chfrch Ciuis & Eticer' Ci' london quos ad etate xxiiij aiior' viuere cotigerit
per exec' meos pticipaud' J? lego Thome Stauntoii fra? meo vt subeat

AUTHORITIES. 97
onus executois psent testi mei & sua bona dUigencia in hac parte fecit Prerogative Court,
r~i t -tQ 1 A 1 1 ri ~ -,r^ n r^ , n rn 1 Doctors Commons.
C ii J t lego Arnulpho Strete mcero sub eadm forma C marc & Stephano wm of
Tychemerssh sub pari forma C marc' J? lego K'tine ma¥ meo C marc' KobertLarge.
Jt lego Johe vxori mee noie dot & pptis sue omii & singulor' honor' Johanna, uxor.
& CataUor' meor' mobiUii s' de iure concernen? quatuor MUia inrc' Et i
casu quo ipa Joha vxor mea de meo huioi legato s' displacuit tiie volo
q, pSs meii legatii erga ipam Joham cesset & vacuii sit i lege & q, tiie heat
eadm Joha vx mea de bonis & oataU' meis mobUib3 solom" id quod ex
lege here potit absq3 iacremeto sen auatagio aUquaU Jt lego Thoe filio Thomas, fiUus.
meo nuUe U st'ling' & volo q) ipe Thomas fihus me? vna cH pdcis miUe
Ubr' eidm Thome fiUo meo p me s' legat sint & remaneat i salua custodia
& gubernacoe pd'ce Johe vxis mee quousqj dictus Thomas fiUus me? ad
sua etate xxiiij aiior' puenet Jnueiendo ipa Joha vx' mea sufficientem
securitate i cama Guyhalde Cit londoii put mor' est & cosuetudis eiusd'
Cit ad deUberand' d'co Thome filio meo pdict mUle Ubras cii ipe Thomas
fih? me9 ad sua huia etate xxUij anor' puenit absq3 aliquo icremeto inde
reddend' fi solum" ronab'lem Jniieno ipsius Thome fihi mei Jt lego Robertus, fiiius.
Eoberto fiho meo mUle Ubras sterl' & volo q^ idm Eobertus fihus me9 sit
cii pdcis mUle hbr9 per me eidm Eoberto fiho meo sic supius legat? sint
& remaneat in salua custodia & gubnacoe pred'ci Thome Staunton fris
mei quosq3 dictus Eobertus fihus meus ad sua etatem xxiuj afior' puenerit
Jnueiendo idm Thomas Staunton sufficien securitate in cama Guyhalde
cit london put moris est & consuetudis eiusd' cit ad dehberand' pd'co
Eoberto filio meo pdict? miUe Ubras per me vt pferf s' legat? cii ipe
Eobert? fUi? me? ad sua diet etate xxiiij anor' puenit absq3 aUq" incremeto
inde reddendo fi soliim" ronabil' iHent ipius Eoberti fiUj mei Jtm lego Ricardus, fiUus.
Eicardo fUio meo mUle li sterl' & volo q^ ipe Eiciis fiU? vna cii d'cis mUle
hbr? sic s' p me supi? legat? sint & remaneat in Salua custodia & gubernai
pdic' Johe vxis mee quousqj idm Eiciis fill? me? puenit ad sua etate xxUij
afior' Jnueiendo eadin Joha vx' mea sufficiefi secur' pdict mUle Ubrar' put
supi? est specificatii Et in casu quo aUq's vel aUq' d'cor' Thome Eoberti
& Eici fihor' meor' afi sua dicta etate xx & quatuor anor' obierit vel
obierit tiie volo & lego q^ pars vel partes ipius fihj mei vel ipor' fUior'
meor' sic infra etate [xx & quatuor anor' decedent seu decedentiii
remaneat seu remaneat iUi vel iU' d'cor' fihor' meor' supstiti vel supstitibus
Et si pd'ci fihj mei afi etate vigiti & quatuor afior' omes obierit exttc
volo & lego q) die? tres miUe Ubr' p exec' meos in pijs vsib3 & opibus
caritatis p aia mea aiab3 pentii meor' vxor' mear' Uberor' ecia Amicor'
TOIi I. p

98

AUTHORITIES.

Prerogative Court,
Doctors' Commons.
wm of
Robert Large.
Alicia, fUia.

Elizabetha, filia.

Mistera Mercerorum.

Ecciesia S. Thomse
de Aeon.

Conventus S. Crucis.
Hosp. S. Bartholomei.
Hosp. S. Mary Spital.
Hosp. de Bethlehem.
Hosp. de S. Thomae.
Domus leprosorum.

Newgate.

& bfifactor' meor' aiab3 omfi quib3 merito teneor & omfi fideUii defiictor'
disponantur & distribuat put ipi executores mei meh? & salubrius speret
deo placere & saluti aie mee pficere Jtm lego AUcie fiUe mee C h s' cii
ad etate vigiti & vni? afior' puenit soluend' & in empcoem hustihnetor'
& vtensiUii hospico suo mag? necessarior' iux" auisametii sani cosihj
dispod' Jtm lego Ehzabeth' fiUe mee quigentas marc' sterl' Et volo q,
eadin EUzabeth' fiUa mea vna cii pdcis quigentis marc eidm Ehzabeth'
fiUe mee per me supius legat? sint & remaneat i gubernat Stephi Tychemssh
pdci qiisq3 d'ca Ehzabeth' fiha mea ad etate vigiti afior' puenit seu
maritata fuit Jnueiendo ipe Stephiis suffite securitate i cama Guyhalde
cit londofi put mor? est & cosuetudis eiusdrfi cit ad dehberand' d'ce
Elizabeth' fUie mee pdic? qfigentas marc' sterl' cii ipa Ehzabeth' fiha mea
ad huioi etate xx*' afior' puenit seu maritat? fuit absq3 ahquo icremeto
inde reddendo fi soliim" ronabil' Jnuet ipius EUzabeth' fihe mee Et si
d'cam Ehzabeth' fiha mea afi d'cain etate xx*" afior' seu imaritat? obfre
cotigerit tlic voloqj ducetii & quq'"gita marc' de pdcis quigent marc' per
me eidfh Elizabeth' fihe mee supi? legat remanea? d'ce Ahcie fihe mee si
supstitit & si ipa mortua fuit tiie die? ducen? & qiiquaginta marc' vna cii
d'cis ahjs CC & qiiquaginta marc' residuis per execu? meos i pijs vsibus
& opibus caritatis p aia mea & aiab3 suprad'cis forma pmissa disponat &
distribuat Jtin lego coi pixidi mistere mceror' ci? londofi ad sustentacoem
pauper' eiusdin mistere xx li Jtni lego dece li ad inde ordinad' & emed'
iux"" discrecofi executor' meor' vnii vestimetii iu capello mcer' i eccUa s'ci
Thome de Acofi londofi q""diu durare valeat des'uitur' Jtm lego cuUit
couetui quatuor ordinii ffrin mendican iu Ci? londofi ad exorand' p aia
mea xl s Jtm lego Couetui fim ordis see Crue' iux" t'rim london
XX s Jtiii lego C s ad emend' lectuaha Unea & lanea iux^ discrec' exec'
meor' infra hospi'" s'ci Barthi in Westsmythfeld londofi q""diu durare
poterint des'uitur Jtiii lego C s ad inde ecia emend' lectual' cosilia infra
nouii Hospi"" voca? SeyntmaryspytyU ex"" Bisshopisgate londofi q'"diu
durare valea? des'uitur' Jtm lego quiq3 marc' ad cosimiUa lectual' emend'
p hospi^" b'te marie de Bedleem ex"' Bisshopisgate pdic' Jtm lego xl s ad
hui5i lectuaha emed' p hospi'® s'ci Thome de Southwerk ppe londofi
Jtin lego sex li ad huioi lectual' emed' p domib3 leprosor' apud hakeney
les lokes ex'" barra s'ci Georgij de Southwerk & s'ci Egidij extra holborne
london s. p quah? d'car' domiim xl s Jtin lego C s ad inde ordinand'
& emend' victu.ar & aha necessaria mag' indigen p Prisonarijs in Newgate
london p sana discrec' exec' meor' Jtm lego Cs cosiU m° disponend'

AUTHORITIES.

99

Robert Large,

p Pnsonanis i ludgate london Jtm lego fabnce nauis ecclie de Thakstede Prerogative Court,
^ , ^ , _ _. • 1 -, y-MT ^ T-, T Doctors Commons.
qmq3 marc Jtm lego repacoi corpis eccue de Chawrey i com Essex xls wmof
Jtin lego Eicardo ffohet incero xx marc' Jtm lego WUlo HaUe mcero
nup s'uieti meo xx li Jtin lego Agneti nup 'uieti mee xl s Jtm lego vtriq5
d'car' AUcie & EUzabeth' fihar' mear' tres ciphos coopt de ciphis meis
voca? Standyng cuppys argenti deaura? quoU? huioi ciph'or' cii coopercul'
pond' XTdiij""^ vnc' & * * * (Desunt ccetera).

D 2.
TEANSLATION.
Jtt Ifie ^ame of <B(B3B ^m^lt. On the eleventh Day of the wmof
month of AprU ki the Year of our Lord One Thousand CCCC and forty ^£latiom "
one in the nineteenth Year of King Henry the sixth after the conquest —
I Eobert Large Citizen and Mercer of the City of London being in
perfect health and memory do hereby make execute and ordain my WUl
in this manner Ffrst I bequeath and commend my Soul to Almighty
GOD my Creator and Saviour to the Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother
and to aU the Saints and my body to be buried fri the parish Church of
St. Olave in the Old Jewry London to wit in the same place in which
the body of EUzabeth my late wife lies buried which my body being Elizabeth, first wife.
buried I will and bequeath first and principaUy that aU and singular my
debts shaU be faithfuUy and entfrely paid in fiUl And afterwards I
bequeath to the High Altar of the said Church of St. Olave that the *^''^^''j°^f • °^*''^'
Vicar of the same shaU speciaUy pray for the good of my soul C s Also
I bequeath for the use of the structure of the same church to be appUed
wherever it shaU be most requisite according to the sound discretion of
the parishioners twenty marcs Also I leave twenty pounds for my
executors to buy one set of vestments to be chosen according to the
judgment of the aforesaid parishioners and such set of vestments I wUl to
remain in the said church of St. Olave to serve for the glory of GOD so
long as they shaU last Also I bequeath two hundred marcs for the pur
pose of providing a Chaplain fit and honest and weU instructed ia those
things which pertain to the holy offices to celebrate mass at the altar of
the blessed Mary in the said church of St. Olave daily when it shaU be
appointed or otherwise according to the discretion of my wife and to be ,
present at divine service at each hour appointed for prayer to officiate
to pray and to minister according to the discretion of four approved p 2

100

AUTHORITIES.

wmof
Robert Large.
Translation.

Church of St. Mar
garet, Lothbury.

Construction of
Aqueduct.

Repairing of
London Bridge.

Cleansing of
Walbrook.

Lancashire. Warwickshire.

parishioners of the aforesaid church for twenty years next after my decease
the said chaplain taking for his annual salary ten marks to be paid and
administered at the hands of my executors in order that he the said
Chaplain may speciaUy commend to GOD my soul and also the souls of
Ehzabeth and Johanna my wives Eichard Herry my late master and the
souls of aU those whom I esteem and the souls of all the faithful departed
Also I bequeath to the high altar of St. Margaret in Lothbury London
C s Also I bequeath xx Pounds to be paid by my executors for the
purchase of one set of vestments according to the expressed choice of the
aforesaid parishioners which set of vestments I wish to remain in the
said Church of Saint Margaret to serve for the worship of GOD so long
as they shall last Also I leave xx pounds to be disposed of and divided
by my executors among the more indigent poor men and women of the
ward of Coleman Street Also four pounds to be divided by my executors
among the Chaplains and Clerks in the Churches of St. Olave and St.
Margaret aforesaid within two years next after my decease that is to say
xl s each year in order that the aforesaid Chaplains and Clerks may pray
for my soul Also I bequeath for the new making and construction of an
aqueduct lately begun in the City of London CCCC marks to be paid
within four years according to the discretion of my executors on con
dition however that the aforesaid aqueduct be completed within four
years next after my decease and not otherwise. Also I bequeath for the
work of making and repairing London Bridge C marks to be paid withia
four years according to the discretion of my executors Also I bequeath
for the cleansing of the Watercourse called Walbrook near the church of
St. Margaret Lothbury and for the enlargement and upholding of the
same church to be disposed of according to the wise discretion of my
executors and four approved parishioners of that Church CC marks or
more if necessary so that it do not exceed CCC marks Also I bequeath
C marks to be disposed of according to the wise discretion of my execu
tors for the marriage of ten poor girls of good character namely to each
of these ten gfrls at her marriage ten marks whether in the country or in
the City of London Also I bequeath C pounds to be divided by my
executors among poor domestic servants in the counties of Lancashfre
and Warwickshire that is to say to one poor manservant ten shilUngs and
to another twenty shillings and to another forty shUlings as occasion may
requfre so long as the said C pounds shaU suffice. Also I bequeath xx
pounds to be distributed by my executors where it may be most needed

AUTHORITIES. 101
among poor unmarried men and women desirous of marriage Also wm of
I bequeath to the parish church of Shakeston where my father lies buried Translation."
a vestment of the value of ten pounds to serve in the same church to the parishes of shakes-
glory of GOD so long as it will last Also I bequeath to the parish *5""' ^idester, and
church of Aldester where my ancestors are buried a vestment of the
value of ten pounds Also I leave to the parish church of Overton where
some of my father's relatives are buried a vestment of the value of ten
pounds Also I bequeath to Thomas Nyche my servant 1 marks Also Apprentices and
to Eichard Bonyfaunt my apprentice 1 marks Also I bequeath to Henry ^^''^^ ^'
Onkmanton my apprentice 1 pounds Also I bequeath to Eobert Dedes
my apprentice xx marks Also I bequeath to Christopher my apprentice
XX pounds Also I bequeath to WUUam Caxton my apprentice xx marks wmiam Caxton,
Also I bequeath to John Gode my servant x pounds Also I bequeath to *pp"^®'" '=^-
WUham Brydde my servant x marks Also I bequeath to WiUiam my
kitchen servant xl shUUngs Also I bequeath to Katherine my servant
X marks and to IsabeUa Ljmde xl shilUngs Also I leave to WilUam
Sampson my servant at my manor of Horham five marks Also I Manor of Horham.
bequeath to Peter my servant at the same place xl shilhngs and to
Thomas my servant at the same place xxvj shUUngs and vuj pence Also
I bequeath to John de Eamsey servant of IsabeUa Boteley x marks on
his marriage Also I bequeath to Eichard Turnat the son of Johanna Richard Tumat,
my wife xx pounds Also I bequeath C marks to be divided by my ^ ^^^°°'
executors among the chUdren of John Chirch Citizen and Mercer of the
City of London who shall be Uving at the age of xxiiij years Also
I bequeath to Thomas Staunton my brother if he wiU undertake the Thomas Staunton,
charge of executing this my wUl and wiU act with good dUigence in this '^° ^'^'™" *^'
office C pounds Also I bequeath to Arnulph Strete Mercer on the same
condition C marks and to Stephen Tychemerssh on the same condition
C marks Also I leave to Katherine my mother C marks Also I
bequeath to Johanna my wife by way of gift and instead of her portion Johanna, second
of aU and singular my moveable goods and chattels by law belonging to
her four thousand marks And in case that she Johanna my wife shaU
be dissatisfied with this my said legacy then I wUl that this my legacy to
the said Johanna do cease and become void in law and that then the said
Johanna my wife do have of my moveable goods and chattels only that
portion to which she is entitled by law without any addition or advan
tage whatsoever Also I bequeath to Thomas my son one thousand Thomas, son.
pounds sterling and I wiU that the said Thomas my son together with

102

AUTHORITIES.

wmof
Robert Large.
Translation.

Eobert, son.

Richard, son.

the aforesaid thousand pounds left by me to him the said Thomas my son
be and remain in the safe charge and government of the aforesaid
Johanna my wife untU the said Thomas my son shaU arrive at the age
of twenty-four years she the said Johanna my wife finding sufficient
security in the GuildhaU chamber of the City of London according to
the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to the said Thomas
my son the aforesaid thousand pounds when he Thomas my son shaU
arrive at his aforesaid age of twenty-four years without rendering any
interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of my said son
Thomas Also I bequeath to Eobert my son one thousand pounds ster
ling and I wiU that the said Eobert my son together with the aforesaid
thousand pounds so left by me as above to the said Eobert my son be and
remain in the safe charge and governance of the aforesaid Thomas Staunton
my brother until the said Eobert my son shaU arrive at the age of twenty-
four years the said Thomas Staunton finding sufficient security ia the
GuUdhaU chamber of the City of London according to the manner and
custom of the said City to dehver up to the said Eobert my son the afore
said thousand pounds so left by me as aforesaid when the said Eobert my
son shaU arrive at his aforesaid age of twenty-four years without rendering
any interest therefor only and except the proper support of my said son
Eobert Also I bequeath to Eichard my son one thousand pounds ster-
hng and wUl that the said Eichard my son together with the said thousand
pounds so bequeathed by me to him as above shaU be and remain in the
safe custody and governance of the aforesaid Johanna my wife untU
Eichard my said son shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said
Johanna my wife finding sufficient security for the said thousand pounds
in the same way as above specified And in case one or more of my said
sons Thomas Eobert or Eichard shall die before reaching the said age
of twenty-four years then I wiU and bequeath that the portion or portions
of that my son or those my sons so dying before the age of twenty-four
years shall revert to that one or those of my said sons surviving And if
aU my said sons shaU die before arriving at the age of twenty-four years
then I wiU and bequeath that the said three thousand pounds shaU be
disposed of and distributed by my executors in pious uses and works of
charity for the good of my own soul and the souls of my parents my
wives and my chUdren also of my friends and benefactors for the souls of
aU I hold in esteem and of aU the faithftU departed this hfe in such way
as my executors may consider to be better for the pleasing of GOD and

AUTHORITIES. 103
most profitable for the salvation of my soul Also I bequeath to Ahce ^^ °^
Iii 1 IT T T-T 1 T 1 in - Robert Large.
my daughter one hundred pounds to be paid to her when she shall arrive Translation.
at the age of twenty-one years to be spent in the purchase of furniture ^^ and EUzabeth,
and utensUs most necessary for her house according to sound advice and daughters.
counsel Also I bequeath to EUzabeth my daughter five hundred marks
sterUng and I wiU that the said Elizabeth my daughter together with the
aforesaid five hundred marks left by me as above to the said Ehzabeth
my daughter be and remain in the governance of the aforesaid Stephen
Tychemerssh untU the said Ehzabeth my daughter shaU arrive at the age
of twenty years or be married he the said Stephen finding sufficient
security in the chamber of GuUdhaU in the City of London according to
the custom and usage of the said City to deUver up to the said Ehzabeth
my daughter the aforesaid five hundred marks sterhng when the said
EUzabeth my daughter shaU arrive at the aforesaid age of twenty years
or be married without rendering any other interest therefor only and
except the reasonable support of the said Ehzabeth my daughter And if
the said EUzabeth my daughter shaU happen to die unmarried or before
the age of twenty years then I wiU that two hundred and fifty marks
of the aforesaid five hundred marks left by me as above to the said
Ehzabeth my daughter revert to the said Ahce my daughter if she shaU
survive and if she be dead then the said two hundred and fifty marks
together with the other said two hundred and fifty marks remaining be
at the disposal of and distributed by my executors in pious uses and
works of charity for the good of my soul and the souls above mentioned
in manner as afore is set forth Also I bequeath to the common box of Mercers' Company.
the Mystery of Mercers of the City of London for the support of the poor
of the said mystery twenty pounds. Also I bequeath ten pounds to be
disposed of according to the discretion of my executors in the purchase of
a vestment to serve in the Mercers' chapel in the church of St. Thomas Church of st.
¦ -n 1 *i T T 1 T Thomas of Aeon.
01 Aeon London so long as it wUi last Also 1 bequeath to each convent
of the four orders of mendicant fidars in the City of London to pray for
my soul forty shilUngs Also I bequeath to the convent of friars of the
order of St. Cross near the Tower of London twenty shiUings. Also I
bequeath one hundred shUUngs for the purchase of bedding Unen and
flannel according to the discretion of my executors to serve in the
Hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smithfield so long as they wiU St. Bartholomew's
last Also I bequeath one hundred shiUings wherewith to purchase in °^^^*^'
hke manner bedding for the new hospital caUed St. Mary Spital without st. Mary spitai.

104 AUTHORITIES.
wm of Bishopsgate London so long as it wiU last Also I leave five marks
Robert Large. ,?,.,., , -,-,-,¦ n ii • -, ^
Translation. wherewith in hke manner to purchase bedding tor the hospital of the
Bethiehe^lHospitai. Blcsscd Saiut Mary of Bethlehem without Bishopsgate aforesaid Also
I bequeath forty shiUings wherewith in Uke manner to purchase beddmg
HospWai!^ for the hospital of St. Thomas of Southwark near London Also
I bequeath six pounds wherewith in hke manner to purchase bedding
Leper-houses. for the Lepershouscs at Hakeney les lokes without the barriers of St
George Southwark and of St Egidius beyond Holborn London namely
to each of the said houses forty shiUings Also I bequeath one hundred
shiUings wherewith to provide and purchase food and other thiags most
Newgate. uccessary for the poor prisoners in Newgate London to be distributed
according to the sound discretion of my executors Also I bequeath one
hundred shillings to be distributed in Uke manner among the prisoners in
Ludgate. Ludgatc Loudou Also I bequeath for repairs in the nave of the church
Churches of Thak- of Thakstede five marks Also I bequeath for repafrs in the body of
stede and Chawrey. .¦,¦•¦, r r-n • -i n -r-, n i -n- at
tfie cnurcfi ot Chawrey in the county of Essex forty shillings Also
I bequeath to Eichard Fohet mercer twenty marks. Also I bequeath to
WiUiam Halle mercer lately my servant twenty pounds. Also I bequeath
to Agnes lately my servant forty shUUngs Also I bequeath to each of
my two said daughters Alice and EUzabeth three cups with covers from
among my cups caUed standing cups of silver-gUt whichever of such cups
with the covers shaU weigh twenty-four ounces and * * *
\_The remainder of this Will is wanting in the Original.']

CITY EECOEDS.— LIBEE K.
(Town Cleric's Office, GuildhaU, London).
The "Letter-books" in the City Archives, which commence at Liber A,
and extend to ZZ, are aU in manuscript contemporary with the times they
iUustrate, and present an unbroken series of Documents from A.D. 1275
to A.D. 1688. The earher Volumes contain Eecords of nearly aU Civic
matters, such as Charters of various Towns (some of which are foreign) ;
Trade Companies; Deeds of Incorporation; Ordinances of Crafts or
Mysteries ; Legal Proceedings ; Orphanages ; Taxes and Levies ; and
various Ordinances for regulating the internal management and good
government of the City.

AUTHORITIES. 105
Liber K is a large FoUo, written on VeUum, embracing the reign of City Records.
Henry VI, A.D. 1422-59. _
E 1.
Quinto die mensis decembris Anno regni Eegis Henrici sexti post A.D. 1448.
conquestum AngUe vicessimo septimo, venit hie in Curia Domini poHo208a.
Eegis in Cama Guyhald Ciuitatis londofi coram Stephafi Broun maiore
et Aldermannis eiusdem Ciuitatis pdciis Eicus large fiiius and heres
Eob'ti large Ciuis dum vixit & Aldermanfi Ciuita? pd'ce plene etatis
& cognouit se fore conten? & aggreatii de mille Ubris sterlingorum
in suprad'ca recognicione content p mortem Thome et Eob'ti nuper
fratrum eiusdem Eici eo q'd ipi infra legitimam etatem suam obierunt
eidm Eico accrescent & pertinent virtute legati p pfatum Eobertum large
patrem in testamento sui eisdem fiUjs suis fact/ De quibus quidin miUe
hbris sterhngorum idm Eiciis tarn Johem Chichele Camariis Ciuitat pd'ce
& Cur' qm Thomam Staunton Eicm Eiche Thomam Walsyngham GaUbur
Boleyn & Thomam Style Ciues Ciuitatis pred'ce in superiore Eecog-
nicione nominal inde exonerat & quietat imppin per psentes.
E 2.
In a long unheaded hst of names, with a smaU sum attached to each a.D. 1445.
(apparently a house tax) occurs — ^,^1^^ 223 s.
Jt tefi wiUi de Caxtofi . . . j d

BEUGES EECOEDS.— CIVIL JUDGMENTS.
(The Archives, Bruges.)
The foUowing document is found in one of the many volumes of Bruges Records.
Eecords preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. Like the other ^ ji^men s.
volumes of this interesting series it is in manuscript coeval with the history
it elucidates. The Title at the beginning of the book is as foUows : —
"Eegistre van alle zaken ghehandelt bi Scepen van Brugghe, in
huerl. camere daer zy daghelicx vergaderen. Beghint in Septembre in
'tjaer dunst vierhondert xlvij."; or, "A Eegister of aU matters brought
under the notice of the Councillors of Bruges, in thefr daUy session
assembled. Begun in the month of September, in the year one thousand
four hundred xlvii." ^ F 1.
A tons ceulx qui ces pfites I'res verront ou orront Bourgmaistres A.D. 1449.
escheuins et conseU de la vUle de Bruges, salut: sauofr faisons que poUo c xx uj.
TOL I. Q

106 AUTHORITIES.
Bruges Records, pdevaut Eoclaud de Vos ct Guerard le Groote nos Compaignons eschvins
Civil Judgments. * i-/-(-n/^*'^iiTi-ii
 sont auj our de huy venus en droit GuiU. Craes* mchand dEngletre
¦ ¦ ¦ demandeur dune part et Jehan SeUe et GuiU. Cacston aussi mchans
dEngletre deffendeurs daultre part disant led. demandeur que Jehan
Granton mchant de lestaple a Calais lui estait tenu et obhgie enuers lui
en certaines sommes de deniers ass""' premierement en xl £ desterlins a
cause et par vertu de certaine obhgation quU auoit deuers lui et enoultre
en la somme de L £ gr. desterlins a cause de certain change ou quel led.
Jehan estoit enuers lui tenu et des despens et domaiges pour ce ens et
soutenus montant ensemble a Cx £ desterUns pour laqueUe somme de
CX £ gr. desterUns U auoit fait arrester en lad. viUe de Bruges led. Jehan
Granton Et que led. Jehan estant arreste lesd. Jehan SeUe et GuiU
Cacston constituerent plesge enuers lui den ester a droit et pour le jugie,
Et pour ce que led. Jehan sen estoit parti de lad. vUle de Bruges sans le
auoir paie et contente ou soy prte a justice pour endroit U requerroit que
lesd. defendeurs fussent constrains et condempnes come plesges dud. Jehan
en somes dess. declarees. Lesd. defendeurs ad ce respondant confessent que
en la maniere dessudite. Us sestoient constituez plesges enuers led' GuUl
Craes pour ledit Jehan Granton mais disoient que led. Jehan estoit bien
soluent riche assez et que tresbien lui payeroit requerrant pourtant que
led. demandeur voulsist tenir sa debte sur led. Jehan qui est son principael
debte"'- et eulx deschargier de le"'" d. plesgerie/ debatant aussi la some p.
led. demandeur demandee a cause dud. change p" c'taines raisons ad ce
aUeguies ledessusd. demandeur soy tenant a sad. plesgerie et requerrant
come dessd. ensemble plusieurs aultres raisons par lesd. parties proposees/
et que sur ladite question oyes lesd. parties en leurs raisons et aussi c'tanis
marchans que lad. question auoient manye par nosd. compaignons escheuins
a este dit jugie et appoiatie que lesd. defendeurs come plesges dud. Jehan
Granton paieront et contenteront led. GuUl Craes premierement de lad.
some de Ix £ desterUns dont ladite obligation fait mention et en oultre de
la some de xxxv £ gr. a cause dud. change et ce que en dependt. Et ce
parmi rendant lad. obhgation et donnant bonne et souffisante caution
plesgerie montant auxd. deux somes de xl £ et xxxv £ desterUns de ou
cas que en temps auenir led. Jehan Granton voulsist dfre cont' la debte
desd. somes ou aUeguer solution ou payement et que alencontre dud.
* In the original this reads " en droit Gihll. Cacston aussi m'chand, &o.," but the sense of the
whole document proves this to be a clerical error, and that for " Gmll. Cacston " we should read
" Gum. Craes."

AUTHORITIES.

107

Bruges Records.
Civil Judgments.
Translation. A.D. 1449.

demandeur fust jugie lors rendre et paier led. jugie jusques auxd. deux Bruges Records.
somes et au dessoubs. Et reservez auxd. defendeurs Ifeur action et droit ' j^_g™en s.
enuers led Jehan Granton debte""- si auant que droit et raison vouldront.
En tesmoing/ etc. ij January (m Uij" xlix).
F 2.
TEANSLATION.
To aU who see or hear these Presents — the Burgomasters, Sheriffs,
and CouncU of the Town of Bruges send greeting. Be it known that
William Craes, an English Merchant, Complainant, of the one part, and
John SeUe and WiUiam Caxton, EngUsh Merchants also. Defendants, of
the other part, have this day appealed for justice before Eoland de Vos
and Guerard le Groote our Fellows, Sheriffs. The said Complainant
says, that John Granton, Merchant, of the Staple at Calais, was bound
and indebted to him in certain sums of money ; that is to say, firstly in
£60 sterhng for and because of a certain obhgation, and further, in the sum
of £50 sterhng on account of a certain exchange which had taken place
between them, as well as for expenses and costs incurred in that matter,
amounting on the whole to £110 sterling. For this sum he had caused
the said John Granton to be arrested in the Town of Bruges, and that
the said John being arrested, the said John Selle and WiUiam Caxton
became Sureties for him, in equity and law.
And because the said John had departed the Town of Bruges without
having paid and satisfied him, or appealed for justice, he demanded that
the said Defendants should be compeUed and adjudged, as Sureties of the
said John, to pay the said claim.
The said Defendants, in answer, acknowledged that in the manner
aforesaid they had become Sureties to the said WiUiam Craes for the
said John Granton, but submitted that the said John was quite solvent,
rich enough, and would certainly pay the amount; requiring therefore that
the said Complainant might seek his debt of the said John, who was the
real debtor, and that they might be discharged from their said suretyship :
disputing also the sum demanded by the Defendant on account of the
said exchange, for certain reasons thereupon alleged; the aforesaid Plaintiff
holding the vahdity of the said suretyship, and demanding as aforesaid ;
together with many other reasons submitted by the said parties. And
after hearing the said parties on the said questions, with thefr arguments,
as weU as certain Merchants, that the said dispute had been determined Q 2

108

AUTHORITIES.

Bruges Records.
Civil Judgments.
Translation. A.D. 1449.

by our FeUows, Sheriffs, who had adjudged and decided : That the
said Defendants should, as the Sureties of the said John Granton, pay
and satisfy the said WUUam Craes, firstly in the said sum of £60, of
which the said obhgation made mention, and furthermore in the sum of
£35 sterling on account of the said exchange and costs. And that, upon
the surrender of the said obligation, good and sufficient security amounting
to the two said sums of £60 and £35 sterUng should be given ; that in case
at some future time the said John Granton should deny the debt of the
said sums, or allege payment, that then, on the other hand, the said
Plaintiff should be sentenced to render and' repay the said two sums and
more. Eight of action being reserved to the said Defendants against the
said John Granton, the original debtor, as law and equity direct.
In Witness whereof, &c., 2 January (1449).

Bruges Records.
Town Registers.
A.D. 1469.
Folio cc iiij, h.

BEUGES EECOEDS.— TOWN EEGISTEES.
(The Archives, Bruges.)
A Eegister written on paper in the 15th Century, and containing CivU
Judgments, given in the Town of Bruges during the years 1465-9.
G 1.
Comme Daniel f adrien dit scepheer dauiel demandeur d'une part et
Jeroneme vento pour et ou nom de Jaques dorie marchant de jennes
deffendeur dautre part/ se soient soubsmis et copromis de toutes les dif
ferences quils auoient ensemble ou des sentence/ ordonnance et arbitraige
de Willem Caxton marchant dangleterre maistre et gouuerneur des mar
chans de la nation dangleterre par deca/ et de thomas perrot come en
arbitres arbitrateurs amiables compositeurs et corSuns amis/ promettent
les dites parties et chacun deulx de bien et loyalement entretenir/ obseruer
et accomphr tout ce que par les dits arbitres seroit sur les dites differ
ences des sentences ordone et arbitre sans faire ou venfr a lencontre en
aucune maniere/ et que lesd' arbitres aient oy les raisons des dites parties/
et sur ce ordone leur sentence et ordofiance lesqueUes Us out rapporte en
la plaine chambre des echeuins de Bruges/ out este pubhe ausdites parties/
parceque le dit Willem Caxton sestoit necessairement retrait de la dite
viUe de Bruges/ est il que par la dite plaine chambre descheuins de
Bruges les dites parties out este appellees et sont comparus ausquels a este
dit et signifie larbitraige et ordonnance dedits arbitres qui estoit et est tel

AUTHORITIES.

109

comme sensuyt/ assauofr que ledit Jeroneme vento pour et ou nom
dudit Jaques dorie payera audit scepheer dauiel/ en argent comptant et
promptement la somme de Uij hv. gr. et que ledit Jeroneme ou nom que
dessus/ prestera aud' scepheer dauiel autres iiij. Uv. gr. parmi tout voyes
bonne caution et seurte que ledit Scepheer Daniel devra donner aud'
Jeroneme vento de lui rendre et payer lad' somme de iiij. 1. gr. quU lui
aura prestee/ en dedans les premiers quatre voyages que yceUuy Scepheer
daniel fera a toute sa neif en quelque pays que ce soit/ assauoir a chacun
voyage une hure de gros/ pourueu aussi que eu cas que led' Scepheer
daniel ne fesist aucun voyaige auec sad' neif en dedans six mois prochain
venant que alors led' Scepheer Daniel ou ses plesges seront tenus de
payer et restituer aud' Jeroneme vento sans que led' Jeroneme sera tenu
de attendre les autres payemens dessusnommez/ a lobservation de laqueUe
sentence ordonnance et arbitraige lesd' parties et chacune deUes out este
par lad' plaine chambre des echeiuns de Bruges este condampnez.
actum xij^ maij a° Ixix.
G 2.
TEANSLATION.
Whereas Daniel F. Adrien, called Scepheer Daniel, Plaintiff of the one
part, and Jeroneme Vento, for and in the names of Jaques Dorie, Mer
chant of G^nes, Defendant of the other part, have promised and agreed
to leave aU the differences between them to the judgment and arbitration
of WUliam Caxton, Merchant of England, and Master and Governor of
the Enghsh Nation in these parts; and of Thomas Perrot, as Arbitrators,
and amicable Umpires and common friends, the said parties, and each of
them, promising well and legally to abide by, observe and perform all
that the said Arbitrators shaU decide and adjudicate on the said differ
ences, without opposition of any kind. And that the said Arbitrators
having heard the pleas of the said parties, and formed thereon thefr sen
tence and judgment which they have reported to the fuU chamber of the
Sheriffs of Bruges, it has been notified to the said parties, that, because
the said WiUiam Caxton was unavoidably absent from the said city of
Bruges, the said parties have been summoned before the said fuU chamber
of the Sheriffs of Bruges, and have appeared. To whom has been
signified the arbitration and judgment by the said Arbitrators, which was
and is as foUows ; that is to say — That the said Jeroneme Vento, for and
in the name of the said Jaques Dorie, shaU pay to the said Scepheer
Daniel promptly and in current money the sum of £4 gross; and that the

Bruges Records.
Town Registers.
A.D. 1469.

Bruges Records.
Town Registers.
Translation. A.D. 1469.

110

AUTHORITIES.

Bruges Records.
Town Registers.
Translation. A.D: 1469.

said Jeroneme above-named shall advance to the said Scepheer Daniel
another £4 gross, the said Scepheer Daniel, however, giving good surety
to the said Jeroneme that he wiU re-pay the said sum of £4 gross which
he had advanced, within the first four voyages, in whatever country it
may be, that Scepheer Daniel may make with his vessel, that is to say,
on each voyage £1 gross. Provided always, that in case the said Scepheer
Daniel shall not make a voyage with his said ship within the next six
months, that then the said Scepheer Daniel, or his sureties, shall be bound
to pay and restore to the said Jeroneme Vento (without the said Jeroneme
ao-ree to a postponement) the other payments above-named. The
observance of which judgment and arbitration by the said parties, and
each of them, has been decreed in the said fuU chamber of Sheriffs of
Bruges. Done the 12th of May, 1469.

Merchant
Adventurers' Patent.
The Principal Navi
gations, Voiages,
Traffiqves and l)is-
coueries of the
English Nation, by
Richard Haklvyt,
London,folio,1604,vol. I, page 208.

MEECHANT ADVENTUEEES' PATENT.
A Charter granted by Edward IV, for the Government of the Merchant
Adventurers trading to, or resident in, the Town of Bruges,
H 1.
A large Charter, granted by K. Edward the 4 in the second yere of his
reigne, to the marchants of England resident especially in the Netherland,
for their chusing of a master and gouernor among themselues, which
gouememeut was first appointed unto one William Obray: with expresse
mention, what authoritie he should haue.
EDward by the grace of God king of France, & of England & lord
of Ireland, to al those which shal s'ee or heare these letters, sendeth
greeting, and good wil. Know ye, that whereas we haue vnderstood,
as well by the report of our louing and faithfuU Counsellors, as by the
common complaint and report of aU men, that many vexations, griefs,
debates, discords, annoyes, dissentions, & damages, haue heretofore bene
done, moued, committed, and happened, and do daily fal out and happen
among the common marchants & mariners, our subiects of our realmes
of France & England, & our lordships of Ireland and Wales, & of other
our dominions, seigneuries, and territories, because that good discretion
and authority hath not bin obserued among our saide subiects, which
abide, frequent, conuerse, remain, inhabit, & passe, aswel by sea as by
land, into y" parts of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zeland, and

AUTHORITIES. Ill

diuers other countreis and seigneuries belonging aswel to the high and Merchant

Adventurers'

mighty pruice, our most deere and louing cousin y" Duke of Burgoine, of Patent.
-Brabant, earle of Flanders, &c. as befrig m the obedience & dommion a.rM62.
of other lords, which are in friendship, alliance, and good wU with vs:
and that it is to be doubted that through the saide inconuenience and
occasion, many discommodities may ensue & fal out in time to come
(which God forbid) vnles we should prouide conuenient remedie in this
behaUe for our subiects aforesaid: wherefore we desiring most effectuaUy
and heartUy to auoide the loischiefe of the saide inconueniences & to pro
uide conuenient remedy for the same, to the end that the said common
marchants and mariners and others our subiects of our said realms &
domioions, which at this present & hereafter shal haunt and frequent
y'' said countreis, may be iustly & lawfuUy ruled, gouerned, and intreated
by right & equity in the countreis aforesaid, and that equity, reason, and
iustice may be ministred vnto them and euery of them, according as the
cases shal require, we being wel assured and hauiag ful confidence, in the
discretion, faithfulnes, wisdome, experience, and good dUigence of our
most deare and welbeloued subiect Will. Obray our seruant, & in regard
of the good, faithfuU, and acceptable seruices, which he hath done vs in
our realm and among our subiects ia times past, & hoping that he wil
do also hereafter, we haue made, ordained, constituted, committed, and
estabhshed, and by the tenour of these presents, of our special grace, fill
power, and authority royaU, we ordaine, appoint, comrait, and estabUsh,
(duriag our pleasure) to be gouernor, iudge, warden of iustice, and the
appurtenances & appendances therof, which we haue or may haue ouer
our said common subiects the marchants trauaUing hereafter as wel by
sea as by land, and abiding in the said countries of Brabant, Flanders,
Henault, Holland, Zeland, and other countreis beyond the sea, as is afore-
saide, together with the wages, rights, profits, and emoluments heretofore
accustomed, & as the said Will. Obray at other times hath had and
receiued of our said subiects, when he had vsed, and exercised the said
office of gouernor, & also with other such rights and profits, as hereafter
shal more plaioly be declared. And furthermore for our parts we haue
giuen him, and by these presents do giue him, as much as in vs Ueth,
during our pleasure, fiU power, authority, and special commandement, to
gouerne, rule, and cause to be gouerned and ruled with good iustice by
himseUe, or by his sufficient heuetenants or deputies, aU and euery
our foresaid subiects the common marchants & mariners comming.

112 AUTHORITIES.
Merchant _ remaining, frequentiag, passing, and repafring from henceforth into the
Patent. said countreis of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zeland, and other
A D~1462 countreyes beyond the sea, as it is said, and to keep and cause to be keptt
to exercise & maintein, for vs and in our place, the said office of gouemour,
and to doe aU such things which a faithfuU gouernour ought to do, & to
take knowledge and administration of the causes of the said common
marchants and mariners, our subiects, and of euery of them, and of thefr
causes and quarels moued, or hereafter to be moued ia the countreis
aforesaid, or within the Uraits & borders therof, and to doe them ftJl
& speedy iustice. And to reforme, cause reformation, gouerne, appease,
and pacifie aU contentions, discords, questions, or debates between those
our said subiects moued, or to moued: and to right, redresse, repafre,
restore, and amend aU transgressions, domages, enterprises, outrages,
violences, and iniuries comitted or to be comitted: and hkewise to requfre,
to aske, demand, and receiue, restitutions, reparations, restaurations, and
amends of our said subiects the common marchants & mariners, or of
their factors in the coiitreis aforesaid. And that, whensoeuer and as
often as it shal please the said gouernor or his deputies, they may in
some conuenient and honest place within the said countreis make or cause
to be made, somon, and hold in our name iurisdictions, courts, and assem-
bUes : and in our said name take administration and knowledge of causes,
as it is aforesaide, and to hold and keepe pleas, for and in our behalfe,
and to make agreements, mediatours, and vmpires, to iudge, to make
decrees, and to minister iustice, to ordaine, appoint, censure, and con-
straine our saide subiects to sweare, and take all kind of oathes, which
order of iustice and custome require and affoorde, and to enioye our
authoritie, and to vse, execute and accomphsh, by way of equitie and
iustice, and to doe, or cause to be done aU execution and exercise of law
and iustice; and to ordain, appoint, and estabUsh sise sergeants or vnder,
to doe the executions and arrests of our said court, by the commandement
of the said gouenour or of his deputies, or at the request of the partie or
otherwise, according as the case shall require by their aduise, and to
discharge and displace the said sergeants, as shaU seeme good vnto him,
as often and whensoeuer as it shaU please him, and change them, and
appoint and set others in thefr roomes, and to require returne and answere
of the court, whensoeuer need shal be, of all causes, quarels, and busiaesses
in regard of the said office belonging vnto vs and to our said subiects the
common marchants and mariners at aU times, and as often as the case

AUTHORITIES 113
shaU permit and require: and generally and specially to doe as much for vs Merchant
.^ ... " . Adventurers
and m our stead, in the cases before mentioned, and which hereafter shalbe Patent.
declared, as we could doe or cause to be done, could say or requfre, if we a.RM62.
were there present in our owne person. Moreouer wee will, and by the
tenour of these presents wee giue and graunt vnto the saide gouernour,
and to our saide subiects the common marchants and mariners, that as oft
and whensoeuer it please them, they may meet and assemble in some
honest and conuenient place, and by the consent of the said gouemour to
choose and appoynt among them at thefr pleasure, freely and without
danger, certaine sufficient and fit persons to the number of twelue or
vnder, which we wU haue to be named Justicers, vnto the which Justicers
so elected by the saide gouernour, and our saide subiects, as it is said, and
to euerie of them, we giue and graunt especiaU power and authoritie to
sitte and assist in court, with the said gouernour or his Ueutenants, for their
aide and assistance, and to heare the griefs, complaints, and demands of
our said subiects their suites, pleas, and the state of thefr causes and
quarels whatsoeuer moued or to be moued vnto the ende of thefr cause,
and at the request of the saide gouernour, his heutenants, or any of them,
to say, propound, and plainely to expresse and declare their opinions,
accordiag to right and conscience, vpon the causes brought before them
and by the parties vttered and declared, and weU, lawfuUy, and faithfuUy
to counseU and aduise the saide gouemour or his Ueutenants, to order and
censure, iudge and determine, and ende the same iustly and equally,
according as the case shaU permit and requfre. And furthermore we
wU, that aU iust and reasonable statutes, lawes, ordinances, decrees, and
constitutions made and estabhshed or to be made and estabUshed, in the
countreys aforesaide, by the consent of the said gouernour, and of the saide
Justicers, shalbe corrected, amended, and made, as they shaU see to bee
expedient in this behalfe, for the bette» gouernment of the estate of the
common marchants and mariners our saide subiects, and shalbe held as
ratified, firme, acceptable and approued; and from henceforth we accept,
admit, aUow, and approue them for ratified and conffrmed, there to be
firmely and inuiolably obserued, kept and obeyed. And also, of our
farther fauour and grace wee wUl and we grant, that by the consent of
our said gouernour, our said subiects the common marchants and mariners
may make and set downe in the saide countreis, by thefr common consent,
as often as they shaU thinke good for their better gouernment and estate,
such iust and reasonable lawes, statutes, ordinances, decrees, constitutions,
TOL. I. B

114 AUTHORITIES.
Merchant and customes, as they shal thinke expedient in this behalfe: which we
Patent. comand to be kept as ratified, confirmed, aUowed, & approued, auaUable,
A D~l462 ^^^ established. Prouided alwaies, that they do not nor seeke any thing pre-
iudicial to this present power and authoritie giuen and graunted by vs to the
saide gouemour, in any poynt or article heerein comprised, by any meanes
or way whatsoeuer : in which case if they shoulde doe any thing, or ought
should happen, we wil that it shal take no place, force, vigour, strength,
nor vertue: neither that it shalbe of any effect, but it shalbe abohshed,
disanuUed, and vtterly frustrate ; and as abolished, disanuUed, and vtterly
frustrated, from this time forward, wee holde and take it, and wiU here
after hold and take the same. And so to doe, and put in execution in our
name, we haue and doe giue fuU and absolute power, & speciaU authority
to our said seruant William Obray, & to his said heutenants. And like
wise, to the end that j" course of marchandise may be kept in good estate,
and that by order of iustice a firme and constant rule may be set downe
among those our said subiects and marchants, we haue ordained and do
ordaine, haue consented & do consent, and by these presents haue giuen
and do giue ful power & especiaU authority to our said seruant WUl
Obray gouemour aforesaid, that at al time and times when he shal think
good, he may ordaine, elect, chuse, and appoint, ia the countreis aforesaid;
such ministers, officers, and seruitours as hereafter shalbe named, and such
others as he shal think necessary, and to discharge them, and to change
them, & set others in thefr roomes, at his good wUl and pleasure, vnto
such a number as he shaU thinke good and reasonable for the time being
to be employed: as namely correctors or brokers as many as he shal
thinke good, to make and to Avitnes the bargaines which are made or to
be made, betweene our said subiects and others with whom they shal
haue to do or to deale ia the foresaid countries: and also as many
ahiagers to alner and measure al kinds of marchandises which they shal
buy or sel by the yard: and also as many weighers to weigh the mar
chandise which shalbe sold or bought by weight: and also so many folders
to fold thefr clothes, and so many packers to pack their packs, and to
make their fardels, maunds, and baskets, and other things needefiiU for
the defence & preseruation of their marchandize. Al which ministers,
officers, and seruitors, so chosen, elected, charged, admitted, and estab
hshed by the saide gouernour, as is saide, may take their wages for their
pafries & attendances vpon the said marchants, according to the custome
of the said countreis, and as they haue been accustomed to take of the

AUTHORITIES. 115
said marchants before these presents by vs given and graunted. And . Merchant _
¦T ^ . T ^ Adventurers
hereupon we haue giuen and doe giue expresse charge and commande- Patent.
ment by vs and in our names to aU our said subiects common marchants a.D. 1462.
and mariners, and to euery of them which shall frequent, come, remaine,
passe, repaire, or inhabite within the countreis aforesaid, that they shall
not make contract or bargaine, sell or buy, nor shaU not cause any
contract or bargaine to be made, nor in the said countreis seU or buy any
maner of wares, goods, or marchandises, secretely nor openly, by way of
fraude, barat, or deceite whatsoeuer, with any person or persons, of what
estate, countrey, or condition soeuer they be, without he hath some of the
said brokers at the bargain making, to present, report, and to testifie the
said contracts or bargains before the said gouernor or others, if need
require, and strife or contention should grow therof betweene them: nor
to packe or cause to be packed any goods or marchandises belonging vnto
them, in packs, bales, or fardels, coffers, chests, maunds, dryfats, or rowles,
without hauing some deputy present thereat : nor to take or cause to be
taken or set on worke in the said countreis, any other brokers, alnagers,
weighers, folders, or packers, then the aforesaid so chosen, admitted,
estabUshed, and ordained by the saide gouernor, & hereto authorized in
our name, as it is said, vnder paine of falUng into, and incurring of our
displeasure, and of forfeiture, and confiscation of all such goods, wares,
and marchandises, which shalbe found to haue passed by other hands or
order, then that or those which are before mentioned: the fourth part of
which forfeitures and confiscations shaU be imployed to the repairing and
maiatenance of two chappels founded to the honour of Saint Thomas of
Canterburie by our saide subiects, fri the townes of Bruges in Flanders,
and of Middleborough in Zeland; the other fourth part to vs, & our
vse; the thfrd fourth part to our said cousin of Burgundie, or the natural
Lord of the countrey wherein the saide goods shaU be found ; and the fourth
fourth part to hun or them, which shall discouer, detect, or finde out the
saide fraude. And also that none of our said subiects shaU vnlade or
cause to be vnladen, vnder any colour nor otherwise, nor vnpacke, in the
countreis aboue saide, no kind of wares, goods, nor marchandises whatso
euer, which they shaU bring or cause to bee brought into the countreyes
aforesaide, comming out of our countreyes, dominions, or obeysance,
without first and beforehand they make the gouemour or his deputies
acquanited with their arriuaU, and craue leaue, and deUuer, shewe, and
declare thefr cockets, that it may duely appeare, that the saide goods and
E 2

A.D. 1462.

116 AUTHORITIES.
Merchant _ marchaudises haue truly and lawfuUy payde vnto vs our rights and cus-
PatelS?'^^ tomes, and not to vnpacke them but in the presence of the saide gouer
nour, his heuetenants or deputies, vpon paiae of forfaiture, and confiscation
of the saide goods, in maner and forme before declared in the foresaide
article. And if it bee found by the visitation of the saide gouernor, his
heuetenants or deputies, that any goods, wares, or marchandises whatso
euer be arriued and discharged in the countreis aforesaid, belonging to
our said subiectes, not lawfuUy customed and acquited towarde vs of our
right and custome, for which they cannot nor are not able to make any
due proofe of our letters of coquet, as is metioned, or if they finde any
other fraud: we wiU, we ordaine, and we grant, that the sayd gouernour,
his Ueutenants or deputies may seaze upon the sayd goods on our behalfe,
and may confiscate and forfeit the same, distributiag the same into foure
parts in maner aforesayd. And also wee wiU, that euery one of the sayd
packes, fardels, baskets, maunds, cofers, tunnes, bales, roules, and other
furnitures and geare, wherein the sayd marchandises shalbe packed, to be
sent out of the said countreis, shaU not be laden vpon ships, carts, nor
horses, to come into our dominion, without being ffrst sealed with a scale
ordayned by vs and giuen by the sayd gouernour, vpon paine to be for-
fayted, applyed, and confiscated to vs and into our hand, if they be found
vnsigued and not sealed with the scale. And for euery piece of mar
chandise which shaU be sealed with the sayd scale, they shall pay to the
sayd sealer two pence of grosse money of Flanders, which shaU goe to
the profite of the sayd gouernour. And forasmuch as accordiag to right
and conscience, we ought not to vse the labour, trauels, nor seruice of
any man, without waging, paying, and fuUy contentfrig him according to
reason and equity, especially when we doe appoint any person or persons
to doe or cause to be done so great trauels, labours, busines, and execu
tions, as these which are contayned in this present charter, asweU for the
benefit and profit of vs and our selves, as for the holesome, perfect, &
good gouernment of our sayd subiects : we by the good aduise and dehbe-
ration of the sayd lords of our priuie counseU, haue granted and giuen,
and as before, doe grant and giue, of our sayd grace, to the said William
Obray our sayd seruant and gouernour abouenamed, during our pleasure,
for part of his wages and fee of the sayd office, one pennie of our money
of England of the value of a Uuer of grosse money of Flanders, vpon
al and singuler the goods,' wares and marchandises of our sayd subiects
frequenting the said countreis to be leuyed, gathered, receiued, and payed

AUTHORITIES. 117
vnto the said William Obray or to his deputies, vpon the sayd wares and Merchant
marchandises belonging vnto our sayd said subiects buying and selling. Patent.
or which they shaU cause to sell, buy, put away, trucke or exchange ia ^ d~1462
the countreys abouesaid, aswel of the goods and marchandises which
they shaU bring or cause to be brought into the sayd countreis: as of
all other goods which they shaU lade and carie, or cause to bee caried
and conueyed out of those countreis into our dominion or elsewhere into
any other part whatsoeuer. And to cause the same to be gathered,
receiued, leauied, and payed, we haue giuen, and by these presents doe
giue fuU power and speciaU authoritie vnto the sayd William Obray,
and to his heutenants and deputies aforesayd, to leauy, gather, and cause
to be leauied and receiued the sayd money, in forme and maner aboue
mentioned, to his profite and vse, during our pleasure : and to enioy and
vse the same as his proper goods, without any contradiction, constraining
and arresting if neede bee, as well on land, as on the water, our said
subiects, their sayd goods, and euery of them, by way of law and iustice,
and to cause them to yeelde and pay the sayd money, vpon the said goods
and marchandises, as is aforesayd. For such is our pleasure, and so wUl
we haue it done without contradiction or impeachment to him and his,
during our pleasure. And also we wiU that the sayd William Obray,
ouer and aboue that which is sayd, shaU take, gather, and receiue of our
sayd subiects from henceforth yearely, duriag our pleasure, aU such and
hke wages and profits, as he had and receiued of our sayd subiects, in the
yeare 1458, when hee held and exercised the said office of gouernour,
without diminishing or rebating any thing thereof, notwithstanding this
present augmentation made, increased, and done vnto him, of our grace
and fauour : and that hee shaU gather, take, and receiue the same in such
forme and manner, as the other money aboue mentioned is to be gathered.
And to the ende that the sayd William Obray may haue and take
possession, season, and enterance of the said office of gouernour in our
name we have and doe place him, by the dehuery of these presents, in
possession, season, and entrance of the said office, and of the rights, profits,
stipends, wages, and moneis aforesayd, to begin to exercise the sayd office
of gouernour in our name, the first day of May next ensuing, after the
date of these presents, for the sayd William Obray to hold and exercise,
practise and vse the same, during our pleasure, with the sayd wages,
moneys, rights, and profites, aboue mentioned, without any contradic
tion or impeachment. And aU and singular our subiects the common

A.D. 1462.

lis AUTHORITIES.
Merchant _ marchauts and mariners, which shaU be contrary, rebeUious, and disobe-
Patent. dicut to the said gouernour so ordayned by vs, to his sayd heutenants,
to the sayd iusticers so chosen, or to any of them, or to any of the statutes,
lawes, decrees, sentences, ordinances and customes, offices, gifts, and grants
abouesayd, let them grieuously be punished by the sayd gouernour or his
Ueutenants, in this behalfe, according to the quantity of thefr offences,
and the exigencie of the cases. We doe sommon, commaund, straitly
and expressly enioine by these presents aU and euery our saide subiects,
that vnto the sayd gouernour so by vs ordained, to his Ueutenants,
attorneis, or deputies, and also to the said iusticers, officers, and ministers,
in all and euerie the things aforesaid, and others any waie concerning in
this behalfe our said ordinances, their gouernmet and rule, the cfr-
cumstances and dependances thereon that they giue their attendance,
counsayle, comfort, obedience, aud aide, diUgently without fault or diffi-i
culty, surely, safely, fxUly, and peaceably: without doiag, iaferriag, or
inflictiag, or suffering to be done, inferred, or inflicted to them or any of
them in body or goods, any disturbance or impeachment, in any maner
whatsoeuer : but rather if any thing bee done vnto them contrary and to
the preiudice of these presents, they shaU remoue and cause the same
to be remooued, and that which shall be hindered they shaU set at free
deliuerance, vpon payne to faU into and to incurre our high displeasure.
For such is our pleasure and so wiU wee haue it, notwithstanding anie
letters falsely crept in, obtayned, or to be obtayned contrary hereunto.
And you our subiects, the common marchants and mariners, so hehaue
your seines, that you may receiue commendation of vs for your good
obedience, knowing that such as shaU be found doing or to haue done the
contrary, we will see them so punished without redemption, that they
shall bee an example to all rebelhous persons. We pray and most in
stantly requfre ia the ayde of equitie, aU others our friends, allies, and
weU-willers, asweU princes and potentates, as thefr iusticers, officers, heu
tenants, deputies, commissaries, and subiects, and euery of them, in regard
of equitie ; that they would vouchsafe, and that it would please them to
giue, doe, and lend comfort, ayde, assistance, and prisons if neede requfre,
to our sayd gouernour, his Ueutenants, commissaries, deputies, iusticers,
& others our officers and ministers aforesayd: and herein wee pray
them on our behalfe, and in our owne name. And it may please them
herein to doe so much, that we may haue occasion to thanke them, and
to accompt our seines beholding for the same : aud as they would that we

AUTHORITIES.

119

should do for them in the like matter or in a greater: which we wUl
willingly doe, if we be requfred thereunto by them. In witnesse whereof
we haue caused these our letters to bee made patents. Witnes our selues
at Westminster, the sixteenth of AprU, in the second yere our reigne.

Merchant
Adventurers' Patent.
A.D. 1462.

ISSUE EOLL OF THE EXCHEQUEE.
J.
Under the date of "Easter. 19 Edward IV, 15th June," is the
foUowing : —
To WUham Caxton. In money paid to his own hands in discharge
of 20?. which the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the same
WUham for certain causes and matters performed by him for the said Lord
the Kiag. By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of this term 20 ?.

A.D. 1479.

Extract from '
of the Exchequer;
being a Collec
tion of Payments
made out of His
Majesty's Revenue
from Hen. Ill to
Hen. VI inclusive,"
by Fred. Devon,
4to, London, 1837,
page 499.

ST. MAEGAEET'S EECOEDS.— CHUECHWAEDENS'
ACCOUNTS.
(In the Vestry of St. Margarefs Church, Westminster).
A Volume of biennial Accounts of the Churchwardens, audited by the
chief Parishioners. Each Account is written on a quire of parchment,
complete in itself; they vary considerably in size, but have been carefully
bound in one Volume, and are in beautifiU condition. The period
included in this Volume is from 1464 to 1503. The contents consist of
— Eeceipts of Fees for Burials, Obits, &c. — Eents — Legacies, and GUIs
— Payments for Eepairs — Salaries — Pew-rents^ — CoUections — and other
expenses. K 1.
" Compiis Thome Frampton & WUli Stafford custod' bonor^ & orna-
mentor9 eccUe pochial' see margarete Westm videl't a xvij" die Maij
A° regis Edwardi quarti post conqm Angl' quarto vsq3 xxij diem
eiusdm " * * *
In the List of Fees for Burial is —
" It"" rec'^ de Oliver Cawston die sepul? p Uij tapr' viij d "

A.D. 1474.

120

AUTHORITIES.

St. Margaret's
Records.
Churchwardens' Accounts.
A.D. 1476-92.

K 2.
Among the MisceUaneous Eeceipts for 1476 —
" It"° of a Eewarde for a boke & a Chales lent to Sfr
Eic' Wideuyle K 3.

XX d"

" Here folowith Thaccompt of John Wycam and of Nicholas WoUescroft
Wardeins of the parisshe Churche of seynt margarete of Westm * *
from the vij*'" day of the moneth of may in the yere of our lord god
M" CCCC IxxvUj * * * vnto the xvUj*'" day of may in the yere of our
lord god M' CCCC kxx " * * *
In the List of Fees for Burial in the ffrst year —
" It"" the day of burying of WilUam Caxton for ij torchis
and iUj tapfrs at a lowe masse xx d "
The amount paid does not appear large; but in a very long list of
burial fees there are only four equal ia amount, the common rate of fees
being ij d, iiij d, or vj d.
K 4.
The same Account. In the List of Fees for burial in the second year —
" It™ the day of bureying of Jone large for ij tapfrs iUj d "
K 5.
The Audit at the end of the same Account is as foUows : —
" The whiche soine of xxuj h. x s v d ob. q" the forsaide wardeyns
haue paide and deljmed in the fuUe Audite vnto wUUam Garard and
Wilham Hachet their Successours togeder w* the tresoures of and in the
chfrche aforeseid to them delyned in the begynnyng of this accompte * *
in the presence of John Eandolf squyer Eichard Vmfrey gentUman
Thomas Burgeys John KendaU notary WilUam Caxton * * with
other paryshyns " * *
K 6.
In the Account for the years 1490-2, among the Burial Fees for the
first year —
" Itin atte Bureyng of Mawde Caxston for torches & tapres Uj s ij d "
In the second year — ¦
" Itiii atte Bureyng of WUham Caxton for iUj torches vj s vUj d "
" Itfii for the beUe atte same bureyng vj d "
Here we remark again that in both these cases the fees paid are con
siderably larger than usual.

AUTHORITIES.

121

K 7.
In the Accounts for 1496-8 among the Legacies, and their produce —
" It"" receyued by the handes of William EyoUe for oone
of thoo printed bokes that were bequothen to the
Churche behove by WiUiam Caxston vj s vuj d "
" It"" receyued by the handes of the said WUUam for a
nother of the same printed Bokes caUed a legend vj s iUj d "
" It"" by the hands of the parisshe prest for a nother of
the same legendes yj s vuj d "
At the end of the Account — '
" Memorand' there remayneth in store to the said Chfrch "
" It"" in bokes caUed legendes of the bequest of WiUiam Caxton xiij d "
K 8.
Among the Payments at the end of the same Account —
" It"" paide for a supper gevyn vnto the Auditours herynge
and determenyng this accompt and to the newe
Chfrchwardeyns as it hath ben vsed and accus-
tumed here tofore xx s "
K 9.
In the Accounts for 1498-1500—
" The Eeceites of Bookes caUed Legendes in the first yere of this accompte '
" Fjrrst Eeceyued of John Crosse for a prainted legende v s vuj d "
"Item Eeceiued for a nother legende soldo in West
mynster haUe
" Item Eeceiued of WiUfn Geyfe for a nother of the
same legendes v s
" It"" Eeceiued of the sayde WUlm geyfe for anotherLegende v s
" Item E of Water Marten for a nother legende v s
In the second year of the same account —
" Item E. of Wilham Geiffe for ij legendes printed x s iUj d "
" It"" E of DanieU aforge for a printed legende v s x d "
" Item E of WilUam Geiffe for a printed legende v s "
" Memorand' ther remayneth in store to the saide chfrch " * * *
" It"" in bokes caUed Legendes of the bequest of WUUam Caxton uj "
In the accounts for 1500-2 there are not entered any sales of "Legends.
" Ther remayneth in store to the saide chfrche " * * *
" Item a prynted legende booke of the bequeste of WUlm Caxton."

vs

viij d "
vUj d "
viij d "
xjd"

St. Margaret's
Records.
Churchwardens' Accounts.
A.D. 1496-1502.

TO! I.

122 AUTHORITIES.
ST. MAEGAEET'S EECOEDS.
GUILD OF OUE LADY; WAEDENS' ACCOUNTS.
(In the Vestry of St. Marga/refs Chu/rch, Westminster.)
A Volume of triennial Accounts of the Fraternity of our Blessed Lady
Assumption, beautifiiUy written on veUum, and in exceUent preservation.
It includes the period between 1474 and 1522, and is of very great
interest in illustrating the customs of that period. The earUer as weU as
the later Volumes are not known to exist. The foUowing are the prin
cipal headings of the various Accounts — ^Arrears of Members — ^Eents
received' — Bequests and Gifts — Eeceipts for Obits of Members — ^Fees
of new Members — Eents paid — Payments of Salaries — ^Wages — Annui-
ties to Almsmen and Women — ^House-repafrs — Wax Candles, and other
expenses, for the Shrine of our Lady ia St. Margaret's Church — and
MisceUaneous expenses. L 1.
The ffrst Account is headed —
" This is thaccompte of maister WUUam Thfrleby henry marble gen
tUman and James Fytt maistres or Wardeyns chosen of the Frat'fite or
gylde of oure blessed lady seint mary the vfrgyn w*in the pissh chfrch of
seint margaret of the towne of Westm in the shire of midd' founded, that
24th June, 1474, is to Say from the fest of Natiuite of seint John Baptist in the yere of
24th June, 1477. T Tcigue of kyug Edward the Uij**" after the conquest xUij vnto the said
fest of the Natiuite of seint John the xvij**" yere of the reigne of the
same kyng by three hole yeres as it pticulerly appiereth in pceUez here
folowyng that is to wete." L 2.
Under Payments of Eent in the same Account —
" Also the said late maistres charge themsUf w* a certeyn quite rent due
by John Eandolff of london mercer for a Ucence of Fre entre of comyng
in and going out for his tenntes thurgh the gate and an AUey caUed our
lady AUey in the kynges Strete of the towne of westm""."
L 3.
In the same Account, under " thentre of diiies psones of new to the
said fra?nite " is " John Caxston vj s vUj d."
Also among the Payments —
" Diuers payments by the said late maisters for the said Fraternite * *
of the which thay axe to be aUowed iu this accompt."

AUTHORITIES.

123

A.D. 1474-77.

" Of the money by them paid to the wardeins of the Craft of mercery st. Margaret's
of london for certam quite rent going out of the tefi? in the pisshe of Guild of om' Lady;
Aldermarie Chfrche of london at v s by the yere." Wardens' Accounts.
The Fraternity appear also to have held tenements in King Street,
Westminster, at Kensington, and at Stroud.
L 4.
In the same Account, after the payment of six priests' salaries —
"Costes and pceUes allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward
thexpences of the gefiaU fest in Uj'^" yere of this accompt."
These "Costs and Parcels" occupy two fuU folio pages, and have
yielded the foUowing items : —
" A tonn of wyne vj U
" Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv s
" Also for the hfre of xxiUj doseyn of erthen pottes for
ale & wyne iUj s
" Also for erthen pottes broken & wasted at the same fest vj s vuj d
" Also to Uij players for thefr labour xij s x d
" Also to Uj mynstreUes ix s xd
" Also for the mete of diiies strangers xvj s
" Also for russhes ij s Uij d
" Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes uj s
* * * *
" Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iUj d
" -Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d
In addition to scores of " Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones
(pigeons), the chief " cok " provided them with " swannys " and " herons,"
with aU sorts of fish, including oysters and " see pranys," or prawns, with
aU kiads of meats and game, with jelUes in " ix dosen gely disshes," and
with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and ypocras provided
by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at the heavy entries
for " pottes and cuppes broken, and wasted." The Cook seems to have
been paid much more hberaUy than the Wardens, who had but xxx s
between them " for thefr dUUgence."
L 5.
In the Accounts for 1490-3 are the Eeceipts of Eent from tenements,
known as " The Maidenhead," " The Sonne," " The Eose," and " The
Wolstaple." s 2

124 AUTHORITIES.

St. Margaret's Also, under payment of Eent-
Records.

GmldofourLady; " For a certayu Quit rent paid out of a liteU tent in the wolstaple to
Wardens' Accounts. ^^^ ^^^ ^f ^|^g g^^^jg at XX d by the yere."
A.D. 1490-93. " Also for a certayn Quit rent paid out of the Eents in
Aldermay pisshe to John More Eenter of the Mercers xv s "

M.
ETMEE'S FCEDEEA.— SUPEE TEEUGIS BUEGUNDL^.
" Eex omnibus, ad quos &c. Salutem.
" Sciatis qu6d,
A.D. 1464. " Cum certa Appunctuamenta, Intercursum Mercandisarum inter Sub-
"Eymer^cEdera," ^^^s uostros ac Subditos carissimi Consanguinei nostri Duds Burgundice
foiio,London,i7io, coucemeutia, sub certis Modo & Form& ante hsec tempora Concordata
vol. XI, page o36, ' . ^
4 Ed. 4. fuerant & Conclusa SEepiiisque interim Prorogata,
" Nos,
"Appunctuamenta iUa pro Parte nostra teneri & observari volentes,
Ac de Fidehtatibus & providis Circumspectionibus, Dilectorum & FideUum
nostrorum, Richardi Whetehill Armigeri, & Willielmi Caxton, pleniiis
confidentes, " Ipsos Richardum & Willielmum nostros veros & indubitatos Am-
bassiatores, Procuratores, Nuncios, & Deputatos speciales Facimus,
Ordinamus & Constituimus per Prsesentes;
" Dantes & Concedentes eisdem Ambassiatoribus, Procuratoribus,
Nunciis & Deputatis nostris, & eorum utrique, plenam Potestatem &
Auctoritatem ac Mandatum generale & speciale ad Conveniendum, Trac-
tandum, et Comunicandum cum prcefato Consanguineo nostro seu ejus
Ambassiatoribus, Procuratoribus, NuncUs, & Deputatis, sufficientem Potes
tatem ab eodem Consanguiaeo nostro ad hoc habentibus, de & super
Contiauatione Intercursiis prsedicti & Prorogatione ejusdem, &, si necesse
fuerit, de novo Capiendo, Appunctuand^ & Concludend^,
" Cseteraque omnia & singula, quae in Prsemissis necessaria fuerint &
oportuna. Faciendum & Excercendum;
" Promittentes, bon^ Fide, & in Verbo Eegio, Nos Eatum, Gratum,
& Ffrmum pro perpetuo habituros totum & quicquid per dictos Ambas-
siatores, Procuratores, Nuncios, and Deputatos nostros, seu eorum alteram,

AUTHORITIES.

125

in form^ prsedicti. Actum, Gestum, seu Procuratum fiierit in Prsemissis, Rymer's Pcedera.
T -n • Super Treugis
seu ahquo Prasnussorum. BurgundiJ.
" In cujus &c.
" Teste Eege apud Wycombe Vicesimo Die Octobris.

A.D. 1464.

TEANSLATION.
CONCEENING THE TEEATY OF BUEGUNDY.

/

The King to aU whom it may concern &c. Greetfrig.
Be it known that
Inasmuch as determinate arrangements concerning the intercourse of Rymer's Foedera.
merchandise between our subjects and the subjects of our weU beloved B^gund^.'^
Cousia the Duke of Burgundy have ia a sure form and manner been Translation.
accorded and agreed to in times past and since that time often October, 1464.
renewed, We,
Wishiag on our part to hold good and observe such arrangements, and
being weU assured of the faithfulness and discretion of our weU beloved
subjects Eichard WhetehUl, Knight, and WilUam Caxton,
Do make, ordain and constitute, by these presents, the said Eich-ard and
WUham our true and accredited Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and
special Deputies ;
Giving and Granting to our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and
Deputies and to either of them, fuU power and authority and general as
weU as special commandment to meet, to enter into treaty and to com
municate with our aforesaid Cousin or his Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios,
and Deputies delegated with sufficient powers for this purpose by our
said Cousin, concerning and upon the continuation and renewal of the
aforesaid Intercourse, and, should occasion requfre, to make and conclude
new arrangements.
And to do and exercise aU and singular other deeds which may be fit
or necessary.
Pronusuig, in good faith and on our kingly word, always to hold as
ratified, acceptable, and binding, aU and any the Acts and Deeds of our
said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and Deputies, or either of them, as
aforesaid, which may be done, performed, or done by procuration, in the
foregoing matters, or any portion thereof.
As witness our hand at Wycombe, this 20th day of October.

126

AUTHORITIES.

Rymer's Foedera.
De Receptione
Ordinis Garterii
A.D. 1469.

Rymer's Foedera.
De Receptione
Ordinis Garteru.
Translation. AD. 1469.

N 1.
EYMEE'S FCEDEEA.
RECOGNITIO CAROLI DUCIS BURGUNDIiE DE RECEPTIONE ORDINIS GARTERII.
Charles, par la Grace de Dieu, Duc de Bourgoingne, de Lothrein, de
Brabant, de Lembourg, ^ de Lucembourg, Conte de Flandres, d'Artois,
de Bourgoingne, Palatin de Haynnau, de Hollande, de Zellande, df de
Namur, Marquis du Saint Empire, Seigneur de Frise, de Salins, ^ de
Malines, Certiffions, & Faisons savoir a tons que.
Par les Mains de Messfre Galiard Seigneur de Duras ChevaUer, Thomas
Vaghan Escuier & Tresorier de la Chambre, Maistre Jehan Russell,
Docteur en Decret Arcediacre de Berksufr, & Jartier Roy d Armes,
ConseUUers & Ambaxeurs de Treshault & Trespuissant Prince nostre
Treshonnore Seigneur & Frere le Roy dAngleterre, Soverain de V Ordre
de la Jartiere, pour ce envoiez devers Nous,
Nous avons aujourduy Eeceu son dit Ordre de la Jartiere, ensemble
les Mantel, & autres Aoumemens, & Choses au dit Ordre appartenans &
accoustumees ;
Et avec ce avons, en leurs Mains, fait le Serement a ce requis & parti-
nent, selon les Estatus d'iceUui Ordre,
Le tout soubz les Conditions & Modifications, sur ce avisees & faittes
entre Lui & Nous.
Donne en nostre VUle de Gand ; soubz nostre Grand Seel, le Quart
Jour de Fevrier, I'An de Grace MUle, Quatrecens, Soixante Neuf.
Par Monseigneur le Duc
Scoenhove.
Sub Magno Sigillo prcefati Duds, de cera rubrA, pendente a candct
PergamencB. N 2.
TEANSLATION.
Charles, by the grace of God, Duke of Burgundy, &c. &c. &c. We
hereby certify and make known to aU, that this day we have received by
the hands of Messire Gahard, Seigneur de Duras, ChevaUer; Thomas
Vaughan, Esqufre, and Treasurer of the Chamber; Mr. John EusseU,
Doctor of Decrees, Archdeacon of Berkshire; and Garter King-at-Arms;
CouncUlors and Ambassadors of the high and mighty Prince, our
honoured Seigneur and Brother the King of England, Sovereign of the

AUTHORITIES.

127

Ordinis Garteru.
Translation. A.D. 1469.

Order of the Garter, sent over to us for the purpose. His said Order of Rym^'s Fcedera.
the Garter, together with the Mantle and other decorations and appurte- " "¦ "^""^ '™"
nances, usual and belonging to the said Order. And have taken the
requisite Oath belonging and according to the Statutes of the said Order,
subject to the Conditions and Modifications agreed upon and made
between him and us.
Given under our Great Seal, ia our City of Ghent, the Fourth Day of
February, One Thousand Four Hundred and Sixty Nine.
By Monseigneur the Duke
SCOENHOVE.
To this is attached, in red wax, at the end of a strip of parchment, the
Great Seal of the said Duke.

BEUGES EECOEDS.— CHUECH OF ST. DONATUS.
The foUowing Extracts have been taken from an interesting Account
of Colard Mansion, by the Abbe Carton, of Bruges.
0 1.
In the Eecords of the Chapter of the Church of St. Donatus, at Bruges,
under the date 9th September, 1484, is the foUowing: — ¦

Colardus Mansion
profugit.

" Delude ordiaatum est dici D° Petro De Clenguemeure
quod hine ad festum EemigU conferret capitulum an
Colardus Mansion rediturus sit vel non, ut camercula
sua in ambitu alteri in locagium dari posset."
0 2.
Under date of 11th October, in the same year: —
"EetuUt D° Burgardus magister fabrice se fecisse conditionem cum
Johanne Gossin, hgatore Ubrorum supra locagio camere in ambitu nuper
Mauricii De Haec, novissime Colardi Mansion profugi, pro 24 lib, paris.
annuatitn et quod idem Johannes per pactum expressum solvere habebit
fabrice de 12 scutatis Flandrie quod dictus Colardus debet ex eodem
locagio."
0 3.
Under date of 8th October, in the same year —
" Eetuht D' Burgardus Keddekin, magister fabrice se dedisse in loca
gium ambas cameras in ambitu sub dormitorio sex annorima spatio ; unam

Bruges Records.
Church of
St. Donatns.
A.D. 1484.
Extract from "An
nales de la Soeiete
d'Emulation de
Bruges," tome V,
2e s&ie, Svo. 1847.
page 364.

128 AUTHORITIES.
Bruges Records. videUcct que erat Colardi Mansion, qui recessit hospite insalutato, Johanni
St. Donatus. Gossiu, Ugatori Ubrorum et aliam Uli contiguam a parte meridionaU WU-
A D~1484 hehno De Brauwere Ubrario, cuUibet pro 24 Ub. paris. solvendis annuatim
officio fabrice in quatuor terminis videUcet Nativitatis Pasche, Johannis,
et Bavonis, quoUbet annuo termino ab utroque eorum 6 Ub. paris. et
incepit locagium utriusque in festo Bavonis novissime preterito. Sed pre-
fatus Johannes ultra premissa tenebitur ex pacto expresso prosemel solvere
sex coronas quas debebat dictus Colardus Mansion, periculo suo recupe-
randas, si possit; quibus auditis Domini premissa ratificatione, decreverant
eisdem Johanni et GuUlelmo Uttras supra locagio hujusmodi in forma.

THE

ORIGINAL WRITINGS

WILLIAM CAXTON;

COMPEISING THE
PROLOGUES, PROHEMES, AND EPILOGUES
ATTACHED TO HIS TBANSLATIONS ;

TOGETHEE WITH HIS HISTOKIOAl WOEK, ENTITLED
"POLICRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS;"
THE LAST BEING A CONTINirATION OE THE WELL-KNOWN
POLICEONICON
ATTEIBUTED TO EALPH HIGDEN, MONK OP CHBSTBE.

TOL. I.

REMARKS ON CAXTON'S PROLOGUES AND EPILOGUES.

No argument is needed to prove the importance of reprinting Caxton's
original writings in thefr original orthography; but when we find, although
several of his pubhcations during his lifetime reached a second, and even a
thfrd edition, that only in two instances ("Chess-Book" and "Chronicles")
did he sanction, in such reprints, any alteration either in his remarks or the
date of imprint, the question arises whether a variation in the orthography,
which alone constitutes the difference between the various editions, is of suffi
cient importance to warrant a double or treble reprint of the same remarks.
La Lewis, Ames, and Herbert, the Prologues, &c. are quoted hteratim from
one of the editions (mostly the first), the others being unrepresented. This
preferential plan is certainly open to objection, and Dibdin, in the " Typogra
phical Antiquities," avoided the difficulty by rejecting the original orthography,
and presenting his readers with a 19th-century version of Caxton's remarks;
a plan stiU more objectionable.
Were the matter the only consideration, the reproduction of one edition
might be thought sufficient; but, as we must also give due importance to
the manner — as no two editions agree in their typographical arrangement
of Unes and pages, an important point to the BibUographer — as the orthogra
phical variations are interesting to the Philologist — as the punctuation is often
dissimilar, which two last points may form an important element in the
meaning of a phrase — and, as the intention is to present the reader with all
the Prologues and EpUogues as they came from Caxton's press, it is difficult
to determine which can be omitted ; and they are therefore aU reprinted in
the foUowiag coUection, the second and third editions being distinguished by
smaller type.
Great care has been taken to give as accurate an idea of the originals as is
possible with modem type. For this purpose a careful transcript has been
taken in every instance from the books themselves, with strict attention to
the orthography and punctuation. For the satisfaction of those who take
a bibhographical interest in the various editions, or who might wish to supply
imperfections in their own copies (which mostly occur at the beginning and
end), the hnes and pages have been marked thus :
End of a hne ] End of a page ||
The points of punctuation are / / : • .
In several instances the prefatory remarks, hitherto considered to have been
added by Caxton himself, have proved, on comparison with the old French
manuscripts, to be translations or adaptations. In such cases the original
French is appended to the English text.

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, &C.

THE EECUYELL OF THE HISTOEIES OF TEOYE. British
Museum.
Title and Prologue to Book I. i^^ss Mark
C. 11. c. 1.
Ere begynneth the volume intituled and named | the recuyeU of the Begin recto
h historyes of Troye / composed | and drawen out of dyuerce bookes of tL^ift S
latyn in | to frensshe by the ryght venerable persone and wor- | shipfuU ^'emgWant-
man . Eaoul le ffeure . preest and chapelayn | vnto the ryght noble gloryous and
myghty prynce in | his tyme PheUp duc of Bourgoyne of Braband &c | In the
yere of the Incamacion of our lord god a thou- 1 sand foure honderd sixty and
foure / And translated | and drawen out of frenshe in to enghsshe by WiUyam |
Caxton mercer of y® cyte of London / at the comaudemet | of the right hye
myghty and vertuouse Pryncesse hys | redoubtyd lady . Margarete by the grace
of god . Du- 1 chesse of Bourgoyne of Lotryk of Braband &c / | Whiche sayd
translacion and werke was begonne in | Brugis in the Countee of Flaundres the
fyrst day of | marche the yere of the Incarnacion of our said lord god | a thou
sand foure honderd sixty and eyghte / And ended | and fynysshid in the holy
cyte of Colon the . xix . day of | septembre the yere of our sayd lord god
a thousand | foure honderd sixty and enleuen &c |
And on that other side of this leef foloweth the prologe
Han I remembre that euery man is bounden | by the comandement & Begin verso
counceyU of the wyse | man to eschewe slouthe and ydlenes why-|che
is moder and nourysshar of vyces and | ought to put my self vnto
vertuous ocupacion and be-|synesse / Than I hauynge no grete charge
of ocupacion | folowynge the sayd counceyU / toke a frenche booke | and redde
therin many strange and meruayUous histo-|ryes where in I had grete pleasyr
and delyte/as weU | for the nouelte of the same as for the fayr langage of | frenshe.
whyche was in prose so well and compen- 1 diously sette and wreton / whiche me
thought I vnder | stood the sentence and substance of euery mater / And | for so
moche as this booke was newe and late maad | and drawen in to frenshe / and
neuer had seen hit in oure | enghssh tongue / 1 thought in my self hit shold be
a good I besynes to translate hyt in to oure englissh / to thende | that hyt myght
be had as well in the royame of Eng- 1 loud as in other landes / and also for to
T 2

132 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
The Recuyell. passe thcrwyth I the tyme . and thus concluded in my seU" to begynne this | sayd
Avrke / And forthwith toke penne and ynke and | began boldly to renne forth
as blynde bayard in thys | presente werke whyche is named the recuyeU of the|
troian historyes And afterward whan I remembryd | my self of my symplenes
and vnperfightnes that I had | in bothe langages/ that is to wete in frenshe &
in enghssh | for in franco was I neuer / and was born & lerned myn | enghssh ia
kente in the weeld where I doubte not is spo-|ken as brode and rude enghssh
as is in ony place of eng- 1 loud & haue contynued by the space of . xxx . yere
Begin recto for the | most parte in the centres of Braband . flandres holand || and zeland and
of 3rd leaf ^^^ when aUc thyse thynges cam | to fore me aftyr that y had made and
wretyn a fyve | or six quayers • y fyU in dispayr of thys werke and | purposid
nomore to haue contynuyd therin and tho | quayers leyd a part and in two yere
aftyr laboured | nomore in thys werke And was fully in wyU to | haue lefte
hyt . tyU on a tyme hit fortuned that the ry | ght hyghe exceUent and right
vertuous prynces my | ryght redoughted lady mylady Margarete by the | grace
of god suster vnto y" kynge of englond and of | frace . my souerayn lord
Duchesse of Bourgoine of | lotryk . of brabant. of lymburgh . and of luxenburgh]
Countes of ffladres of artoys & of bourgoine Palajtynee of heynawd of holand
of zelad and of namur | Marquesse of y° holy empfre . lady of firyse of sahus |
and of mechlyn sente for me to speke wyth her good | grace of dyuerce
maters among y^ whyche y lete her | hyenes haue knowleche of y^ forsayd
begynnyng of | thys werke whiche anone comanded me to shewe | the sayd . v .
or . vi . quayers to her sayd grace and wh | an she had seen hem . anone she
fonde a defaute in myn | enghssh whiche sche comaded me to amende ad
mo I re ouer comanded me strayth to contynue and make | an ende of the
resydue than not translated . whos dre | deftiU comadement y durste ia no wyse
disobey becau | se y am a seruat vnto her sayde grace and resseiue of | her
yerly ffee and other many goode and grete benefe- | tes . and also hope many
moo to resseyne of her hye- 1 nes but forth wyth wente and labouryde in the
sayde | translacion aftyr my symple and pour connyng also | nigh as y can
Begin verso folouyug myu auctour mekeh beseching || the bounteuous hyenes of my said
lady that of her be- 1 nyuolence liste to accepte & take in gree this symple & |
rude werke here folowyng . and yf ther be ony thiag | wreton or sayd to her
playsir . y shaU thynke my la- | hour well enployed and where as ther is
defawte . y* | she arette hyt to y" symplenes of my connying whiche | is ful smaU
in this behalue and requyre & praye alle | them that shaU rede this sayd werke
to correcte hyt & | to hold me excusid of the rude & symple translacion | And
thus y ende my prologe. . .

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 133
Lefevre ends the last chapter of Book II. thus: ^^And they of athens bewayllid'^^^'^^o^i'^^-
hym strongly some for his scyence and other for his vertues wher of J wyll now
aryer Caxton adding —
Besechyng her that is cause of this trans- 1 lacon out of frenshe in to this iSecio of 25ist
symple and rude enghssh/ | that is to wete my right redoubtyd lady Margrete ^*'
by I the grace of god suster of my souerayn lord the kynge | of englond and of
ffrance &c Duchesse of bourgoyne | and of Brab-But &c that she wole resseyue
my Eude | labour in thanke and in gree: .
Epilogue to Book II.
Hus endeth the seconde book of the recule of the his- I toryes of Troyes / Begin verso
Whiche bookes were late trans- | lated in to frenshe out of latyn / by the leaf. '
labour of the vene | rable persone raoul le feure preest as a fore is said/ And | by
me Indigne and vnworthy translated in to this rude | englissh / by the comande
ment of my said redoubtid lady | duches of Bourgone : And for as moche as
I suppose I the said two bokes ben not had to fore this tyme in oure | englissh
langage / therfore I had the better wUl to accom | phsshe this said werke /
whiche werke was begonne in | Brugis / & contynued in gaunt And finysshid
ia Coleyn | In the tyme of y" troublous world / and of the grete deny | sions beyng
and reygnyng as weU in the royames of | englond and fraunce as in aU other
places vnyuersally | thurgh the world that is to wete the yere of our lord
a- I thousand four honderd Ixxi . And asfor the thirde book | whiche treteth of
the generall & last destruccon of Troye | Hit nedeth not to translate hit in to
enghssh / ffor as mo- 1 che as that worshifiiU and religyo^ man dan lohn hdgate |
monke of Burye dide translate hit but late / after whos | werke I fere to take
vpon me that am not worthy to bere | his penner & ynke home after hym . to
medle me in that | werke . But yet for as moche as I am bounde to con- 1 templare
my sayd ladyes good grace and also that his | werke is in ryme / And as ferre
as I knowe hit is not | had in prose in our tonge / And also paraventure / he |
translated after some other Auctor than this is / And | yet for as moche as
dyuerce men ben of dyuerce desyres . | Some to rede in Eyme and metre, and
some in prose | And also be cause that I haue now good leyzer beyng in |
Coleyn And haue none other thynge to doo at this tyme || In eschewyng of Begin recto
ydlenes moder of aU vices . I haue de- 1 hbered in my self for the contemplacion kaf.^^"*^
of my sayd rejdoubtid lady to take this laboure in hand by y" suffrance | and
helpe of almyghty god . whome I mekely supplye | to gyue me grace to accom-
plysshe hit to the playsir of | her that is causer therof and that she resseyue
hit ia gre | of me her faithfuU trewe & moste humble seruant &c . |

134 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
TheRecuyeU. EPILOGUE TO BoOK III.
BegiZ^fo Hus ende I this book whyche I haue transla- 1 ted after myn Auctor as
of 351st nyghe as god hath gy- 1 uen me connyng to whom be gyuen the laude & |
t preysyng / And for as moche as in the wrytyng of the | same my penne is
worn / myn hande wery & not stedfast | myn eyen dimed with ouermoche lokyng
on the whit | paper/ and my corage not so prone and redy to laboure | as hit hath
ben / and that age crepeth on me dayly and | febleth all the bodye / and also be
cause I haue promysid | to dynerce gentihnen and to my frendes to addresse to
hem I as hastely as I myght this sayd book / Therfore I haue | practysed & lerned
at my grete charge and dispense to | ordeyne this said book in prynte after the
maner & forme | as ye may here see / and is not wreton with penne and | ynke
as other bokes ben / to thende that euery man may | haue them attones / ffor aU
the bookes of this storye na- 1 med the recule of the historyes of troyes thus
enpryntid | as ye here see were begonne in oon day / and also fynys- | shid in
oon day / whiche book I haue presented to my | sayd redoubtid lady as a fore
is sayd . And she hath | weU acceptid hit / and largely rewarded me / wherfore |
I beseche almyghty god to rewarde her euerlastyng bUsse | after this lyf.
Prayng her said grace and aU them that | shaU rede this book not to desdaigne
the symple and rude | werke. nether to replye agaynst the sayyng of the ma-|
ters towchyd in this book / thauwh hyt acorde not vn- | to the translacon of
other whiche haue wreton hit / ffor | dyuerce men haue made dyuerce bookes /
whiche in aU | poyntes acorde not as Dictes . Dares . and Homerus | ffor dictes &
homerus as grekes sayn and wryten fauo- | rably for the grekes / and gyue to
Begin verso them moTC woTship |1 than to the troians / And Dares wryteth otherwyse | than
leaf^ ""^^^ they doo / And also as for the propre names / hit | is no wonder that they acorde
not / ffor some oon name | in thyse dayes haue dyuerce equyuocacions after the
con I trees that they dwUe in /but aUe acorde in conclusion the | generall des-
truccion of that noble cyte of Troye / And | the deth of so many noble prynces
as kjmges dukes Er | les barons . knyghtes and comyn peple and the ruyne |
irreperable of that Cyte that neuer syn was reedefyed | whiche may be ensample
to aU men duryng the world | how dredefuU and leopardous it is to begjmne
a warre | and what hormes . losses . and deth foloweth . Terfore | thapostle saith
all that is wreton is wreton to our doc- 1 tryne / whyche doctryne for the comyn
wele I beseche | god maye be taken in suche place and tyme as shaU be | moste
nedefuU in encrecyng of peas lone and charyte | whyche graunte vs he that
suffi-yd for the same to be | crucyfied on the rood tree / And saye we aUe
Amen | for charyte..

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

135

THE PLAY AND GAME OF THE CHESS.
First Edition. Prologue.
(Adapted from the French of Jean de Vignay.)
0 the right noble / right exceUent & vertuous prince | George duc of
Clarence Erie of warwyk and of | sahsburye / grete chamberlayn of
Englond & leutenant | of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace |
of god kynge of England and of frauce / your most | humble seruant wiUiam
Caxton amonge other of your | seruantes sendes vnto yow peas . helthe . loye
and victo-|rye vpon your Enemyes / Eight highe puyssant and | redoubted
prynce / For as moche as I haue vnderstand | and knowe / that ye are enchned
vnto the comyn wele | of the kynge our said saueryn lord . his nobles lordes |
and comyn peple of his noble royame of Englond /and | that ye sawe gladly
the Inhabitans of y® same euformed | in good . vertuous . prouffitable and
honeste maners . | Jn whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your | hows
haboundeth / gyuyng hght and ensample vnto aU | other / Therfore I haue
put me in deuour to translate a U- | tyU book late comen in to myn handes
out of frensh ia to | enghsshe / Jn which I fynde thauctorites . dictees . and |
stories of auncient Doctours phUosophes poetes and of | other wyse men whiche
been recounted & apphed vnto | the moraUte of the pubhque wele as weU of
the nobles | as of the comyn peple after the game and playe of the | chesse /
whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord | I haue made in the name and
vnder the shadewe of your | noble protection / not presumyng to correcte or
enpoigne | ony thynge ayenst your noblesse / For god be thankyd | your

British
Museum.
Press Mark
C. 10. b 23.

Begin recto
of 2nd leaf,
the 1st leaf
beingblank.

PROLOGUE OF JEAN DE VIGNAY TO HIS FRENCH TRANSLATION (a.d. 1360) OF THE
" LUDUS SACCORUII " OP J. DE CBSSOLIS.
A Tres noble & exeUent prince Jehan de franco duc de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par la grace de
-^ dieu Roy de franco . Frere Jehan de vignay vostre petit Religieux entre les autres de vostre seignoire/
paix sante Joie & victoire sur vos ennemis . Treschier & redoubte seign'' / pour ce que Jay entendu et scay que
vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proiEtables & honestes et qui tendent alinformacion de boimes meurs ay
Je mis vn petit liuret de latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouueUement / ou quel plussieurs
auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de poetes & des anciens sages / sont Racontez & sont
appliquiez a la moralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des eschez le quel liure Tres
puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou nom & soubz vmbre de vous pour laqueUe chose treschr
seign"" Je vous suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que U vo9 daigne plaire a receuoir ce Uure en
gre aussi bien que de vn greignf maistre de moy /car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de miek faire se je
pouoie me doit estre reputee pour le fait / Et po"^ plus clerement proceder en ceste ouure / Jay ordene que les
chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy
le dit liure p'ole.

British
Museum.
HarleianMS. No. 5440.

of 2nd leaf.

136 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Chess-Book, exceUent renome shyneth as weU in strange regions | as with in the royame of
1st edition, gjjgiand gloriously vnto your | honour and lande / whiche god multeplye and
Begin verso eucrcce | But to thentcut that other of what estate or degre he or || they stande
in . may see in this sayd htyll book / yf they go-|uerned them self as they ought
to doo / wherfor my right | dere redoubted lord I requyre & supplye your good
grace | not to desdaygne to resseyue this lityU sayd book in gree | and thanke / as
weU of me your humble and vnknowen | seruant as of a better and gretter
man than I am / For | the right good wyUe that I haue had to make this
lityU I werk in the best wyse I can / ought to be reputed for the | fayte and
dede / And for more clerely to procede in this | sayd book I haue ordeyned
that the chapitres ben sette in | the begynnynge to thende that ye may see more
playnly | the mater wherof the book treteth &c.
In the third Chapter of the third Book, which treats of the office of Notaries.^
Advocates, Scriveners, <SfC. the following passage was doubtless added by Caxton
himself as it appears in none of the Latin or French manuscripts of the work.
De Vignay's translation reads —
" H nest au Jour Duy nuUe chose qui tant grieue Eome ne ytaUe coine fait
le coUege Des notaires pubhques Car Uz ne sont mie aun accort ensemble."
Caxton thus translates and enlarges this passage — •
Becto of 37th For thcT is | UO thyugc at this day that so moche greueth rome and | Italye
as doth the college of notaries and aduocates pub | Ucque / For they ben not of
oon a corde / Alas and in | Eugeland what hurte doon the aduocats . men of
lawe . I And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'' royame | as weU ia the
spiritueU lawe as in the temporaU / how | tome they the lawe and statutes at
their pleasir / how ete | they the peple / how enpouere they the comjrate / 1
suppose I that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys | and men
of the lawe as ben in englond onely / for yf they | were nombrid aU that lange
to the courtes of the chann- 1 eery kinges benche . comyn place . cheker . ressayt
and helle | And the bagge berars of the same / hit shold amounte to | a grete
multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome . | yf hit shold be vttrid &
told / hit shold not be byleuyd . | For they entende to theyr synguler wele and
prouffyt I and not to the comyn /
Caxton then proceeds with his translation of the French, but in the first chapter
of the fourth tractate, where the advantages of good government and prosperity
are enforced, he again indulges in the following remarks : —
Becto otQ^rA Alas | what habouudauce was some tymes in the royames. I And what
prospite / In whiche was Iustice / And euery | man in his office contente / how
stood the cytees that tyme | in worship and renome / how was renomed the

leaf, line 27.

leaf, line 9.

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 137
noble I royame of Englond AUe the world dredde hit And I spack worship of Chess-Book.
1- n i-j. 11 1 • I 1 1 ¦¦ -, -r 1 1st Edition.
fut / how hit now standeth and in | what habouudauce I reporte me to them 
that knowe hit | yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see / they |
knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle on the see | J wote weU the fame
is grete therof I pray god saue | that noble royame And sende good true and
politicque | coimceyUours to the gouernours of the same &c /
The following is added by Caxton as a conclusion to the last chapter: —
And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I | pray almighty god to saue the verso of leaf
kyng our souerain lord & | to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kjmge & tabounde
in aU I vertues / & to be assisted with all other his lordes in such | wyse y* his
noble royame of Englond may prospere & | habounde ia vertues / and y* synne
may be eschewid iustice | kepte / the royame defended good men rewarded
malefac | tours punysshid & the ydle peple to be put to laboure that | he
wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously || In conquerynge his Begin recfo of
rightfuU enheritaunce / that verray | peas and charite may endure in bothe his Jf^jo be^g
royames / and | that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that | euery ''i^'^-
man eschewe synne / and encrece in vertuous occu- 1 pacions / Praynge your
good grace to resseyue this lityll | and symple book made vnder the hope and
shadowe of | your noble protection by hym that is your most humble | seruant/
ui gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty | god for your longe lyf &
welfare / whichehe preserue | And sende yow thaccompUsshement of your hye
noble . I loyous and vertuous desirs Amen :/ : Fynysshid the | last day of marche
the yer of our lord God . a . thousand | foure honderd and IxxiUi .-.:.:.•.

THE PLAY AND GAME OF THE CHESS. ^^t.
Second Edition. Prologue. c.io.bi.
He holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt | Poule sayth in his Begin recto
t epystle. AUe that is wryten | is wryten vnto our doctryne and for our the'St kaf
ler- I nyng . Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred | them to ''eingbiank.
wryte and compyle many notable werkes and | historyes to the ende that it
myght come to the knowlege [ and vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt •
Of which I the nombre is infenyte / And accordyng to the same saith | Sala-
mon . that the nombre of foles . is infenyte / And | emong aUe other good
werkys . It is a werke of ryght | special recomendacion to enforme • and to
late vnderstonde | wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lemyd ne can |
not dyscerne wysedom fro folye . Thene emonge whom | there was an exceUent
doctour of dyuynyte in the royame | of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of Saynt
TOL I. ^

138 prologues, epilogues, etc.
Chess-Book, Johns of I Jherusalem whiche entended the same and hath made a | book of
n ^ — ion. ^^^ (ji^ggge moralysed . whiche at suche tyme as I | was resident in brudgys m
the counte of Flaundres cam | in to my handes / whiche whan I had redde and
ouerseen / | ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in enghsshe / And | in
eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that some which | haue not seen it/ ne
vnderstonde frenssh ne latyn . J dely- | bered in my self to translate it in to our
maternal tonge / | And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion / J | dyde
doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym / | Whiche anone were
depesshed and soldo . wherfore by cause | thys sayd book is ful of holsom
wysedom and requysyte | vnto euery astate and degree / J haue purposed to |
Begin cerao eupryute it/shewyng therin the figures of suche persons (| as longen to the
o sig. aij. pi^yg _ j^ whom al astates and degrees | ben comprysed / besechyng al them
that this Utel werke | shal see /here / or rede to haue me for excused for the
rude & I symple makyng and reducyn in to our enghsshe / And | where as is
defaute to correcte and amende / and in so doyng | they shal deserue meryte
and thanke / and I shal pray for | them / that god of his grete mercy shal
rewarde them in | his euerlastyng bhsse in heuen / to the whiche he brynge |
vs / that wyth his precious blood redemed vs Amen
Instead of the conclusion to the first edition, Caxton substitutes here —
Becto of sig. Thenne late euery man of what | condycion he be that redyth or herith this
the verso Utcl book rcdde • I take therby ensaumple to amende hym •
^'^sbiank. Exphcit per Caxton

British LIFE OF JASON.
Museum.
Press Mark PROLOGUE.
C. 10. b. 3.
Begin recto f Ot asmoche as late by the comaudement of the right | hye & noble
th^ist\^rf princesse my right redoubted lady /My | lady Margarete by the grace of
beingblank. god Duchcssc of Bour- | goyuc Brabaut &c . I translated aboke out of frensshe
in I to Englissh named Eecuyel of the histories of Troye in | whiche is compre
hended how Troye was thries destroyed | And also the labours & histories of
Saturnus Tytan / | Jubyter Perseus and Hercules / & other moo therin Ee |
hersed . but as to the historic of lason / towchyng the con- | queste of the golden
flese / myn auctor hath not sett in his | boke .but breuely and the cause is for
asmoche as he hadde | made before aboke of the hoole lyf of lason . whyche he
pre- I sented vnto the noble Prynce in his dayes PhUippe Duc | of bourgoyne /
And also the sayde boke shulde haue ben to | grete . if he had sett the saide

prologues, epilogues, etc. 139
historic in his boke .for it con- | teyneth thre bokes beside thistorie of lason- Life of Jason.
Thene for as | moche as this sayd boke is late newe made aparte of aUe | thistbries
of the sayd lason & the historic of him whiche | that Dares Frigius & Guido de
columpnys wrote in the | begynnyng of their bokes / touchyng the conqueste
of the I sayd golden flese . by occasion wherof grewe the cause of the | seconde
destruccion of the sayd cite of Troye . is not sett in | the sayd boke of
Eecuyel of thistories of Troye / Therefor | vnder the proteccion & sufiaunce of
the most hyghe puis- | sant & xpen kyng . my most dradde naturel hege' Lord |
Edward by the grace of god kyng of englond and of | Fraunce and lord of
Jrland / 1 entende to translate the | sayd boke of thistories of lason . folowyng
myn auctor | as nygh as I can or may not chaungyng the sentence • ne || Begin verso
presumyng to adde ne mynusshe ony thing otherwyse than | myne auctor hath
made in Frensshe / And in somoche as | the grettest fame & renomme standeth
& resteth in the con- 1 quest of the flese of gold /where of is founded an ordre
of I knightes . wherof oure sayd souerayne lord is one & hath | taken the pro
fession therof /howe weU some persones afier- 1 me and saye that the sayd
ordre hath taken his orygynal | of the flese of Gedeon . where in I wUl not
dispute . But | weU wote I that the noble Duc Phihppe firste foundeur | of this
sayd ordre / dyd doo maken a chambre in the Cas- | teU of Hesdjra / where in
was craftyly and curiously de- 1 peynted the conqueste of the golden flese by See Note
the sayd la- 1 son / in whiche chambre I haue ben and seen the sayde his- 1 torie
so depeynted . & in remebrance of medea & of her con- | nyng & science ¦ he
had do make in the sayde chambre by subtU | engyn that whan he wolde it
shuld seme that it hghtend & | then thondre / snowe & rayne- And all within the
sayde | chambre as ofte tymes & whan it shuld please him . which | was al
made for his singuler pleasir . Thene for the honour | & worship of our sayd
moost redoubted hege lorde whiche | hath taken the sayde ordre / 1 haue vnder
the shadowe of his | noble pteccion enterprised taccompUssh this sayd htil
boke- I not psumyng to psente it vnto his highnesse . for asmoch | as I doubte
not his good grace hath it in frensh / which he | wel vnderstandeth - but not
displesiog his most noble grace 1 1 entende by his hcence & congye & by the
supportacon of our | most redoubted hege lady / most exeUent princesse the
Que- I ne to presente this sayde boke vnto the most fayr ¦ and my | moost
redoubted yong lorde . My lord Prynce of Wales || our tocomyng souayne lorde . Begin recto
whom I praye god saue and | encrease in vertue & bryng him vnto asmoche
* " The Duke of Brabant intends to add to his Palace a large salon, in which the history of the
Order of the Golden Fleece is to be represented in a Series of Frescoes. The principal picture is the
Installation of the Order." — Athenceum, March, 1858, page 408. V 2

140 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Life of Jason. worsMp and I goode Eenome as euer had ony of his noble progenytours | To
 thentente / he may begynne to lerne rede Enghssh . not | for ony beaute or
good Endyting of our enghssh tonge | that is therin . but for the nouelte of the
histories whiche | as I suppose hath not be had bifore the translacion herof |
Moost humblie besekyng my sayd most drad souerayn & | naturel hege lorde
the kyng and also the Queue to pdon | me so presumyng . And my sayd
tocomyng souerayne | lord / My lord the Prynce to receyue it in gree & thanke |
of me his humble subgiett & seruaute . and to pardone me | of this my simple
and Eude translacion / and aU other | that luste to rede or here it / to correcte
where as they shalle | finde defaulte
Here endeth the prologue of the translatour
Epilogue.
Becto onrnth a Nd howe be it that myn auctor writeth that he hath | foude nomore of
leaf, line 10. thistoric of lasou / yet haue I fouden | & red in the boke that bochace
made of the genalagie of god- | des in his . xiij . boke / that whan so was that
lason & medea | were reconciled agayn to geder after that shee fled from
ege- I on that he went with her into colchos again / & whan he was | comen
theder . he foude the olde king oetes fader vnto medea | banissed & exUed out
of his royame / whom he restored & sette | him by his valiance & puissaute in
his kingdom agayn / & | after went into asie / where he had victorie ia many
batailes | And made so many conquestes with grete magnificence | in somoche
that he was honoured & worshipped for a god / & | were made & edefied diiice
temples in his name which af- | ter were destroied by the comandment of king
Alexander | of macedone / who pauenture had enuye of his glorie & also | he
saith that thoant & eune? where his sones whom he begate | on ysiphUe as he
went to colchos where as Stacius saith | Whiche were born at ones . And for
asmoch as it was | not the custome in lenos to fede & norisshe the men children |
Begin verso they Were sent into an other contrey for to be nourysshed 1| wherfore the moder
of 149th ea. ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^£ j^^^ Eoyaume . & taken | with pirates & theues . & after sold
vnto Lygurgis king | of nemee . and after whan the sayde sones waxe men
they I went with kiag Adrast9 vnto the bataile of Thebes / & as | they went in
the wode of nemee they herde of the sayd king | Adrast? reherse her burth &
the caas of her moder / by which | rehersayU they knew that she was thefr
moder / & in kyng | Lygurgis court they fonde her / whenne Opheltes his sone |
was fotide dede in the gardyn / what time the lady that hadde | charge of him
went with the grekes to shew him the water | as in the siege of thebes it is
more plainly shewd / but what ] cam afterward of these two sones it is incertayn

prologues, epilogues, etc. 141
this saith ( bochace in the . xiij . boke of the geneolagye of goddes . And | he Life of Jason.
saith he had an other sone whos name was philemelus / | and more haue I not
red of the noble lason /but this haue 1 1 fouden more then myn auctor reherceth
in his boke / & ther | fore I make here au ende of this storie of lason . whom
di- I lice men blame because that he left & repudied Medea / but | in this present
boke ye may see the euydent causes / why he | so dyd . Prayng my said lorde
Prince taccepte & take yt | in gree of me his indigne seruiteur . whom I beseche
god I almighty to saue & encrece in vertu now in his tendre iongth | that he
may come vnto his parfait cage to his honour and | worship that his Eenome
maye perpetueUy be remembrid | among the most worthy - And after this
present life eii- | lastinglife iu heuen who grant him &vs that boughte vs | with
his bloode blessyd Ihus Amen

DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHEES. British
Museum.
First Edition. Epilogue. Press Mark

C. 21. d.
Begin rerfo of

Ere endeth the book named the dictes or sayengis | of the philosophhres
h enprynted /by me william | Caxton at westmestre the yere of our '74th leaf,
lord • M • I CCCC - Lxxvij -Whiche book is late translated out of | Frenshe TbirXflr
into englyssh . by the Noble and puissant lord | Lord Antone Erie of Eynyers *^f_ ^^*
lord of Scales & of the | Jle of wyght / Defendour and directour of the siege
apos-|toUque /for our holy Fader the Pope in this Eoyame of | Englond and
Gouemour of my lord Prynce of wales | And It is so that at suche tyme as he
had accomplysshid | this sayd werke / it hked him to sende it to me in certayn |
quayers to ouersee / whiche forthwith I sawe & fonde therin | many grete .
notable . and wyse sayengis of the philosophres | Acordyng vnto the bookes
made in frenshe whiche I had | ofte afore redd / But certaynly I had seen none
in enghssh | til that tyme / And so afterward I cam vnto my sayd | lord & told
him how I had red & seen his book / And | that he had don a meritory dede
ia the labour of the transla- |cion therof in to our enghssh tunge/wherin he
had deseruid | a singuler lawde & thank &c / Thenne my sayd lord desfred |
me to ouersee it and where as I sholde fynd faute to cor- 1 recte it / wherein
I answerd vnto his lordship / that I coude | not amende it / But if I sholde so
presume I might apaire | it / For it was right wel & connyguly made & trans
lated I into right good and fayr englissh / Notwithstondyng he | willed me to
ouersee it &; shewid me dyuerce thinges whi|che as him semed myght be left
out as diuerce lettres misjsiues sent from Ahsander to dari9 and aristotle &
eche to | other . whiche lettres were Utyl appertinent vnto to dictes || and of TitUeaf

142 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Dictes and sayeugcs aforsayd for as moche as they specifye of | other maters / And also
is?Sn. desired me that don to put the sayd | booke in enprinte . And thus obeying hys
 request and co|maundement I haue put me in deuoyr to ouersee this hys | sayd
book and beholden as nyghe as I coude howe It accorjdeth wyth thorigynal
beyng in Frensh . And I fynde | nothyng dyscordaunt therin . Sauf onely in
the dyctes | and sayengys of Socrates . Wherin I fynde that my saide | lord
hath left out certayn and dyuerce conclusions tow-|chyng women. Wherof
I meruaylle that my sayd lord | hath not wreton them - ne what hath meuyd
hym so to do | Ne what cause he hadde at that tyme - But I suppose that |
som fayr lady hath desfred hym to leue it out of his booke | Or eUys he was
amorous on somme noble lady . for whos | lone he wold not sette yt in hys

British DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THB PHILOSOPHERS.
Museum. r^ t-i -n
Press Mark Sbcond Edition. Epilogue.
C. 10. b. 2. Ere endeth the book named the dictes or sayengis | of the philosophres enprynted . by me william |
„ . h Caxton at westmestre the yere of our lord . M. I CCCC . Lxxvii . Whiche book is late translated out
Begin recto ,
of 74th leaf "^ I Frenshe into englyssh . by the Noble and puissant lord | Lord Antone Erie of Ryuyers lord of
reckoning Scales & of the | Jle of wyght / Defendour and directour of the siege apos- 1 tolique / for our holy Fader the .
tv, i?i f Fope in this Royame of | Englond and Gouemour of my lord Prince of wales | And It is so that at suche
tyme as he had accomplysshid | this sayd werke / it Kked hiTn to sende it to me in certayn | quayers to ouer
see / whiche forthwith I sawe and fonde therin | many grete . notable . & wyse sayengis of the philosophres |
Acordyng vnto the bookes made in freshe whiche I had | ofte afore redd But certaynly I had seen none in
englissh | til that tyme / And so afterward I cam vnto my sayd | lord & tolde him how I had red & seen
his book And that | he had don a meritory dede in the labour of the translacion | therof in to our englissh
tunge / wherin he had deseruid a | singuler lawde & thank &c Thenne my said lord desired | me to ouersee
it and where as I shold fynd faute to correcte | it wherein I answerd vnto his lordship / that I coude not |
amende it But yf I sholde so presume I myght apaire it | For it was right wel & connygly made and
translated | into right good and fayr englissh / Not withstondyng he willed me to ouersee it & shewid me
dyuerce thinges whi | che as him semed myght be left out as diuerce lettres mis | siues sent from Alisander to
Begin verso darius & aristotle and eche to | other .which lettres were Htyll appertinent vnto the dyctes || and sayenges
ot 74th leaf, aforsayd for as moche as they specifye of | other maters / And also desired me that don to put the said |
booke in enprinte . And thus obeyng hys request and co 1 maundement 1 haue put me in deuoyr to ouersee
this his I sayd book and beholden as nygh as I coude howe It accor | deth wyth thorigynal beyng in frensh
And I finde no- | thyng discordaunt therin . Sauf onely in the dyctes and ] sayengys of Socrates / Wherin
I fynde that my saide lord | hath left out certayn and dyuerce conclusions towchyng | wymen / Wherof
I meruaille that my sayd lord hath not | wreton them . ne what hath meuyd him so to do Ne what | cause
he hadde at that tyme . But I suppose that some fayre 1 lady hath desired him to leue it out of his booke / Or
ellys 1 he was amerous on somme noble lady . for whoos lone he | wold not sette it in his book / or eDis for
the very affeocion | lone and good wyUe that he hath vnto alle ladyes and | Gentylwomen . he thought that
Socrates spared the sothe | And wrote of wymen more than trouthe . whiche I can | not thinke that so trewe
a man & so noble a Phylosophre | as Socrates was sholde write other wyse than trouth For | If he had made
fawte in wryting of wymen. He ought | not ne sholde not he beleuyd in his other dictes and say-|uiges.
But I apperceyue that my sayd lord knoweth | veryly that suche defautes ben not had ne founden in the |
wymen born and dweUyng in these partyes ne Regyons | of the world . Socrates was a Greke boren in
Begin recto ^ ievM | Contre from hens . Whyche contre ys alle of othere | condycions than thys is . And
of 75th leaf, men and | wymen of other nature than they ben heere in thys contre || For I wote wel . of what someuer con-

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 143
book . or eUys for the ve-|ry affeccyon . loue and good wyUe that he hath vnto dictes and
aUe I ladyqs and Gentylwomen . he thought that Socrates | spared the sothe . 1st edition.
And wrote of women more than trouthe . | whyche I can not thinke that so
trewe aman & so noble a | Phylosophre as Socrates was shold wryte other
wyse I than trouthe • For If he had made fawte in wryting of | women . He
ought not ne shold not be beleuyd in hys o-|ther dyctes and sayinges . But
I apperceyue that my | sayd lord knoweth veryly that suche defautes ben not |
had ne founden in the women born and dweUyng in the-|se partyes ne
Eegyons of the world - Socrates was a | Greke boren in a ferre Contre from
hens . Whyche con- 1 tre is aUe of othre condycions than thys is . And men | &
women of other nature than they ben here in this contre 11 For I wote wel . Begin recto
•' " of 75th leaf.

DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. Archiepiscopal
Thied Edition. Epilogue. Lambeth.
LEre endeth the book named the dictes or sayngis of | the philosophers enprynted / by me WiUm Caxton MS. 1092 a,
at I westmestre the yere of our lord . M . cccc . Lxxvij / Whiche bo 1 ok is late translated out of / frenshe ~,
into englyssh . by y' noble | & puissant lord Antoine Erie of Ryuyers lord of Scales & | of the / Isle of wyght . ^f g;„_ j jj;
Defendour and directour of the siege | Apstohque . for our holy Fader the Pope in this Royame | of englond
and gouemour of my lord prince of wales . and | It is so that at suche tyme as he had accomplisshid this
said I werke it liked hym to sende it to me in certayn quayers to ] oiisee / whiche forthwyth I sawe & fonde
theryn many grete | notable . and wyse sayengys of /the philozophres . Accor- | dyng vnto the bookes made
in frensh whiche I had ofte a | fore red / But certaynly I had seen none in englyssh til that | tyme And so
afterward I cam vnto my sayd lord/& told | hym how I had red and seen his book / And that he had don |
a meritory dede in the labour of the translacion therof in to | our englyssh tunge wheryn he had deseruid
a singuler lawde | & thank / &c . Thenne my sayd lord desired me to ouersee it & | where as I shold fynde
faulte to correcte wheryn I answerd | vnto his lordship that I coude not amende It But yf I shol | de so
presume I myght apaire it For it was ryght wel & con | nyngly made & translated into right good & fayr
englyssh / | Notwythstondyng he willed me to ouersee it & shewid me | diuerce thinges whiche as hym semed
myght be left out as | diuerce lerttres missyues sent from /Alisander to darius & / | Aristotle & eche to other .
whiche lettres were litO. appertinet | vnto to dictes and sayenges aforsaid for as moche as they | specific of
other maters . and also desired me that don to put | the sayd booke in enprinte/ And thus obeyng his request
& I comaundement I haue put me in deuoir to ouersee this his || sayd book and behelden as nyghe as I coude Begin verso
howe It accor- 1 deth wyth thorigynal beyng in frensh . C And I fynde no- | thing discordaunt therin/Sauf °^ sig. J uj.
onely in the dictes and sa- 1 yengys of Socrates Wherin I fynde y' my saide lord haith | left out certain and
diaerse conclusions towchyng women | wherof I meruaiUe that my sayd lord hath not wreton them | ne what
hath meuyth hym so to do / Ne what cause he had- 1 de at that tyme . But I suppose that som fayr lady hath
desi I reth hym to leue it out of his booke / Or eUys he was ame- | rous on somme noble lady / for whos loue
he wold not sette | yt in his book . or eUis for the very aifection loue and good | wyUe that he hath vnto alle
ladyes & . GentUwomen . he tho | ught that Socrates spared the sothe. And wrote of wo- | men more than
trouthe / whiche I can not thinke that so tre | we aman and so noble a Philozophre as Socrates was | shold
wryte other wyse than trouthe / For If he had made fa | wte in wryeing of women . he ought not ne shold
not he he- | leuyd in his other dictes and saynges. But I opperceyue | that my sayd lord knoweth veryly that
suche defautes ben | not had ne founden in the women born & dwellyng in these | parties ne Regions of the
world / Socrates was a Greke | boren in a ferre contre from hens . Whiche contre is alle of | other condicions
than this is/ Aud men and women of | other nature than they ben here in this contre. For I wote | wel of what

144

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Dictes and
Sayings.
1st edition.

of what someuer condicion women ben in | Grece . the women of this contre
ben right good / wyse / play | sant / humble / discrete / sobre / chast / obedient
to their husbon- | dis / trewe / secrete / stedfast / euer besy / & neuer ydle /
Attempe I rat in speking / and vertuous in aUe their werkis . or atte | leste sholde
be SOO / For whiche causes so euydent my sayd lord | as I suppose thoughte it
was not of necessite to sette in his | book the saiengis of his Auctor socrates
touchyng women | But for as moche as I had comademet of my sayd lord | to
correcte and amende where as I sholde fynde fawte / and | other fynde I none
sauf that he hath left out these dictes & | saynges of the women of Grece /
Therfore in accompUsshig | his comandement for as moche as I am not in
certayn whe | der it was in my lordis copye or not -or elhs perauenture | that
the wynde had blowe ouer the leef/ at the tyme of tras|lacion of his booke /
I purpose to wryte tho same saynges | of that Greke Socrates / whiche wrote of
tho women of | grece and nothyng of them of this Eoyame / whom I sup | pose
he neuer knewe / For if he had I dar plainly saye that j he wold haue reserued
them inespeciall in his sayd dictes | Alway not presumyng to putt & sette
them in my sayd lor | des book /but inthende aparte in the rehersayU of the

Dictes and
Sayings.
2nd edition.

Begin verso
of 75th leaf.

dicion women ben in | Grece . the women of this contre ben right good / wyse / play- | sant / humble / discrete /
sobre / chast / obedyent to their husbon | dis / trewe / secrete / stedfast / euer besy / & neuer ydle / Attempe- 1 rat
in speking and vertuous in alle their werkis • or atte | leste sholde be so / For which causes so euydent my
sayd lord | as I suppose thoughte it was not of necessite to sette in his ] book the saiengis of his Auctor
socrates touchyng women | But for as moche as I had comadement of my said lord | to correcte and amende
where as I sholde fynde favrte/ and | other fynde I none sauf that he hath lefte out these dictes & | saynges of
the women of Grece/ Therfore in accomplishing] his comadement for as moche as I am not in certayn whe | der
it was in my lordis copye or not . or eUis perauenture ] that the wynde had blowe ouer the leef/ at the tyme
of trans | lacion of his booke / I purpose to wryte tho same saynges | of that Greke Socrates / whiche wrote
of tho women of | grece and nothyng of them of thys Royame / whom T sup | pose he neuer knewe / For yf
he had I dar plainly saye that | he wolde haue reserued them inespeciall in his sayd dictes | Alway not
presumyng to put & sette them in my sayd lor- ] des book, but inthende aparte in the rehersayU of the werkis |
humbly requiryng all them that shall rede this ly tyll reher | sayll that yf they fynde ony faulte tarette it to
Socrates 1 and not to me whiche wryteth as here after foloweth .
Derates sayde That women ben thapparaylles to | caoche men / but they take none but them that
s wU I be pouer / or ellis them that knowe hem not And | he sayd that ther is none so grete empeshe-
ment vnto aman || as ignoraunce . and women And he sawe a woman that | bare fyre / of whom he
saide that the hotter hare the colder And he sawe a woman seke . of whom he saide that the | euyll
resteth and dwellyth with the euill And he sawe | a woman brought to the lustyce . and many other
wymen | folowed her wepyng . of whom he sayde . the euyll hen sory & | angry by cause the euyll shal
perisshe . And he sawe a long | mayde that lerned to write / of whom he saide . that me mul- | tiplied euyll
upon euyll And sayd that the Ignoraun- | ce of a man is knowen in thre thynges . That is to wete | Whan
he hath no thought to vse reason Whan he can not | refrayne his couetises / And whan he is gouerned
by I the conceill of wymen in that he knoweth that they knowe | not . And he saide vnto his discyples
Wylle ye that I | enseygne and teohe you / howe ye shal mowe escape from | aUe euiUe And they ansuerd /

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

145

werkis | humbly requirjmg al them that shal rede this lytyl reher |sayU that yf Kctes and
they fynde ony faulte tarette it to Socrates | and not to me whiche wryteth as ist edition.
here after foloweth |
Ocrates sayde That women ben thapparaylles to | cacche men / but
s they take none but them that wil | be poure / or els them that knowe
hem not And | he sayde that ther isnone^ so grete empeshement vnto
aman || as Ignoraunce / and women And he sawe a woman | that bare fyre / Begin verso
of whom he saide that the hotter bare the colder | And he sawe a woman
seke . of whom he sayd that the | euyl restyth and dwellyth with the euyl
And he sa- 1 we a woman brought to the lustyce . and many other wo | men
folowed her wepiag / of whome he sayd . the euyU ben | sory and angry bicause
the euyU shal perisshe And he | sawe a long mayde that lerned to wryte /
of whom he say- 1 de ¦ that me multiphed euyl vpon euyU And he sayd | that
the Ignoraunce of a man is knowen in thre thinges | That is to wete / Whan
he hath no thought to vse reason | Whan he can not refrayne hys couetises /
And whan he | is gouerned by the conceyU of women in that he knoweth |
that they knowe not And he sayd vnto hys dyscyples | Wylle ye that I
enseygne and teche you / howe ye shal mo | we escape from aUe euyll / And

someuer condicion women ben in Grece the | women of this contre ben right good . wyse playsant/hum- ] He.
discrete / sobre . chast obedyent to their husbondis / trewe . | secrete stedfast euer besy / and neuer ydle .
Attemperat in spe- | kyng and vertuous in aHe their werkis . or atte leste sholde | be soo . For whiche causes
so euident my sayd lord as I sup- | pose thoughte it was not of necessite to sette in his book || the sayengis
of his /Auctor socrates touching women. | But for as moche as I had comandemet of my sayd lord to |
correcte & amede where as I sholde fynde fawte & other fynde | I none sauf that he hath left out these dictes
& saynges of f \ women of Grece . therfore in aocomplissing his comadement | for as moche as I am not in
certayn wheder It was in my | lordis copye or not . or ellys perauenture that the wynde had | blowe ouer the
leef. At tyme of translacion of his booke . | I purpose to wryte tho same saynges of that . Greke . | Socrates /
whiche wrote of tho women of grece & nothing | of them of this Royame /whom I suppose he neuer knewe |
For yf he had I dar pleynly saye that he wold haue reserued | them in especiaU in his sayd dictes Alway not
presumyng | to put & sette them in my sayd lordes book . hue intende a- | parte in the rehersayU of the
werkis humbly requiryng aU | them that shal rede this Utyl rehersayU that yf they fynde | ony faulte tarette
it to . Socrates & not to me whiche wry- | *" teth as here after foloweth . |
S Ocrates sayde that women ben thapparayUes to ca | che men . but they take none but them that wil be
po- I ure / or els them that knowe hem not / and he saide that ther | is none so grete empeshemet vnto
aman as Ignorauce / and | women . And he sawe a woman that bare fyre of whom he | saide that the hotter
bare the colder And he sawe a woman se | ke . of whom he sayd that the euyl restith & dwelUth with ye |
euyll / And he sawe a woman brought to the Justice / & ma- | ny of women folowed her wepiug / of whome
he sayd y' euiU | ben sory and angry byoause the euyU shal perisshe / And he | sawe a long mayde that
lerned to writte / of whom he sayde | that me multipliet euyU vpon euiU •T And he sayd that | the
Ignoraunce of a man is knowen in thre thinges || That is to wete Whan he hath no thought to vse reason |
Whan he can nor refrayne his couetises / And whan he is | gouerned by the coiiseyl of women in that he
knoweth that | they knowe not . And he sayd vnto his disciples / wyUe ye | that I ensigne and teche you/
TOL. I. ^

Dictes and
Sayings.
3rd edition.
Begin recto
of sig. J 4.

_ .n versu
of sig. J 4.

146 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Dictes and they ansuerd / ye / And | thenne he sayde to them / For what someuer thing
isl^S^twn that it I be . kepe you and be wel waar that ye obeye not to women | Who
 ansuerd to hym agayn . And what sayest thou by | our good moders & of our
susters / He sayde to hem / Suffi | se you / with that I haue sayd to you . For
aUe ben sembla | ble in mahce And he sayde /who someuer wyU acquere | and
gete scyence / late hym neuer put hym in the gouernau | ce of a woman And
he sawe a woman that made her | fresshe and gaye . to whom he sayd / Thou

Dictes and ye / And thenne he saide | to them For what someuer thyng that it be . kepe you | and be wele ware that
Sayings, ye obeye not to wymen Who ansuerd | to him agayn And what sayist thou by our good | moders and
2nd edition. qJ ^^ susters . He saide to hem . Suffise you . | with that I haue sayde to you For aUe ben semblahle | in
malyce . And he saide . who someuer wyU acquere and | gete science . late him neuer put him in the
gouernaunce of a woman And he sawe a woman that made her fresshe 1 and gaye . to whom he sayde
Thou resemblest the fyre For | the more wode is leyde to the fyre the more wole it brenne | And the
gretter is the hete And on a tyme one axid | him / what him semed of wymen He ansuerd That the |
Begin recto wy men resemble vnto a Tre caUed BdeMa Whiche ys || the fayrest tre to be holde and see that may he
of 76th leaf. But within | it is fol of venym And they saide to him and demanded wherfore he blamed so wymen .and
that he him self had | not comen into this worlde ne none other men also vidth | oute hem / He ansuerd .
The woman is Uke vnto a Tre | named Chassoygnet . on whiche tre ther ben many thinges | sharpe and
pryckyng . whiche hurte and pryck them that approche vnto hyt / And yet neuerthelesse that same tre |
bringeth forth goode dates and swete . And they deman | ded hym . why he fled from the wymen . And
he ansuerde | For as moche as I see them flee and eschewe the goode | and comonly do euiU And a
woman sayde to him . wylt | thou haue ony other woman than me And he ansuerd to | her Arte not
thou ashamed tofire thy self to him . that de- | mandeth nor desireth the not .
0 these ben the dictes & sayengis of the philosoph|re Socrates whiche he wrote in his book And |
1 certaynly he wrote no worse than afore is rehersed | And for asmoche as it is acordaut . that his
dyctes and | sayengis shold he had as wel as others therfore I haue set 1 te it in thende of this booke
And also somme psones pera | uenture that haue red thys booke in frensshe wold haue | arette a grette
defaulte in me that I had not do my deuoir | in visiting and ouerseyng of my lordes book acording to his |
desire . And somme other also happely myght haue supposed | that Socrates had wreton moche more yUe of
women than | here a fore is specified / wherfore in satisfieng of aU parties | & also for excuse of the saide
Begin verso socrates I have sette these sayde || dyctes & sayengis a aparte in thende of tliis book / to thentent | that yf
of 76th leaf my gayd lord or ony other persone what someuer he | or she be that shal rede or here it ' that If they be not
weU pie- I syd with aUe that they wyth a penne race it out or eUys | rente the leef oute of the booke /
Humbly requyryng and | besechyng my sayd lord to take no displaysir on me so pre | sumyng but to perdone
where as he shal fynde faulte / and | that it plese hym to take the labour of thenpryntyng in gre | & thanke /
whiche gladly haue don my dyUgence in thaccom- | pUsshyng of his desire and comandement / In whiche I |
am bounden so to do for the good reward that I haue ressey | uyd of hys sayd lordship/ Whom I beseche
Almyghty | god tencrece and to contynue in his vertuous disposicion | in thys world . And after thys lyf to
lyue euerlastyngly | in heuen . Amen . Bt sic est finis .
Thus endeth thys book of the dictes and notable wyse say- 1 enges of the phylosophers late translated and
drawen 1 out of frenshe into our engUsshe tonge by my forseide lord | Therle of Ryuers and lord Skales . and
by hys eoman- | dement sette in forme and emprynted in thys manere as | ye maye here in thys booke see
Whiche was fynisshed the | xviij . day of the moneth of Nouembre . and the seuenteth | yere of the regne of
kyng Edward the. fourth.

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

147

of 76th leaf

resemblest the | fyre/ For the more wode is leyd to the fyre the more wole | it Dictes and
brenne / And the gretter is the hete And on a tyme | one axyd hym / what hym ift*S?|on.
semed of women - He ansuerd | That the women resemble vnto a Tre called 
EdeMa || Whyche ys the fayrest tre to beholde and see that may be | But wythin Begin recto
it ys ful of venym And they sayd to | hym and demanded wherfore he blamed
so women / and | that he hym self had not comen into thys world ne none | other
men also wythoute hem . He ansuerd - The woman | ys like vnto a Tre named
Chassoygnet . on whyche tre | ther ben many thynges sharpe and pryckyng •
whiche hur | te and prycke them that approche vnto hyt . And yet ne | uerthe-
lesse that same tre bringeth forth good dates and | swete - And they demanded
hym / why he fled from the | women . And he ansuerd . For asmoche as I see

how ye shal mowe escape from | al euyU /And they answerd ye . and thenne he sayd to them | For what
someuer thyng that it be / kepe you & be wel war | that ye obeye not to women / who answerd to hym agayn . & |
what sayest thou by our good moders & ^f our susters he | sayde to hem / Sufiyse you wyth that I haue
said to you . for | alle ben semblahle in malyce . And he said who someuer wil ] acquere & gete science late
hym neuer put hym in the go- 1 uemaiice of a woman / And he sawe a woman that made | her fresshe and
gaye to whom he sayde / Thou resemblest the | fyre . Por the more wode is leyd to the fyre the more wole |
it brenne / And the gretter is the hete /•T And on a time | one axid hym . what hym semed of women . He
answerd/ 1 That the women resemble vnto a tree called Edelfla whi- | che is the fayrest tree to beholde and
see that may be . But | wythin it is faU of venym / W And they sayde to hym | and demaiided wherfore he
blamed so women . And that he 1 hym self had not comen into this world ne none other | men also wythoute
hem . He answerd . the woman ys lyke | vnto a tree named Chassoygne / on whiche tree ther ben ma | ny
thynges sharpe and pryckyng . whiche hurte and pryc- | ke them that approche vnto hit / €1 And yet
neuerthelesse | that same tree bryngeth forth goo dates and swete / | •! And they demanded hym why
he fled from the women | •! And he answerd / for as moche as I see them flee and es | chewe the good . and
comenly do euyU / •! And a wo- | man sayde to hym / Wylt thou haue ony other woman || than me /
•r And he ansuerd to her Arte not thou ashamed | tofire thy self to hym . that demandeth ner desireth the
not /I
LO these ben the dictes & sayengis of the phUosophre | Socrates whiche he wrote in his book And
certayn- | ly he wrote no worse than a fore is rehersed . And for asmo | che as it is acordaunt . that his
dictes and sayengis shold be | had as wel as others therfore I haue sette it in thende of ] this booke / And
also somme persones per auenture that ha | ue red this booke in frensshe wold haue arette a grette defau | te
ia me that I had not do my deuoir in vysiting and ouerse | yng of my lordes book acording to his desir / And
somme | other also happely might haue supposed . that socrates had | wreton moche more euyl of women than
here a fore is spe- | cified wherfore in satisfyeng of aU parties & also for excuse | of the sayde socrates I haue
sette these saide dictes and say- | engis a parte in thende of this book / to thentent that yf my | sayd lord or
ony other persone what someuer he or she be that | shal rede or here it . that yf they be not wel plesyd wyth
all y' I they with a penne race it out or eUys rente the leef out of | the booke . Humbly requyryng and
beseching my sayd lord | to take no displaysir on me so presumyng but to pardone ] where as he shal fynde
faulte . and that it plese hym to take y' | labour of thenprynting in gre and thanke . whiche gladly I | haue
don my diUgece in tha«comphssynge of his desire and 1 commandement / In whiche I am bounden so to do
for the go 1 od reward that I haue resseyued of his said lordship . | Whom I bescehe Almyghty god tencrece
and to continue | in his vertuous disposicion in this world . And after this | lyf to lyue euer lastyngly in
heuen . Amen . | Vi Caxton me fieri fecit . | X 2

Dictes and
Sayings.
3rd edition.

Begin recto
of sig. J 5 ;
the«eraoand J 6 being
blank.

148

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Dictes and them | flee and eschewe the good - and comenly do euyU And | a woman
ist^eStion. sayde to hym • wylt thou haue ony other woman | than me And he ansuerde
 to her Arte not thou ashamed | tofire thy self to hym . that demandeth ner
desireth the not |
0 these ben the dictes & sayengis of the phylosoph | re Socrates whiche
1 he wrote in his book / And | certaynly he wrote no worse than afore is
rehersed | And for asmoche as it is acordaut . that his dyctes and |
sayengis shold be had as wel as others therfore I haue set | te it in thende of
this booke / And also somme psones per | auenture that haue red this booke in
frensshe wold haue | arette a grette defaulte in me that I had not do my deuofrj
in visiting & ouerseeyng of my lordes book acording to his | desfr / And somme
other also happely might haue supposed | that Socrates had wreton moche
more ylle of women than | here afore is specified / wherfore in satisfyeng of all
parties | & also for excuse of the saide socrates I haue sette these saide | dyctes
& sayengis a parte in thende of this book / to thentet | that yf my sayd lord or
ony other persone what someuer he | or she be that shal rede or here it / that If
they be not wel | plesyd wyth aU that they wyth a penne race it out or el- 1 lys
rente the leef out of the booke / Humbly requyryng and | besechyng my sayd
lord to take no displaysir on me so pre | sumyng but to pardone where as he
shal fynde faulte / and | that it plese hym to take the labour of thenpryntyng
in gre | & thanke / whiche gladly haue don my dyligence in thaccom- 1 plysshyng
of his desfre and commandement / Jn why | che I am bounden so to do for the
good reward that I ha- | ue resseyuyd of his sayd lordship / Whom I beseche
Al- I myghty god tencrece and to contynue in his vertuous dis | posicion in this
world / And after thys lyf to lyue euer- | lastyngly in heuen Amen
Et sic est finis . • . -

iegm verso
of76thleaf.

The Miller
Library,BritweU House, Bucks.
Verso of 4th
leaf

EPILOGUE TO MOEAL PEOVEEBS.
The first of these stanzas may have been the composition of Earl Rivers ; but
it is not improbable that Caxton wrote both.
Of these sayynges Cristyne was aucteuresse
Whiche in makyng hadde suche InteUigence
That therof she was nureur & maistresse
Hire werkes testifie thexperience
Jn frenssh languaige was writeii this sentence
And thus Enghshed dooth hit rehers
Antoin wideuyUe therl Eyuers

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Go thou Util quayer / and recomaund me
Vnto the good grace / of my special lorde
Therle Eyueris . for I haue enprinted the
At his comandement . folowyng eury worde
His copye / as his secretafre can recorde
At westmestre . of feuerer the . xx . daye
And of kyng Edward / the . xvij . yere vraye
Enprinted by Caxton
In feuerer the colde season

149

Moral
Proverbs.

COEDYALE. Epilogue.

British
Museum
Press Mark.
C. 11. c. 2.

His book is thus translated out of frenshe into | our maternal tongue by Ferso of 76th
t the noble and vertuouse | lord A n t h o i n e Erie Eyuiers / Lord Scales & | ^^^' ^'"^ ^'
of the Isle of wight . Defenseur and directour of the can | ses apostoUque
for our holy fader the Pope in this Eoya | me of Englonde . Vncle & gouemour to
my lorde prince of | wales . which book was deUuered to me williamCaxton|
by my saide noble lorde Eyuiers on the day of purificacion | of our bhssid
lady / faUyng the tewsday the secunde day | of the moneth of feuerer . Jn the
yeer of our lord . M. | CCCC Ixxviij for to be enprinted / and so multiphed | to
goo abrood emonge the peple / that therby more surely | myght be remembred
the four last thingis vndoubtably co | myng . And it is to be noted that sythen
the tyme of | the grete tribulacion and aduersite of my saide lord / he | hath
been ful vertuously occupied /as in goyng of pilgre | magis to Seint James
in Galice . to Rome . to | Seint Bartylmew.to Seint Andrew-
to Seint I Mathew . in the Royalme of Naples . and to Seint |
Nicholas de Bar in Puyle.and other diuerse holy pla | ces . Also
•hath procured and goten of our holy fader the | Pope a greet and a large
Indulgence and grace vnto the | chapel of our lady of the piewe by seint
Stephens at westjmestre for the relief & helpe of cristen sowles passed
out of I this transitorie world . whiche grace is of hke vertue to | thindulgence
of Scala celi-And not withstonding the | greet labours & charges y* he
hath had in the seruice of the || kyng & of my said lord prince / as wel in wales Begin redo
in Eng I londe . which hath be to hun no Utle thought & besines bothe | in of''^*'^^''*^-
spirite and ia body / as the fruit therof experimently she | weth . Yet ouer that

150 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Cordyale. tcuriche his vertuous disposicion / he | hath put him in deuoyr at all tymes wheii
he might haue a | leyser . whiche was but startemele to translate diuerse boo|kes
out of frensh into english . Emong other passid | thurgh myii honde the booke
of the wise sayinges or dictes | of philosophers . & the wise and holsoin puerbis
of xpristine | of pyse set in metre . Ouer that hath made diuerse balades | ayenst
the seuen dedely synnes . Furthermore it semeth | that he conceiueth wel the
mutabUite and the vnstablenes | of this present lyf. aud that he desfreth with a
greet zele | and spiritueU loue our goostly helpe and perpetuel salua | cion .
And that we shal abhorre and vtterely forsake | thabhominable and dampnable
synnes . whiche comunely | be vsed now a dayes / as Pride / periurye / terrible
swering | thefte /murdre/ and many other . Wherfore he took vpon | hym the
translating of this present werke named Cordy | ale/ trusting that bothe the
reders and the herers therof | sholde knowe them self herafter the better / and
amende | thafr lyuyng or they departe and lose this tyme of grace | to the
recouure of their saluacion . Whiche Translating | in my lugement is a noble &
a meritorious dede . Wherfor | he is worthy to be greetly coiiiended . and also
singulerly | remembred with our goode prayers . For certaynely as | weU the
reders as the herers well conceyuyng in their | hertes the forsayd foure last
thiages may therby greetly be | prouoqued and called from sinne to the greet
Begin verso & plcutiuouse || mcTcy of OUT bhssid saueour / whiche mercy is aboue aU | his
° * ^^* • werkis . And noman beyng contrite and confessed | nedeth to fere thobteyning
therof/ as in the preface of my | saide lordes booke made by hym more playnly
it appereth | Thene in obeying and folowyng my said lordes eoman- | dement .
In whiche I am bounden so to do . for the manifol | de benefetes and large
rewardes of hym had and receyued | of me vndeseruid . J haue put me in
deuoyr taccomphsshe | his saide desire and comaudement / whom I beseche
ahnigh | ty god to kepe and mayntene in his vertuous and lauda | ble actes
and werkis . And sende hym thaccomplisshement | of his noble and ioyous desfrs
and playsirs in this worlde | And after this short daungerous and transitory
lyf euer | lasting permanence in heuen Amen . Whiche werke pre- | sent
I begaii the morii after the saide Purificacionof our | bhssid Lady . Whiche was-
the the daye of Seint Blase| Bisshop and Martir.And fiiasshed on the
euen of than | nunciacion of our said bilissid Lady fallyng on the wed | nesday
the xxiiij daye of Marche. Jn the xix yeer of | Kyng Edward e the
fourthe

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

151

a blank for
the first,
line 7,

BOETHIUS DE CONSOLATIONE PHILOSOPHIC. British
Museum.
Epilogue. c'n^"''
t Hus endeth this boke whiche is named the boke of | Consolacion of Becto of
philosophie ' whiche that boecius ma- 1 de for his comforte and consolacion reckoning '
he beyng in exUe for the | comyii and pubUck wele hauying grete heuynes &
though- 1 tes and in maner of despajn? / Eehercing in the sayde boke | howe
Philosophie appiered to him shewyng the mutabUite | of this transitorie lyfe /
and also enformyng howe fortu- | ne and happe shold bee vnderstonden / with
the predestyna- 1 cion and prescience of God as moche as maye and ys | possible
to bee knowen naturelly / as a fore ys sayd in this | sayd boke / Whiche Boecius
was an excellente auctour | of dyuerce bookes craftely and curiously maad in
prose I and metre / And also had translated djruerce bookes | oute of Greke
into latyn / and had ben senatour of that | noble & famous cite Eome . And
also his two sones Se | natours for their prudence & wisedom . And for as moche |
as he withstode to his power the tyraiiye of theodorik theile | Emperour / &
wold haue defended the ' sayde cite & Senate | from his wicked hondes /
wherupon he was conuict & putte | in prison / in whiche prisoii he made this
forsaide boke of coso | lacion for his singuler cofort . and for asmoche as the
stUe I of it / is harde & difficile to be vnderstonde of simple psones || Therfore
the worshipfiU fader & first foudeur & enbehssher of | ornate eloquence in our
enghssh . I mene / Maister Geffrey | Chaucer hath translated this sayd werke
oute of latjra | in to oure vsual and moder tonge . Folowyng the latyn | as
neygh as is possible to be vnderstande . wherein in myne | oppynyon he hath
deseruid a perpetuell lawde and thanke | of al this noble Eoyame of Englond /
And in especiaU | of them that shaU rede & vnsterstande it . For in the sayd |
boke they may see what this transitorie & mutable worlde is | And wherto
euery mail huyng in hit / ought to entende - | Thenne for as moche as this sayd
boke so translated is | rare & uot spred ne knowen as it is digne and worthy - |
For the erudicion and lernyng of suche as ben Ignorarit | & not knowyng of
it / Atte requeste of a singuler frende & | gossib of myne • I wiUiam Caxton
haue done my debuoir & | payne tenprynte it in fourme as is here afore made /
In ho- I pyng that it shal prouffite moche peple to the wele & helth | of theire
soules / & for to lerne to haue and kepe the better | pacience in aduersitees /
And furthermore I desfre & requi ¦ | re you that of your charite ye wold praye
for the soule of | the sayd worshipful man Geffrey Chaucer / first transla- | tour
of this sayd boke into enghssh & enbehssher in making | the sayd langage

of 93rd leaf

152

prologues, epilogues, etc.

Boethius de
Consolacione PhUosophie.

Begin recto of
94th leaf,
the last 9
lines occu
pying the
verso.

ornate & fayr . whiche shal endure perpe- | tuelly . and therfore he ought
eternelly to be remebrid . of | whom the body and corps heth buried in
thabbay of west- 1 mestre beside london to fore the chapele of seynte benet . by |
whos sepulture is wreton on a table hongyng on a pylere | his Epitaphye maad
by a Poete laureat - whereof the co- 1 pye foloweth &c ||
Bpitaphiii Galfridi Chaucer . per

poetam laureatii Stephauii surigonti
Mediolanense in decretis Ucenciatii
p yerides muse si possunt numina flet9
PMere . diuinas atqz rigare genas
Galfridi vatis chancer crudeUa fata
Plangite . sit laorimis abstinuisse nephas
Uos coluit vines . at vos celebrate sepultum
Reddatur merito gracia digna viro
Grande decus vobis . e docti musa maronis
Qua didicit melig Ungua latina loqui
Grande nouii qz deo9 Chaucer . famaqz pauit
Heu q)tum fuerat prisca britana rudis
Reddidit insignem matemis versibz . vt iam
Aurea splendescat . ferrea facta prius
Huno latuisse virii nU . si tot opuscula vertes
Dixeris . egregus que decorata modis
Socratis ingenium . vel fontes phUosophie
Quitquid & archani dogmata sacra ferunt
Et qscunqz veUs tenuit diguissimus artes

Ah laudis qltum preclara hritannia perdis
Dum rapuit tantii mors odiosa virum
Crudeles parce . crudelia fila sorores
Non tamen extincto corpore . fama perit
Uiuet ineternum . viuet dum scripta poete
Uiuant etemo tot monimenta die
Si qua bonos tangit pietas . si carmie digng ||
Carmina qui cecinit tot cumulata modis
Hee sihi marmoreo scribantur verba sepulchro
Hee maneat laudis sarcina summa sue
Galfridus Chaucer vates . et fama poesis
Mateme . hac sacra sum tumnlatus humo
Post obitum Caxton voluit te viuere cura
WUlekni . Chaucer clare poeta tuj
Nam tua non solum compressit opuscula formis
Has quoqz sz laudes . iussit hie esse tuas

Hie vates . puo conditus hoc tumulo
The Latin verses referred to by Caxton are reproduced here on account of the
last verse, the authorship of which is undetermined. It may have proceeded from
Caxton's own pen.

British
Museum,
Press Mark
C.lO.bS.
Becto of sig.
a 4, line 5.
with wood
cut 13 lines
deep down
the side.

THE MIEEOUE OF THE WOELD.
First Edition.
Prologue declaryng to whom this book apperteyneth
c Onsideryng | that wordes ben | perisshyng / vayne / & | forgeteful / And
wri-|tynges duelle & abi- | de permanet/ as I rede | Vox audita perit /Ut|
tera scripta manet / | Thise thinges haue | caused that the faites | and dedes of
Anncyent meii / ben sette by declaracion in [ fair and Aourned volumes / to
thende that science and | Artes lerned and founden of thinges passed myght be |
had in perpetuel memorye and remembraunce / ffor the | hertes of nobles in
eschewyng of ydlenes at suche tyme | as they haue none other vertuouse
ocupacon on hade ought | texercise them in redyng / studjoig / & visytyng the
noble I faytes and dedes of the sage and wysemen somtyme tra- 1 uaillyng in

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 153
prouflfytable vertues / of whom it happeth ofte | that somen ben enclyned to Mirrour of
visyte the bookes treatyng | of sciences particuler / And other to rede & -viayte ist^ edition!
bookes I spekyng of faytes of armes / of loue /or of other meuaU- 1| lous histories/ ": —
And emonge alle other this psent booke | whiche is caUed the ymage or of sig. a 4.
myrrour of the world / ought to be visyted / redde / & knowen / by cause it
treateth | of the world and of the wondreful dyuision therof /in | whiche book
a man resonable / may see and vndrrstande | more clerer by the visytyng and
seeyng of it and the | figures therin / the situacon and moeuyng of the firma- |
ment / and how the vnyuersal erthe hangeth in the myd- | die of the same / As
¦f chapitres here folowyng shal more | clerly shewe and declare to yon /whiche
said book was | translated out of latyn in to ffirensshe by the ordynaunce | of the
noble duc / Johan of Berry and Auuergne the | yere of our lord . M , CC . xiv .
And now at this tyme | rudely translated out of ffrensshe in to Enghssh by me |
symple psone wUUam Caxton / at the request . desire . coste | and dispense of
the honourable & worshipfiU ma Hugh | Bryce Alderman & Cytezeyn of london/
entendyng to | present the same vnto the vertuous noble and puissaunt | lord /
wylliam lord hastynges lord Chamberlayn vnto | the most Crysten kynge / kynge
Edward the fourthe | kynge of England & of ffraunce zxrf and Ueutennt | for the
same of the toun of Calais and marches there | whom he humbly besecheth to
resseyue in gree & thanke / | whiche booke conteyneth in aUe Ixxvij chapitres/
& xxvij I figures/ without. whiche it may not hghtly be vnderstade / | And for
to declare more openly / it is ordeyned in thre | parties / Of whiche the ffrste
coteyaeth xx chapitres and | vUj figures / The seconde partie xxxiij chapitres /
and ix | figures / And the therde conteyneth xxiiij chapitres and || .x .figures/ Begm recto
whiche was engrossed and in aUe poyntes or- | deyned by chapitres and figures °^^^' * ^'

L'YMAGE DU MONDE. British
Prologue declairant a qui ce volume appartient. -r "'^^MS
Considerat que paroUes sont & demeurent vaines et esoriptures permanentes ont les fais des anciens este 19 a ix.
mis par declaracon en beaulx & aoumes volumes Affin que des sciences acquises & choses passees fast ¦ 
perpetueUe memoire pour les cors des nobles exerciser en lisant et estudiant les fais des sages Jadis traueUlans
en vert9 prouffitables Dont U aduient que les vngs sont encUns a visiter les Uures traitans de sciences
particulieres Et les aultres a visiter les liures parlans de fais darmes & damours ou aultrement Et est ce
present volume appeUe lymage du monde Et fli translate de latin en franchois par le commandement et
ordonnance du noble duc Jehan de berry et Dauuergne lan ' M . deux cens quarante cincq . Si contient
oinquante cincq chaptres et vingt sept figures sans lesqueUes 11 ne porroit estre de legier entendu Et pour le
mieulx declarier a este ordonne en trois parties dont la premiere partie contient xiiij chapitres et huyt
figures La seconde partie contient xix figures Et la tierce partie est de xxij chapitres et ix figures Si fu. grosse
et de tons poins ordonne comme dit est en la vUle de bruges lan del Incamacion nostreseigneur Ihucrist
mU quatre cens soixante & quatre par le commandement De Jehan le clero Ubrarier & bourgois diceUe viUe
de bruges priant Dieu que tons ceulx qui le Urront ou orront lire y puissent teUement prouffiter que ce soit
au prouffit et salut de leurs ames & a lonneur et sante de leur corps.
TOI I. X

154

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Mirrour of
the World.
1st edition.

in ffrenshe in the toun | of bruggis the yere of thyncarnacion of our lord . M . |
CCCC . IxUij . in the moneth of luyn / And emprised by | me ryght vnable and
of lytil connyng to translate & | brynge it in to our maternal tongue y® second
day of the | moneth of janjnier the yer of our said lord . M . CCCC | Ixxx in
thabbay of westmestre by london / humbly requy- 1 ryng aUe them that shal
fynde faulte / to correcte and | amende where as they shal ony fynde / And of
suche so I fouden that they repute not the blame on me / but on my | copie /
whiche j am charged to folowe as nyghe as god | wil gyue me grace / whom
j most humbly beseche to gyue | me scyence - connyng and lyf taccomplysshe
and wel to | fynysshe it i^ j

In the
Library of
W. Tite, Esq.
M.P., r.s.A.
&c. &c.
Begin recto
of sig. a iij.

Begin verso
of sig. a iij.

Begin recto
of sig. a iiij.

u
o

MIRROUR OF THE WORLD.
Second Edition.
•T Prologue declaryng to whom this book apperteyneth /
Onsyderyng 1 that wordes | ben perisshing | vayne. and forgete- | fiU / And writynges | dueUe/
I ] and ahyde per | manent / as I rede. | 9\ Vox audita perit | Uttera scripta manet 1 •! Thyse
thynges | haue caused that the | faytes and dedes of | Anncyent men . hen | sette by decla
racion in fayr & Aourned volumes . to thende | that sciece / & artes lerned & foiiden of thinges passed
myght I be had in perpetuel memorye & remebraiice / For the hertes of | nobles in eschewyng of
Idlenes at suche tyme as they haue | none other vertuouse occupacio on hande ought texcersise |
them in redyng / studieng / & visytyng y^ noble faytes & dedes | of the sage & wysemen somfyme
trauaUlyng in puffytable | vertues / of whom it happeth ofte that some ben enclyned to | vysite the bookes
treatyng of sciences particuler / and other | to rede & vysite bookes spekyng of faytes of armes . of loue / | or
other meruayUous historyes /And emonge aUe other | this present book whiche is caUed the ymage or mirrour
of I the world /ought to be visyted/ redde/ & knowen/ by cause it ] treateth of the world & of the wondreful
dyuision therof. | in whiche booke a man resonable / may see and vnderstande ] more clerer by the vysytyng
and sayeng of it And the fy- | gures therin/ the sytuacion & moeuyng of the firmament . || & how the vny
uersal erthe hangeth in the myddle of the sa | me/ As the chapitres here folowyng shal more clerly she- 1 we
& declare to you whiche said book was translated out of | latyn in to frensshe by the ordynaiice of the
noble duk/ Io- | han of Berry & Auuergne the yere of our lord . M . CC . | xiv . And now at this tyme rudely
translated out of frens | she in to EngUssh by me symple persone Wyllm Caxton . ] at the request . desire coste
& dispense of the honourable and | worshipftd man Hugh Bryce alderman and Cytezen of | londen/ entendyng
to present the same vnto the vertuous | noble & puyssaiit Lord wyUm lord hastynges lord Cham- | berJayn
vnto the most Crysten kynge / kynge Edward the | fourthe kynge of England & of Fraunce &c . and heute- 1
naiit for the same of the toun of Caleys & marches there | whom he humbly besecheth to resseyue ui gree
& thake . whi | che hook conteyneth in alle. xxvij . chapitres & . xxvij . fygu- 1 res / wythout whiche it may not
lyghtly be vnderstande / & | for to declare more openly . it is ordeyned in thre partyes . | Of whiche the first
conteyneth xx. chapitres & viij. fygu- 1 res /Te seconde partie xxxiij . chapitres /& ix fygures/And|the therde
conteyneth xxiiij / chapitres . and x fygures / whi- | che was engrossed & in aU poyntes ordeyned by
chapitres | and fygures in frenshe in the toun of Bruggis the yere of | thyncarnacion of our lord . M . CCCC .
Ixiiij . in the mo- | neth of luyn . And emprysed by me right vnable & of lytU | coimyng to translate &
brynge it in our maternal tonge y= | second day of the moneth of lanyuer the yere of our sayde | lord . M .
cccc . Ixxx/ in thabbay of westmestre by londen / | humbly requyryng aU them that shal fynde faulte. to
cor- I recte & amende where as they shall ony fynde / And of suche || so foiiden that they repute not the
blame on me . but on my | copie . whiche I am charged to folowe as nyghe as god | wyl gyue me grace .
whom I most humbly beseche to gyue | me sciece conyng & lyf taccomplysshe & wel to fynysshe it &o . |

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 155
t Henne who so wyUe comprise and vnderstande the | substaunce of this Mirrour of
present volume/for to lerne and | knowe speciaUy the creacion . of this world/ igt edition!
the gretnes | of the firmamet & lytihies of therthe in regard to heuen / | how
the vij sciences were ffounden and what they bee /by | whiche he may the
better auayUe in knowleche alle the | dayes of his lyf/ Thenne late hym rede
this said volume | treatably . auisedly . & ordynatly that in suche thyng as | he
shal rede / he suffice nothyng to passe / but that he vnder- 1 stonde it right weU /
And so may he knowe & vnderstonde | veritably the declaracion of this said
volume / And he | thenne that so wiUe obeye this comandemet / May by the |
contete of the same lerne grete partie of the fourme and | condicion of this
worlde / And how by y" wyU of our lord || it was by hym created made and Begin verso
accomphsshed / And the | cause wherfor it was estabhsshid / wherof the ° ^'^' ^
debonayr lord | hath don to vs so grete grace / that we euer ben bounden to |
gyue hym lawde and worshyp / or eUys we had not ben | of ony valew / ne
worth ony thyng / nomore than vnreso- 1 nable beestis / Thenne late vs praye
the maker and crea- | tour / of aUe cratures god aU myghty that at the begyn- 1
nyng of this book it Uste hym of his most bounteuous | grace to departe with vs
of the same that we may lerne / | and that lerned to reteyne / & that reteyned
so teche / that | we may haue so parfyght scyence and knowleche of god / | that
we may gete therby the helthe of our sowles / and to | be partyners of his
glorye permanent and without ende | in heuen Amen /

T Henne who so wyUe comprise & vnderstande the sub- | statice of this present volume . for to lerne & Mirrour of
knowe | speciaUy the creacion . of this world the gretenes of the fir | mament and lytylnes of therthe in the World.
regard of heuen / how yM ¦"! • sciences were founden and what they bee / hy whiche he | may the better ¦and Edition.
auayUe in knowleche aUe y* dayes of his Uf | Thene late hym rede this sayd volume treatably / auisedly |
and ordynatly that in suche thing as he shal rede/ he sufire | nothyng to passe . but that he vnderstonde it
right wel / And | so may he knowe and vnderstonde verytably the deolara | cion of this sayd volume . And
he thenne that so wyUe o - |beye this comaimdement / May by the contente of the same | leme grete partye
of the fourme & condycio of this world | €T And how by the wyl of our lord it was by him created |
made & complysshed . And the cause wherfore it was esta- | blysshid . wherof the debonayr lord hath don to
vs so grete | grace . that we euer ben bounden to gyue hym lawde & wor- | ship . or eUys we had not ben of
ony valew/ ne worth ony | thyng . nomore than vnersonable beestis / Thenne late vs | praye the maker &
creatour . of al creatures god ahnyhty | that at the begynnyng of this book it liste him of his most |
bounteuous grace to departe wyth vs of the same that we | may lerne/And that lerned to reteyne/and that
reteyned | so teche . that we may haue so parfyght science and knowle | che of god / that we may gete therby
the helthe of our sow- | les . and to be partyners of his glorye permanent & wyth- 1 out ende in heuen Amen/
Epilogue.
ANd where it is so . that I haue presumed and empry- | sed this forsayd translacyon in to our engUsshe Becto of sig.
and I matemall tongue / Jn whiche I am not weU parfyght / | And yet lasse in frensshe / Yet I haue I 7, fine 8.
endeuourd me therin / | atte request and desyre coste and dispence of the honourable | and worshipful
man / Hughe Bryce Cytezeyn and Alder- | man of london / Whiche hath sayd to me that he entendeth | to
presente it / vnto the puissaunt noble and vertuous lorde | My lorde hastynges . Chamberlayn vnto our
T 2

156 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Mirrour of EPILOGUE.
1st e^tion ^ ^<^ where it is so / that I haue presumed and empri- | sed this forsayd
 . translacion in to our enghssh and I maternal tongue / Jn whiche I am not
rBTSO of SIQ^
n 8, line 17. wcl parfyght/ | And yet lasse in frensshe /yet I haue endeuourd me therin / 1
atte request and desyre . coste and dispence of the honou- 1 rable and worshipfiU
man . Hughe Bryce Cytezeyn and | Alderman of london / whiche hath sayd to
me that he en-|tendeth to presente it / vnto the puissaunt noble and ver- 1 tuous
lorde / My lorde hastynges . Chamberlajm vnto our | souerayn lord the kynge /
And his lieutenaunt of the | toun of Calays & Marches there/ Jn whiche
jjecfoofsig. translacion II I knowleche my self symple . rude . and ygnoraut / wherfor |
"fij-TObii^. I humbly byseche my sayd lord Chamberlayn to perdonne | me of this mde
and symple translacion / how be it / 1 leye | for myn excuse / that I haue to my
power folowed my copye | And as nygh as to me is possible I haue made it so j
playn / that euery man resonable may vnderstonde it / yf he | aduysedly and
ententyfly rede or here it / And yf ther be | faulte in mesuryng of the
firmament / Sonne / Mono / or | of therthe / or in ony other meruayUes herin
conteyned / 1 | beseche you not tarette the defaulte in me / but in hym that |
made my copye / whiche book I began first to traslate the | second day of
Janyuer the yere of our lord . M . CCCC . j Ixxx . And fynysshyd the vUj day of
Marche the same | yere / And the xxj yere of the Eegne of the most Crysten |
kynge / kynge Edward the fourthe / vnder the Shadowe of | whos noble
proteccion I haue emprysed & fynysshed this | sayd lytil werke and boke /
Besechynge Almyghty god | to be his protectour and defendour agayn aUe his
Eue- I myes / and gyue hym grace to subdue them / and inespeci- | aU them
that haue late enterprysed agayn right and re- j son to make warre wythin his

Mirrour of souerayn | lord the Kynge / And his lyeutenaunt of the toun of | Calays and marches there / Jn whiche
the World, translacion I kno- | wleche my self symple / rude <& ygnoraunt / Wherfore I hum | bly byseche my sayd lord
edition. Cliamberlayn to pardonne me | of this rude & symple translacion how be it / J leye for myn | excuse / that
I haue to my power folowed my copye / And 1 as nygh as to me is possible J haue made it so playn / that |
euery man resonable may vnderstonde it / Yf he aduysedly | and ententyfly rede or here it CT And yf
ther be faulte | ia mesuryng of the firmament / Sone / Mone / or of ther- | the . or in ony other meruayUes
herin conteyned / J beseche | you not tarette the faulte in me hut ia hym that made my | copye . whiche
Begin verso book I began first to trauslate the second | day of lanyuer the yere of our lord / M . CCCC . Ixxx. || And
of sig I 7. fynysshyd the vuj day of Marche the same yere / And | the xxj yere of the Regne of the most Crysten
kynge . Kyn | ge Edward the fom-the . Vnder the shadowe of whos noble | proteccion I haue emprysed and
fynysshed this sayd lytyl | werke and boke . Besechynge Almyghty god to be his pro | teotour and defendour
agayn aUe his Enemyes and gyue | hym grace to sudue them / And inespeciaU them that haue 1 late
enterprysed agayn ryght & reson to make warre wyth- | in his Royamme . And also to preserue and
mayntene him | in longe lyf and prosperous helthe . And after this short | and transytorye lyf he brynge
hym and vs in to his celesty- | aU hlysse in heuene AMEN /
9[ Caxton me fieri fecit.

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 157
Eoyamme / And also to j preserue and mayntene hym in longe lyf and prosperous j Mirrour of
helthe / And after this short & transitorye lyf he brynge | hym and vs in to his ist edition.
celestyal blysse in heuene Amen /

EEYNAED THE FOX. British
Museum.
First Edition. Prologue. Press Mark
C 11 c. o.

Hyer begynneth thystorye of rejmard the foxe
Jn this historye ben wreton the parables / goode lerynge / | and dyuerse poyntes Begin verso
to be merkyd /by whiche poyntes j men maye lerne to come to the subtyl " ^'^' *
knoweleche of su- 1 che thynges as dayly ben vsed & had in the counseyUys | of
lordes and prelates gostly and worldly / and / also | emonge marchantes and
other comone peple / And this | booke is maad for node and prouffyte of alle
god folke / I As fer as they in redynge or heeryng of it shal mowe | vnderstande
and fele the forsayd subtyl deceytes that day- 1 ly ben vsed in the worlde / not
to thentente that men shold j vse them but that euery man shold eschewe
and kepe j hym from the subtyl false shrewis that they be not dece- j yuyd /
Thenne who that wyU haue the very vnderstan- j dyng of this mater / he muste
ofte and many tymes rede | in thys boke and ernestly and diUgently marke
wel I that he redeth / ffor it is sette subtylly / lyke as ye shal see | in redyng of
it / and not ones to rede it ffor a man shal | not wyth ones ouer redyng fynde
the ryght vnderstan- 1 dyng ne comprise it wel / but oftymes to rede it shal
cause I it wel to be vnderstande /And for them that vnderstan- 1 deth it / it shall
be ryght Joyous playsant and prouf | fitable
Epilogue.
The original text ends with these words: ^^And the foxe lyued forthon wyth
his wyf I and his chyldren in grete loye and gladnes j " to which Caxton has
added —
Now who I that said to yow of the ffbxe more or lesse than ye haue | herd or Becto of sig.
red / 1 holde it for lesynge / but this that ye haue | herd or red / that may ye
byleue wel / & who that byleueth | it not / is not therfore out of the right
byleue / how be it / j ther be many yf that they had seen it / they shold haue
the I lasse doubte of it / for ther ben many thynges in the world | whiche ben
byleuyd though they were neuer seen / Also | ther ben many fygures / playes
fouden /that neuer were | don ne happed/ But for an example to the peple/
that they j may ther by the better / vse and folowe vertue / & teschewe | synne
and vyces / in lyke wyse may it be by this booke / | that who that wyl rede

158

prologues, epilogues, etc.

Reynard
the Fox.
1st edition.

legin verso
of sig. I 5.

this mater / though it be of iapes | and bourdes / yet he may fynde therin many
a good wyse- 1 dom and lernynges / By whiche he may come to vertue & |
worship . Ther is no good man blamed herin /hit is | spoken generaUy / Late
euery man take his owne part j as it belongeth & behoueth / and he that
fyndeth hym gyl- | ty in ony dele or part therof / late hym bettre & amende
hym I And he that is veryly good / 1 pray god kepe hym therin || And yf ony
thyng be said or wreton herin / that may | greue or dysplease ony man / blame
not me / but the foxe / | for they be his wordes & not myne / Prayeng aUe
them I that shal see this lytyl treatis /to correcte and amende / j Where they shal
fynde faute / For I haue not added ne | mynusshed but haue folowed as nyghe
as I can my copye j whiche was in dutche /and by me AviUm Caxton trans- j
lated in to this rude & symple englyssh in thabbey of west- 1 mestre . fynysshed .
the vj daye of Juyn the yere of our | lord M . CCCC . Lxxxj . & the xxj yere
of the regne of | kynge Edward the iUjth /
Here endeth the historye of Eeynard the foxe jurf

Cambridge. Pepysian Library.

EEYNAED THE FOX.
Secom) Edition. Epilogue.
Unfortunately the only impression known of this Edition wants the last two
leaves, which are, however, supplied in manuscript of the 17 th Century, and
contain the following Epilogue which may have been transcribed from a copy as
issued by Caxton.
1 shaU therefore make an end. Now this is the History of Eenard so ferre
forth as is knowen or mote be gadered out of ould Bokes, and if ony more shal
be Avritten of him than is hier set forth, it ben all lyes and falshoods for it is
not written ony where what did hereafter befaUe hym nor how he dyde, but
I weene he was hongid for he hyely deseruyd it, for he was a shrewde and
feUe tlieefe and deceivyd the EUng w**" lesingys and so mote all false traytours
and such as ben pleyn'd with ony VUony be honged by thefr Neckis I shold
be therewith weel apayd. Yet there ben many such w°^ neverthelesse abide in
great worship alle thefr- hvys yet that helpeth not but they goo to heU when
they dye and the Deviles puU them by thefr beardes and brenne thefr erses
w*^ hote Irons, tho sofre they moche paine for their misdedys : God grant us
his grace that we may not comen thereto, for it is an evel place, it growleth
me sore and myne heer stondeth right up when I think theron. But if wee ben
trew men and ryght wise wee shaU soo be deUvered fro the peryl of deth .
Exphcit .

prologues, epilogues, etc. 159

TULLY OF OLD AGE. ^^^t,
T^ Press Mark
Prologue. c. io. b. g.
h Ere begynneth the prohemye vpon the reducynge / j both out of latyn as of Begin recto
frensshe ia to our englyssh | tongue / of the polytyque book named T u 11 i u s ° ''^' ' "'
de Senec-|tute. whiche that Tullius wrote vpon the disputacons &|
comynycacions made to the puissaut duc Gate senatour | of rome by Scipion
& Lelius/ thene beyng yong noble | knyghtes & also senatours of the said
rome / of the wor- j shippe / recomendacyon & magnyfycence . that shold be
gy- 1 uen to men of olde age / for theyr desertes & experyence in j wysedom of
polytyque gouemauce / & blamed them that re | prouen or lothen olde age / &
how Caton exhorteth & couseU- 1 leth olde men to be loyeful / and bere
pacyently olde age j whan it cometh to them / And how Tullius at reuerence j
of Caton declareth by waye of example .how Enneus | thaucyent phUo
sophre purposeth and wryteth in thre ver- 1 ses compendyously vnto his frende
Attitus also a senajtour of Eome /how he toke grete thought and charge
for I the gouernaunce of the comyn prouffyght / ffor whiche | he deserued grete
lawde and honoure in preferryng the | same named in latyn Res Publica
kepyng the Eo- 1 maynes prosperous / & defendyng them fro theyr aduersa- 1
ryes and rebeUes / whiche book was translated and | thystoryes openly declared .
by the ordenaunce & desyre of | the noble Auncyent knyght Syr Johan
Fastolf of I the countee of Norfolk banerette . lyuyng the age of | four score
yere . excercisyng the warrys in the Eoyame | of Fraunce and other countrees/
ffor the diffence and | vnyuersal welfare of both royames of englond and |
ffi:aunce by fourty yeres enduryng / the fayte of armes || hauntyng . And in Begin verso
admynystryng Iustice and polytique | gouernaunce vnder thre kynges . that is " ^'^' ^
to wete Henryl the fourth . Henry the fyfthe . Henry the syxthe / And |
was gouemour of the duchye of Angeou and the con- j tee of Mayne.
Capytajrn of many townys . Castellys | and fortressys in the said Eoyame of
ffi:aunce / hauyng | the charge and saufgarde of them dyuerse yeres . ocupy- 1 eng
and rewlynge thre honderd speres and the bowes j acustomed thenne / And
yeldyng good acompt of the j forsaid townes castellys & fortresses to the seyd
kynges | and to theyr lyeutenauntes / Prynces of noble recomen- | dacion / as
Johan regent of ffraunce Duc of Bedforde | Thomas duc of excestre/
Thomas due of clarece & other | lyeutenautes/ prayeng to take this reducyng
pacyently / & | submyttyng me to the amendyng & correction of the reder j
and vnderstonder / that is disposed to rede or haue ony | contemplacion in

160 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
TuUy of thystoryes of this book / whiche were | drawen and compyled out of the bookes
oidAge. ^^ thauncyent | phylosophers of Grece / As fri thorygynal text of T ul- 1 Iij de
Senectute in latyn is specyfyced compendyous- j ly / whiche is in maner
harde the texte . But this book j reduced in Englyssh tongue /is more ample
expowned j and more swetter to the reder kepyng the luste senten- j ce of the
latyn/ Hene for as moche as this book thus reduced | in to our englyssh is with
Begm recto t grctc iustauce labouT I & coste comen in to myn honde which I aduysedly||
°f «'g- ' 3- iiaue seen /ouer redde /and considered the noble . honeste/ | and vertuo?
mater necessarUy requysite vnto men stepte | in age / and to yong men for to
leme / how they owght to | come to the same / to whiche euery man natureUy
desyreth | to atteyne / And the mater and commynycacion of | this said book
bytwene that wyse and noble man Cato / | on that one parte / and Scipio and
Lehus two yonge | knyghtes on that other parte . is moche behoefful to be |
knowen to euery man . vertuous & wel disposed of what | some euer eage
resonable that he be . Thenne by cause I | haue not seen ony of the same
here to fore . I haue ende- | noured me to gete it with grete difficulte / and so
goten / I haue put it in enprynte and dilygently aftir my lytil vn- | derstandyng
corrected it / to thentente / that noble / vertuo^ | and wel disposed men myght
haue it to loke on & to vn- | derstonde it . And this book is not requysyte ne
eke con- | uenyent for euery rude and symple man . whiche vnder- | standeth
not of science ne connyng . and for suche as ha- j ue not herde of the noble
polycye / and prudence of the Eo- | maynes / but for noble / wyse / & grete
lordes gentUmen & | marchautes that haue seen & dayly ben occupyed in
maters | towchyng the publyque weal / And in especial vnto ] them that ben
passed theyr grene yongthe / and eke | theyr myddle eage callyd virylyte / and
ben approchid | vnto senectute caUyd olde and auncyent eage . wherin | they
may see how to suifre & bere the same pacyently . and | what surete & vertue
ben in the same / And haue also cause | to be ioyous & glad / that they haue .
escaped and passed the | manyfolde peryllys & doubteuous aduentures that
Begin verso bcu iu || luueutc & yougthc / as in this said booke here folowyng | ye may more
playnly see . whiche booke endyted & wrote | in latyn/ the noble philosopher and
prynce of Eloquence [Tullius Consul Eomayn . within the breste of whom / |
Phylosophye naturel and morall had chosen her domycill | Out of whiche it
hath ben translated in to frensh and | aftir in to our Englyssh tongue . as hier
aftir al a Ion- | ge ye may see /

of sig. 1 3.

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 161
Lso whan the said Tullius had made his | book de senectute . he aftir Tully of
a made another book | caUid de amicicia . that is to saye of frendship j  f*^'
In which he reherceth of two yong knyghtes | of Eome that one
named Seuola . and that other Fa- | unyus / bothe sones in lawe vnto
Lehus a noble Sena- | tour of Eome . and felawe and alyed in frendship with |
Scipio Afeycan / whiche within fewe dayes to fore was | deed . How they desyred
to knowe of the frendship that | was bytwene the said Scipio whyles he hued/
& Lehus I theyr said fader in lawe / And of the disputacion in frend | ship / as
aUe playnly it appiereth in the same / which book | was translated by the
vertuous and noble Erie therle | of wurcestre in to our englyssh tongue / And
by cause it | is accordyng / and requysyte to haue frendship Joyned to | olde
eage / 1 haue enprynted the said book of frendship j and annexed it to the book
of eage . which book of frend | ship is ful necessary & behoeffiU vnto euery
estate & degree | & aftfr I haue sette in this said book folowyng them bothe |
a noble treatys of the declamacion of two noble knyghtes || Eomaynes in makyng Begin recto
of two oracions to fore the Se- 1 nate to knowe wherin noblesse resteth . And °^ ^'^' ' '*¦'
thus this I volume is dyuyded in to thre particuler werkes . whiche | ben of
grete wysedom in olde age / very loue in frendship . | And the question wherin
noblesse resteth / whiche lytU j volume I haue emprysed tenprynte vnder the
vmbre and | shadowe of the noble proteccion of our moost dradde / soue- |uerayn
and naturel lyege lord / and moost Cristen kyng | Kyng Edward the fourth / to
whom I moste humbly by- 1 seche to receyue the said book of me WUUam
Caxton his | moost humble subget and htU seruaunt / and not to des- | deyne to
take it of me so poure ignoraunt & symple a per- | sone . And of his moost
boutynuous grace to pardone me | so presumyng / beschyng Almyghty god to
kepe maynte- j ne / and graunte to hym longe lyf and prosperous and | thaccom
plysshement of his hye and noble desyres . And | aftfr this short and transitorye
lyf euirlastyng lyf and j loye in heuen . Amen :
Colophon.
Thus endeth the boke of TuUe of olde age translated j out of latyn in Becto of sig.
to frenshe by laurence de primo facto at j the comaundement of the noble The Terso
prynce Lowys Duc of | Burbon / and enprynted by me symple persone ^^^^^^^
WiUiam j Caxton in to Englysshe at the playsfr solace and reue- 1 rence of
men growyng in to olde age the xij day of Au- 1 gust the yere of our
lord. M. CCCC. Lxxxj:

TOL. I.

162 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

British TULLY OF FEIENDSHIP.
Museum.
Same Work. PROLOGUE.
Begin recto jhqxq folowcth the Said TuUius de Amicicia translated in | to our matemaU
01 sig. a 1. '
Enghssh tongue by the noble famous | Erie / The Erie of wurcestre sone
& heyer to the lord typ- 1 toft / which in his tyme flowred in vertue /&
cunnyng / to | whom I knewe none hke emonge the lordes of the tem-|porahte
in science & moral vertue / 1 beseche almyghty god | to haue mercy on his
sowle / & praye al them that shal here | or rede this Utyl treatys moch vertuo?
of frendship in U-|ke wise of your charyte to remebre his soule emong your |
prayers /And by cause this werke was made by the pri-|nce of Eloquence
TuUuis intitled de Amycicia aftir that | he had acheuid his boke de senectute /
as hertofore ye maye | more playnly see at large / thene me semeth it requisite
& I necessarye that I sette in folowing the said book / this book | de Amicicia /
whiche by goddes grace shal playnly folowe |
Epilogue.
Becto of sig. Thus endeth this boke named Tullius de Amicicia / | whiche treateth of
d 4 line 7. frendship vtterid and declared by a | noble senatour of Eome named Lel y us
vnto his two | sones in lawe also noble men of rome named .Fauuyus | &
S e u o 1 a . In which they desyxed hym to enforme them | of the frendship / that
was bytwene the said Lel ins and | the noble prynce Scipio AfFrican.
wherin he hath answe- 1 red & tolde to them the noble vertues that ben in
frendship | And withoute vertue veray frendship may not be . as he | preuyth
by many exsamples and notable conclusions as | here to fore is moch playnly
expressyd & said aU a longe/ | whiche werke was translated by the vertuous and
no- 1 ble lord and Erie /therle of worcestre . on whoos sowle 1 1 bechese almyghty
god to haue mercy / And Alle ye | that shal rede or here this sayd werke of
you.r charyte I | beseche you to praye for hym . And by cause this said | book
de Amicicia is ful necessarye and requysyte to be | had and knowen . I haue
Begm verso -p^n it iu empryutc / to I thentent / that veray Amyte and frendship may be had ||
as it ought to be in euery estate and degree / And vertue | withoute whiche
frendship may not be had - may be encre- 1 aced . and vices eschewid • Thenne
whan I had enprynted | the book of olde age / whiche the said TuUyus made /
me I semed it acordyng that this said booke of frendship | shold folowe / by
cause / ther can not be annexed to olde age | a bettir thynge / than good and
very frendship . which two | said bokes here to fore wreton ben of grete

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 163
wisedom and | auctoryte / And full necessarye behoeffuU and requysite | vnto Tdly of
euery age estate and degree/ And that they prouf- jfyte in encreacyng of vertue / ^"^^^P-
I beseche the blessyd Try-|nyte to geue and graunte vnto alle them that shal
rede & here thise bokes/ And so to flee & eschewe vices and syn- 1 nes /that by
the merytes of vertuouse honeste / and good | werkes / we may atteyne aftir
this shorte / transytorye lyf j the eternaU blessyd lyf in heuen / where is ioye
and glorye | withoute ende . Amen .
THE OEATIONS OF COENELIUS SCIPIO AND
GAYUS FLAMINEUS. ^^^,^^
Museum.
Epilogue. Same woi-k.
As touchyng the sentence dyffynytyf gyuen by the Se-|nate aftir thise two ^^"0 of sig.
noble knyghtes had purposed and | shewed theyr Oracions I fynde none as yet
pronounced | ne gyuen of whiche myn auctor maketh ony mencion | of in his Begin recto
book / Thenne I wolde demaunde of theym that || shal rede or here this book . ^'
whiche of thies tweyne that is | to saye Cornelius Scipio and Gayus
Flammy-jneus was moost noble - And in whiche of theym bothe. | aftir the
contente of theyr oracions that noblesse resteth | And to hym luge ye this
noble and vertuous lady Lu- 1 cresse to be maryed / And here I make an ende
of this mater for this tyme / Prayeng and requyryng aU theym | that in this
said werke shal haue ony playsyre / that ye | wU remembre hym that translated
it in to our maternal | and Englyssh tongue / And not only this said werke |
but the book of Tullius de Amicicia here to fore en- 1 prynted whith
treateth so wel of frendship & amyte / 1 me ne the right vertuo9 and noble
Erie . Therle of wurces- 1 tre / whiche late pytously lost his lyf/ whos soule See Note*
I recom- | mende vnto your special prayers . and also in his tyme | made
many other vertuous werkys / whiche I haue herd | of / 0 good blessyd lord
god . what grete losse was it of | that noble vertuous and wel disposed
lord /whan I re-|membre and aduertyse his lyf /his science . and his ver-|
tue / me thynketh god not displesyd . ouer grete a losse of | suche a man /
consyderyng his estate and connyng . And | also thexcercise of the same . with
the grete laboures in j gooyng on pylgremage vnto Iherusalem visytyng there |
* This John, Lord Tiptoft, Earl of Worcestre, was born at Everton in Cambridgeshire, educated in
Baliol CoUege, Oxon, traveUed into the Holy Land, and after his pUgrimage was three years in Italy, where
Pope Pius II. shed tears of joy at his eloquent oration. He was twice Lord High Treasurer of England,
and in 1467, deputy to George, Duke of Clarence, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Being attainted by
Parliament, he was beheaded anno 1470. — See British Librarian page 260. z 2

164

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Begin verso
of sig. f 8.

The Orations, the holy placcs . that oure blessyd lord Jhesu Criste halo- 1 wed thith his blessyd
°" presence - And shedyng there his | precious blood for oure redempcion - And
from thens | ascended vnto his fader in heuen . And what worship had | he at
Eome in the presence of oure holy fader the pope . | And so in aUe other places
vnto his deth / At whiche || deth euery man that was there . myght leme to dye
and I take his deth paciently / wherin I hope and doubte not / but | that god
receyued his soule in to his euirlastyng blysse | ffor as I am euformed he ryght
aduysedly ordeyned alle | his thynges as weU for his last wiU of wordly
goodes I as for his sowle helthe . & pacyently and holyly without | grudchyng
in charyte to fore that he departed out of this | world / whiche is gladsom and
loyous to here / Thenne I | here recommende his sowle vnto youre prayers /
and also | that we at our departyng maye departe in suche wyse / that | it
maye please our lord god to receyue vs in to his euir- 1 lastyng blysse .
Amen : Explicit per Caxton.

British DESCEIPTION OF BEIT AIN.
Museum.
c" w fif Prologue.
„ . ^ Hit is so that in many and diuerse places the comyn cronicles | of englond ben
Begin recto . i o
of 1st leaf had and also now late enprinted at westmynstre | And for as moche as the
descripcion of this londe whiche of olde | tyme was named albyon / and after
Britayne is not descriued | ne comynly had / ne the noblenesse and worthjmesse
of the same is | not knowen / Therfor J entende to sette in this booke the
discripcon | of this said Jle of Britayne with the commoditees of the same

Epilogue.
Verso onotia Hcro eudcth het discripcion of Britajme the /whiche conteyneth en | glond
' wales and Scotland / & also bicause Irlonde is vnder the reu | le of englond
& of olde tyrae it hath so continued therfore J haue | sette the descripcion of
the same after the said brituyne / which J ha | ue taken oute of Poiicronicon /
And bicause it is necessarie to alle | englisshmen to knowe the propretees
comoditees & meruailles of | them / therfore J haue sette them in enprinte
accordiag to the trans- | lacion of Treuisa / whiche atte request of the lord
Barkeley trans | lated the book of Pohcronicon in to enghssh / Fynysshed by
me I wUham Ca&ton the xviij . day of August the yere of our lord god |
M . CCCC . Ixxx . and the xx . yere of the regne of kyng Edward | the fourthe .

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 165

GODEFEOY OF BOLOYNE. ^^*^^
Epilogue. ^¦•^f! ^^*
C. 11. c. 4.

Verso of

Thus endeth this book Intitled the laste siege and conqueste of | Jherusalem
with many other historyes therin comprysed / Fyrst | of Eracles / and of the sig. 17 s-.
meseases of the cristen men in the holy | londe / And of their releef & conquest
of Jherusalem / and how Go | deffroy of boloyne was first kyng of the latyns
in that royamme | & of his deth . translated & reduced out of ffrensshe in to
englysshe || by me symple persone Wylliam Caxton to thende that euery Begm recto
cri- 1 sten man may be the better encoraged tenterprise warre for the de | fense of^ig. 17 6.
of Christendom . and to recouer the sayd Cyte of Jherusalem | in whiche oure
blessyd sauyour Jhesu Criste suffred deth for al | mankynde . and roose fro
deth to lyf / And fro the same holy londe | ascended in to heuen ¦ And also that
Cristen peple one vnyed in a | veray peas / myght empryse to goo theder in
pylgremage with | strong honde for to expeUe the sarasyns and turkes out of
the same j that our lord myght be ther seruyd & worshipped of his chosen
cri- 1 sten peple in that holy & blessyd londe in which he was Jncarnate | and
bhssyd it with the presence of his blessyd body whyles he was | here in erthe
emonge vs / by whiche conquest we myght deserue af | ter this present short
and transitorye lyf- the celestial lyf to dwelle | in heuen eternaUy in ioye
without ende Amen/ Which book J pre | sente vnto the mooste Cristen kynge •
kynge Edward the fourth . | humbly besechyng his hyenes to take no displesyr
at me so presu- 1 myng . whiche book J began in marche the xij daye and
fynys- 1 shyd the vij day of Juyn / the yere of our lord - M . CCCC - lxxxj | &
the xxj yere of the regne of our sayd sauerayn lord kyng Ed | ward the fourth .
& in this maner sette in forme and enprynted the | xx day of nouembre the
yere a forsayd in thabbay of westmester | by the said wyUiam Caxton.

British

GOLDEN LEGEND. ^^--^k
First Edition. Prologue. c. iLd. s.
He holy and blessed doctour | saynt Jerom sayth this aucto|ryte/ "^^^if^f istcof
do alweye somme good | werke / to thende that the deuyl fynde | the not underneath
** D I ' »/ »/ I la,r£!rG wood-
t ydle /And the holy doctour | saynt austyn sayth in the book of the | cut, ist leaf
labour of monkes / that no man stronge | or myghty to laboure ought to be ^(?hf lea^s
ydle I for which cause whan I had parfour- 1| med & accomphsshed dyuers po^g^^t^?;
werkys j & hystoryes translated out of frensshe | in to englysshe at the requeste copy.)
of cer- 1 teyn lordes / ladyes and gentylmen / | as thystorye of the recuyel of ^''cohimn.'^

1st column.

166 PROLOGUES, epilogues, ETC.
Golden Troye / | the book of the chesse / the hystorye of | Jason / The hystorye of the
is"tSon. myrrour | of the world /the xv bookes of Meta- 1 morpheseos in whyche ben
T^e '^rso conteyned || the fables of ouyde / and the hystorye | of godefroy of boloyn in
of 2nd leaf, the couqucste I of Iherusalem / wyth other dyuers wer | kys & bookes /I nyste
what werke to | begynne & put forth after the said wer | kys tofore made / &
for as moche as y- 1 delnesse is so moche blamed / as sayth | saynt bernard the
myllyfluous doctour | that she is moder of lyes / & stepdame | of vertues / & it
is she that ouerthro- | weth stronge men in to synne / quen- | chyth vertue /
nouryssheth pryde / & ma- | keth the waye redy to goo to helle / and | Johan
cassyodore sayth that the thouzt | of hym that is ydle thynketh ou none | other
thynge but on lychorous metys | <& vyandes for his bely / and the holy | saynt
bernard aforesayd sayth in an | epystle / whan the tyme shal come / that | it
shal behoue vs to rendre and gyue | acomptes of our ydle tyme / what reson |
may we rendre / or what answer shal | we gyue / whan in ydlenes is none
ex I cuse / & prosper sayth that who someuer | lyueth in ydlenesse / lyueth ia
manere | of a dombe beest / and by cause I haue | seen the auctorytees / that
blame & des- | pyse so moche ydlenes / & also knowe | wel that it is one of
the capytal and | dedely synnes moche hateful vnto god | Therfore I haue

British JEHAN DE VIGNAY'S TRANSLATION OF "LEGENDA AUREA."
E^'erM'^:  P-—
19 B xvii. Monseigneur sainc Jeroisme dit ceste auctorite . Fai tons iours aucune chose de bien que le diable ne te truisse
 oiseus . Et mon seigneur saint augustin dit ou Hare de leuure des moines que nul homme puissant de
labourer ne doit estre oyseus . Pour la quelle chose quant ie oy p'fait et acompU le mirroir des hystoires
du monde et translate du latin en francois a la requeste de tres puissant et noble dame . Ma dame Jehanne
de Borgoigne royne de franco par la grace de dieu Je fo tout esbahi a queUe oeuure faire ie me metroie
apres si tres haute et longue oeuure . Come iauoie faite par deuant . Et poor ce que oiseuiete est tant
blasmee . q . monseigneur saint benart dit . que eUe est mere de trufles . ourratre de uertus . Et est celle qui
trehuche les fors homes en pechie . et fait escaindre v'tu . et norrir orgueil . et fait la uoie daler en enfer .
Et iehan cassiodore dit que le pensee de al qui est oiseus ne pense a autre chose que as uiandes pour son
uentir . Et mesire s . benart dit en une epistre quant a nous couuendra rendre raison du temps oiseus queUe
reson en porrous nous rendre . quant en oisiuete ne en temps oiseus na cause de nuUe raison . Et prosper
mesme dit que al qui uit eu oyseuse uit en maniere de beste mue . Et pour ce que ie ai Heu les auctorites
qai blasment et despisent oyseue . ne uoil plus estre oiseus . Mais me uoil metre a telle CEUure faire comme
ie iay acoustume . Et pour ce que monseigneur saint augustin dit sur un pseaume que bonne OBUure ne
doit par estre faite par pouoir de paine mes par amour droiture . Et que cest uraie et souueraine franchise .
Et pour ce que il mest auis que cest souuerain bien faire entendre as gens qui ne sont pas lettres les natiuites
les uies les passions et les mors des sains et aucuns autres fais notoires des temps passes . Me sui ie mis
a translater en francois la legende doree . Car aussi comme lor est plus noble sus tons autres metaus . Ainsi
est ceste legende tenue plus noble sus toutea autres . Si depri le glorious pere de paradis que U li plaise
a moy dormer sens et teps et esp'ance de pTaire deuement cest oeuure gmenciee . si que ce soit al a
loenge de son glorieus non . et toute la court celestial . et au profit de lame de moy . et a ledificacon de tout
oeulz et celles qui le Uure liront ou orront.

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 167
concluded & fermelye j purposed in my self nomore to be ydle j but wyl applye Golden
my self to laboure and | suche ocupacion as I haue be acustomed | to do/ & for is^lStion.
as moche as saynt austyn | aforesayd sayth vpon a psalme / that | good werke 
Qught not be doon for fere | of payne / but for the loue of rightwys | nesse / &
that it be of veray & souerayn | fraunchyse / and by cause me semeth to | be a
souerayn wele to Incyte & exhorte | men and wymmen to kepe them from |
slouthe and ydlenesse / and to lete to be | vnderstonden to suche peple as been
not I letterd/the natyuytees / the lyues/the | passyons/the myracles/and the
dethe | of the holy sayntes / & also some other | notorye dedes and actes of tymes
pas I sed / 1 haue submysed my self to trans | late in to englyssle the legende of
sayn- 1 tes / which is caUyd legenda aurea in | latyn / that is to say the golden
legende | for in lyke wyse as golde is moste no | ble aboue al other metalles / in
lyke I wyse is thys legende holden moost no- 1| ble aboue al other werkys / 2nd coiimm.
ageynst me j here myght somme persones saye that | thys legende hath be
translated tofore | and trouthe it is / but for as moche as 1 1 had by me a
legende in frensshe / ano | ther in latyn / & the thyrd in englysshe | whiche
varyed ia many and dyuers | places / and also many hystoryes were | comprysed
in the two other bookes/ | whiche were not in the englysshe book | and
therfore I haue wryton one oute | of the sayd thre bookes / which I haue |
ordryd otherwyse than the sayd en- 1 glysshe legende is / whiche was so tofore |
made / besechyng aUe theym that shaU | see or here it redde to pardone me
where | I haue erryd / or made fawte / whyche | yf ony be / is of ygnoraunce
and ageyn | my wyUe /and submytte it hooly of | suche as can & may to
correcte it / hum | bly bji^sechyng them so to doo / and in | so doyng / they shal
deserue a syngu- | ler lawde and meryte / & I shal praye | for them vnto
almighty god that he j of his benygne grace rewarde them & c | And that it
prouffyte to aUe them that | shal rede or here it redde / and may en- 1 creace in
them vertue / and expelle vyce | and synne / that by the ensaumple of | the holy
sayntes amende theyr lyuyng | here in thys shorte lyf/ that by their me | rytes /
they and I may come to euer- 1 lastyng lyf & blysse in heuen amen /
Second Prologue.
Nd foras moche as this| sayd werke was grete & ouer | chargeable -Secfo of 3rd
a to me taccomphsshe | I feryd me in the begynnyng of the | translacyon underneath
to haue contynued it /by | cause of the longe tyme of the transla- 1 cion / aTHorse!*
& also in thenpryntyng of y® same | & in maner halfe desperate to haue
ac- 1 comphssd it / was in purpose to haue | lefte it / after that I had begonne to |
translate it / & to haue layed it aparte | ne had it be at thynstaunce & requeste | .

168 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
f
Golden of the puyssaut noble & vertuous erle | my lord wyUyam erle of arondel /
ist^e^tiou, "^hi I che desyred me to procede & contynue | the said werke / & promysed
 me to take | a resonable quatyte of them when they j were achyeued &
accomphsshed / and | sente to me a worshypful gentylman | a seruaunte of his
named John Stan-|ney whych solycyted me in my Lordes | name that I shold
in no wyse leue it | but accomphsshe it promysyng that my | sayd lord shold
duryng my lyf yeue | & graimte to me a yerely fee / that is | to wete a bucke
in sommer / & a doo in | wynter / with whiche fee I holde me | wel contente /
Thenne atte contempla- 1 cion & reuerence of my sayd lord / J | haue endeuoyred
2nd column, me to make an ende | & fynysshe thys sayd translacion / and || also haue
enprynted it in the moost best | Wyse that I haue coude or myght / and |
presente this sayd boook to his good & | noble lordshyp / as chyef causer of
the I achyeuyng of hit / prayeng hym to take | it in gree of me WyUyam caxton
hys I poure seruaunte / & that it lyke hym to | remembre my fee / & I shal
praye vnto | almyghty god for his longe lyf and | welfare / & after this shorte
& transy- | torye lyf to come in to euerlastyng ioye | in heuen / the whiche he
sende to hym & | me / & vnto al them that shal rede and | here this sayd book /
that for the loue & | feythe of whome al these holy saynte^s | hath suffred deth
and passyon amen / And to thende eche hystoryy lyf & | passyon may be
shortely fouden I haue | ordeyned this table folowyng / where & | in what leef
he shal fynde such as | shal be desyred / and haue sette the nom- 1 bre of euery
leef in the margyne / Epilogue.
Becto of sig. Thus endeth the legende named in latyn legenda aurea / that is to saye | in
2nd coium^ euglysshc the golden legende / For | lyke as golde passeth in valewe aUe | other
metaUes / sot hys legende excedeth | aUe otherbookes / wherin ben contey- 1 ned
aUe the hygh and grete festys of | our lord / the festys of our blessyd la | dy / the
lyues passyons and myracles | of many other sayntes / and other hys- 1 toryes
and actes / as al aUonge here | afore is made mencyon / Whiche werke 1 1 haue
accomphsshed at the commaun- | demente and requeste of the noble and |
puyssaunte erle / and my special good | lord WyUyam erle of arondel / & haue |
fynysshed it at westmestre the twenty | day of nouembre / the yere of our
lord I M / CCCC / IxxxUj / & the fyrst yere | of the reygne of Kyng Eychard
the I thyrd
By me wyllyam Caxton
No perfect copy is known of the second edition of " Golden Legend,"

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 169

CATON. British
Museum.
Prologue. PressMark
C. 10. b. 8.

C Here begynneth the prologue or prohemye of the book caUid | Caton /
whiche booke hath ben translated in to Englysshe by | Mayster Benet Burgh / ^^Ts\s"%,
late Archedeken of Colchestre and | hye chanon of safrit Stephens at westmestre/ i^^f bdng
which ful craftly | hath made it in balade ryal for the emdicion of my lord ^^''^¦
Bou- 1 sher / Sone & heyr at that tyme to my lord the erle of Estsex | And by
cause of late cam to my hand a book of the said Caton | in Frensshe / whiche
reherceth many a fayr lernynge and nota | ble ensamples / 1 haue translated it
oute of frensshe in to En | glysshe /as al along here after shaUe appiere / whiche
I presente | vnto the Cyte of london /
Nto the noble auncyent / and ren5med Cyte / the Cyte | of london in
V Englond / J William Caxton Cytezeyn | & coniurye of the same / & of
the fraternyte & felauship | of the mercerye owe of ryght my seruyse
& good wyU / and of | very dute am bounden naturelly to assiste ayde &
counceiUe as | ferforth as I can to my power / as to my moder / of whom I ha- 1
ue recejrued my noureture & lyuynge / And shal praye for the | good prosperite
& polecye of the same duryng my lyf/ For as | ine semeth it is of grete nede /
by cause I haue knowen it in my | yong age moche more welthy prosperous &
rycher than it is | at this day / And the cause is that ther is almost none / that
en I tendeth to the comyn wele but only euery man for his singuler | prouffyte /
' 0 whan I remembre the noble Eomayns / that for | the comyn wele of the Cyte
of Eome / they spente not only | theyr moeuable goodes / but they put theyr
bodyes & lyues in | leopardy & to the deth / as by many a noble ensample we
may | see in thactes of Eomayns / as of the two noble scipions Affri | can &
Asyan / Actihus & many other/ And amonge al other | the noble Catho auctor
and maker of this book / whiche he hath | lefte for to remayne euer to all the
peple for to lerne in hit and | to knowe how euery man ought to rewle and
gouerne hym | in this lyf/ as wel for the lyf temporal! / as for the lyf spyrytujel/
And as in my Jugement it is the beste book for to be ta-|ught to yonge children
in scole / & also to peple of euery age | it is ful conuenient yf it be wel under-
standen / And by cause | J see that the children that ben borne within the sayd
cyte II encreace / and prouffyte not lyke theyr faders and olders / but | for the Begm verso
moost parte after that they ben comen to theyr parfight | yeres of discrecion /
and rjqjcnes of age / how wel that theyre | faders haue lefte to them grete
quantite of goodes / yet scarce- | ly amonge ten two thryue / J haue sene and
knowen in other | londes in dyuerse cytees / that of one nanie and lygnage
TOL I. A A

of sig. ij.

170

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Caton.

Begin recto
of sig. iij.

sue- I cessyuely haue endured prosperously many heyres / ye a v or | vj honderd
yere / and somme a thousand / And in this no- | ble cyte of london / it can
vnnethe contynue vnto the thyrd heyr j or scarcely to the second / 0 blessyd
lord whanne J remembre | this J am al abasshyd / J can not Juge the cause /
but fayrer | ne wyser ne bet bespoken chUdren in theyre yongthe ben now- 1 her
than ther ben fri london /but at their ful rypyng ther is no | carnel ne good corn
founden but chaff for the moost parte / J | wote wel there be many noble and
wyse / and proue wel & | ben better and rycher than euer were theyr faders /
And to I thende that many myght come to honoure and worshyppe /J | entende
to translate this sayd book of cathon / in whiche J do- | ubte not / and yf they
wylle rede it and vnderstande they shal | moche the better conne rewle them self
ther by / For among aU | other bookes this is a synguler book / and may weU
be caUyd | the Eegyment or gouernaunce of the body and sowle | There
was a noble clerke named pogius of Florence /And | was secretary to pope
Eugenye / & also to pope Nycholas whi- | che had in the cyte of Florence
a noble & weU stuffed lybra- | rye / whiche aUe noble straungyers comynge to
Florence desy- | red to see / And therin they fonde many noble and rare
bookes I And whanne they had axyd of hym whiche was the best bo- | ke of
them aUe / and that he reputed for best / He sayd / that he | helde Cathon glosed
for the best book of his lyberarye / Thenne | syth that he that was so noble
a Clerke helde this book for the | best / doubtles / hit must folowe that this is
a noble booke / and | a vertuous / and suche one that a man may eschewe aUe
vyces I and ensiewe vertue / Thenne to thende that this sayd book may |
prouffyte vnto the herars of it / J byseche Almyghty god that | J may acheue
and accomplysshe it vnto his laude and glorye | And to therudicion and lernynge
of them that ben ygnoraut | that they maye there by prouffyte and be the
better /And J || requyre and byseche aUe suche that fynde faute or errour/
that I of theyr charyte they correcte and amende hit / And J shaUe | hertely
praye for them to Almyghty god / that he rewarde | them

British
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KNIGHT OF THE TOWEE.
Prologue.
Lie vertuouse doctryne & techynge had & lerned of suche | as haue
a endeuoured them to leue for a remembraunce | after theyr dethe
to vs / by whiche we ben enfourmed | in scyence / wysedom and vnder-
standyng of knowleche / hou we | ought to rewle our self in this present lyf
haue caused vs to | know many good reules / & vertuouse maners. to be

prologues, epilogues, ETC. 171
gouerned | by / Emonge al other this book is a special doctryne & techyng j by Knight of
which al yong gentyl wymen speciaUy may lerne to biha- 1 ue them self 
vertuously / as wel in their vyrgynyte as in their | wedlok & wedowhede / as
al along shal be more playnly said in | the same / which boke is comen to my
handes by the request & de | syre of a noble lady which hath brou3t forth many
noble & fa- 1 yr dou3ters which ben vertuously nourisshed & lerned / And for |
very ziele & loue that she hath alway had to her fayr chUdren | & yet hath
for to haue more knouleche in vertue to thede y* they | may alwey perseuere
in y^ same hath desired & required me to tras | late & reduce this said book
out of frenssh in to our vulgar en | glissh / to thede that it . may the better be
vnderstode of al suche as | shal rede or here it / wherfor atte cotemplacion of
her good grace | after the lytel connyng that god hath sent me / 1 haue
endeuoy | ryd me to obeye her noble desyre & request / In whiche werk 1 1
fynd many vertuous good enseygnementis & lernynges by euy | dent histories of
auctorite & good ensaples for al maner peple | in generally / but in especial for
ladyes & gentUwymen dou3ters | to lordes & gentUmen / For whiche book al
the gentUwymen | now lyuyng & herafter to come or shal be arn bounde to
gyue I laude praysyng & thankynges to the auctor of this book & also | to the
lady that caused me to traslate it & to pray for her long | lyf & welfare / &
when god wil caUe her fro this transitory Ijrf | that she may regne in heuen
sempitemally where as is Joye & | blysse without ende / Thene for as moche as
this book is neces | sary to euery gentilwoman of what estate she be I aduyse
eue I ry gentUman or woman hauyng such children / desjrryng them | to be
vertuously brou3;t forth to gete & haue this book to thende | that they may
lerne / hou they 0U3t to gouerne them vertuously | in this present lyf/ by whiche
they may the better & hastlyer co | me to worship and good renommee / And
J desyre aU them | that shall lerne or see ony thynge in this sayd book /by
whiche | they shal ben the wyser & better / that they gyue laude & thakyng || Begin ««-«
to the sayd ladyes good grace / and also to praye for her / And | wher as ony
defaulte shaUe be founde in the reducynge and|translatynge in to our Englysshe
tongue / that it be arrettid to | me whiche am Jgnoraunt and not expert in the
werke thouj | so be that J haue emprysed here to fore to smattre me in suche |
translacions whiche J confesse and knowleche me ignoraunt | and therin to be
Jmperfect / wherfore J humbly requyre and | byseche my sayd good lady
to pardonne me of my symple and | rude reducynge / And yf ony thynge be
sayd or made vnto her | playsyre / than J thynke my labour wel employed/
whome 1 1 humbly byseche to receyue this lytel book in gree & thanke / & |
J shaUe pray to almyghty god for her longe and good lyf/ | and to send to her
A A 2

ot 1st leaf.

172

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Knight of after this shorte and transytory lyf euer- 1 lastyng lyf in heuen Amen / And aUe
the Tower. ^^-^^^ ^-^^^ ^^ vuderstau I dyng & fyndyng ony defaute / 1 requyre & pray them
of theyre | charyte to correcte and amende hit | and so doyng they shal
de- 1 serue thanke and meryte of god / to whome J shalle pray for | them /

British
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Press Mark
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N

iESOP.
Epilogue.
Ow thenne J wyUe fynysshe alle these fables wyth | this tale that foloweth
whiche a worshipful preest and | a parsone told me late / he sayd / that
there were duel- 1 lynge in Oxenford two prestos bothe maystres of are /
of who I me that one was quyck and coude putte hym self forth / And | that
other was a good symple preest / And soo it happed that | the mayster that was
perte and quyck was anone promoted | to a benefyce or twejnae / and after to
prebendys / and for to be | a Dene of a grete prynces chappel / supposynge and
wenynge | that his felaw the symple preest shold neuer haue be promoted | but
be alwey an Annuel / or at the most a parysshe preest / So | after longe tyme
that this worshipful man this dene came ry- | dynge in to a good paryssh with
a X or xij horses/ lyke a pre- | late / and came in to the chirche of the sayd
parysshe / and fond || there this good symple man somtyme his felawe / whiche
cam I and welcomed hym lowely / And that other hadde hym good | morowe
mayster Johan / and toke hym sleyghtly by the hand | and axyd hym where
he dwellyd / And the good man sayd / | in this paryssh /how sayd he / are ye
here a sowle preest or a pa - 1 ryssh preste / nay syr said he / for lack of a better
though I be not | able ne worthy J am parson and curate of this parysshe /
and I thenne that other aualed his bonet and said mayster parson 1 1 praye
yow to be not displeasyd / J had supposed ye had not | be benefyced / But
mayster sayd he / J pray yow what is this | benefyce worth to yow a yere /
Forsothe sayd the good symple | man / 1 wote neuer / for I make neuer
accomptes therof / how | wel J haue had hit four or fyue yere / And knowe ye
not sa I id he what it is worth / it shold seme a good benefyce / No for- 1 sothe
sayd he / but J wote wel what it shaUe be worth to me / | Why sayd he / what
shalle hit be worth/ Forsothe sayd he /yf J | doo my trewe dylygece in the
cure of my parysshes in prechyng | and techynge / and doo my parte longynge
to my cure / 1 shalle | haue heuen therfore / And yf theyre sowles ben lost or
ony of I them by my defawte / J shall be punysshed therfore / And herof j am
J sure / And with that word the ryche dene was abasshed | And thought he
shold do the better / and take more hede to his | cures and benefyces than he

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 173
had done / This was a good an- | swere of a good preest and an honest / And ^sop.
here with J fy- | nysshe this book / translated & emprynted by me WilUam
Cax- I ton at westmynstre in thabbey / And fynysshed the xxvj daye | of
Marche the yere of oure lord M CCCC IxxxiUj / And the | fyrst yere of the
regne of kyng Eychard the thyrdde j

CANTEEBUEY tales. Second Edition. British
Museum.
Prohemve. PressMark
•' Gr. 11586.
Eete thankes lawde and honour / ought to be gy- 1 uen vnto the 
11 / , 11- ¦ 1 7 1 0-' I Begm recto
clerkes / poetes / and historiographs | that fiaue wreton many of sig. a ij.
g noble bokes of wysedom | of the lyues / passios / & myracles of beingblank.
holy sayntes | of hystoryes/ of noble and famous Actes / and |
faittes / And of the cronycles sith the begynnyng | of the
creacion of the world / vnto thys present tyme / by whyche |
we ben dayly euformed / and haue knowleche of many thynges / | of whom we
shold not haue knowen / yf they had not left to vs | theyr monumentis wreton /
Emong whom and inespecial to fore | aUe other we ought to gyue a synguler
laude vnto that noble & | grete philosopher Gefferey chancer the whiche for
his ornate wry- | tyng in our tongue maye wel haue the name of a laureate
poe- 1 te / For to fore that he by hys labour enbelysshyd / ornated / and | made
faire our enghsshe / in thys Eoyame was had rude speche & | Incongrue / as
yet it appiereth by olde bookes / whyche at thys day | ought not to haue place
ne be compared emog ne to hys beaute- 1 nous volumes /and aournate writjmges/
of whom he made ma- | ny bokes and treatyces of many a noble historye as
wel in me- 1 tre as in ryme and prose / and them so craftyly made / that he
CO- 1 prehended hys maters in short / quyck and hye sentences / es- 1 chewyng
prolyxyte / castyng away the chaf of superfluyte / and | shewyng the pyked
grayn of sentence / vtteryd by crafty and su- | gred eloquence / of whom
emong all other of hys bokes / 1 pur- 1 pose temprynte by the grace of god
the book of the tales of cauntyrburye / in whiche I fynde many a noble
hystorye/ of euery asta | te and degre / Fyrst rehercyng the condicios / and
tharraye of eche | of them as properly as possyble is to be sayd / And after
theyr | tales whyche ben of noblesse / wysedom / gentylesse /Myrthe / and | also
of veray holynesse and vertue / wherin he fynysshyth thys | sayd booke /
whyche book I haue dylygently ouersen and duly | examyned to thende that
it be made acordyng vnto his owen ma | kyng / For I fynde many of the sayd
bookes / whyche wry- 1 ters haue abrydgyd it and many thynges left out / And

174

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Begin verso
of sig. a ij,

Canterbury in | soiSe place hauc sette certayn versys / that he neuer made ne sette | in hys
2n7edition. bookc /of whyche bookes so incorrecte was one brought to | me vj yere passyd/
whyche I supposed had ben veray true & cor- | recte / And accordyng to the
same I dyde do enprynte a certayn || nombre of them / whyche anon were sold
to many and dyuerse | gentyl men / of whome one gentylman cam to me / and
said that | this book was not accordyng in many places vnto the book that |
Gefferey chancer had made / To whom I answerd that I had ma- 1 de it
accordjTig to my copye/ and by me was nothyng added ne | mjmusshyd /
Thenne he sayd he knewe a book whyche hys fader | had and moche louyd /
that was very trewe / and accordyng vn- 1 to hys owen first book by hym made /
and sayd more yf I wold j enprynte it agayn he wold gete me the same book
for a copye / | how be it he wyst wel / that hys fader wold not gladly departe |
fro it / To whom I said / in caas that he coude gete me suche a book | trewe
and correcte / yet I wold ones endeuoyre me to enprjrnte it | agayn / for to
satysfye thauctor/ where as to fore by ygnourauce | I erryd in hurtyng and
dyffamyng his book in dyuerce places | in settyng in soroe thjmges that he
neuer sayd ne made / and le- 1 uyng out many thynges that he made whyche
ben requysite to be | sette in it / And thus we fyU at accord / And he ful
gentylly | gate of hys fader the said book/ and delyuerd it to me / by whiche j
I haue corrected my book / as here after aUe alonge by thayde of | almyghty
god shal folowe / whom I humbly beseche to gyue me | grace and ayde to
achyeue / and accomplysshe / to hys lawde ho- 1 nour and glorye / and that alle
ye that shal in thys book rede or | heere / wyU of your charyte emong your
dedes of mercy / remem- 1 bre the sowle of the sayd Gefferey chancer first
auctour/ and ma | ker of thys book / And also that aUe we that shal see and
rede | therin / may so take and vnderstode the good and vertuous ta- | les / that
it may so prouffyte / vnto the helthe of our sowles / that | after thys short and
transitorye lyf we may come to euerlastjmg | lyf in heuen / Amen
By Wylliam Caxton

British
Museum.
Press Mark
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OEDEE OF CHIVALEY.
Prologue.
UNto the praysynge and dyuyne | glorye of god / whiche is lord and |
souerayne kynge aboue and ouer j aUe thynges celestyal / and worldly/
We I begynne this book of the ordre of chyualry | For to shewe that to
the sygnefyaunce of | god the prynce almyghty whiche seygno-| ryeth aboue the
seuen pianettes /that ma- 1 ke the cours celestyal /and haue power & | seygnorye

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 175
in gouernynge & ordeynynge j the bodyes terrestre and erthely / that in | lyke Order of
wyse owen the kynges prynces and | grete lordes to haue puyssaunce and seyg- 1 ^^_^^'
norye vpon the knyghtes / And the knyj | tes by symylytude oughten to haue
po- I wer and donunacion ouer the moyen peple | And this booke conteyneth
viij chapitres |
Epilogue.
4[ Here endeth the book of thordre of chy | uafry / whiche book is translated Becto of sig.
oute of I Frensshe in to Englysshe at a requeste of | a gentyl and noble esquyer ^ ^' ^™^ ^^'
by me WUl- | iam Caxton dweUynge in Westmynstre || besyde london in the Begin verso.
most best wyse that god | hath suffred me / and accordynge to the co | pye that
the sayd squyer delyuerd to me / | whiche book is not requysjrte to euery co-|
myn man to haue / but to noble gentylmen | that by their vertu entende to come
& entre | in to the noble ordre of chyualry / the whi- 1 che in these late dayes
hath ben vsed accor- | dyng to this booke here to fore wreton but | forgeten /
and thexcersytees of chyualry / | not vsed / honoured / ne excercysed / as hit |
hath ben in auncyent tyme / at whiche ty- 1 me the noble actes of the knyghtes
of En I glond that vsed chyuafry were renomed | thurgh the vnyuersal world /
as for to spe | ke to fore thyncarnacion of Jhesu Cryste / | where were there
euer ony lyke to brenius | and belynus that from the grete Bryta-|yae now
caUed Englond vnto Eome & | ferre beyonde conquered many Eoyammes | and
londes / whos noble actes remayne in | thold hystoryes of the Eomayns / And j
syth the Jncamacion of oure lord / byhold | that noble kyng of Brytayne kyng
Ar- 1 thur with al the noble kny3;tes ofthe roud | table/ whos noble actes
& noble chyuafry || of his knyghtes / occupye soo many large | volumes / that is Begm recto
a world / or as thyng in- | credyble to byleue / 0 ye knyghtes of En- 1 glond ° ^'^' ^ '¦''
where is the custume and vsage of | noble chyualry that was vsed in tho
da- 1 yes / what do ye now / but go to the baynes | & playe atte dyse And
some not wel ad- | uysed vse not honest and good rule ageyn | aUe ordre of
knyghthode / leue this / leue it | and rede the noble volumes of saynt graal | of

LE LIURE de L'ORDRE DE CHIUALLBRIE. British
T,„„  „„ Museum.
PBOLOGTJE. ^ j^^g_ jjg_
A la loenge et gloire de la pourueance diuine dieu quy est sire et roy souuerain par dessu toutes choses 14 B ii.
celestes et terrestes nous commencons ce Uure de lordre de cheuaUerie pour demonstier q) a la signifiance de
dieu le prince tout puissant quy seignourist sur les . vij . pianettes qui sont cours celestiaulz et ont pouoir et
seignourie en gouuerner et ordonner les corps terrestres / PareUlement doiuent les roix et princes auoir
puissance et seignourie sur les cheuaUiers Et les cheualliers par simUitude doiuent auoir domination et
pouoir sur le menu peuple / et oontiet ce liure . viij. chapitres /

176

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.

Order of
Chivalry.

Begin verso
of sig. gij.

Begin recto
of sig. g 3.

lancelot / of galaad / of Trystram / of per | se forest / of percyual / of gawayn/
& many | mo / Ther shalle ye see manhode / curtosye & | gentylnesse / And loke
in latter dayes of | the noble actes syth the coquest / as in kyng | Eychard dayes
cuer du lyon / Edward | the fyrste / and the thyrd / and his noble | sones / Syre
Eobert knoUes / syr Johan | hawkwode / Sjnr Johan chaiidos / & Syre | gaultier
Manuy rede froissart/ And also | behold that vyctoryous and noble kynge |
harry the fyfthe /and the capytayns vnder | hym his noble bretheren / Therle of
Salys- I bury Montagu / and many other whoos | names shyne gloryously by
their vertuous | noblesse & actes that they did in thonour of || thordre of
chyualry / Alias what doo ye / | but slepe & take ease /and ar al disordred | fro
chyualry / J wold demaunde a questi- 1 on yf J shold not displease / how many |
knyghtes ben ther, now in Englond /that | haue thuse and thexcercyse of
a knyghte / | that is to wete / that he knoweth his hors / | & his hors hym/ that
is to saye / he beynge | redy at a poynt to haue al thyng that Ion- | geth to
a knyght /an hors that is accor- | dyng and broken after his hand /his ar-|
mures and harnoys mete and syttyng / & | so forth / et cetera / J suppose and
a due ser- | che shold be made / ther shold be many fo- | unden that lacke / the
more pyte is/ 1 wold | it pleasyd oure souerayne lord that twy- 1 es or thryes in
a yere / or at the lest ones | he wold do crye Justes of pees / to thende | that
euery knyght shold haue hors and | barneys / and also the vse and craft of
a I knyght / and also to tornoye one ageynste | one / or ij ageynst ij / And the
best to haue | a prys / a dyamond or Jewel / suche as | shold please the prynce /
This shold cause | gentylmen to resorte to thauncyent custo- | mes of chyualry
to grete fame and reno- 1| mee / And also to be alwey redy to serue / | theyr
prynce whan he shalle caUe them / or | haue nede / Thenne late euery man
that is I come of noble blood and entendeth to come | to the noble ordre of
chyualry / rede this ly | tyl book / and doo therafter / in kepyng the | lore and
commaundements therin compry- | sed / And thenne J doubte not he shall at-|
teyne to thordre of chyualry / et cetera / | And thus thys lytyl book J presente
to I my redoubted naturel and most dradde so- | uerayne lord kyng Eychard
kyng of En- 1 glond and of Fraunce / to thende /that he | commaunde this book to
be had and redde | vnto other yong lordes knyghtes and gen | tylmen withia
this royame /that the noble | ordre of chyuafrye be herafter better vsed & |
honoured that hit hath ben in late dayes | passed / And herin he shalle do
a noble & | vertuouse dede/ And J shaUe pray almy3- | ty god for his long lyf
& prosperous wel- | fare / & that he may haue victory of al his | enemyes / and
after this short & transitory | lyf to haue euerlastyng lyf in heuen / whe- | re
as is Joye and blysse world without | ende Amen /

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 177

THE CUEIAL. ,?"*^i^Museum.

Prologue. ^ffo'hit
Here foloweth the copye of a lettre whyche maistre Alayn | Charetier Begin recto
wrote to hys brother/ whyche desired to come dwelle in | Court /in whyche "^^"S-J-
he reherseth many myseryes & wretchydnesses | therin vsed / For taduyse hym
not to entre in to it / leste he af- 1 ter repente / hke as hier after folowe / and
late translated out of | frenshe in to englysshe / whyche Copye was delyuerid
to me by a I noble and vertuous Erie / At whos Instance & requeste I haue |
reduced it in to Englyssh .

A

KING AETHUE. Osterley
Library.
Prologue. —
Fter that I had accomplysshed and fynysshed dyuers | hystoryes as wel Begin recto
of contemplacyon as of other hysto | ryal and worldly actes of grete theist'ieaf
conquerours & pryn | ces / And also certeyn bookes of ensaumples and '^^*'^'

doctryne/ | Many noble and dyuers gentyhnen of thys royame of Eng- j loud
camen and demaunded me many and oftymes /wherfore | that I haue not do made
& enprynte the noble hystorye of the | saynt greal / and of the moost renomed
crysten Kyng / Fyrst | and chyef of the thre best crysten and worthy / kyng
Arthur / | whyche ought moost to be remembred emonge vs englysshe j
men tofore al other crysten kynges / For it is notoyrly knowen j thorugh the
vnyuersal world / that there been ix worthy & the | best that euer were / That
is to wete thre paynyms / thre Jewes | and thre crysten men / As for the
paynyms they were tofore the | Jncarnacyon of Cryst / whiche were named /
the fyrst Hector | of Troye / of whome thystorye is comen bothe in balade
and iu | prose / The second Alysaunder the grete / & the thyrd Julyus |
Cezar Emperour of Eome of whome thystoryes ben wel kno | and had / And
as for the thre Jewes whyche also were tofore | thyncarnacyon of our lord of
whome the fyrst was Duc Jo- | sue whyche brought the chyldren of Israhel
in to the londe of | byheste / The second Dauyd kyng of Jhemsalem / & the
thyrd | Judas Machabeus of these thre the byble reherceth al theyr no- |
ble hystoryes & actes / And sythe the sayd Jncarnacyon haue | ben thre noble
crysten men stalled and admytted thorugh the | vnyuersal world in to the
nombre of the ix beste & worthy / of | whome was fyrst the noble Arthur /
TOL. I. B B

178

prologues, epilogues, ETC.

King
Arthur.

Begin verso
ofsig. ij.

whos noble actes I pur- 1 pose to wryte in thys present book here folowyng /
The second | was Charlemayn or Charles the grete / of whome thystorye is |
had in many places bothe in frensshe and englysshe / and the | thyrd and last
was Godefray of boloyn / of whos Actes & lyf j I raade a book vnto thexcellent
prynce and kyng of noble me | morye kynge Edward the fourth / the sayd
noble Jentylmen | Jnstantly requyred me temprynte thystorye of the sayd
noble I kyng and conquerour kyng Arthur / and of his knyghtes | wyth
thystorye of the saynt greal / and of the deth and endyng | of the sayd Arthur /
Affermyng that I ou3t rather tenprynte | his actes and noble feates / than of
godefroye of boloyne / or || ony of the other eyght / consyderyng that he was
a man borne | wythin this royame and kyng and Emperour of the same / | And
that there ben in frensshe dyuers and many noble volu- j mes of his actes /and also
of his knyghtes / To whome J | answerd / that dyuers men holde oppynyon / that
there was | no suche Arthur /and that alle suche bookes as been maad of | hym /
ben but fayned and fables /by cause that somme crony- | cles make of hym no
mencyon ne remembre hym noo thynge | ne of his knyghtes / wher to they
answerd / and one in specyal | sayd / that in hym that shold say or thynke /
that there was ne | ner suche a kyng callyd Arthur / myght wel be aretted
grete | folye and blyndenesse / For he sayd that there were many euy | deuces
of the contrarye / Fyrst ye may see his sepulture in the monasterye of
Glastyugburye / And also in polycronycon in | the v book the syxte chappytre /
and in the seuenth book the xxiij chappytre / where his body was buryed and
after foun | den and translated in to the sayd monasterye / ye shaU se also | in
thystorye of bochas in his book de casu principum / parte of | his noble actes /
and also of his faUe / Also galfrydus in | his brutysshe book recounteth his lyf/
and in dyuers places | of Englond / many remembraunces ben yet of hym and
shall I remayne perpetueUy / and also of his knyghtes / Fyrst in the abbey of
westmestre at saynt Edwardes shrjme remayneth the | prynte of his seal in reed
waxe closed in beryU / Jn whych is | wryton Patricius Arthurus / Britannie /
Gallic / Germanic / | dacie / Jmperator / Item in the castel of doner ye may see
Gau- I wayns skuUe / & Cradoks mantel . At wynchester the ronnde | table /
in other places Launcelottes swerde and many other | thynges / Thenne al these
thynges consydered there can no man | resonably gaynsaye butt here was
a kyng of thys lande na- | med Arthur / For in al places crysten and hethen he
is re- I puted and taken for one of the ix worthy / And the fyrst of | the thre
Crysten men / And also he is more spoken of beyonde | the see moo boookes
made of his noble actes than there be in | englond as wel in duche ytalyen
spanysshe and grekysshe as | in frensshe / And yet of record remayne in

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 179
wytnesse of hym in | wales in the tonne of Camelot the grete stones & King
meruayl- 1 lous werkys of yron lyeng vnder the grounde & ryal vautes || which  ^'
dyuers now lyujmg hath seen / wherfor it is a meruayl | why he is nomore ¦^®^^'^. ^^?^.°
renomed in his owne contreye / sauf onelye | it accordeth to the word of god /
whyche sayth that no man is | accept for a prophete in his owne contreye /
Thene al these thyn | ges forsayd aledged J coude not wel denye / but that
there was j suche a noble kyng named arthur/and reputed one of the ix worthy/
& fyrst & chyef of the crysten men / & many noble volu- 1 mes be made of hym
& of his noble kny3tes in frensshe which 1 1 haue seen & redde beyonde the
see / which been not had in our | maternal tongue / but in walsshe ben many
& also in frensshe / | & somme in englysshe but nowher nygh aUe / wherfore
suche as | haue late ben drawen oute bryefiy in to englysshe / 1 haue after |
the symple connynge that god hath sente to me / vnder the | fauour and
correctyon of al noble lordes and gentylmen en- | prysed to enprynte a book
of the noble hystoryes of the sayd | kynge Arthur / and of certeyn of his
knyghtes after a copye | vnto me delyuerd / whyche copye Syr Thomas Malorye
dyd I take oute of certayn bookes of frensshe and reduced it in to | Englysshe /
And I accordyng to my copye haue doon sette it | in enprynte / to the entente
that noble men may see and leme | the noble actes of chiualrye / the Jentyl
and vertuous dedes | that somme knyghtes vsed in tho dayes / by whyche they
came | to honour / and how they that were vycious were punysshed | and ofte
put to shame and rebuke / humbly besechyng al no | ble lordes and ladyes and
al other estates of what estate | or degre they been of/ that shal see and rede
in this sayd book | and werke / that they take the good and honest actes in
their remembraunce / and to folowe the same / wherin they shaUe | fynde many
joyous and playsaunt hystoryes / and noble & | renomed actes of humanyte /
gentylnesse and chyualryes / | For herein may be seen noble chiualrye /
Curtosye / Humanyte | frendlynesse / hardynesse / loue / frendshypp / Cowardyse /
Mur- I dre / hate / vertue / and synne / Doo after the good and leue | the euyll /
and it shal brynge you to good fame and renom- | mee / And for to passe the
tyme thys boook shal be plesaunte | to rede in / but for to gyue fayth and
beleue that al is trewe | that is conteyned herin / ye be at your liberte but al is
wry- 1 ton for our doctryne / and for to beware that we falle not to || vyce ne Begin verso.
synne / but texcersyse and folowe vertu / by whyche we | may come aud
atteyne to good fame and renomme in thys | lyf/ and after thys shorte and
transytorye lyf to come vnto | euerlastyng blysse in heuen / the whyche he
graunte vs that | reygneth in heuen the blessyd Trynyte Amen / BB 2

180 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
King Henne to procede forth in thys sayd book / whyche J | dyrecte vnto
Arthm:. rjl ^^^ noblc pryuccs / lordes and ladyes/ | gentylmen or gentylwymmen
that desyre to rede or here | redde of the noble and Joyous hystorye
of the grete conque- 1 rour and excellent kyng .Kyng Arthur / sometyme kyng
of I thys noble royalme / thenne callyd brytaygne / J wyllyam Caxton symple
persone present thys book folowyng / whyche J | haue enprysed tenprynte /
And treateth of the noble actes / fe- | ates of armes of chyuafrye / prowesse /
hardynesse / humanyte | loue / curtosye / and veray gentylnesse / wyth many
wonder- | ful hystoryes and aduentures /And for to vnderstonde bry | efly the
contente of thys volume / 1 haue deuyded it in to xxj bookes / and euery book
chapytred as here after shal by god- | des grace folowe / The fyrst book shal
treate how Vther pen- | dragon gate the noble conquerour kyng Arthur and
contey- 1 neth xxviij chappytres / The second book treateth of Balyn | the noble
knyght and conteyneth xix chapytres / The thyrd | book treateth of the maryage
of kyng Arthur to queue gue- | neuer wyth other maters and conteyneth
fyftene chappytres | The fourth book how Merlyn was assotted / and of warre |
maad to kyng Arthur / and conteyneth xxix chappytres / | The fyfthe book
treateth ofthe conqueste of Lucius themperour| and conteyneth xij chappytres/
The syxthe book treateth of | Syr Launcelot and syr Lyonel and meruayUous
aduentu- | res and conteyneth xviij chapytres / The seuenth book treateth of
a noble knyght called syr Gareth and named by syr kaye | Beaumayns and
conteyneth xxxvj chapytres / The eyght | book treateth of the byrthe of Syr
Trystram the noble knyght | and of hys actes / and conteyneth xij chapytres /
I The ix book treateth of a knyght named by Syr kaye le cote |
male taylle and also of Syr Trystram and conteyneth xliiij | chapytres / The
X book treateth of syr Trystram & other mer- 1 uayUous aduentures and
Begin recto couteyueth IxxxUj chappytrcs / 1| The xj book treateth of syr Launcelot and sjt
0 sig. mj. Qaja^j^ad and | contejrneth xiiij chappytres / The xij book treateth of syr Laun|
celot and his madnesse and conteyneth xiiij chapytres / The | xUj book treateth
how galahad came fyrst to kyng Arthurs | courte and the quest how the
sangreall was begonne and con | teyneth xx Chappytres / The xiUj boook
treateth of the queste | of the sangreal & conteyneth x chappytres / The xv
book treateth | of syr launcelot & conteyneth vj chappytres / The xvj book
trea- | teth of Syr Bors & syr Lyonel his brother and conteyneth | xvij
chapytres / The xvij book treateth of the sangreal and | conteyneth xxiij
chappytres / The xviij book treateth of Syr Launcelot and the queue and
conteyneth xxv chappytres / The | xix book treateth of queue Gueneuer and
Launcelot and con | teyneth xiij chapytres / The xx book treateth- of the

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 181
pyetous I deth of Arthur and conteyneth xxij chapytres / The xxj book | King
treateth of his last departyng / and how syr Launcelot came | to reuenge his ^f^^'-
dethe and conteyneth xiij chapytres / The . somme | is xxj bookes whyche
conteyne the somme of v hondred & vij | chapytres / as more playnly shal
folowe herafter /

CHAELES THE GEEAT. British
Museum.
Prologue. Press Mark
Aynt Poul doctour of | veryte sayth to us that | al thynges that ben re- 1 
^ duced by wrytyng /ben wryton | to our doctryne / And Boece | maketh of'sigfa'ij,
mencion that the helthe | of euery persone procedeth dy- | uercely / JheTst'Saf
Thenne sythe it is soo| that the cristen feyth is affermed | and corrobered by the Wank.
doctours I of holy chyrche/Neuertheles the | thynges passed dyuersly redu-|ced
to remembraunce / engendre | in vs correctio of vnlauful lyf | For the werkes of
the auncient | and olde peple ben for to gyue j to vs ensauple to lyue in good |
& vertuous operacions digne & | worthy of helth in folowyng the | good / and
eschewyng the euyl | And also in recountyng of hye | hystoryes / the comune
vnderston | dyng is better content to the y- 1 magynacion local than to sym- 1 pie
auctoryte / to which it is sub | mysed / J saye this gladly / For | oftymes J haue
been excyted of | the venerable man messire henry |bolomyer chanone of lausane
for j, to reduce for his playsyr somme | hystoryes as wel in latyn & in | romaiice
as in other facion wry | ton / that is to say of the ryght | puyssaunt / vertuous /
and noble | charies the grete / kyng of fraiice | and emperour of Eome / Sone |
of the grete Pepyn / And of his | prynces & barons / As EoUand | Olyuer / and
other / touchyng || somme werkes haultayne doon | & comysed by their grete Begin 2nd
strength | & ryght ardaunt courage / to the | exaltacyon of the crysten fayth | "^ T^"'
and to the confusyon of the he- 1 then sarazyns and myscreaunts | whiche is a
werk wel contem- 1 platyf for to lyue wel / And by | cause the sayd henry
Bolomyer | hath seen of thys mater / and the | hystoryes dysioyned wythoute |
ordre / therfore at his request af- 1 ter the capacyte of my lytel en- 1 tendement /
And after thystoryes | and mater that I haue founden | I haue ordeyned this
book folo- 1 wyng / And it myght soo haue | ben that yf I had ben more
lar- 1 gely euformed and al playn 1 1 had letter made it / For J haue | not sayd
ony matere / but I haue | therof ben euformed / Fyrst by | an autentyke book
named myr- 1 rour hystoryal / as by the cano- 1 nes and somme other bookes |
whiche make mencyon of the | werke folowyng / And by cause | I may haue
a lytel parte of ho- 1 nourable fotidemet I shal touche | of the first cristen kyng -

182 prologues, epilogues, etc.
Charles of fraucc | FoT the mostc parte of this book | is made to thonour of the fressh |
*  ^^ ¦ men / and for prouffyte of euery | man / and after the desyre of the | redar and
herer / there shalle be | founden in the table aU playne | the mater of whyche
Begin «erao the persone|shal haue desyre to here or rede/ | wythoute grete atedyacyon/by||
1st column! the playsyr of god to whome I | submytte al myn entete to write j no thyng
that ought to be bla- 1 med / ne but that it be to the hel- 1 the & sauacion of
euery persone / |

column.

T

Henne for as moche J | late had fynysshed in | enprynte the book of
the noble & | vyctoryous kyng Arthur fyrst | of the thre moost noble
& wor- 1 thy of crysten kynges / and also | tofore had reduced in to enghsshe |
the noble hystorye & lyf of Go- 1 defroy of boloyn kyng of Iheru- | salem/
last of the said Uj worthy | Somme persones of noble estate | and degree haue
desyred me to j reduce thystorye and lyf of the | noble and crysten prynce
Char- 1 les the grete kyng of fraunce & | emperour of Eome / the second j of
the thre worthy / to thende that j thystoryes / actes / & lyues may | be had in
our maternal tongue | lyke as they be in latyn or in | frensshe / For the moost
quanty-|te of the people vnderstonde not | latyn ne frensshe here in this no | ble
royame of englond / And for | to satysfye the desyre & requeste | of my good
synguler lordes & | specyal maysters and frendes | I haue enprysed and
concluded | in my self to reduce this sayd | book in to our englysshe /as aU |
Begin 2nd alougc and playnely ye may | rede /here /and see in thys book || here folowyng/
besechyng al them | that shal fynde faute in the same | to correcte and amende
it / And I also to pardone me of the rude & | symple reducyng / and though j
so be there be no gaye termes /ne | subtyl ne newe eloquence/ yet J | hope that
it shal be vnderstonden | & to that entente I haue specy- | ally reduced it/
after the sym- 1 pie connyng that god hath lente | to me / wherof I humbly &
wyth I al my herte thanke hym / & also | am bounden to praye for my fa- 1 der
and moders soules / that in | my youthe sette me to scole / by | whyche by the
suffraunce of god | I gete my lyuyng I hope truly | And that I may so do &
conty-|nue I byseche hym to graute me | of his grace/ and so to laboure | and
occupye my self vertuously | that I may come out of dette & | dedely synne /
that after this lyf | I may come to hys blysse in he- 1 uen AMEN /
The first portion of the above Prologue, in which " Henry Bolomyer, Canon
of Lausane," is 7nentioned, was, in all probability, the Prologue to the French
Romance which Caxton was translating. This, however, I am unable to verify,
having been hitherto unsuccessful in my search for a French manuscript of the work.

prologues, epilogues, etc. 183
Epilogue. Charles
^ And by cause J Wylliam | Caxton was desyred & requyred | by a good and —
synguler frende | of myn / Maister wylUam dan- 1| beney one of the tresorers of ^s^, ^ 7,
the I leweUys of the noble & moost | crysten kyng / our naturel and | souerayn ^^°^™^'
lord late of noble me- 1 morye kyng Edward the fourth | on whos soule Ihesu
haue mercy | To reduce al these sayd hysto- 1 ryes in to our englysshe tongue j
I haue put me in deuoyr to tran | slate thys sayd book as ye here | tofore may
see al a longe and | pi yn / prayeng alle them that | shal rede / see or here it /
to pardon | me of thys symple & rude tran- 1 s acyon and reducyng / byse- 1 chyng
theym that shal fynde | faute to correcte it / & in so doyng | they shal deserue
thankynges / & | I shal praye god for them / who | brynge them and me after
this I short and transytorye lyf to e- 1 uerlastyng blysse Amen / the | whyche
werke was fynysshed | in the reducyng of hit in to en- 1 glysshe the xviij day
of luyn the | second yere of kyng Eychard | the thyrd / And the yere of our |
lord M CCCC Ixxxv / And | enprynted the fyrst day of de- 1 cembre the same
yere of our lord | & the fyrst yere of kyng Harry | the seuenth /
^ Exphcit p wilham Caxton

GOOD MANNEES. p^^uc
I Library,
Prologue. Cambridge.

A. B. 10. 22.

WHan I consydere the condycions & maners of the comyn | people whiche -_ —
without enformacion & lernyng ben rude | and not manerd lyke vnto of sig. a i.
beestis brute acordyng to an olde | prouerbe . he that is not manerd is no man .
for maners make | man . Thenne it is requesite and necessary that euery man vse|
good & vertuous maners. And to thende that euery man shold | haue knowleche
of good maners / An honest man / & a specyal | frence of myn a Mercer of
london named wyUia praat which | late departed out of this lyf on whos soule
god haue mercy / | not longe tofore his deth delyuerd to me in frenshe a lytel
book I named the book of good maners whiche book is of auctoryte | for as
moche as there is no thyng sayd therin but for the moost | parte it is aledged
by scrypture of the byble . or elhs by sayeng | of holy sayntes / doctours /
philosophres . & poetes . and desyred | me Instantly to translate it in to englyssh
our matemal tonge | to thende that it myght be had and vsed emonge the people
for I thamendement of their maners . and to thencreace of vertuous | lyuyng .
Thene I at the request & desyre of hym whyche was | my synguler frende / and
of olde knowlege haue put my self in | deuoyr for taccomplysshe his desyre/ &
haue after the lytel con- 1 nyng that god hath lent me translated out of frenshe in

184 prologues, epilogues, etc.
Good to our I englyssh this sayd book of good maners . besechyng almyghty | god that
^^^^' it niay prouffyte bothe the redars & herers therof/ | For that is thentent of hym
that was fyrst cause that brou3t | the boke to my hande . aud also of me that
haue accomplysshed | it . prayeng al them that shal rede & here it to correcte
where as [they fynde faulte and to holde me excused of the rude & vnpar-|fyght
englysh. And I beseche almyghty god that it so may | be vnderstonden that al
they that shal rede or here it / that they j may the better lyue in this present
lyf that after this lyf they & 1 1 may come to the euerlastyng lyf in heuen where
as is Ioye | and blysse perdurable Amen .

Public EOYAL BOOK.
Library,
Cambridge. PROLOGUE.
Press Mark
A. B. 10. 29. TT7 Han J remembre and take hede of the conuersacion of | vs that lyue in
Begin recto ' » this wrctchcd lyf. iu which is no surete | ne stable abydyng . And also
the'St leaf the contyuucl besynes of euery | man. how he is occupyed and dayly laboureth
beingblank. ^^ bylde & cdc- 1 fyc as though theyr habytacion and dweUyng here / were
per- 1 manent and shold euer endure . & also practyse how they may | gete
temporalle possessyons .goodes and rychesses. of whyche | they are neuer
contente ne satysfyed as for the moost partye . | but contynuelly entende and
laboure by many subtyl meanes | how they may encreace theyr sayd possessyons
and richesses for | to come and attayne to worldly honour and estate . In
whiche | they wene be veray felycyte and blessydnes / and whan I haue |
wel ouerseen & examyned these forsayd thynges and lyf . J | fynde nothyng in
them but vanyte of vanytees and all vanyte | & yet I merueyUe moche of
them that ben lerned wyse & noble | men in the lawe . that not withstondyng
their rychesses . & sure | lyuyng as wel in the spfrituelte as in the temporalte
contynu- 1 elly laboure to be enhaunced & promoted to hye dygnytees and |
offyces .as though therin were perpetuel felycyte . Jn whyche | ye may see at
eye that al is but vanyte . & they that me repute | for wysest & gretest aboute
prynces in a moment ben ouerthro j wen & brought to nought . Not withstondyng
for the moost | parte . they of the spyrytuelte & also of the temporalte entende j
more to gete. worldly honours .rychesses & possessyons for to | satisfye the
appetyte of their inordynate desyre here in this tran | sytorye lyf/ which anone
& hastely shal departe fro the corrup- 1 tyble body . tha they do for theternal
lyf which shal euer endure | in Ioye or in payne . Thene to thende that euery
man resona- 1 ble remebre hym self that he is mortal . & shal withoute fayle j
departe out of this lyf hastely & sone . & ought while he is here | lyuyng to

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 185
purueye & ordeyne for the perpetuel lyf to come / & | so to lyue accordyng to Royal Book.
the lawe & comandements of our lord | & ocupye hym self in vertuous
operacyons and werkes . in || eschewyng al vices & synnes & al the branches Begin verso
of the . that they | may after this short & trasytory lyf attayne & com to the °f'^s-^'J-
euer | lastyng lyf in heuen / J purpose & attende by the suffraunce of | almyghty
god to traslate a book late delyuerd to me & reduce | it out of frensshe
in to our comyn englysshe tonge . in whyche j euery man may be euformed
how he oujt to kepe the lawe & | comaudemets of god . to folowe vertu & flee
& eschewe vyces | & to pourueye & ordeyn for hym spyrituel rychesses in
heuen | ppetuel & permament / which book was made in frensshe atte | requeste
of Phelip le bele kyng of frauce in the yere of thyncar | nacion of our lord
M CC Ixxix . & reduced in to enghsshe at | the request & specyal desyre of
a synguler frende of myn a mer- 1 cer of lodon the yere of our sayd lord /
M . iUj C . Ixxxiiij . which | book is entytled & named in frensshe . le lyure
royal . whiche is | to say iu enghsshe • the ryal book . or a book for a kyng . in
whi- 1 che book ben comprysed the x comaudemets of our lord . the xij | artycles
of the fayth / the vij dedely synnes with their branches | the vij petycions of
the pater noster • the seuen yeftes of the holy | ghoost . the vij vertues and many
other holy thynges & maters | good & prouffytable for the wele of manes
soule . Thenne J | exhorte & desyre euery ma that entendeth to the prouffyt &
sal- |uacyon of his soule / to ouer see this sayd book / in whiche he | shal fynde
good & prouffytable doctryne by which he may the | rather attayne to come
to euerlastyng blysse • & alwaye what | that is wryton is vnder correctyon of
lemed men / humbly be | sechyng them to correcte & amende where as is ony
defaute . & | so doyng they shal doo a merytory dede . For as nyghe as god j
hath gyuen me connyng I haue folowed the copye as nyghe | as I can . & I
beseche almyghty god that this sayd werk may | prouffyte the redars . & that
is the special cause that it is made | fore / that knoweth god to whome noo
thyng is hyd /whyche | gyue vs grace so to lyue vertuously in this short lyf.
that after | this lyf we may come to his euerlastyng blysse in heuen ame |
Epilogue.
THis book was compyled & made atte requeste of kyng | Phelyp of Fraunce Becto of sig.
in the yere of thyncarnacyon of our | lord / M . CC • Ixxix . & translated "^ ^' ^^
or reduced out of frensshe ia | to englysshe by me wyllyam Caxtou . atte
requeste of a wor- j shipful marchaunt & mercer of london . whyche Instauntly
re- 1 quyred me to reduce it for the wele of aUe them that shal rede | or here
it . as for a specyal book to knowe al vyces & branches | of them . & also
TOL I. 0 c

186 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Royal Book, al vertues by whyche wel vnderstonden & seen j may dyrecte a persone to
euerlastyng blysse . whyche book is | callyd in frensshe . le Uure Eoyal • that is
to say the ryal book . or | a book for a kyng . For the holy scrypture caUeth
euery man a | kyng whiche wysely and parfytly can gouerne and dyrecte | hym
self after vertu . & this book sheweth & enseygneth it so | subtyUy . so shortly •
so perceyuyngly & so parfyghtly . that for the | short comprehencion of the
noble clergye & of the right grete sub | stance . which is comprysed therin . Jt
may & ought to be ..cal- 1 led wel by ryght and quycke reason aboue al other
bookes in | frensshe or in englysshe . the book ryal or the book for a kyng . & \
also by cause that it was made & ordeyned atte request of that | ryght noble
kyng Phelyp le bele kynge of Frauce . ought it | to be caUed Eyall / as tofore
is sayd . whiche translacion or re- 1 ducyng oute of frensshe in to englysshe was
achyeued . fynys- 1 shed & accomplysshed the xUj day of Septembre in the yere
of I thyncarnacyon of our lord . M / CCCC . IxxxUij / And in the | second yere
of the Eegne of Kyng Eychard the thyrd /

British FAYTS OF AEMS.
Museum. t^
Press Mark EPILOGUE.
\ — ¦ ^ Thus endeth this boke whiche xpyne of pyse made & dre | we out of the
^%%, t-aef, ^oke named vegecius de re mihtari & out of | tharbre of batayUes wyth many
other thynges sett in to the | same requisite to werre & bataUles whiche boke
beyng in fre | she was delyuered to me wUlm Caxton by the most crysten j
kynge & redoubted prynce my naturel & souerayn lord kyng | henry the / vij /
kyng of englond & of frauce in his palais of | westmestre the / xxuj / day of
lanyuere the / iiij / yere of his re | gne & desired & wyUed me to translate this
said boke & reduce | it in to our english & natural tonge / & to put it in
enprynte | to thende that euery gentylman born to armes & aU manere | men of
werre captayns / souldiours / vytayllers & aU other | shold haue knowlege how
they ought to behaue theym in the | fayttes of warre & of batayUes / and so
delyuered me the said | book thene my lord therle of Oxenford awaytig on his
said I grace / whiche volume conteynjmg four bokes / 1 receyued of | his said
grace & accordig to his desire whiche to me I repute | a comandemet/ &
verih glad to obeye / & after the Utyl conyng | that god hath lente me I haue
endeuoyrd me to the vtterest | of my power to fulfyUe & accoplisshe his desfre
& comaunde- 1 ment/ as wel to reduce it in to englyshe / as to put it in enpri j
te / to thende that it may come to the sight & knowlege of eue | ry gentylman

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 187
& man of warre/ & for certayn in myn oppiny | on it is as necessary a boke Fayts of
& as requysite / as ony may be for | euery estate hye & lowe that entende to ^""^"
the fayttes of werre || whether it be in batayUes sieges / rescowse / & aU other ^^g^^j^^g g
feyttes I subtyltees & remedyes for meschieues / Whiche translacyon | was
finysshed the / viij / day of luyU the sayd yere & enpryn | ted the / xUij / day
of luyll next folowyng & fill fynyshyd/ the | ne syth I haue obeyed his most
dredeftU comaudement / 1 hu | bly byseche his most exeUent & bounteuous
hyenes to pardo- 1 ne me of this symple & rude translacion where in be no
cury I ous ne gaye termes of rethoryk / but I hope to almighti god j that it
shal be entendyble & vnderstanden to euery man / & al | so that it shal not
moche varye in setence fro the copye recey | ued of my said souerayn lord /
And where as I haue erryd | or made defaulte I beseche them that fynde
suche to correcte it | & so dooyng I shal praye for them / & yf ther be ony
thig ther | in to his pleasfr / I am glad & thinke my labour wel enplo- | yed
for to haue the name to be one of the htel seruantes to the | hiest & most
cristen kyng & prince of the world / whom I by | seche almyghty god to
preserue / kepe / & contynue in his noble | & most redoubted enterpryses as wel
in bretayn / flaudres & | other placis that he may haue victorie honour / &
renomee to | his perpetual glorye / For I haue not herd ne redde that ony |
prynce hath subdued his subgettis with lasse hurte &c and | also holpen his
neighbours & frendis out of this londe / In | whyche hye enterprises I byseche
ahnyghty god that he may | remajTie alleway vyctoryous / And dayly encreace
fro ver I tu to vertue & fro better to better to his laude & honour in this j
present lyf/ that after thys short & transitorye lyf/ he may at- 1 teyne to euer
lastyng lyf in heuen/ Whiche god gaunte to | hym and to aUe his lyege
peple AMEN/ Per Caxton.

BLANCHAEDINE AND EGLANTINE. spencer
Library,
Prologue. Aithorp.
UNto the right noble puyssaut & excellet pryncesse my redoubted lady my Begin recto
lady Margarete duchesse of Somercete/ Moder vnto our naturel & souerayn °^^'s-i-
lord and most Crysten kynge henry y" seuenth by the grace of god kyng of
englonde & of ffratice lord of yrelonde &c. I wyllyam caxton his most Indygne
humble subgette and lytil seruaut presente this lytyl book vnto the noble grace
of my sayd lady whiche boke I late receyued in frenshe fr'om her good grace
and her comaundement wyth aUe/For to reduce & translate it in to our
0 0 2

188 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC

Blanchardine maternal & cuglysh tonge / whiche boke I had longe to fore solde to my sayd
Eglantine, l^^y and kuewc wel that the storye of hit was honeste & JoyefuU to all
vertuouse yong noble gentylmen & wymme for to rede therin as for their
passe tyme for vnder correction in my Jugement /it is as requesyte other
whyle to rede in Auncyent hystoryes of noble fayttes & valyaut actes of armes
& warre whiche haue ben achyeued in olde tyme of many noble prynces .
lordes & knyghtes / as wel for to see & knowe their walyautnes for to stande in
the specyal grace (^ loue of their ladyes And in lyke wyse for gentyl yonge
ladyes & damoyseUys for to leme to be stedfaste & constaut in thefr parte to
theym that they ones haue promysed and agreed to suche as haue putte their
lyues ofte in Jeopardye for to playse theym to stande in grace . As it is to
occupye theym and studye ouer moche in bokes of contemplacion . Wherfore at
thynstauce and requeste of my sayd lady . whiche I repute as for a comaude-
mente I haue reduced this sayd boke out of frenshe in to our englyshe : whiche
boke specyfyeth of the noble actes and fayttes of warre achyeued by a noble
and victorious prynce named Blanchardin sone vnto the kynge Fryse / for
the loue of a noble pryncesse callyd Eglantyne other wyse named in frensche
lorguyUeuse damours whiche is as moche to saye in englyshe . as the proude
lady of loue queue of tormaday : And of the grete aduentures . labours
anguysshes / and many other grete dyseases of theym bothe to fore they myght
atteyne for to come to the fynall conclusion of their desired loue / as a longe
by the grace of god it shall be shewed in thistorye of thys present book /
Bysechynge my sayd ladyes bountyuo? grace to receyue this lityU boke in gree
of me her humble seruaut / and to pardonne me of the rude and comyn
englyshe . where as shall be found faulte For I confesse me not lerned ne
knowynge the arte of rethoryk / ne of suche gaye termes as now be sayd in
these dayes and vsed : And that shaU suffyse . f[ Besechyng AUmyghty god to
graunte to her mooste noble goode grace longe lyffe / and thaccomplysshement
of hir hihe noble and Joyes desires in thys present lyff : ^ And after this short
and transytorye lyff . euerlastynge lyff in heuen Amen /

British ENEYDOS.
Museum. -ry
Press Mark JrROLOGUE.
Lif ^' After dyuerse werkes made / translated and achieued / ha | uyng noo werke in
^ of "i '^ a'" liande . I sittyng in my studye where as | laye many dyuerse paunflettis and
bookys . happened that | to my hande cam a lytyl booke in frenshe . whiche late
was I translated oute of latyn by some noble clerke of frauce whi | che booke is

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 189
named Eneydos / made in latyn by that noble | poete & grete clerke vyrgyle/ Eneydos.
whiche booke I sawe ouer and | redde therin . How after the generaU destruccyon
of the gre | te Troye . Eneas departed berynge his olde fader anchises | vpon
his sholdres / his Utyl son yolus on his honde . his wy | fe wyth moche other
people folowynge / and how he shypped | and departed wyth aUe thystorye of
his aduentures that he | had er he cam to the achieuement of his conquest of
ytalye | as all a longe shall be shewed in this present boke. In whi- 1 che booke
I had grete plasyr.by cause of the fayr and hone | st ,termes & wordes in
frenshe / Whyche I neuer sawe to fo- 1 re lyke . ne noue so playsaunt ne so wel
ordred . whiche boo- 1 ke as me semed sholde be moche requysyte to noble men
to see I as wel for the eloquence as the hystoryes/ How wel that | many
honderd yerys passed was the sayd booke of eneydos | wyth other werkes
made and lerned dayly in scolis specyal- 1 ly in ytalye & other places / whiche
historye the sayd vyrgyle | made in metre / And whan I had aduysed me in
this sayd bo | ke . I delybered and concluded to translate it in to englysshe |
And forthwyth toke a penne & ynke and wrote a leef or | tweyne /whyche
I ouersawe agayn to corecte it / And wha | I sawe the fayr & straunge termes
therin / 1 doubted that it | sholde not please some gentylmen whiche late
blamed me | sayeng y* in my translacyons I had ouer curyous termes | whiche
coude not be vnderstande of comyn peple / and desired | me to vse olde and
homely termes in my translacyons . and || fayn wolde I satysfye euery man/ and Begin verso
so to doo toke an olde | boke and redde therin / and certaynly the englysshe " ^'^' '''
was so ru | de andbrood that I coude not wele vnderstande it . And also | my
lorde abbot of westmynster ded do shewe to me late certa- 1 yn euydences
wryton in olde englysshe for to reduce it in to | our englysshe now vsid / And
certaynly it was wreton in | suche wyse that it was more lyke to dutche than
englysshe | I coude not reduce ne brynge it to be vnderstonden / And cer- 1
taynly our langage now vsed varyeth ferre from that . whi | che was vsed and
spoken whan I was borne / For we en- 1 glysshe men / ben borne vnder the
domynacyon of the mone. | whiche is neuer stedfaste / but euer wauerynge /
wexynge o- 1 ne season / and waneth & dyscreaseth another season/ And | that
comyn englysshe that is spoken in one shyre varyeth | from a nother . In so
moche that in my dayes happened that | certayn marchautes were in a ship
in tamyse for to haue | sayled ouer the see into zelande/ and for lacke of
wynde thei | taryed atte forlond . and wente to lande for to refreshe them | And
one of theym named sheffelde a mercer cam in to an | hows and axed for mete .
and specyally he axyd after eggys | And the goode wyf answerde . that she
coude speke no fren- 1 she . And the marchaut was angry . for he also coude

190 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Eneydos. speke | UO frcushe . but wolde haue hadde egges / and she vnderstode j hym
not/ And thenne at laste a nother sayd that he wolde j haue eyren j then the
good wyf sayd that she vnderstod hym | wel / Loo what sholde a man in
thyse dayes now wryte . eg- 1 ges or eyren/ certaynly it is harde to playse euery
man/ by | cause of dyuersite & change of langage . For fri these dayes | euery
man that is in ony reputacyon in his coutre . wyU vt | ter his comynycacyon
and maters in suche maners & ter- | mes / that fewe men shaU vnderstonde
Begin recfo theym/ And som ho- 1| nest and grete clerkes haue ben wyth me and desired me
of sig. A ij. ^^ j ^^^^ ^^g moste curyous termes that I coude fynde/ And | thus bytwene
playn rude/ & curyous I stande abasshed . but | in my ludgemente/ the comyn
termes that be dayh vsed ben | lyghter to be vnderstonde than the olde &
aucyent englys- | she / And for as moche as this present booke is not for
a ru I de vplondyssh man to laboure therin /ne rede it/ but onely j for a clerke
& a noble gentylman that feleth and vnderston | deth in faytes of armes in loue
& in noble chyuafrye / Ther- 1 for in a meane bytwene bothe I haue reduced &
translated | this sayd booke in to our englysshe not ouer rude ne curyo- 1 us
but in suche termes as shall be vnderstanden by goddys | grace accordynge to
my copye . And yf ony man wyll enter | mete in redyng of hit and fyndeth
suche termes that he can | not vnderstande late hym goo rede aud lerne vyrgyU /
or the I pystles of ouyde / and ther he shaU see and vnderstonde lyght | ly all /
Yf he haue a good redar & enformer/ For this booke | is not for euery rude
dna vnconnynge man to see/ but to | clerkys and very gentylmen that
vnderstande gentylnes | and scyence ^Thenne I praye alle theym that, shall
rede | in this lytyl treatys to holde me for excused for the transla- | tynge of
hit . For I knowleche my selfe ignorant of con- 1 nynge to enpryse on me so hie
and noble a werke / But I | praye mayster lohn Skelton late created poete
laureate | in the vnyuersite of oxenforde to ouersee and correcte this | sayd
booke . And taddresse and expowne where as shalle | be founde faulte to theym
that shall requyre it . For hym I | knowe for suffycyent to expowne and
englysshe euery dyf- 1 fyculte that is therin/ For he hath late translated the
epyst I lys of TuUe/ and the boke of dyodorus syculus . and di- 1 uerse other
Begin verso, wcrkes outc of latyu in to englysshe not in rude || and olde langage . but in
polysshed and ornate termes craf- 1 tely . as he that hath redde vyrgyle/ ouyde .
tuUye . and aU the j other noble poetes and oratours / to me vnknowen : And |
also he hath redde the ix . muses and vnderstande theyr mu- 1 sicaUe scyences .
and to whom of theym eche scyence is ap- 1 propred . I suppose he hath
dronken of Elycons well . Then | I praye hym & suche other to correcte adde
or mynysshe whe | re as he or they shall fynde faulte / For I haue but folowed |

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 191
my copye in frenshe as nygh as me is possyble / And yf ony | worde be sayd Eneydos.
therin weU / 1 am glad . and yf otherwyse 1 1 submytte my sayd boke to theyr
correctyon/ Whiche boke 1 1 presente vnto the hye born my tocomynge
natureU & soue-|rayn lord Arthur by the grace of god Prynce of Walys | Duc
of ComewayU . & Erie of Chester fyrst bygoten sone | & heyer vnto our most
dradde naturaU & souerayn lorde & | most crysten kynge / Henry the vij . by
the grace of god kyn | ge of Englonde and of Fraunce & lord of Jrelonde /
byse- 1 ching his noble grace to receyue it in thanke of me his j moste humble
subget & seruaut/ And I shaU praye vnto | almyghty god for his prospero^
encreasyng in vertue/ wy- 1 sedom / and humanyte that he may be egal wyth
the most re- 1 nomed of aUe his noble progenytours ^And so to lyue | in this
present lyf /that after this transitorye lyfe he and we | alle may come to
euerlastynge lyf in heuen / Amen :

POLYCEONICON. From . copy
in the pos-
Prohemye. session of
•nil ^^- ^^'^^'
g Eete thankynges lawde & honoure we merytoryous- j ly ben bounde BookseUer.
to yelde and oflfre vnto wryters of hys- 1 toryes / whiche gretely haue Begin. ?-ecifo
prouffyted oure mortal | lyf/ that shewe vnto the reders and herers tLTstkaf
by the I ensamples of thynges passyd/ what thynge is to be desyred/ j ^i™^-
And what is to be eschewed / For those thynges whiche oure pro | genytours
by the taste of bytternes and experyment of grete leo | pardyes haue enseygned/
admonested and euformed vs exclu- 1 ded fro suche peryUys / to knowe what
is prouffytable to oure j lyf/ and acceptable / and what is vnprouffy table and
to be refii- 1 sed / He is / and euer hath ben reputed the wysest / whiche by
the I experyence of aduerse fortune hath byholden and seen the noble | Cytees /
maners / and variaut condycions of the people of many | dyuerse Eegyons / For
in hym is presupposed the lore of wyse- 1 dome and polycye / by the experyment
of Jeopardyes and pe- 1 ryUys whiche haue growen of folye in dyuerse partyes
and con- 1 trayes / yet he is more fortunat / and may be reputed as wyse ¦ yf he |
gyue attendaunce withoute tastynge of the stormes of aduersyte | that may by
the redyng of historyes conteynyng dyuerse custo- 1 mes Condycyons / lawes & /
Actes of sondry nacions come vnto | the knowleche of and vnderstandynge of
the same wysedom and j polycye / Jn whiche hystoryes so wreton iu large
and aour- 1 ned volumes / he syttynge in his chambre or studye / maye rede / |
knowe and vnderstande the polytyke and noble actes of alle the | worlde as of
one Cyte / And the confiyctes / errours . Troubles / | & vexacions done in the

192 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Polycronicon. sayd vuyucrsal worlde /Jn suche wyse | as he had ben and seen them . in the
' propre places where as they | were done / For certayne it is a greete beneurte
vnto a man that | can be reformed by other and straunge mennes hurtes and
sea- 1 thes / And by the same to knowe / what is requysyte and prouf- 1 fytable
for his lyf / And eschewe suche errours and Jnconueny | tys / by whiche other
men haue ben hurte and lost theyr felycyte / | Therfore the couseylles of
Auncyent and whyte heeryd men / in | whome olde age hath engendryd
wysedome / ben gretely preysed | of yonger men / And yet hystoryes soo moche
more excelle them / | As the dyuturnyte or length of tyme Includeth moo
ensamples | of thynges and laudable actes . than thage of one man may suf | fyse
to see / Historyes ought not only to be luged moost pro- 1 ffytable to yonge
men / whiche by the lecture / redyng & vnderstan | dyng make them semblahle
Begin verso & cqualc to mcu of grctcT age / and || to old men / to whome longe lyf hath
o sig. a . jjiynystred experymentes | of dyuerse thynges / but also thystoryes able &
make ryght pry- 1 nate men digne & worthy to haue the gouemauce of Empyres
& I noble Eoyammes / historyes moeue and withdrawe Emperours | and kynges
fro vycious tyrannye / Fro vecordyous sleuthe / | vnto tryumphe and vyctorye
in puyssaunt batayUes / Historyes | also haue moeued ryght noble knyghtes to
deserue eternal laude | whiche foloweth them for their vyctoryous merytes/
And cause | them more valyantly to entre in leopardyes of batayles for the |
defence and tuicion of their countrey / and publyke wele / hystorye | also
affirayeth cruel tyrauntys for drede of Infamye and shame | Infynyte / by cause
of the detestable actes of suche cruel personnes | ben oftymes plantyd and
regystred in Cronykes vnto theyr | perpetuel obprobrye and dyuulgacion of
theyr Jnfamye / As | thactes of nero and suche other / Truly many of hye and
couragy- 1 ous men of grete empryse / desyryng theyr fame to be perpetueUy f
conseruyd by lyberal monumentis / whiche ben the permanente re- | cordes of
euery vyrtuouse and noble Acte / haue buylded and e- 1 defyed ryaU and noble
Cytees / And for the conseruacion of the | wele publycke haue mynystred and
establysshed dyscrete and | prouffytable lawes / And thus the pryncipal laude /
and cause | of delectable and amyable thynges /in whiche mannes felycyte j
stondeth and resteth ought and maye wel be attributed to hysto- 1 ryes / whiche
worde historye may be descryued thus / Historye is | a perpetuel conseruatryce
of thoos thynges / that haue be doone | before this presente tyme / and also
a cotydyan wytnesse of bien- 1 fayttes of malefaytes / grete Actes / and tryumphal
vyctoryes | of aU maner peple . And also yf the terryble feyned Fables of |
Poetes haue moche styred and moeued men to pyte / and con- 1 seruynge of
Justyce / How moche more is to be supposed / that | Historye assertryce of

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 193
veryte / and as moder of aUe phUosophye / | moeuynge our maners to vertue / Polycronicon.
reformeth and reconcyleth ner | hande aUe thoos men / whiche thurgh the
Infyrmyte of oure | mortal nature hath ledde the mooste parte of thejrr lyf in
Ocyo- I syte and myspended theyr tyme passed ryght soone oute of Ee- 1
membraunce / Of whiche lyf and deth is egal oblyuyon / |
The fniytes of vertue ben InmortaU / SpecyaUy whanne they | ben wrapped
in the benefyce of hystoryes / |
Thenne it muste folowe / that it is mooste fayre to men MortaUe j to suff!re
labours and payne / for glorye and fame Jmmortalle / || Hercules whan he Begin recto
lyued suffryd greete laboures and peryUys j wylfuUy puttyng hym self in many ° ^'^' ^
terryble and ferdful ieopar | dyes to obteyne of aU peple the benefaytes of
Inmortal laude & | renommee / We rede of other noble men / somme
lordes & | somme other of lower astates reputed as goddes in dyuerse
re- 1 gyons / the whos famous actes / and excellent vertues only hys- | torye
hath preseruyd fro perysshyng in eternal memorye / Other | monymentes
distributed in dyuerse chaunges / enduren but for a | short tyme or season /
But the vertu of historye dyffused & spredd | by the vnyuersal worlde hath
tyme / whiche consumeth aU other | thynges as conseruatryce and kepar of
her werke /
Ferthermore eloquence is soo precious and noble / that al mooste | noo thyng
can be founden more precious than it / By Eloquence | the grekes ben preferryd
ia contynuel honour to fore the rude bar | bares /Oratours and lerned clerkes in
hke wise excelle vnlerned j and brutyssh peple / Syth this eloquence is suche
that causeth men | emonge them self somme texceUe other / after the qualyte of
the I vertue and eloquence be seyn to be of valew / For somme we Iu- | ge to
be good men digne of laude / whiche shewe to vs the waye | of vertue / and
other haue taken another waye for tenflamme | more the courages of men by
fables of poesye / than to prouffyte | And by the lawes aud Institutes more to
punysshe than to teche | Soo that of thyse thynges the vtylyte is myxt with
harme / | For somme sothly techyth to lye / But historye representynge the |
thynges lyke vnto the wordes / embraceth al vtylyte & prouffite | Jt sheweth
honeste / and maketh vyces detestable / It enhaunceth | noble men and de-
presseth wicked men and fooles / Also thynges | that historye descryueth by
experyence / moche prouffyten vnto a | ryghtful hf / Thenne syth historye is so
precious & also prouffyta | ble / J haue delybered to wryte twoo bookes
notable / retenyng | in them many noble historyes / as the lyues / myracles /
passyons | and deth of dyuerse hooly sayntes whiche shal be comprysed by |
thayde and suffraunce of almyghty god in one of them / whiche | is named
TOI. I. D D

194 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Polycronicon. legenda aurea / that is the golden legende / And that j other book is named
polycronycon / in whiche book ben comprised | briefly many wonderfiil
historyees / Fyrst the descripcion of the | vniuersal world / as wel in lengthe
as in brede with the diuisios | of coutrees royames & empyres / the noble
cytees / hye moiitayns | famous ryuers / merueyUes & wondres / & also the
historial Ac- 1 tes & woderful dedes syth the fyrst makyng of heuen & erth
Begm verso vuto || the bcgynuyug of the regne of kyng edward the fourth / & vnto j the
ofsig. a 3. y.g^g ^£ ^^^ Yqj-^ m / cccc Ix . As by thayde of almyghty | god shal folowe al
a longe / after the composynge & gaderynge of | dan Eanulph monke of chestre
fyrste auctour of this book / and | afterward enghsshed by one Treuisa vycarye
of barkley / which | atte request of one Sfr thomas lord barkley translated this
sa- I yd book / the byble & bartylmew de proprietatibus reru out of la | tyn in
to englyssh / And now at this tyme symply emprynted & \ sette in forme by
me WiUiam Caxton and a lytel embelysshed | fro tholde makyng / and also
haue added suche storyes as I coude | fynde fro thende that the said Eanulph
fynysshed his book which | was the yere of our lord . M . CCC Ivij vnto the
yere of the sa- 1 me M CCCC Ix / whiche ben an honderd & thre yere / whiche |
werke J haue finysshed vnder the noble protection of my most | drad naturel
and souerayne lord and moost cristen kynge /kyng | Edward the fourth/
humbly besechyng his moost noble grace to | pardone me yf ony thynge be
sayd therynne of Ignorauce / or other | wyse than it ought to be ¦ And also
requyryng al other to amen- | de wher as ther is defaute / wherin he or they
may deserue thank & \ meryte / And J shal praye for them that soo doo / For
I knowle | che myn. Ignoraunce and also sympleuess / And yf ther be thyng [
that may plese or prouffite ony man / 1 am glad that J haue a- | chieued it /
And folowynge this my prohemye I shal set a table | shortly towchyd of the
moost parte of this book / And where the | sayd Auctor hath aUe his werke
in seuen bookes / J haue sette | that whiche J haue added to after a parte .
and haue marked it | the laste booke / and haue made chapytres acordyng to
the other | werke / Of whiche accomplysshyng / / J thank Almyghty God j
To whome be gyuen Honour / laude / and glorye / in secula seculo- | rum
Amen/ Deo gracias
The Latin ''''Polycronicon" as originally written by Ranulphus Higden, Monk
of Chester, as well as the English translation thereof by Trevisa, Vicar of
Berkeley, as printed by Caxton, are contained in seven books. To '''¦Liber
Septimus " Trevisa has appended the following Colophon : —

PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC. 195
" God be thanked of al his dedes / This translacion is ended on a | thursdaye Polycronicon.
ihe eyghtenthe daye of Apryll the yere of our lord a \ thousand thre honderd and/
Ivijl The xxxj yere of kyng Edward \ the thyrd after the Conquest of Englond/
the yere of my lordes \ age Syr thomas lord of berkley that made me make this
trans- \ lacion fyue and thyrtty / "
To this Caxton has added an Epilogue, which would, however, have appeared
in a more appropriate position as a Prologue to his own ^^ Liber Ultimus." It
probably owes its position to the fact of there being a blank leaf at the end of the
signature, the recto of which it occupies.
Epilogue to "Liber Septimus."
Hus endeth the book named Proloconycon made & compiled | by Eanulph Begm recto
monk of chestre / whiche ordeyned it in latyn & | atte request of the ryght °^^'^' '^^ '^'
worshipful lord / Thomas lord of berke | ley it was translated in to enghsshe
by one Treuisa thenne vyca | rye ofthe Paryssh | of barkley/ And for as moche
as syth the ac j complysshemeute of this sayd booke made by the sayd Eanulph j
ended the yere of oure lord a / M / CCC / Ivij / many thjmges ha | ue fallen
whiche ben requysyte to be added to this werke / by cause | mennes wyttes in
this tyme ben oblyuyous and lyghtly forge | ten many thyngys dygne to be
putte in memorye / and also there | can not be founden in these dayes but fewe
that wryte in theyr | regystres suche thynges as dayly happen and falle •
Therfore J | WiUiam Caxton a symple persone haue endeuoyred me to wryte |
fyrst ouer all the sayd book of proloconycon / and somwhat haue | chaunged
the rude and old englyssh / that is to wete certayn wor | des / which in these
dayes be neither vsyd ne vnderstanden / & fur | thermore haue put it in
emprynte to thende that it maye be had & \ the maters therin coprised to be
knowen / for the boke is general | touchyng shortly many notable maters /
& also am auysed to ma | ke another booke after this sayd werke whiche
shal be sett here | after the same / And shal haue his chapytres & his table
a parte | For J dar not presume to sette my booke ne ioyne hit to his / for |
dyuerse causes / one is for as moche as I haue not ne can gete no | bokes of
auctoryte treatyng of suche cronykes / except a lytel bo- j ke named fasciculus
temporum / and another caUyd Aureus de | vniuerso / in whiche bookes J fynde
ryght lytel mater syth the | sayde tyme / And another cause is / for as moche
as my rude | sjmiplenesse and ignorant makyng ought not to be compared /
set I ne ioyned to his boke / Thenne J shal by the grace of god set my |
werke after a parte for to accomplysshe the yeres syth that he fy- | nysshed
B D 2

196 PROLOGUES, EPILOGUES, ETC.
Polycronicon. }iis book / vuto the yere of our lord / M / CCCC / Ix / and | the fyrst yere of
the Eegne of kyng edward the fourthe / whiche | amoute to an honderd and
thre yere /
Particulars of Higden s original work ; of Trevisa^ s translation ; of Caxtoris
additions thereto ; and an example of the change made by the last-mentioned
Chronicler in " the rude and old english " of his predecessor Trevisa, will be
given in Vol. II, under "Polycronicon." To this the Reader is referred; and
having now reproduced all the shorter pieces, it remains only to reprint the Text
of the single work of importance, of which the Authorship can be traced to
William Caxton.

POLYCRONICON, LIBEE ULTIMUS.

Jncipit Liber vltimus
t Henne folowyng this fore wreton booke of ProUcronycon | J haue emprysed Begin recto
to ordeyne this newe booke by the suf- 1 fraunce of Almyghty god to ° ^^' ^° '"
contynue the sayd werk bryefly / j And to sette in hystoriaU thynges / suche as
J haue conne gete / | from the tyme that he lefte / that was in the yere of oure
lord I a thousand thre honderde and seuen and fyfty vnto the yere of | our sayd
lord thousand four honderd and syxty and to the fyrst j yereof the regne of
kynge Edward the fourth / |
Capitulum Primum
N the yere of oure lord a Thousand thre honderd eyght | and fyfty a.d. i358.
I ia October Eobert kuoUes a Capytayne of a | greete companye of
Englysshe men and other helde and | had wonne many fortresses in
Fraunce by Orleaunce in Bry- | tayne and fri Norman dye / And in the same
monethe he lefte his | gamysons / and cam to fore Parys /and there by toke
a stronge j place named AmblanuUers / And they of Parys sente out men | of
warre ageynste them / but they were anone ouerthrowen and | beten in to the
tonne ageyn / And dayly they assayUed the Frens | shmen vu to the yates of
parys / And helde them of Parys soo | strayte that atte laste they were con-
streyned to bye that place of | hym & to yeue to hym large moneye to
departe/ And after they | destroyed many places in Champayne / And fri Marche
after | they toke the Cyte of Anserre and the Castel / At whiche pryse j were
made thre knyghtes / that is to saye Eobert knoUes / Tome- 1 lyn Fouque and
another / whiche thre were Capytaynes of gre- | te Foysou; of Englysshmen /
And they pyUed that tonne / which j was Eyche as was sayd / They hadde as
moche good and Je- j weUys / as was valewyd to fyue honderde thousand
motons I of Golde / And the Eauusonne of prysonners of synguler per- 1 sonnes
was an ouer grete somme / And whan j the Englysshmen had seen
the lordes of the tonne and had pylled | it vUj dayes during / they said they

198 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
wold brenne the toun so that | they that were lefte dwelhng in the toun agreeed
Begin verso togyuc them to || sauc it fourty thousand motons of golde /and syxty perles
0 sig. 50 1. ^^1 2g.^y^j g^j. .j.gj^ thonsande motons of golde / And that Englysshe | men sholde
bere aweye with them aboue that / as moche goode as | they wold / excepte the
Jewellys of the chfrche of saynt Germa | yn / the whiche they shold haue ia
pledge for theyr payemente | vnto mydsomer / and as to the waUys / they sholde
breke them | doune / and brenne the gates / and soo they dyde / |
A.D. 1360. Jn this yere of oure lorde a thonsande thre honderd syxty / And | fyue and
thyrtty yere ofthe Eegne of kynge Edward the thir | de the pees was fynysshed
and acorded bytwene bothe kynges | af Fraunce and of Englonde / as it is afore
sayd / And at al | halowen tyde after bothe two kynges metten to geder at
Caleys | with bothe theyr counseyls / And there were shewyd the Arty- 1 cles
and condicions of the pees and acorde / to whiche both party- | es agreed and
promysed to obserue and kepe /where forthwith | was songe a solempne masse/
And after the thyrdde Agnus dei | vppon goddes bodye / and also on the
myssale bothe kjmges her | sonnes / and the grettest lordes of both EoyameS
beyng tho there | presente swore to holde obserue and kepe the sayd pees and
acor- I de / and alle other couenauntes that were ordeyned bytwene hem |
Aboute this tyme saynt Brygytte an hooly wydowe of | the Eoyamme of
Swethen had many reuelacions to bee enfor- | med vnto alle thastate of the
chirche / And Instytued and fou | ded an ordre newe of women and of men /
wherof she is Patro- | nes / her feste is kepte the two and twentyest day of
Juyll / I Jn the same yere were grete and sodajme tempestes / and strong |
lyghtnynge and thondrynge / by whiche howsynge beestes and | trees were
perysshed / And the deuyl appered in maunys lyke- | nesse to moche peple in
djnierse places and spak to hem / | Also in dyuerse places of the worlde
were erthe quaues / in soo | moche that Basyle the Cyte fyUe doune with many
Castles a- | boute hit / / That tyme men dweUyd in woodes as j
beestes and durste not entre in to Cytees / That tyme | were many
batayUes / Pestylence and honger in many places / | Also ui dyuerse places the
Erthe caste oute whyte water / and | stjmkjmge . whiche onerthrewe and made
to falle Castels and | stronge places on many places of the worlde / Jn this j
yere in the feste of Conuersion of saynt Poule kynge Edward | helde a
Begin recto parlameutc at Westmynstre / Jn whiche was shewyd || the pees / and acorde
ofsig. 50 2. j)^a^(jg bytwene the two kynges / | Jtem In the same yere in the
Ascencion euen was seen Eclyp- | se of the Sonne / Wherupon fyU a grete
droughte / and that for | defaute of Eayn fyll grete derth of Corne and heye /
Also this I same yere the same monethe fyUe Eayne in Burgoyne almoost |

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 199
lyke to blood / And a Crosse almoost reede was seen in the ayer | there / Also
in the same tyme was seen in Fraunce / in Englond / | and in many other places
appyere two Castles / oute of whiche | yssued oute two hoostes of Armed men/
that one was clothed | in whyte / that other in black/ And whanne the batayUe
was I bygonne bytwene them / the white onercome the black / j And soone
after the black onercome the whyte / And thenne j they retourned in to theyr
castels and soo vanysshed aweye / | Jn this yere was an huge pestylence /
and this yere deyde Syre | Harry duck of laucastre/ Jn the same yere
Edward prynce | of wales maryed the Coutesse of kente . that was Syr Thomas]
holandes wyf/ whiche was somtyme dyuorsed fro the Erie of | Salysbury /for
cause of the same knyght / Aboute this ty | me a grete company of dyuerse
nacions assemblyd theym to gy- 1 der / of whome the gouernours and leders
were Englysshmen / | whiche dyde moche harme in Fraunce / Anone after
aroos ano- 1 ther companye of dyuerse nacions / that were callyd the whyte |
companye whiche in the coimtrayes of lombardy dyde moche har | me/
This same yere Syre Johan of Gaunt sone to kynge ed- 1 ward the thyrdde
was made duk of laucastre by hys wyf dough | ter and heyr of henry duk
of laucastre that deyde / |
Also this yere was a grete wynde /which ouerthrewe houses | Trees /and many
a steple in Englond / Jtem in this yere | kynge Edward made Syre leonel
his Sonne duc of Clarence / | And Edmond his other sonne Erie of Cambrydge/
Jn this I yere was ordeyned by a parlament that men of lawe shold pie | te in
theyr moder tongue/ Jn that yere cam in to Englond | the kynges of Fraunce /
Cypres / and Scotland /Whiche were wor | shipfuUy receyued / And after they
had ben here long tyme / two | of hem wente in to theyr Countrayes ageyne
But the kynge | of Fraunce for grete sekenesse that he had abode stylle in
En- 1 glond / Sequitur Capitulum Secundum
Capitulum secundum / Begin verso
ofsig. 50 2.
His yere was an huge froste lastyng fro saynt Andrews | tyde vnto the
fourtenthe kalendas of apryU/ Jn this yere | ther was a scoler whiche
slepte contynueUy by the terme of se- 1 uen yere in lubyke / And after he
awoke and lyued long tyme / j Also this yere was a grete batayU kytwene
Syre Johan of | Mountford duc of Brytayne and Syre Charles de bloys / but |
the vyctorye fyUe to syre Johan thurgh helpe and socoure of en- | glysshmen /
This same yere deyde at the maner of sauoye kynge j Johan of Fraunce / and

200 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
A.D. 1364. after was caryed to saynt denys iu j Frauce / & there buryed / After Jnnocent
the fyfth vrban was | pope eyght yere / This was abbot of massylyen of saynt
benettes | ordre doctour of decrees and reputed an hooly man / he made to
be I preched grete pardon to warre ageynst the turkes / vnto | him seint
brygytta was sente from Cryst for confermacion of her Eule & | ordre / Atte
last / he was poysoned and deyde / Jn this yere seynt | katheryn of Senys was
in her floures an hooly vyrgyn of the | ordre of the frere prechours she had
the stygmates in her handes | and feete and side whiche deyde the yere of our
lord / M / CCC & I four score This yere was ordeyned that Peter pens from
thes I forth sholde not be payd / whiche of old tyme was graunted for |
contynuynge of scole in Eome / Jn this yere was borne at bour- [ deux Eychard
prynce Edwardys sonne / whiche after the deth of | his fader and of kyng
edward also was crowned kyng in the | enleuenthe yere of his age by ryght
lygne and assent of al the | comunes of the royame / This yere fyl a grete
variance in spayn | & grete warre bytwene peter ryghtful kyng of spayne / &
Henry | his bastarde broder / in soo moche that kynge peter cam to prynce j
Edward to bourdeux to axe socour and helpe of hym /on whome | he had
grete compasspn & pyte / And by lycence of kyng edward | his fader / he
pourueyed for his ayde and helpe / Jn this tyme | was seen thre dayes
duryng in the scottyssh see two Egles / One | comyng out of the south / & that
other out of the north / which fo- | ught fyersly to geder / & the south fyrst
scomfyted the north egle / | & he than fled home ageyne to his own costys /
& anon after were | seen many sterrys gadred to geder on one hepe / which fyl
doun to I therth leming with fire lemes in mari of lightnynges / whos fla | mes
brente mens clothes / & heris walkyng on the groud / In this | yere prince
Begin recto cdward / & the duk of lacastre his broder with a grete || Armee wente in to
spayn . and had a batayU at nazers ageynst | Syre harry the Bastard whiche
had putte doune kynge Peter | & wan the batayUe / and had the vyctorye / and
put the bastard | and his men to flyght and there were slayne a syx thousand
of I the bastardes partye and a two thousande prysonners taken / of whome the
Erie of dene Syre bertram claykyn and many other | lordes were prysoners /
& the noble Prynce Edward restored | the sayd kyng peter to his Eoyamme
ageyne / Jn the same yere | was seen a blasyng sterre named Cometa bytwene
the north & | south with hemes toward fraunce / In this yere sir leonel kynge |
Edwardes sone duc of clarence wente to melane / and maryed | the doughter of
galoys / And in the natyuyte of oure lady he dey | de / Jn this yere the bastard
of spayne reentryd ageyne / and sle- 1 we the kyng Peter the two and twentyest
day of august/

of sig. 50 3.

m-

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 201
Jn this same yere the Frensshmen brake the pees / rydyng in | Guyan and
Pontiew takynge castels and tonnes /surmysynge | on the englysshe men subtylly
and vntruly that they were cause | of the brekynge of the pees . Jn this
same yere deyde the | Duchesse laucastre and is buryed at Powlys in london
Capitulum Tercium
N this yere / xhiij / of the kynge was a greete pestylence | and a greete a.d. 1370.
moreyn of Beestes / And there fylle soo gre- 1 te waters that it caused
greete destruction of Corne / in soo moche | that the nexte yere folowyng a
busshel of whete was worth thre | schyllynges & foure pens / In the laste day
of may was holden a | parlemente at Westmynstre for the brekynge of the pees
of the I Frensshmen / aud how the wronges myght be redressyd and aue | gyd /
Jn this sayd yere in thassumpcion of oure lady deyde que- 1 ne philyp / and is
buryed at westmynstre / At mydsomer this | same yere the duc of laucastre /
and the Erie of Herford with | a grete companye of men of warre wente ouer
see toward Frau | ce / & on ChalkhyUe bytwene saynt Omers & guynes was an
hu I ge hooste of frensshmen / & the boost of englysshe men fast by the | same /
whiche hadde long leyn there / & dyuerse Englysshe men yaf | counseyU for to
fyght with the frensshmen / but the lordes & capi | tayns wold not /Anone after
it happed that therle of warwyck || come thyderward / And whanne the Begin verso
Frensshemen herde of his co- 1 mynge er he cam fuUy to londe they lefte
theyr tentes and pauy- 1 Ions with aU theyr vytayl / and fledde theyr weye /
And whan | therle was londed he hasted toward normandy / And in his
co-|myng ageyne toward Caleys he deyde on the Pestylence / | Jn this yere
at mydsomer was made an hooste / and Syre Eo- 1 bert knoUys was made
gouernour / And whanne they cam in to | Franuce / as longe as they helde hem
to geder / the Frensshmen | durst not come neygh them / But atte last for
enuye and couety | se that was among them they discorded and sundryd them
in I to dyuerse companyes / whiche couraged the Frensshmen / in soo | moche
that they cam frely on our Englysshmen / and for the most | parte toke and
slewe hem / Jn the same yere Pope | vrban cam fro Eome to
Auynyon / purposynge to haue made a | fynal pees bytwene Englond and
Fraunce / But er he beganne | his traytye he deyde / Somme saye he was
poysoned / After | vrban / the enleuenthe Gregory was pope eyght yere /
This pope | was callyd to fore Petrus de bello forte / he was deken Cardynal |
and deyde in Eome in goddes pees / After hym folowed | grete trybulacion
in the chirche whiche god shewyd by Eeuela- 1 cion- to saynt Brygytte for the
TOL I. E B

ofsig. 50 3.

202 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
synnes of men of the chirche / | Jn the same yere Prynce Edward beynge at
Burdeux by tha- 1 uys of his counseyl byganne to sette Imposicions and taxes
vp I on the duchye of Guyan / wherfore the Cyte of lymoge rebeUyd | & fought
ageynst hym / & other moo also and torned from hym | to the Frensshe kynge /
wherfore he toke and destroyed that Cyte | And slough al that was therynne /
Sone after Prynce Ed- 1 ward cam in to Englonde leuynge behynde hym in
Gascoyne | the duck of laucastre / and Syre Edmond Erie of Cambrydge j with
other worthy men of armes / Jn the parlement at | Westmynstre was
graunted to the kynge a subsydye of fyfty | thousand pound to be payd of the
laye fee / And thenne in hate- 1 red of men of the chirche / the lordes putte out
of offyce the chau | celer / the Tresorer / and the pryue Seal / and in theyr
A.D. 1374. stede were | putte seculer men / Jn the eyght and fourtyest yere | of
the Eegne of kynge Edward the duk of laucastre / and the | Erie of Cambrydge
the kynges sones cam oute of guyan in to | englond and were maryed to two
susters / doughters & heyres | of kyng peter of spayne / That same yere
Frensshe men besye- 1 ged Eochel / wherfore the Erie of Penbroke was sente
Begin recto iu to || Gascoyu wtth a greete company of men of armes / And er they | couthe
o sig- 5° 4- Q-Q^^Q i^ the hauen of Eochel ther cam vppon hem a strou- 1 nauye of spayne /
whiche scomfyted the Englysshe men / and | toke the Erie with grete tresour
and many other noble men / | Thenne the kynge with a grete boost entryd
the see to haue reue- 1 ged the siege of Eochel / but the wynde wold not serue
hym / I Wherfore he taryed longe at the see Cost/ abydynge after a good j
wynde / but it cain not / and soo he retourned home ageyne / | Thenne the
duc of laucastre with a grete boost wente in to Flan- 1 dres / and passyd thurgh
pycardye to parys / and soo thurgh aUe | Fraunce / tUl he cam to burdeux
withoute ony resystence /
Aboute this tyme wenzelaus sone of charies kyng of Boheme | his fader yet
lyuyng was electe and chosen to be Emperour / | he beyng a chUde / of
whiche empyre he toke none heede / ne rought | not / Wherfore after he had
regued four and twenty yere/ and af | ter many warnyuges he was deposed /his
lecherous lyf defouled | hys noble wytte /and his ende was withoute worshippe/
For he | was neuer crowned with a dyademe /
Jn this yere were sent fro the pope two bisshops / one of rauene | & one of
carpentras for to treate bytwene two kynges of frauce & | of englond / & day
was holden at Brugys in flaudres / & ther we | re for the kyng of englond the
duc of laucastre / the bisshop of Ion | don | and many other / And for the
Frensshe kynge the Duc of | Burgoyne / his broder the bisshop of Amyens /
and many other | but they concluded no thyng /

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 203
Capitulum quartum
N the fyftyest yere of kynge edwardes regne on Trynyte | sondaye that a.d. 1376.
yere the eyghte daye of Juyn deyde the noble | Prynce edward at
kenyngton / and brought to westmestre wher | he had his obsequye / and fro
thens caryed to caunterburye / and | there worshipfuUy beryed besyde saynt
thomas shryne / Aboute | this tyme bartholus & baldus greete doctours of lawe
were in | her floures / After the deth of pope gregory the / xj began the worst j
scysme that euer was in the chirche whiche dured xl / yere / For | at rome was
vrban the syxthe chosen by force & strength of the || Eomaynes / And this Begm verso
dyde the Cardynals for drede / ageynste | theyr entente and wyU/ therfore they °^''^' ^° '^
fledde to the cyte fundorum | saynge hym not to be pope / And chose in his
place Eobertum de | gebennis / the same yere whiche was named the seuenth
clement | And thus beganne the scysme / Jn the fyfthe yere the mayre of j
london Adam stable was dyscharged the / xxj day of marche / | And
nicholas brembre chosen by vertu of a lettre that cam from | the kyng / The
same yere was a grete parlemente at westmynstre / j in whiche the kynge
axyd a grete subsydye / but the Commynes j answerd that they myght no
lenger bere suche charges / aud sa- 1 yde they knewe wel that the kynge had
good ynowgh for hym | self and for sauyng of his Eoyame / yf the Eoyamme
were weU j gouerned / but it hadde be longe euyl ruled by euyl offycers | that
the londe myght not be plentiuous of chaffare marchaudyse | ne Eyches/&
shewyd many complayntes of dyiisers officers of | the Eoyamme / And namely
on the lord latemer the kynges cha | berlayn / and on dame Alyce pyers / for .
grete wronges that j mysgouernaunce that were done by theyr counseylle /
desyrynge | that they sholde be remeuyd and other putte in theyr stede /
suche I as were wyse true / wel proued and of good gouernaunce / | And
soo amonge aU other they chees Syre Pyers delamare a | wyse knyght and
eloquent for to be speker for the commynes / | And by cause the same Syre
Pyers tolde and publysshed the | trouthe / rehersynge the wronges don by
dyuerse personnes of the | kynges hous / Anone after the deth of the good
prynce Edward | he was putte in to perpetuel prysonne / The same
yere | anone after Candelmasse durynge the sayd parlement a subsy- 1 dye was
graunted to the kynge bothe of the Clergye / and of | the temporalyte / that is
to saye of the temporalyte of euery per- 1 sone passynge fourten yere of age / he
shold haue four pens / except j poure beggers / And of euery man of hooly
Chfrche benefyced | or promoted twelue pens / aud vnpromoted foure pens /
excepte | the four ordres of Freres / The same Eychard Prynce |
E E 2

204 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
Edwardys sonne was made prynce of wales / And to hym the | kynge gafe the
Ducherye of Cornewayle / and the Erldome of | chestre / Jn the / hj / yere
A.D. 1377. of kynge Edwardes regne the / xj / | kalendys of Juyn the sayd kynge Edward
June 21st. ^^^.^^ ^ ^^-g jQauer I at Shene / and from thens brought to westmynstre / and
there | buryed worshipfuUy atte southe syde of saynt edwardes Shryne | On
whoos soule god haue mercy / Amen /
Capitulum 5.
Begm reefo FtcT kyug Edward the thyrd Eegned rychard the second | that was the
0 sig. 50 5. noble prynce edwardes sone of wales / which | kyng Eychard was bome
at bourdeux / he was crouned at west | mestre / the enleuenth yere of his
A.D. 1378. age / Jn the second yere f of his regne the lord latemer and Syre Eauf
Ferys stryuyng | and beyng at debate with Syre Eobert hawle and one
shakleye j for the Erie of dene theyr prysoner cam in to westmynstre chfrch |
and there slough atte hye masse tyme the sayd hawle / And Sha | kle was
arestyd and putte in the toure of london / Jt is sayd | that this was done by
commaundemente of the duc of Gloucetre | Wherfore he cam / and was assoyUed
at westmynstre . and made | greete amendes and gafe grete gyftes and Jewellys
therfore to | the sayd chirche / Aboute this tyme the fest of the vy- 1
sytacion of our lady was bygonne by pope vrban the enleuenth | after the
forme and also the same pardon that is yeuen to the fes- 1 te of the Sacramente /
whiche feste is holden the second daye of | JuyU / Jn this tyme the grete
maystre of Ehodes entryd | in to Turquye with a grete companye / And there
by the Grekes / j that were with the Turkes he was discomfyted and taken /
and I the remenaunt of his peple deed and taken to fore a Castel caUid j
A.D. 1379. Sayette / Jn the thyrdde yere of his regne cam certayne galeyes j of warre oute
of Fraunce in to dyuerse portis of Englond and | robbed / brente / and slue
moche peple / in so moche that they cam | to grauysende and brente a grete
part of the toune / | Jn the same yere was ordeyned at a parlement
at westmynstre / | that euery man and woman past fourtene yere of age / shold
pa- 1 ye to the talage four pens / wherfor fyl afterward moch meschyef j For in
A.D. 1380. the fourth yere of his regne the Comous aroos in dyner | se partyes in Englond/
and dyde moche harme / and it was caUyd j the hurlyng tyme / And they of
kente and of Estsex made hem | two Capytayns callyd Jac strawe | and watte
Tyler / And | they assembled on blacheth / and on corpus Cristi day they cam |
in to Southwerk / and lete oute all the prysoners of the kynges | benche and
marchal see / And cam in to london and robbed aUe | the alyens aud straungers

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 205
and sloughe and made hauoke / j On the mome after they cam to the
toure of london where the kyn | ge was presente the same tyme / and toke oute
the Archebisshop II of Caunterbury / and the pryour of saynt Johans/and a Begin verso
why- 1 te Frere confessour to the kyng and smote of theyr hedes atte tour | " ^'^' ^° ''
hyU / thenne come they ageyne to london aud slewe men of lawe / | and other
worthy men in dyuerse partyes of the toune / Thenne | wente they to the duc
of lancastres place caUyd Sauoye /and j destroyed it doune /and bare awey the
goodes that they might fyn j de and brente the place / thenne wente they to
westmestre and sa- 1 ynt martyns the graunt . and delyuerd them aU oute of
sayntua | rye that were therynne for ony maner grythe / Thenne cam they | to
the Temples / and to alle other Junes of men of lawe . and de | spoyUed and
brente theyr bookes / Thenne came they to london a- 1 geyne / and toke oute al
the prysoimers felons and other oute of | newgate / and both countours and
destroyed theyr bookes / Thene | on the monday kyng Eychard sent for the
mayr of london WiU- 1 iam walworth / and his aldermen / aud they wente to
speke and | knowe thentencion of thyse rebellous peple / Thenne this |
Jac strawe lete make an oye in the felde that all his peple shold | come nere
and here his crye and wyU / Thenne the lordes the ma j yer & aldermen hauyng
indignacion of his presumpcion and co- 1 netyse / and the mayer seenge that he
dyd noo reuerence to the | kynge starte to hym and slewe the sayd Jac straw
Capytayne j of the EebeUys and anone his hede was smyten of/ And the he | de
reysed vp that all myght see hit / And forthwith Incontynet | aUe tho Eysers
and mysgouerned peple fledde awey/ | Thenne the kyng forthwith
dubbyd the mayer knyght / and fy | ue of his bretheren Aldermen / that is to
saye Syr wUUam wal | worth Mayer / Syre Nychol Brambre / Syr Johan
Phylpot / I Syre Nychus Twyford / Syre Eobert laundre / and Syre Eo- 1 bert
gayton / And after this as they myght take and gete thyse | rebeUys and
mysgouerned people / they henge hem vp by ten / by | twelue twenty &c / In
the fyfth yere was a grete erth qua | ue thurgh oute al the world / the one a.d. issi.
and twentyest day of maye | Of whiche al maner peple was sore aferd /
This yere que | ne Anne cam in to englond and was maryed vnto kyng richard |
at westmynstre / Jn the syxth yere Syre Henry spencer | bisshop of a.d. i382.
norwiche wente ouer see with a Croysye in to Flaun- 1 dres and gate the townes
of grauenyug / burbugh / and Dun- 1 kyrke / And ther he dyde do lade one and
fyfty shippes with pil | lage and goodes whiche sholde haue comen in to Englond .
But I the Bisshop lete brenne the shippes with aUe the pyUage in the || same Begin recto
hauen / And he had a grete batayl with the Flemyuges at | dunkyrke / and ° ^'^' ^°
there were slayn an huge multitude of Flemyn | ges / The Bisshop with his

206 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
retenue wente and besyeged Jpre | longe tyme / but he couthe not gete it / And
by cause many of his | men deyde there of the flux / he cam ageyne in to
englond / |
The same yere was a batayUe done within the kynges palays j at
westmynstre for certayne pojmtes of treasonne bytwene Syre | Johan Ansley
knyght defendaunt / and garton Squyer appel | launt / And the defendaunt
discomfyted thappeUaunt / Alle this | tyme dured the Scysme / For vrban at
Eome was chosen Pe- 1 tms de thomacellys / and was named Bonefacius Nonus /
1 3 ye- 1 re / And after Clemens was chosen in Auynyon Petrus de lu- 1 na /
whiche was named / benedictus / xiij / and he abode pope there | two and
twenty yere/ And after Boneface was Jnnocencius j septimus two yere / And
after hym Gregorius 1 29 /. vij /yere /and | after hym Alexander greens one
yere / And thene after hym Jo | hannes visesimus tercius / and thenne at
Counseyl! of Constan- 1 ce was chosen martinus quintus / and soo of aUe thyse
forsayd | popes from gregorius vndecimus vnto Martinus Quintus en- j dured
the scysme by the space of fourty yere that it was not kno | wen who was the
very and vndoubted pope |
Capitulum sextum /
A.D. 1384. N the eyght yere of kyng Eychardes regne / Syr edmond | of langely Erie
of Cambrydge the kynges vncle wente | in to Portyngale with a grete
companye of men of Armes and | Archers in strengthyng and helpyng the
kynge of Portyngale | ageynst the kynge of Spayne / And there the kynge of
Portyn- | gale had the vyctorye / That done the Erie of Cambrydge | cam
home ageyne with his Armye in to englond / The same j yere kyng Eychard
helde his Crystemasse at Eltham / The kyng | of Ermonye the same tyme fledde
oute of his owne londe / and | cam vnto kynge Eychard for socour and ayde /
For the Turkys | had deuoured & destroyed moche of his londe / The kyng
hauyng | grete pyte & compassion of his grete meschyef toke coiiseyl herup |
on / And it was concluded that the kynge shold yeue hym some | good / for
Begm verso taucuture Ms pcplc SO fcrrc it were a grete leopardye || And so the kyng gaf
ot sig. 50 6. -j^jj^ gQ-^d and syluer and many ryche yef | tes / and betaught hym to god and
soo he departed oute of En- | glond This same yere kynge Eychard with
a grete and puis | saunt Armee wente toward Scotland / And the Scottys
sente | to the kynge and desyred and made grete laboure for to haue a |
tryeus / soo a tryeus was taken and made / and thenne the kyng | retorned to
york / and there Syre Johan holond therle of kentis j broder slewe therlys

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 207
sone of Stafford / wherfore the kyng was so- | re mened / and retorned to
london/ Jn the nynthe yere | of his regne was a parlement at westmynstre/ a.d. 1385.
Jn whiche the | kynge made and created two Dukes / Fyue Erlys / and a mar-|
quys / Syr Edmond of langely the kynges vncle Erie of cam | brydge was made
duc of york Syre thomas of wodestok | his other vncle that was Erie of
bokyngham was made duc of | Gloucetre / Syre leonel vere Erie of Oxenford
was made Mar- j quys of deuelyn / Harry bolyngbroke the dukes sonne of
lan I castre was made erle of derby / Syre Edward the dukes so | ne of
york was made erle of Euthlond . Syre Johan holond the | Erie of Ijentys
broder was made erle of huntyngdon/ | Syr Thomas monbray erle
of notyugham was made Erie mar | chal of Englond/ Syre mychel de la pole
knyght was made | Erie of Suffolk / and Chaunceler of Englond / Atte this
sa- I me parlement therle of marche was proclamed heyre apparaute | to the
crowne of Englond after kynge Eychard / The said Er | le of marche wente
ouer see in to Jrlond vnto his lordship therl | dome of vlster whiche was hys
by enherytaunce / And there as j he lay on a tyme in a castel of his /there cam
vppon hym greete j multitude of wylde Jrysshe men / and he cam oute of his
CasteU I fyersly with his peple / and fought with hem manly / and there | he
was slayne / Jn the tenth yere the erle of Arondel went | to the See with
a greete nauye / and there he mette an hoole flete | comynge fro the Eochel
laden with wyn/ whiche were enemyes | goodes whiche flete he toke and
brought in to dyuerse hauens in | Englond / and somme vnto london / where
men myght bye a tonne | of Eochel wyn for twenty schyUynges / Jn the
enleuenth | yere of his regne was tharysyng of certayn lordes in englond in | a.d. 1387.
destruction of rebeUys / &c / that is to saye Syre Thomas wodestok j duk of
gloucetre / Syre Eychard erle of arundele / Syre Eichard | erle of warwyk /
Syre harry of Bolyngbroke Erie of Derby / | And Syre thomas monbray erle
marchal These fyue lordes of || vnderstode the myschyef & gouemauce of the Begin recto
kynges counceylle j wherfor they that were that tyme of the kynges couseyU °^*'s-5o ?•
fled out I of the londe/ that is to saye mayster Alysaunder neuel Archebis | shop
of york / Syre mychel de la pole Erie of Suffolk & chaun | celer of englond /
and the marquys of deuelyn / Syr Eobert le ve- j re / these thre lordes cam
neuer ageyne iu to englond / for they dey | de beyonde the see / These fyue
lordes aboue sayd made a parlemet | at westmestre / and there they toke Syre
Eobert Tresylyon Jus j tyce / Syre nychol brembre knyght and Cyteseyne of
london / Syr | Johan Salesbury knyght and vske sergeaunt with other moo j
whiche were Juged to deth and were drawe to Tyburn / and | there hanged /
Also in the same parlemente / Syre Symon beuer- | ley knyght of the garter /

208 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
Syre Johan beauchamp knyght sty- 1 ward of the kynges hous /and syr Johan
bemeis were byhedid | atte toure hyUe Also Eobert bealknap Johan holte/
Johan I Cary / William burgh / Eobert fulthorp and Johan lokton Jus | tyses
were exyled in to Irlond ther for to dweUe aU her ly£ ty- | me / Jn the
A.D, 1388. twellifth yere duryng the sayd parlement was | holden a general Justys in
smythfelde of lordes knyghtes and | squyers for aU maner straungers that
wolde come / holdyng open | housholde to hem and aUe other . And alle they
of the kyugys | hous were of one sute / theyr Cotys / theyr armys / theyr
sheldes / | and theyr trappours were browdrid aU with whyte hertis with |
Crownes of gold about theyr neckes and cheynes of gold han j gyng theron
whiche hertys was the kynges leuerey that he yaf | to lordes ladyes knyghtes
and squyers to knowe his houshold pe | pie from other / Thenne four and
twenty ladyes comynge to the j Justys ladde four and twenty lordes with
cheynes of gold and | aUe in the same sute of hertes as is a fore sayd from the
tour on I horsbak thurgh the Cyte of london in to smythfeld / To this feste |
cam many grete lordes straungers oute of Fraunce / henaud / Ho | lond and of
other countreyes/ whiche feste and Justes endured j four and twenty dayes
vppon the kynges cost / whanne the feste | was ended and Justys the king
thankyng the straungers yaue | to them grete yeftes / And thenne they toke
A.D. 1389. thefr leue / and so de- | parted / Jn the thirtenth yere was a bataiUe done in
the pala | ys at westmestre bitwene a Squyer of nauerne that was with | the
kinge / and a squyer callid Johan walssh for pointes of trea | sonne / that he of
nauerne put vppon this walssh / but in the ende | he of nauerne was onercome
Begin verso aud discoufyted in the felde / || & yelded hym / And anon he was despoyUed
of his armure and | drawen oute of the palays vnto Tybume / and there
hanged/ | Capitulum Septimum/
A.D. 1390. i N the fourtenthe yere Sir Johan of Gaunt duk of lancas | tre with a
grete hooste wente in to spayne to Clayme and j chalenge his ryght by
his wyues tytle vnto the Crowne of spa- | yne / and he had with hym
the Duchesse his wyf and his thre j doughters . And therafter grete
commynycacion herupon had they | were acorded and concluded that the
kynge of Spayne shold | marye the duck of lancastres doughter / And he shold
yeue to the | duck of laucastre gold and syluer / whiche was casten in to grete j
wedgys and soo many other Jewellys / as moche as eyght cha- ( ryottis myghte
carye/ And euery yere after durynge the lyf of | the due /and his wyf/ ten
thousand marc of gold/ Of whiche | golde they of spayne sholde aduenture

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 209
and bere the Jeopardye | therof/ and brynge yerly vnto bayou to the dukes
assygnees / by j surete made / Also the duc of laucastre dyde doo marye
ano- 1 ther of his doughters to the kyng of Portyngale the same tyme / | And
thenne he retourned / and cam ageyne in to Englond with | his wyf/ Jn
this yere the Turkes made grete warre | ageynste Crystendome Vnto the
Cyte of Jene / wherfore the Je- | newayes sente to the kynge of Fraunce for
ayde / and also to the | kynge of Englond / And soo ther were wente oute of
Fraunce | fyften honderd knyghtes with the duc of Borbon / and the Erie | of
ewe / and other / And oute of Englond wente the Erie of | Alby a valyaunt
man with certayne Archers / And they ship- | ped at marcellis / and wente
and besyeged thunes in Barba- 1 rye and made there many skarmuches / and
putte oute ofte the j Sarasyns / but in thende the turke fered / and made
trewes for j a seasonne / and delyuerd alle the Crysten prysonners / and
payd I ten thousand ducatis / and soo the Crysten men retorned hoome |
ageyne / Jn the fyftenth yere of kynge Eychardes reg- | ne / he helde a.d. 1391.
his Crystemas at wodestok / where therle of Penbro- | ke a yonge lorde and
tendre of age wolde lerne Juste with a | knyght called Syre Johan saynt
Johan / And rode to geder in | the parke / And there the Erie was slayn with
the knyghtes spe | re as he cast it from hym / whanne they hadde coped / ||
This yere Johan hynde beynge that tyme mayer of london & \ lohan Begin recto
Shadeworth aud henry vanner shereues were dysharged | of theyr offyces ° ^'^' ^°
before saynt Johans day baptyst / and the kyng | seased the fraunchyse and
lybertees of the Cyte of london / And | ordeyned a.nd constitued Syr Edward
dalyngredge wardeyn of | the Cyte / and endured in his offyce vnto the fyrst
day of JuyU | the yere / xvj / And thenne Syr Bowdwyn Eadyngton was | a.d. 1392.
made wardeyue to saynt Symons daye and Jude / The cause ther | of was for
a bakers man berying a basket with hors brede fri to | Fletestrete / there come
a man of the bisshop of Salesburyes that | toke oute an hors loof oute of the
baskette / wherfore the bakers | man stroue with the yoman / soo that the
Bisshops man brake j the bakers mans heede / Thenne neyghbours come aboute
to haue | rescowed hym and to haue arestyd the Bisshops man / But he | scope
fro hem in to his lordes place / The Constable cam and wold | haue had hym
out / but they withynne the place kept it that they | myght not come in / And
thene come the mayer with moche peple | and sayde / they wold haue hym
oute or brenne the place / and aU | that were therin / The Bisshop beynge
tresorer of Englonde and | the archebisshop of Caunterbujy wente to geder to
wyndesore to | the kynge / and made a grete complaynte to the kyng and his
cou I seyUe of the Cyte of london / And the kynge sente for the mayer | and
TOL. I. I" E

210 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
shereues / and yaf hem grete rebukes for thoffence that they | hadde done
ageynst hym and his offycers in his Chambre of Ion | don / And deposed the
mayer and shereues / and made a wardeyne | of the Cyte as afore is sayd / Jn
A.D. 1392-3. the syxtenth yere the kyng with | drewe his courtes from westmynstre to
yorke / whiche were there | holden and kepte fro the feste of sayut Johan
baptyst unto Cry | stemasse after / Thenne atte requeste of the goode Queue
Anne & | of the bisshop of london thene callyd grauesende / the kyng grau |
ted the Fraunchyse and lybertees to the Cyte of london aud they | of london
gaf to seynt edwards shryne a table of syluer and ena | meled stondyng on the
Awter / And after this the mayer Alder | men and shereuys mette with the
kyng submyttynge them hum | bly to hym as they ought do / And resseyuyng
the kyng thurgh | the Cyte with grete tryumphe / and brought hym to
westmynstre j And on the mome after the mayer aldermen and shreues presen- 1
tyng the sayd table & other yeftes prayd the kynge of his good | and speciaU
grace to haue theyr lybertees and Fraunchyses / as | they hadde to fore tyme /
Begin verso Aud SOO the kyug granuted to them aUe || theyr askynge and wente home
0 sig. 50 . g^ggyjjg j jj.^ |.]^-g g^jjjg ygpg I ^Q (j^Q Qf laucastre was sente in to Fraunce to
demaunde a myl | lion of scutes whiche was due for the raunson of kyng
Johan / I And dyuerse places as peytowe Eochell / and a parte of Guy | an /
And he was answerd by the counseylle of Fraunce that the | men of warre
of Englond hadde done harme in Fraunce aboue | the trewes to the somme of
thre mylions / whiche oughte to be | repayred fyrst / and so departed ageyne /
A.D. 1393. Jn the seuententhe | yere come oute of Scotlande certayne lordes in to Englonde
to ge- I te worship by fete of armes / Therle of morryf chalengid the Erie |
marchal of Englonde to luste with hym ou hors back with shar- | pe speres /
And soo they roode to geder certayne courses / but not | the fuU chalenge / For
the Scottyssh Erie was caste bothe hors & | man / & two of his rybbes broken
with the same falle / and soo bor | ne home in to his Inne / & anone after was
caryed homewarde | in a httyer / and at York he deide Syre wilham darel
banerer | of Scotlande • and Syre pyers Courtney the kynges banerer of | of
englond ryden to gyder certain courses of warre hitte & assayed | The
Scottysshe knyght seyng he myght not haue the beter / yafe it | ouer / and
wold noo more ofthe chalenge/ Thenne one Cok- | bum Squyer of Scotland
and Syre nychol hauberk rode fyue | coursys / and at euery cours the Scot
A.D. 1393. was caste bothe hors and | man / This same yere the seuententh day of Juyn
deyde the good | queue Anne kynge Eychardes wyf/ And lyeth buryed at west |
mynstre by saynt Edwardes shryne / |

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 211
Capitulum Octauum.
N the yere 1494 were trewes taken bytwene the kyng of | Fraunce / and a.d. 1394.
the kynge of Englonde for foure yere / | Also this same yere aboute
Crystemasse kynge Eychard wente | fyrst in to Jrlond / After wenzelaus /
Eupertus ahas Eobertus | was Emperour nyne yere / This Eobertus duk of
bayer and | Counte Palatjm on the Eyn a luste and trewe man and a ca- |
tholyke / he was crowned of the nynthe Boneface the Pope / He | entryd in to
ytalye with a grete armye ageynst duk galyace / but | he retorned with grete
losse/ About this tyme was that cur | syd heresye of Johan wyclyf in
Englond / and Johan hus in | bohemye / and lerome of praghe / which heresye
enfected moch peple || And vnder the habyte of a lambe hy dynge woluysshe Begin recto
cmelte | hadde purposed to subuerte alle the state of the chfrche. And the | wM?h"'^foi-'
sklaunderous scysme whiche was in this euyU tyme was a gre | te helpe to ^"^gi^'f;
them/ Also this tyme the heresyee Ada- j mitarum beganne original.
to growe in Boheme / but it was putt doune | by the hussytys / That was
ouer grosse and vnshamefast / | For they wente naked / and Indyffrently
dyde theyr lecherye j with wommen / Petrus de Elyaco / aud
Johan Ger- 1 son his disciple both doctours of dyuynyte of Parys were in
her I floures this tyme • / Jn this yere were merueyllous | grete wyndes
thre monethes contynuelly / and specially in sep | tember that ouerthrewe
greete trees with fruyte howses chyme- 1 neyes and steples / And ther was seen
in langedok in Fraunce / | a grete sterre aud fyue lyteU sterres "assayllynge the
grete / and | poursyewed it by the space of an houre / and a voys cryeng fro |
heuene . And after was seen a man semyug of Copper holdyng | a spere in his
handes by the greete sterre / and smote hit / | And after that it was no
more seen / Jn other places we- 1 re herde the noyse of harneysed men
fyghtynge / |
Jn the nynetenthe yere of kyng Eychard / he wente | to Calays / and a.d. 1395-6.
maryed there queue Jsabel the kynges doughter | of Fraunce ¦ At whiche tyme
the Frensshe lordes were sworen | on a booke that aUe couenauntes . Forwardys
and composicions | ordeyned and made on both sydes shold be truly holden and
kept I withoute contradiction or dylaye in ony maner wyse / | And whanne
this Eyal maryage was done and fynysshed / | kynge Eychard with dame Jsabel
his queue cam in to Englond | And the mayer of london with aU his bretheren
with grete mul | titude of the Comous of the Cyte & the Craftys resseyued hem |
worshipfuUy atte Blacheth and brought hem to saynt Georges | barre / And
there takynge theyr leue • the kynge and the Queue | roode to kenyngton /
E F 2

ofsig. 52
A.D. 1396-7

212 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
And after that withynne a whyle the j queue cam to the Toure of london /
at whoos comyng was moche | harme done / For on london brydge were nyne
personnes crow | ded to deth / Of whome the pryour of Typtre was one / | And
from the tour she wente thurgh the Cyte of london to west | mynstre / and there
she was crowned / And after | this kyng rychard by appoyntemente
delyuerd the toun of brest | to the duc of brytayne / wherof bygon moche
Begin verso trouble and sorowe || whiche dured vnto his deth • Jn the twentyest yere
kyng I Eychard dyde holde a grete feste at westmynstre / At whiche feste |
arryued the Sowdyours that hadde kepte breste / And sate atte | dyner in the
hall / and after dyner the Duc of Gloucetre sayd to | the kynge / Syre haue ye
not seen tho felawes that sate at dyner | in your halle / And the kynge
demaunded who they were / | And he sayd these ben youre folk that haue
seruyd yow and ben j come from breste / and now wote not what to doo / and
haue ben | euyl payd / Thenne the kynge sayd that they shal be payed / j
Thenne answerd the duc of Gloucetre in a grete furye / Syre ye j ought fyrste
to putte youre bodye in deuoyre to gete a toune or a | Castel by fayt of warre
vpon your enemyes / er ye sholde selle or | delyuer ony townes that your
predecessours kynges of Englond | haue goten and conquerd To the whiche
the kynge answerd | ryght angrely / how saye ye that / Thenne the duk his
vncle sayd | it ageyn / Thenne the kynge byganne to wexe wrothe and sayde |
Wene ye that J be a marchaunt or a foole to seUe my londe / by | saynt Johan
baptist nay / but trouthe it is that our Cosyn of bri | tayne hath rendryd and
payd to vs the somme that my predecesso | urs hadde lente vppon the sayd
touue of Brest / and syth he hath j payed it is reasonne / that this toune be
delyuerd to hym ageyne / | Thus beganne the wrath bytwene the kynge and
his vncle / | And afterward at Arondele was a Counseylle of certayne lor | des /
as the duck of Gloucetre the Archebisshop of Caunterbury/ | The Fries of
arondele / warwyk and marchal / and other / For | to refourme the rewle
aboute the kynge / whiche lordes promysed | eche tabyde by other and soo
departed / and anone after the Er- j le marchal whiche was Capytayne of Calays
bewrayed aud | lete the kynge haue knowleche of all theyr counseyUe /
A.D. 1397. Wherup- | on the fyue and twentyest daye of august / the duke of Gloucetre |
was arrestyd at plasshey in Estsex / and brought to the tour of | london and
from thennes sente to Calays / and there mnrthredj and slayne withoute processe
of lawe or Justyce / / and therle of | arondel / the Erie of warwyk Syr Johan
Cobham / Syre lohn | cheyne knyghtes were arestyd and putte in holde / Saue
therle of | arondel fonde seurte tanswere and wente at large tyl the parle- 1 ment
A.D. 1397-8. tyme / Jn the one & twentyest yere of kyng rycharde at the | parlement holden

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 213
at westmynstre / therle of arondel was brought | to fore aUe the lordes / and
there was Juged to deth / that | he sholde goo on fote fro westmynstre thurgh
the Cyte of london || to the tour hylle / And there to haue his heede smyten Begin recto
of I And syxe lordes roode with hym to see that Execucion sholde | ° ''^' ^' "
be doo with grete multitude of peple of men of Armes and Ar- 1 chers /
For they dredde leste he shold be rescowed by men of Ion- 1 don /
And on the mome tharchebisshop of Cannterbu | ry his broder was
banysshed for euerraore / And Syre Thomas | Mortemer was banysshed
also / And Syre Eychard Erie of | warwyck cam to fore the parlemente /
And was Juged to the | same deth / but by cause of his age he was releced
to perpetuel | prysonne / The Mondaye after Syre Johan | Cobham /
and Syre Johan Cheyne were Juged to be drawen & j hanged / but at
the Instaunce of the lordes that Jugement was | releced vnto perpetuel
prysonne / And this done kyng Eychard | made a ryal feste and helde open
Courte / Jn whiche feste he made | fyue Dukes / A marqueys / and fyue Fries /
that is to saye the | Erie of Derby was made duc of Herford / The Erie of
Euth- 1 lond was made Duc of Anmarle / The Crle of Kente / Duck of | Surrey/
The Erie Huntyngdon Duck of Excetre / The Erie | Marchal Duck of Norfolke /
The Erie of Somersete Marqueys | of Dorsete / The lorde spencer / Erie of
Gloucetre / The lord Ne- | uyU Erie of westmerlonde / Syre Thomas Percy /
Erie of wor- 1 cetre / Syre wUliam Scrope Erie of wylshyre / Syre lohan
Mon I tague Erie of Salysbury / And thus there was a greete feste | to al these
lordes / and to all other that wold come / | Jn the same yere fylle a
greete debate and dyssencyon bytwene | the Duck of herford Erie of Derby on
that one partye / And | the Duke of Norfolke Erie marchal on that other
partye / Jn so | moche that they waged batayUe and caste doune theyr gloues |
whiche were taken vp byfore the kynge and ensealed / And | the daye and
place assygned at Couentre / To whiche place the | kynge cam • the Duk of
lancastre aud other lordes/ | And whanne bothe partyes were in the
felde redy for to fyghte | the kynge toke the matere in his owne honde / And
forthwyth | he exyled and banysshed the Duke of Herford for ten yere / |
And the duke of norfolke for euer / The Duc of Norfolcke | deyde at venyse
Jn the two and twentyest yere of kyng Ey- | chard there were made blank a.d. 1398-9.
Charters / to whiche all the Eyche | men of the Eoyamme were compeUyd to
sette to theyr scales / | Aud it was noysed thurgh the Eoyamme / that he
hadde sette | Englond to ferme to Syre wiUiam Scrope Erie of wylshyre / sir ||
Johan busshe / Syre Johan grene / and sir Johan bagot / and he | ordeyned Begin verso
his vncle Syr edmond of langley duk of yorcke to be | his lyeutenaunt / whiles °^^'^' ^^ ^'

214 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
A.D. 1398-9. he shold be in Jrlond in his absence / 1 Jn this yere deyde the duc of laucastre/
and is buryed at pow j lus iu london / Thenne kynge Eychard wente
in to I Jrlonde with many lordes and grete ordenaunce / And there | he was
wel resseyued / And the wUde Jrysshmen cam downe to | hym with theyr
Capytaynes and yelded them to hym / aud swo | re to be his true lyege men /
and dyde hym hommage and feawte | Thus he conquerd Jrlond the moost part
in a lytel whyle / |
Whyles kynge Eychard was in Jrlond thus occupyed Syre | Harry of
Bolyngbrooke Erie of Derby the duc of lancastres | sonne / whome kynge
Eychard hadde made Duk of Herford / | Aud had exyled hym for certayn
causes / & with hym tharchebis | shop of Canterbury also londed at rauenspore
in the north contre | And by the Coloure of his tytle to the Duchye of
Lancastre he | reysed and assembled the people euer as he wente in soo moche |
as he hadde greete multitude of peple / For the peple were soo op- 1 pressyd
with the offycers of kyng Eychard / that almoost aU the | Commyus of the
londe were redy to awayte on the Erie of Der | by / hopynge to be releuyd
by hym / Jncontynent tydynges | cam to kynge Eychard beyng in Jrlond
how he was landed and j that the Comous drewe faste to hym / Anone he
made hym redy | and cam ouer see in to Englond with alle his hooste / and
arry- | ued in MyUbrd hauen / And there taryed a two dayes for to | refresshe
hym and his hooste / And in the mene whyle the lordes | and mooste parte of
the peple vnderstode that the Erie of Derby | bycam stronger and strenger /
began to murmure and to grutche / |
That seynge / Syr thomas Percy called them to geder brake | the Eoode of
his offyce / For he was sty ward / and badde euery | man goo his wey vnwetyng
the kynge / And so in the nyght | euery man wente his weye leuynge the kynge
aUone saue two | or thre lordes with a fewe men / whiche lordes for sewerte
and I by counseyU of the styward brought the kynge to the Castel of | Flynt /
where he was taken and delyuerd to therle of Derby / | whiche brought hym
to london / And thenne were | taken at Brystowe Syre wiUiam scrope/
Syr lohan bussh / Sir | harry grene / & Syr Johan bagot / But Syre Johan
bagot esca | ped / And the other that were take were byheded / And thus as ||
Begm rerfo hc was comyug to london warde / tydynges cam to the Cyte / | that kynge
Eycharde was comen to westmynstre / And anon the | peple of london in their
furye and wodenesse as peple maUciously | sette ageinst king Eichard their
soueraine lorde Eoose and pur- | posed yf they myght haue founden to haue
destroyed hym / | But the mayer and aldermen with the sadde men of the
toune I with moche werke tourned hem hoome ageyne to london / yet they |

ofsig. 52 3.

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 215
toke Syre Johan slake dene of the kynges chapel / and putte | hym in ludgate /
and Syre Johan Bagot that escaped from bri | stowe was take in Jrlond and
brought to london and sette in|newegate/ Sone after this kynge Eychard
was broughte to | the tour of london / and thenne was ther a parlement / Jn
whiche | kynge Eychard was deposed of his Crowne / And kynge Hen- | ry
chosen and taken for the kynge / to whome kynge Eychard re | sygned the
Crowne and the Eoyamme of Englond / And the- 1 ne from the tour he was
had to the Castel of ledes ia kente / | And from thennes he was had to the
Castel of Pountfret / | Capitulum 9.
Henne the duc of lancastre Erie of derby named Henry | bolyngbroke was a.d. 1399.
crowned kyng of englond at westmyns | tre on sajmt Edwardes day ^^^^O'^t^^'"-
¦ Confessour • Thenne made the kynge | his oldest sonne henry prynce of wales /
Duke of Cornewayle / | and Erie of Chestre / he made Syre thomas of Arondel
Arche- 1 chebisshop of Caunterbury / as he was byfore / And he that was | made
Archebisshop by kynge Eychard / he made hym Bisshop of | london / and he
made the Erhs sonne of Arondel to be put in pos | session of all his londes / Jn
the fyrst yere of his regne he hel | de his Crystemas at wyndesore / And on
the tweluthe euen the | duk of Anmarle tolde the kyng how the duc of surrey/
the Duc I of excetre / the erle of Salesbury & therle of gloucetre with other | of
theyr affynyte were acorded to make a mommynge / to the | kyng and soo for
to slee hym in the reuelynge / wherfore | the kyng the same nyght cam
priuely to london /and anon these | lordes that had purposed to haue made
this mommery vnderstode | that theyr counseyUe was bewrayed / anone with
theyr people | wente westward / And at Sysseter the Duke of Surrey and ||
the erle of Salesbury were taken and biheded & their heedes sette | on london Begin verso
brydge /and at Oxenforde were taken two knyghtes j blout / and sir benette °^^'s-5^3-
Sely and wyntercele a squyer / whiche were | byheded and quartred and their
heedes sette on london bridge / | and the quartres sente to other good townes /
And at prithweU | in Estsex Sire Johan holonde Duck of excetre was taken
with I the Comous of the Countreye / and his heede smyten of/ and sente j
to london and sette ou london bridge / Also at Bristowe | was take the
lorde spencer that was made by kinge Eichard er | le of Gloucetre and biheded,
and his heede sent to london and sette | on londonbridge / Jn the same yere
Sfre Bemarde brokeis . Sir | Johan Selley / Syr Johan mawdelyn / and Syr
wUliam Fer | by were taken aud sette in the tour / And after by Jugemente |
were hanged and byheded / and theyr heedes sette on london brid- 1 ge /

216 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
whanne kyng henry sawe that these lordes thus hadde rysen / | and assemblyd
• greete peple to haue putte hym to deth / and for to | restore kynge Eychard
ageyne to his Crowne / and to his Eo- 1 yamme thoughte teschue suche
peryls / Anone commannded Sir | Pyers of Exton that he shold goo strayte
to pountfreyte / and | delyuer the worlde of kynge Eychard / And soo he
departed | fro the kynge / and wente to the Castel of Pountfret / where as |
kynge Eychard was in prysonne / the whiche was sette at table | for to dyne /
And anone after Syre Pyers cam in to the cham- 1 bre where the kynge was /
and eyghte men with hym / and eche j man an axe in his bond / Trouth it is
whan the kyng sawe Sir | Pyers with his Felaushippe entre in to the chambre
defensably | arayed / he shoof the table from hym / and sprange in the myddes |
of hem / & raughte an axe oute of one of theyr hondes / and sette | hym self
valyauntly at defence / And hym self defendynge he | slowe foure of the eyghte/
And whanne the sayde Syre Pyers | sawe the kynge soo defende hym / he was
score abasshed and gre- 1 tely aferde/And forthwith sterte vpon the place/
where as kyng | Eychard was wonte to sytte / And as kynge Eychard foughte |
and defended hym self goynge bacwarde / the sayd Syre Pyers | smote hym on
the heede with his axe that he fyll to grounde/ | Thenne cryed kynge
Eychard god mercy /And thenne he gafe | hym yet another stroke ou the
A.D. 1400. beede / and soo he deyde / And thus | was thys noble kynge slayne and
murthred / And whanne | the kynge was deede / the knyght that hadde thus
slayne hym/ | sette hym doune by the deede bodye of Kynge Eychard/
Begin recto Aud | bygaiiue to wepe / saynge Alas / what thynge haue we doone / | We
° ^'^' ^^ ''" haue putte to deth hym that hath ben oure kjmge and soue- 1 rayne lord two
and twenty yere / Now haue J lost myn honour / | Ne J shal neuer come in
place / but J shal be reproched / j For J haue done ageynste myn honour /
After this the | tweluest daye of marche was the bodye of the Noble kyng
Ey- 1 chard broughte thurgh London to Powlus / whiche Corps | was leyd on a
Charyotte coueryd with black / and foure ba- 1 ners / wherof tweyne were of
the armes of saynt George / and | tweyne of the Armes of Saynt Edward /
And there were an | honderd men clothed in black eche berymge a
Torche / | And the Cyte of london hadde thyrtty men in whyte / Eche
be- 1 rynge also a torche / And the Corps was leyd open the vysa- 1 ge that
euery man myght see and knowe that it was hys body | and that he was soo
deede / For many men byleuyd it not / | And from thennes he was caryed
to the Frerys at Langley | and there he was buryed / On whoos sowle God
haue mercy | Amen / The Comyn oppynyon of Englysshmen is | that
kynge Eychard deyde not after the maner a foresayd / | But that he deyde

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 217
otherwyse / That is to wete that whanne he | herde saye / that his brother
the Duc of Excetre / the Duc of Su | rey / The Erie of Salysbury . and
the other lordes were deede / | He was soo angry and soo sorowfuU / that he
swore that he wol | de neuer eete meete And soo abode foure dayes withoute
etynge | as they saye / And whanne that kynge Henry vnderstode that | he
wolde not ete / he sent to hym two prelates for to comforte him j And whan
they were come he confessyd hym to one of them / the | whiche gaf hym in
penaunce that he sholde ete his mete / | And whanne he supposed to
haue eten / the meete myght not goo | doune / ne auale in to his stomake / For
the conduytes of his | bodye were shronken to geder / And thenne sayde the
noble I kynge Eychard that it was done /and that he muste nodes deye/ | and
soo he deyde / But certes whether he deyde this waye / or that | other /
Certaynly he deyde / and was buryed at langley / God | haue mercy on his
sowle / Amen / And thenne was kynge | Harry peasyly kyng / Thenne
he fonde in kynge Ey- 1 chardes tresorye nyne honderde thousande noblis
withoute lewel | lys and vessels . whiche was as moche worth or more / And
ther I was founden in the tresorers kepynge of Englonde an honderde || and fyfty Begin verso
thousand nobles / and Jewels and vesell as moche | or more / And thus kynge °^ °'^' ^" '^'
henry hadde alle his goodes / j
Jtem This same yere kynge harry sente hoome ageyne kynge | Eychardys
wyf Queue Jsabel vnto the kynge of Fraunce her | fader / and putte her
from her dowayre Capitulum decimum
i N the seconde yere of kynge Harry the fourth Sire Eogy- 1 er of Claryngton a.d i400-i.
knyght and two of his men / and the pri | our of launde with eyght Frere
mynours were drawen and han | ged for treasonne / Jn this yere beganne
a grete debate in | walys bytwene the lorde gray Eethyn and ewayn of Glyndor |
Squyer of wales / This Ewayn reysed grete nombre of walssh- 1 men and kepte
the Countrey with strength and dyde moche har- | me . and destroyed the
kynges townes and lordshippes in walys | Eobbyng and sleyng the kynges
peple whiche contynued longe | tyme / And toke the lord Gray prysoner and
made hym to marye | his doughter / And helde hym stylle there with his wyf/
And so- 1 ne after the lord Gray deyde / Thenne kynge Harry with a grete |
power wente in to wales / for to take and destroye the sayd E- 1 wayn / but he
and all his company fledde to the montayns where | the kyng myght uot hurte
hem for the montaynes / And soo the | kynge retourned and cam ageyne in to
Englonde for losynge of | his men / Jn the same yere was a grete scarcete
TOL I. G G

218 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.

of whete j in englond / a quarter was worth sixten shyUynges / wherfor mar |
chandise was sente in to normandy for whete / and from thennes | cam grete
plente/ Also Syre wiUiam Sawtry preest was de- 1 graded of his presthode/
Aboute this tyme the Duc of Orleaunce | sente an herowde of Armes with
lettres vnto kynge Harry / by | whiche he chalengyd for to fyght with hym
withynne lystes at | Bourdeux / or in somme other metely place with an
honderd | Gentylmen withoute reproche ageynste as many Gentyll men |
withoute reproche / Wherto the kynge answerd ageyne by lettres | worshipfuUy/
rehersynge that at suche tyme as it shold plese | hym / he wolde come with
suche nombre as it apperteyneth to a | kynge / and conquere his ryght / At
whiche tyme he shold be an- j swerd atte full / Aud soo the mater fynysshed /
A.D. 1401-2. Jn the thyrde | yere was kynge henry wedded to dame Jane Duchesse of
Be 'm recto hritaiu || Aud they were maryed at wjmchestre / And fro thens she cam] to
ofsig. 52 5. london / Aud so forth to westmynstre /And there she was crow | ned Queue / Jn
the same yere was dame blaunche oldest dough- 1 ter to kynge harry wedded
in Coleyn to the dukes sonne of bayer | with grete solempnyte / Jn the seuenth
yere was seen a sterre that | is called steUa Comata / and anone after was the
A.D. 1403. batayl of shre | rewesbury on mary magdalens euen in whiche batayUe was
" ^ ^ ¦ sla I yne Syre Harry Percy / and Syr thomas percy taken aud kept | two dayes /
and after he was hanged byheded and quartred and | hys heede sette on
london brydge / And iu thys batayl was the | Prynce shotte in to the heede
with an arowe / And the Erie of | Stafford was slayne vnder the kynges baner/
And many other | lordes knyghtes squyers and Gentyls were put to deth in
A.D. 1403. the sa | yd batayUe / Jn the fourth yere cam the Emperour of Constan- 1 tynople
with many gTcte lordes and knyghtes in to Englond to | see the kynge / the
peple / and the Eoyamme / and the Commody- 1 tees therof / The same yere the
lord Castel with a grete multitu | de of Brytons & of normans landed a myle
out of Plymouthe | on Saynt Laurence day at after None and cam in to the
toune ou | the bakhalf / and there they abode al that day and al that nyght j
till it was on the morne ten of the Clock and Eobbed and despo | ylled al that
was in the toune / and bare hit awey at her owne | wylle / Jn the fyfthe
A.D. 1403-4. yere was a grete batayUe on the see atte | blackpole two myle oute of dartmouth
bytwene Englysshmen & | Brytons / where thanked be God Englysshemen had
the vycto- 1 rye / & there were take slayne & drowned moo than fyue honderd |
gentyls of Frensshe men and Brytons / On whome the lord cas | tel was
pryncipal leder and Capitayne whiche there was taken | and slayne / Also
this same yere william Serle / the whiche | was one of hem that mur ther d the
gooed duke of Gloucetre at | Caleys was taken in the marche of Scotlande /

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 219
and broughte to | london and there he was drawen / hanged and byheded / and
his I heede sette on london brydge / and his quarters sette vp in foure | good
townes / Jn the syxthe yere was a Justys in Smythfeld | bytwene the Erie of a.d. 1404-5.
morryf in Scotland and Syre Edmond | Erie of kente vpon a chalenge made by
therle of morryf to Jus | te certayne courses of warre with sharp sperys on
borsbak/ And | the Erie of kente had the felde / and gate hym there grete wor-|
ship / This same yere Syre Eychard Scrope Archebisshop of york | and the
lorde Monbraye that was Erie marchal of Englond || assemblyd grete power Begin t)e«o
ageynst kyng harry / And the kyng met | with hem and toke hem /and smote °*^"^' ^" •"
of bothe theyr heedes / | And soone after god shewyd and wrought many
myracles for | this worthy Clerke Arclebisshop of yorke / that was soo putte |
to deth / Jn the seuenth yere the mayer of london Johan wodecok | and the a.d. 1405-6.
comynalte dyde do breke vp al the weerys that were by | twene medewey and
kyngeston / by cause they were sette ageynst | the fraunchyse of the Cyte of
london / Jn the eyght yere of kyng | henry dame lucye the dukes suster of a.d. 1406-7.
Melayn come in to En- | glonde / and soo forth to london / and there was she
ryaUy maryed | to Syr Edmond holand Erie of kent in the pryory of saynt ma |
rye ouerayes in southwerk / The same yere syr Eobert knoUys j knyght
a grete warryour in his tyme / dyde doo make the bryd- 1 ge at Eochestre and
a chapel atte brydges fote / the whiche Syre | Eobert deyde and lyeth buryed
in the whyte Freres in London / | by his wyf dame Constaunce / Jn
the same yere Syr | Thomas rampston knyght constable of the tour of london
was I drowned at london brydge as he come fro westmynstre toward | the tour
in a barge / The same yere dame Phelyp the yon- 1 ger doughter of kyng
henry was maryed to the kynge of Den- [ mark / Jn the same yere a man that
was callyd the walssh clerk | appelled a knyght callyd Syre Percyual of
treasonne / And | they fought with in lystes in Smythfeld / where the knyght
scorn I fyted the Clerk / aud there the Clerk was despoyUed of his ar- | mure /
and drawen oute of the feld to Tyburn and there hanged | Jn the same yere
Syr henry Percy erle of northumberlond aud | the lord bardolf comyng oute
of Scotland to geder with a grete | company were taken by them of the north
that fought with them | and smote of theyr heedes and brought hem to london /
and sette | hem on london brydge / Jn the / ix / yere was Syre Edmond | ^-^^ i^o^-s.
Erie of kente made Ameral of the see / whiche kepte the see wor- j thyly with
many Eyall shippes / And atte laste he londed at the | Costes of Brytayne in
the Jle of Bryak / and besyeged the cas j tel / and sawted hit / and with
a quarel he was slayne / but neuer | theles the Castel was goten / And thenne
his meyne come home | ageyne with therles body whiche was buryed with hys
G G 2

220 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
Annces | tryes worshipfuUy / Also this same yere was a grete Frost | that
dured fyftene wekys / whiche frost destroyed for the moost | parte alle the
smal byrdes / Capitulum xj
Begin recto his ycrc lowys Duc of Orleauns was slayn mescheuous- | ly at Parys atte
Commaundement of the duc of Burgo- 1 yne / For it was soo that the duc
of Orleaunce hadde ben to vy | syte the Queue / And as he retorned to his
Inneward / certayne j personnes ordeyned by the sayd duc of Burgoyne laye
in a way- | te / and fyll on hym and slewe hym crueUy smytynge the brayn [
oute of his heede / And one of his gentylmen was slayne with | hym / wherfor
on the morn was a grete counseyU / And the yates | of Parys were closed /
And aUe the grete lordes thenne beyng at | Parys were assemblyd / Among
whome was the sayd duc that | commysed this murdre / and there was gyuen
strayte commaun- | demente to the Prouost of Parys that he shold make strayte
ser- I che to knowe who hadde comised this grete murdre / For as soone |
as the murdres hadde slayne the duk / they sette an hous a fyre / | And whyle
the people cam for to stauche the fyer / they had thefr | horses redy / and soo
escaped and roode in to flaundrys / And on | the nexte daye whanne al the
lordes were reassembled there was | moche axynge and serchyng . who myghte
doo this murdre / | Thenne the sayde Duc of Burgoyne stode vp and sayde
that he | hym self hadde doo putte hym to deth for certayne causes whiche |
he wold Justyfye / and forthwith he departed oute of the counseU | and wente
to his lodgyng / and toke his hors with a pryuy mey | ney / and rode strayt to
lyle / and after cam al his other meyny / | and so departed he from parys /
Wherupon after cam the duchesse | of Orleaunce his wyf the Dukes doughter
of Melan with her | sonnes / aud her oldest sones wyf suster to the kyng /
whiche had | ben to fore queue of Englonde kynge Eychardys wyf/ and re- |
quyred humbly Justyce of the kynge / whiche thenne was in go- | de heele /
and sate in the chayer of Justyce / To whome the kynge | sayde that he wold
doo Justyce on them that commysed that hor- | ryble crysme on his seul and
only broder / And they that sholde | veryly knowe it iu al hast possible /
Thenne after this the duc | of Burgoyn made requestys that he myght come to
fore the king | and his counseyU for to Justyfye the deth of the duc of Orleau • j
ce / whiche was graunted / and soo cam with a grete Armye in to | Parys /
And there to fore the Dolphyn and al the counseylle of | the kynges in plajni
parlemente by a doctonr of dyuynyte callyd | mayster Johan Petyte / he made
his Justificacion/ And after | at another daye assygned the duchesse of

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 221
Orleaunce dide by ano j ther doctoure of diuinite make a replicacion / And so
that mater || henge longe / whiche mater was occasion of Infynyte sorowe in j Begin verso
the Eoyamme of Fraunce / Aboute this tyme the counseyUe | of Pyse was / °^ ^'^' ^^ ^'
in whiche was bygoime the maner to make vny- 1 on in the chirche / but it
preuayled not / Jn the tenthe | yere cam the Seneschal of henawd wtth a.d. 1408-9.
many other gentil men | in to Englond for to doo armes and to geete honoure
and wor- | ship / The Seneschal chalengyd therle of Somersete And therle j
delyuerd hym manly of his chalengys and wanne thonoure of | the felde . / The
next day after cam iu to the felde another man of | the Seneschallys partye /
& ageynst hyon cam Syre Eychard of a | rondele knyght / And the Henewer
had the better of hym for he | brought hym on his knees The thyrdde day
cam in another | And ageyne hym cam Syre Johan Cornewayle knyght and |
manly quytte hym in the felde and hadde the beter of his aduersa | rye On
the fourth day cam in to the feld another Henewer | And ageynste hym cam
Syre Johan Cheynes sonne / and he cast | doune hors & man / And therfor the
kyng dubbyd hym knyght | The Fyfthe daye cam in another Henewer / And
to hym cam | Syre Johan Styward knyght / whiche quytte hym manly and j
hadde the better / The Syxthe daye cam another Henewer / | And to hym
cam wUliam Porter Squyer / And he hadde the | better of the Henewer / and
the kynge dubbyd hjnn knyght | The seuenthe day cam in another Henewer/
And to hym cam | John standysshe Squyer / and he hadde the better / and the
kyng I dubbyd hym knyght / The same day cam another Henewer | and to
hym cam a squyer of Gascoyne / whiche hadde the better / | and was dubbed
knyght / The eyght daye cam in two He- [ newers / And to hem cam two
Sowdyours of Calays / that we- | re bretheren whiche had the better in the
felde / And thus ended | this Chalenge with moche worship / The kynge thenne
fested the | straungers ryaUy / And at theyr dedartynge yafe hym Eyche yef j
tes / and soo they departed and wente home / Jn the eule- 1 uenth yere was a.d. 1409-io.
a batayU done in smythfelde bytwene two squy- | ers / One callyd Gloucetre /
And that other Arthure / whiche weU | and manly foughte to geder longe
tyme / And the kynge for | theyr manlynes toke theyr quarel in to hys honde /
and made | hem goo oute of the felde to gyder attones / And soo they were |
dyuyded of theyr batayUe / And the kynge yaf hem grace / j This same
yere the Comons putte vp a bylle in the parlement to | the kynge as for the
temporalytees beynge in the handes of the || spirituelte . but ther was none Begin recto
answer gyuen at that tyme / For | the kyng wold be aduysed / After Eupertus ° ''^" ^^ ^'
Sygismnndus | was electe and chosen emperour this same yere/ and wasEmpej
rour seuen and twenty yere / This Sygysmundus was hynge | of hongary whiche

222 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
was a veray Crysten and meke man / also de- | uoute and hooly / aud after the
opynyon of somme persones wor- | thy to be canonysed / This was a special
socour to hooly chirche | whiche he foude sore afflycte and desolate by the
scysme / but he j by his merueyUous wysedom and industrye socoured it
gretely/ ] For he spared not hym self/ue his vnto the tyme that ther was |
a veray and fuU vnyon in the chirche / He hadde nyne bata | taylles
ageynst the turkes / whiche he al gate tryumphyng / what shal J saye more /
but alle the lawde that hath be gyuen to Con- | stantyn / Theodosio / To
Charles / To Ottone / and all other Em- | perours worthy to be preysed / maye
surely be applyed to this Sy- 1 gysmunde / he was crowned of Eugenye /
After this | the royamme of Boheme was a grete parte destroyed by Sygis |
munde / and the prynces of Almayne for the heresye of the hussy j tes / And
the pope gaf oute a Croysye ageynst them / A Croy- 1 sye gyuen by the pope
is whanne he giueth playne Indulgence to | them that make warre ageynste
Hethen men / Turkes or herety- 1 kes / or them that be not obedyent to the
chfrche of Eome / Jn | the same yere Johan of badby a fais loUar and heretyke
was I brente in Smythfeld / whiche byleuyd that the Sacrament was | was not
goddes bodye / Capitulum Duodecimum
A.D. 1410-11. N the tweUyfth yere of kyng Harry was taken a Squyer | of wales that
hadde ben a rebeUe and supporter of owen of | glyndor and he was Juged
to deth at london / where he was dra- j wen hangyd & quartred . & his four
quartres sette vp in four go- | de townes / and his hede on loudou brydge Jn
A.D. 1411-12. the thyrtenth ye | re of his regne deyde Sire lohan Beauford Erie of Somersete |
Capytayne of Calays / And lyeth buryed in the Abbaye of the | Tour hyUe /
The same yere cam the ambassatours of Fraunce | from the duc of Burgoyne
to the pryce kynge henryes sonne | for helpe and socour ageynst the duc of
Orleaunce / Thenne wen | te ou,er / The Erie of Arondele / the Erie of kyme /
Begin verso aud tlic lord || Cobham with many other knyghtes /and squyers / aud had a
gre I te retenew ageynst the duc of Orleaunce / And at sayntclo besyde | Parys
in Fraunce they mette and had vyctory of the Frenssh- 1 meu / and of the
Armynaks / And the duc rewarded Eychely our | Englyssh men and they
come ageyne / Not longe after | the duc of Orleaunce sente Ambassatours
to kynge Harry to ha | ue helpe and socour ageynst the duc of Burgoyne . At
whiche ty | me the kynge made thomas his sonne duc of Clarence /And Jo | han
his sone duc of Bedford /And his sonne vmfrey Duke of | Gloucetre / Syre
thomas beauford Erie of Dorsete / And the duc | of Anmarle he made Duck

ofsig. 52 7.

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. • 223
of york / Thenne he ordeyned the | Duc of Clarence / and the Erie of
Dorsete / and Syre Johan cor | newayle with a grete retenue to passe ouer in
to Fraunce to helpe | and strengthe the duck of Orleaunce / and thenne the
lordes with | theyr retenue sayled in to normandye / And at theyr londynge |
mette ageynste hem the lorde hambo with seuen thousand men of | Armes of
Frensshemen / whiche were putte to fiyght / and taken | of hem seuen honderd
men of Armes of Frensshmen / and toke | many prysonners / And soo they
rode forth thurgh Fraunce ta | kyng Castels and townes / and slewe moche
peple of frensshme | and toke many prysonners / And soo passed forthe tyU
they come | to Bourdeux / there restyng them a whyle /And sette the conn- 1
ray in peas and reste / and thenne come home ageyne | Jn this yere the
Coyne was lyghted both of Golde and of sil- 1 ner / and weyed lasse syn than
it dyde before / Jn the / xiUj | yere of the regne of kynge harry ther were a.d. 1412-13.
made galeys of warre | for the kynge purposed to haue passed the see / and soo
forth vnto | Jerusalem / but god vysyted him with grete and feruent Infyr- |
my tees / and on a day he was brought to saynt Edward Shryn | to make his
offryng and to take his leue / And there beyng he be | cam soo seeke that they
were about hym supposed he shold haue | deyd there / & thenne they toke &
bare hym in to the abbots place | iu to a fayre large chambre /and leyde hym
vppon a Paylet to | fore the fyre • And whanne he was comen to hym self
ageyne / | and wyst not where he was / he axyd of his Chamberlayn where j
he was / and how the Chambre was callyd that he was Inne / | And he told
hym that he was in thabbots place / and that the cha | bre was named
Jerusalem / Thenne he sayde that his ty | me was come . and that it was
prophecyed of hym / that he sholde dye in lerusalem / and there disposed hym
to godwarde and made |1 hym redy / & sone after deyde in the same chambre / Begm recto
On whoos sou I le god haue mercy Amen/ Thenne was the bodye ° ^'^'"''
caryed | from thennes in a barge by water to Feuersham / And from |
thennes to Caunterbury by londe / & there by saynt thomas shry- | ne in
Cristys chirche he is buryed / Thus ended kyng harry the ] fourth aboute myd
lente sondaye in the yere of our lorde / a thou- 1 sand four honderd and twelue
Capitulum xiij
Fter kynge Harry the fourth regued harry his sonne bor | ne at monmouthe a.d. 1413.
in walys / This Harry whiche was | the fyfth harry after the Conquest
was a noble and wyse man / | For after his faders deth whanne he hadde take
vpon hym to be j kynge / he chaunged al his Condicions and was sodeynly

224 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS,
chau- 1 ged and lefte al his old wyld maners and charged alle them / j that had
ben conuersaunt in his wylde lyuynge that they shold | auoyde his presence
and come no more therynne / | This man dyde many greete thynges
in his dayes / and regued | not fully ten yere / For in the tenth yere of his
regne and syx & j thyrtty yere of his age he deyde / and is buryed worshipfuUy
at I westmynstre / Jn his fyrst yere anone after he was crowned / | whiche
was the nynthe day of Apryll / He sente to the Frerys at | langley where the
body of kyng Eychard the second was buried | and lete the body take oute of
therth ageyne and dyde do bryng | it to westmynstre in a Eyal chare couerd
with black veluet and | baners of dyuerse armes about / And alle the horses in
the chare | were couerd with blac / and beten with dyuerse Armes / and ma | ny
a torche breunyng by the chaar till they cam to westmynstre / | And there he
lete make a ryal ferment and buryed hym by que | ne Anne his wyf as his
desyre was / Aboute whoos sepulcre | ther stande foure grete tapers contynueUy
brennynge / And one | day in the weke perpetueUy he hath a Dirige with
nyne lessons | And on the morne a masse / bothe by note solempnly on whiche |
day is gyuen also wekely in pens to poure peple enleuen schyl- | lynges / &
vuj d / all ordeyned by this kyng vpon grete payne / | Aud on the day of his
annyuersary is yerly gyuen twenty pond | in pens to pour peple / Also
this kynge ordeyned by | his lyf and founded the chartrous at Shene / And the
Begin verso housc of||Syon of sayut Brygyttes ordre /And dyde moche good to the |
0 sig. 52 . ^g^gj.]jg ^^ westmynstre where he lyeth buryed / and ordeyned | thre masses
perpetueUy to be songen ouer hym dayly / & also cer | tayne lyghtes dayly to
brenne atte hye masse and at euensong / & \ twenty pound to be deled in pens
yerly at his annyuersarye / Al | this ordeyned he by his lyue besyde all his
warre in France and | other greete actes / On whoos sowle Jhesus haue mercy
Amen / |
Also in this fyrste yere Syre Johan oldecasteU lord Cob- 1 ham was take
and dampned for an heretyk by al hooly chirche | and commyted to the tour ¦-
and from thennes he brake prysonne / | and escaped / And anone after he and
his Complyses conspyre- 1 den the kynges deth and his bretheren / and also the
destruction | of hooly chirche • For .they hadde purposed to haue assemblyd
by I nyght in saynt gyles felde for tachyeuyd theyr euyll purpose / | But
blessyd be God the kynge and lordes had knowleche of | theyr entente / and
toke the felde to fore them /and awayted on | theyr comyng and toke many
preestes / clerkys / and other lewd | men that were of theyr secte fro alle the
partyes of Englond / | wenyug to haue founden theyr Capitayne there Syre
Johan ol- 1 de castel / but they were deceyued / For there were take many of |

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 225
them / and nyne and thyrtty were hanged on one daye vppon a | newe payr
galowes new made fast by the same felde by the hye | waye / And seuen of
the gretteste heretykes were brente hangyng | on the galowes / And anone Syre
Eogyer Acton knyght was | taken drawe and hanged vppon the same galowes
for the same | cause / Jn the seconde yere of his regne byganne the a.d. 1414.
generaU | counseylle at Counstaunce for the vnyon of hooly Chirche / and | for
to depose them that were Scysmatykes / and to chose one ve- 1 ray heede and
vndubytate pope / Also the same yere lohan Clay | don skynnar and Eychard
baker of lombardstrete were brent in | Smythfelde for heresye / Also this same
yere by thadnys of hys | counseyle the kynge sente lettres vnto the kyng of
Fraunce that | he shold rendre & delyuer to hym his enherytaunce / whiche
his pre | decessours had holden and had to fore hym . or ellys he wolde doo |
his deuoyre to geete it by the helpe of god and of his subgettys | with the
swerde / To whome it was answerd that the kyng was | ouer yong and tendre of
age to vse the warre ageynste hem and | in derysyon sente to hym a tonne fuU
of Tenyse balles to playe | with And whanne the kynge vnderstode his answer /
anone he | lete doo caUe a counseylle / and there shewed them this mater / ||
mater/ Aud there it was concluded by the sayd counseylle | and in Begin recto
especiaU by the spirituelte that he sholde goo and geete | normandye / and they ° ^'^'"^ ''
wold helpe hym to thejT power / | Jt is sayde that the spyritualte fered
soore / that yf he hadde not j hadde to doo withoute the londe / that he wolde
haue laboured | for to haue taken fro the chfrche the temporel possessions / |
And therfor they concluded amonge hem self that they shold sti | re hym for
to goo and make warre ouer see in Fraunce /for to | conquere his ryghtful
enherytaunce / And soo it was concluded | and acorded that the kynge and
lordes with al theyr power shol- | de mete at Southhampton at lammasse next
after / |
And soo the eyghtenth day of Juyn the kyng roode thurgh Ion | don with aU
his hooste ryally toward Southhampton / j
And .there beynge redy for to passe and aUe his lordes assembled | There was
taken and arestyd for hye treasonne Syre Eychard | Erie of Cambrydge brother
to the duc of york / the lord Sccope | Tresorer of englond / and Syre thomas
gray knyght / which shol | de ymagyne the kynges deth / For whiche cause they
were luged | and dampned to deth / And there the nyne and twentyest day
of I luyU they were byheded / And thenne the kynge and alle the lor- 1 des
with theyr armee toke the see with fyften honderd sayllys / | and arryued at
kydkaws in normandy / And fro thennes went | and leyd syege to harflete by
lande and by water / And l6yd j his ordenaunce to the toune / And the twoo
TOL. I. H H

226 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
A.D. 1414. and' twentyest daye | of September the touue • was gyuen ouer to hym / |
Thenne ordeyned he there capytayne his vncle the Erie of Dor- 1 sete / and
putte oute the Frensshmen / aud stuffyd it with enghssh | men / Thenne
the kynge sente in to Englond / aud lete | crye in euery good towne that what
crafty man wolde come the | der for to dwelle and enhabyte the toune there
sholde haue hows | aud houshold to hym and his heyres for enermore / |
Thenne come theder many craftes men / and enhabyte them the- 1 re / The
kynge seynge the toune wel stuffyd with vytaylle | and men / he passyd forthe
by lande towarde Calays / |
Thenne the Frensshmen heerynge of his comyng brake the bryd | ges that he
sholde not come ouer the Eyuer of Somme / . |
Thenne the kynge wente soo fer vpward / that he gate ouer | and cam in
to Pycardye / And thenne were | the Frensshmen at Agyncourt
Eolandcourt and blangy wyth | alle the Eyal power of Fraunce / excepte the
Begin verso duc of Burgoyuc || whichc wolde not come theder / ue suffre his sonne the
o sig. 53 1. Yq^^ ^^^_ I j-oyles to come theder / And whanne the kynge sawe that he |
myght not passe / he toke his felde with suche peple as he hadde / | whiche
were not passynge seuen thousand fyghtynge men | And the mooste parte
of hem were seeke of the flyxe / and the | yemanry hadde theyr hosen teruen or
bounden bynethe the knee ha | uynge longe lackys " But euery man had a good
bowe a sheef | arowys . and a swerd Thenne he sette his felde / and sette |
the duc of york in the vauntward / And ordeyned in the nyght | to fore the
batayUe that eche man sholde make a stake sharp on | both thendes and
pytche it a slope in the grounde to fore hym / | And soo on the morne he
hadde his confessour that made hem to | saye a general confession / and gaf
them general absolucion/ | And thenne the kynge roode thurgh the felde
and comforted | hem promysynge to them that he wold rather deye that day
than I yelde hym / And thenne euery man toke good herte and courage | And
soo abode the comynge of Frensshmen . whome they ressey- 1 ued on her stakys
stoymblynge and fallynge doune hors and | man / Jn suche wyse that our men
shotte on hem / and soo fought | that thurgh the grace of god the vyctorye
abode with the kyng / | and the Frensshmen ouerthrowen / and were slayne of
them en- 1 leuen thousande aud moo / And many grete lordes and gentyls |
take prysonners / And whanne the kynge hadde thus goten the | Felde /
tydynges cam that ther was comynge a newe batayU of | Frensshmen towards
hym / And thenne he dyde doo crye and co- 1 maunded that euery man shold
slee his prysonners | And whanne the duc of Orleaunce herde that / and
other greete | lordes / they sente worde to the Frensshmen / that yf they cam

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 227
on I they shold be slayne / And thenne the Frensshmen for sauacion | of the
prysonners lyues withdrewe them / And soo the kynge j hadde and kepte the
felde / and wanne the worshippe of the bata- 1 ylle / And there were
slayne in the felde thre Dukes / | Nyne Erlys / And barons nyghe an honderde /
and Gentyl- 1 men in Cote armoure / xiv / C / And of the Englysshe |
partye the Duc of yorke / and therle of Suffolke and not twen- 1 ty personnes
moo blessyd be god / the duc of Braban was taken | a lyue / but whan the
kynge commannded that euery man shold | slee his prysoner • he was slayne /
on whos sowle and aUe other | god haue mercy Amen / Thus by the helpe of
Ahnyghty God | the kynge of Englond with vij / M / Englysshmen wan the feld ||
vpon the Frensshmen whiche were nombred moo than foure sco- 1 re thousand^ Begin recto
men with all the ryaU lordes of Fraunce except the | kynge and Dolphyn / ° ^'^' ^' '"
And whanne al was done the kynge de- 1 maunded the herowdes the name of
the next place to the felde / j And they answerde Agyncourt / Thenne sayd he
we wUle that j the batayUe be caUyd and named the batayUe of Agyncourt / |
Thenne the kynge kepynge the felde with his boost al nyghte j after on
the mome departed toward caleys with his prysonners . | That is to wete the
Duck of Orleaunce / The Duck of Borbon / | the erles of Ewe and of vendon /
Burcicaught the marchal of | Fraunce with many other lordes and Gentill
men / whome he | brought alle in to Englonde with hym where he was
receyued in | euery place worshipfuUy with alle the honoure Joye and
So- 1 lempnyte that myght be /And the foure and twentyeste daye of | nouembre
the kyng cam to london / and it is to wete that euery | Euglisshman that
had ben in that batayUe gate good prysoners | or good JeweUis For the
Frensshmen were Eichely and costlew | arrayed / wherof oure peuple had good
pyUage / | Capitulum 14
N the thyrdde yere of his regne the emperour of Almayne | Sygysmund a.d. 1415.
cam in to Englonde / and was receyued wor | worshipfuUy at doner ky the
duc of gloucetre / And the Cyte of | london / as the mayer Aldermen and alle
the craftes in the moost | best wise resseyued hym at blackheth/the senenthe
daye of maye / | And at saynt thomas wateryng the kyng him self with his lor|
dys mette him and welcomed him inthe moost goodlyest wyse / | And toke
him by the honde / and • roode forthe with him thurgh | the Cite and offrid at
powhs / and thenne rode forth vnto west | mestre / where the king lodged
him in his owne palays/ | H H 2

228 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
And there abode a grete whyle at the kinges coste / j
Thenne come the Duc of Holonde in to Englonde / whome the | king
resseiued worshipfuUy / aud lodged him in the Bisshop | of Elyes place in
holburne / whanne the Emperour hadde seen | the manere of this londe and
the commodytees therof/ he was | electe and chosen to be a broder of the
garter / whiche he toke and | receyued gladly / and ware it euer after / And
Begin verso theuuc the || kyugc brought hym to Calays / And theder cam to hym the j
^'^' ^ " duk of Burgoyne for to doo hommage to themperour for the cou | te of alst in
Flaundres / whome the kynge receyued worshipful- | ly / And thenne after
themperour toke leue of the kynge / and de | parted / and soo eche toke
leue of other and the kyng retourned | ageyne in to Englond / And the
Emperoure wente to Zierixsee | in Zeland / and thenne vnto Dordrecht in
holonde ' |
A.D. 1416. j^ the fourthe yere the duc of Bedford / therle of marche | and other
certayne lordes with theyr retenue foughten on the see | ageynst seuen Carryks
of gene / and fyfty other vessels as hul- | kes barges / galeys and galyetis / Of
whome were taken thre gre | te carryks with the patrons . and drowned a
grete hulke callyd | the black hulk of flaundres . And the remenaunt fledde
aweye | aud this was done on our lady day Assumpcion / j
Also this yere at a parlement holden at westmynstre was grau- | ted to the
kynge an hoole fyftenthe / and a dyme to mayntene | with his warrys / And
this yere the kynge sayled with al his | retenewe ouer see in to normandye
ageyne / And londed on lam | mas daye at Toke / And there at landynge the
kynge made | ey^ght and fourty knyghtes / And anone the kynge wanne the |
Toune of Toke and the Castel withoute strooke / and he made | Syre Johan
^JS^^J Capytayne therof / And thenne the kynge | sent therle marchal vnto
louers whiche they sawted / And anon | it was yolden / And therle brought the
keyes to the kynge . and | the kyng delyuerd hym the keyes ageyne / and made
hym Capy | tayn of louers / Thenne the kyng wente to Cane / and besyeged j
it / and with a sawte entryd the touue and gate it / but the Cas- | tel helde /
and the Capytayne desyred respyte of fourten dayes for | tabyde rescows/and
yf none cam than to delyuere it / |
The kynge graunted it hym and vnder the same apooyntement | was the Cyte
of bayows with other townes and fortresses vnto | the nombre of fourtene /
vppon the hyU to fore the Castel of Cane | the kynge pyght aUe his tentes and
pauyllons whiche semed a | toune as moche as Cane / And whanne tydynges
cam that | noo rescowes wolde come / at fourten dayes ende the Capytayne |
delyuerd the keyes and Castel vnto the kynge / |

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 229
And in lyke wyse was bayous with other fourtene townes de | lyuerd also / Of
whiche toAvnes and castels the kynge made the | duk of Clarence Capytayne
and gouemour / Jn cane the kyng | heelde his feest of saynt George / where
he made fyftene knyghtes || of the bathe . And thenne er he departed- he Begin recto
gate valeys | and sente the duc of gloucetre to Chyrburgh for to geete it / | °' "^' " ^'
whiche he besyeged and lay long there / And thus the kyng sente | to dyuerse
townes / and gate dayly many townes / in soo moche | that he gat^ alle the
tonnes Castels / Pyles / strengthes and ab | beyes vnto pount Alarche and fro
thens to Eoan / |
Aboute this tyme yet contynued the counseyUe of Constaunce | Jn whiche
was ended the scysme of fourty yere / and ther was | dampned the heresyes /
and two heretyks that is to wete lohan | hus and Jherome were brente / And
many good thynges Insti- | tued aud ordeyned / there was determyned decreed
by the hooly | syuode that the counseyU lanfuUy gadred and assembled repre |
sentyng the chirche hath vnyuersal power inmedyatly of Cryst | To whome
euery astate as wel the papal astate as other is bou | den and holde to obeye
in tho thynges that toucheth the general | reformacion of the chirche that is to
wete in feyth and maners | al wel in the heede as in the membrys / Jtem that
from thenne | forth on sholde alwey the general counseyl be holden fro ten
yere | to ten yere . Jn this counseyU was chosen for to be pope | Martyn /
whiche was martinus quintus / and was pope fourten | yere / And three was
the vnyon whiche was desyred long y had | for the defence of the feyth / This
was a myghty Pope aboue aUe | other / Eyche • and a man of grete lustyce / he
helde the stretes and | hye weyes sewrly and in pees / He destroyed heretyks /
he dyde | many goode thynges by helpe of the noble Emperour Sygys- |
munde / And for to recouer the holy lond / he gadryd moche | tresoure /
but by deth that cam vpon hym / it was lette / And a | lytel to fore his deth
ordeyned a general counseyU to be assemblid | in Basyle / Jn the fyfth yere of a.d. 1417.
Eegne of kynge harry the | fyfthe Syre Johan old castel lord Cobham was
taken and con- | nycte by the clergye for heresye / and dampned to fore the
tempo- I ral Juges for tresonne / And soo he was drawen and hanged in | saynt
gyles felde vpon a newe payr of galows with a cheyne of | yron / and vnder
the galewes was made a grete fyre which bren | te galowes and alle / Jn
the syxthe yere the kyng | besyeged the Cyte of Eoan / whiche endured half yere a.d. i418.
and more | And atte laste the Cyte beyng in grete famyne putte oute moche |
peple as women and children whiche deyde for honger . moo than | thyrtty
thousand / & also seyng that noo rescowse cam appoynted | with the kyng &
gaf ouer the toun vnto hym which he receyued || And anone after that Eoan of sVsT's-

230 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
was goten deepe and many other | tonnes in baas normandye gaf them ouer
withoute strook or sye | ge whanne they vnderstode that the kynge had goten
Eoan/ Capitulum xv
Also this same yere hadde ben a pees made and sworne by- | twene the
duc of burgoyne and the dolphyn / whiche were | sworn vpon our lordes
body that they shold loue and assyste eche | other ageynst theyr enemyes /And
after this contrary to this | othe / the Duc Johan of Burgoyne was slayne and
pytously I murthred in the presence of the dolphyn / wherfore the Frensshe j
men were gretely deuyded and of veray necessyte labouryd to ha | ue a traytye
with the kynge of Englond / For the kjmge of en- 1 glond waune dayly on them
townes Castels and fortresses / Al | so this same yere was Queue Jane arestyd
and bronght to the | castel of ledys in kente / And one Frere Eandolf a doctour
of di- I uynyte her confessour whiche afterward was slayne by the per- | son of
the tour fallynge at wordes and debate / And afterward | Queue Jane was
A.D. 1419. delyuerd Jn the seuenth ye | re both kynges of Fraunce and of englond
were acorded / and | kyng harry was made heyr and regente of Fraunce / And
wed- I ded dame kateryne the kynges doughter of Fraunce atte Troyes j
in Champayne ou Trynyte sondaye / And this was made by the | meene of
phelyp newely made duke of Burgoyne / whiche was | sworne to kynge
harry / And for tanenge his faders deth he was | become englysshe / And
thenne the kyng with his newe wyf we- | te to parys . where he was ryally
receyuyd / And from thens he | with his lordes and the duc of Burgoyne
and many other lor- | des of frauce leyd syege to dyuerse townes and Castels
that hel | de of the dolphyns partye / & wan them / but the toune of melun |
A.D. 1420. helde long / for therin were good defendours / Jn the viij yere the | kyng
and the queue cam ouer see & londed on candelmasse by the | morow at
doner / & the xiiij day of feuerer the kyng cam to Ion- | don / & the xxj
day of the same moneth the queue cam / & the xxUij | day of the same she
was crowned at westmestre / Also the same | yere anon after eester the kyng
helde a parlement at westmestre / | at whiche parlement it was ordeyned that
Begin recto the gold iu Euglysshc II coyne shold be weyde and none resseyued but by
"'sig. 53 4- -wreyght / I And anone after whitsontyde the kynge sayled to Caleys. and |
passyd soo forth in to Fraunce / And in marche the two and twe | tyest daye
byfore the kynge cam ouer / the duc of Clarence was | slayne in Fraunce / and
dyuerse other lordes taken prysoners as | the erle of hutyngdon the erle of
Somersete with dyuerse other | And al was by cause they wold not take with

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 231
hem Archers / | But thought to haue doo with the Frensshmen them self
with- 1 oute them / And yet whanne he was slayn tharchers cam and re j
scowed the body of the duc whiche they wold haue caryed with | them . God
haue mercy on his soule / he was a valyaunt man . | And the same yere
bytwene Crystemasse and Candelmasse the | toune of melun was yolden to the
kynge / Jn the nynth | yere on saynt nycholas day in december was a.d. i421.
born harry the kyn | ges first begoten sonne at wyndesore / whoos god faders
at font- 1 stone was harry . bisshop of wynchestre . and Johan duke of bed- j
forde / And the duchesse of holand was godmoder / and harry chy j chely
archebisshop of Canterbury was godfader atte confermyng | And in the tenth a.d. 1422.
yere the Cyte of mews in brye was goten / | whiche had ben longe besyeged/
And this same yere the Queue | shipped at hampton / And sayled ouer to the
kynge fri Fraunce / | where she was worshipfuUy receyued of the kyng / aud
also of I the kyng of Fraunce her fader and of her moder / and thus kyng |
Harry wan faste in Fraunce and helde grete astate / and sate at | djoier at
a grete fest in parys crowned & the queue also / whiche | hadde not
ben seen to fore / and aUe peple resorted vnto his courte / | But as to the
kynge of Fraunce he helde none astate ne rule / | but was lefte at moost
aUone / / Also this yere | the whether cock was sette vpon
powlus steple at london / |
And this yere in the moneth of August kynge Harry wexe | seke at Boys
de vyncent | And whanne he sawe he sholde deye / | he made his testament .
and ordeygned many thynges nobly for | his sowle / and deuoutly resseyued
aUe the ryghtes of hooly chir | che / in soo ferforth that whanne he was
enoynted he sayd the ser- | uyse with the preeste / and whanne the vers of the
Psalme / Mi j serere mei deus / &c / that was Benigne fac domine in bona vo- j
luntate tua syon vt edificeutur muri lerlm was sayd / he bade | tarye there
and sayd thus 0 good lord thou knowest that myn | entent hath ben and yet
is yf I myght lyue to reedefye the wal | lys of Jerlm / and thenne the preest
preceded forth and made || an ende / And anone after this mooste noble prynce Begin verso
and vycto- | ryous kynge flour in his tyme of Crysten chyuafrye / whome | " ^'^' -¦''*'
alle the world doubted gaf his soule in to the handes of God / | & deyde &
made an ende of his naturel lyf atte sayd Boys de | vyncent besyde parys / a.d. 1422.
the syx and thjrrttyest yere of his age / ou | whoos soule god haue mercy
Amen / Thenne was the bodye | embamed and cered and leyed in a ryaU
chare / and an ymage ly | ke vuto hym was leyde vpon the Corps open wyth
dyuers ba- | ners and horse coueryd rychely with tharmes of Englonde aud |
Fraunce / And also the olde armes / as sayut Edwardys / seynt | edmonds aud

232 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
Other with grete multitude of torchys / with who- j me wente the kyng of
Scotlande and many other lordes whiche | accompanyed the body till it cam
vnto westmynstre by london in | Englonde / And iu euery toune by the waye
he hadde solempnly | his dirige / atte euen and masse on the morn / and moche
Almesse j was gyuen to poure people / And the seuenthe daye of Nouembre |
after /the Corps was brought thnrgh london with grete reueren- | ce and
solempnyte vnto the monasterye of westmynstre / where as | he nowe resteth /
on whoos Tombe is a Eyche ymage lyke hym | self of Syluer and gylt / where
he is dayly remembrid and praid | fore / On whoos sowle and aU Crysten god
haue mercy Amen / |
Capitulum xvij Capitulum xvj
h Ere is to be noted / that this kynge Harry the fyfthe was | a moche noble
prynce after he was kynge and crowned / | How be it to fore in his
yongthe he hadde ben wylde / Eecheles / | aud spared no thyng of his lustes
ne desyres / but accomplisshid | them after his lykynge / But as soone as he
was crowned / euo | ynted and sacred / anone sodaynly he was chaunged in to
a new | man / and set al his entente to lyue vertuously in mayntenyng | of
hooly chirche destroyng of heretykes / kepynge Justyce / and de | fendynge his
Eoyamme and subgettis / And for as moche as | his fader hadd deposyd by his
labour the good kynge Eychard | And pytously made hym to deye / And for
thoffence doo to hym | ageynst his lyegeaunee / he hadde sente to Eome to be
assoyUed | therof / For whiche offence the pope oure hooly fader enioyned |
liegin recto hym to make hym be prayd fore perpetueUy/ and lyke as he had || done to be
taken from hym his naturell lyf/ therfore he sholde doo | founde four tapers to
brenne perpetueUy aboute his body / that for | the extynction of his bodyly
lyf/ his sowle maye euer be remem- 1 bryd and lyue in heuen in spyrytuel lyf/
And also that he shol- 1 de euery weke on the daye as it cometh aboute of his
dethe haue | a solempne masse of Eequiem / and ou the euen to fore a dirige j
with nyne lessons / and a dole to pour people alwaye on that daye | of enleuen
schyllynges eyght pens to be delyd peny mele . | Aud ones iu the yere at
his annyuersarye his ferment to be hoi- 1 den in the moost honest wyse and to
be deled that day twenty li / | in pens to pour peple / and to euery monke to
haue twenty schU- 1 lynges whiche alle these thynges performed this noble
kyng for | his fader /For kynge harry the fourth his fader performed hit | not
duryng his lyf/ whome as it is sayde god touchy d and was | a lepre er he
deyde / Also thenne this noble Prynce leete | doo calle alle thabbottes

ofsig. 53

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 233

and pryours of saynt Benets ordre in | Englond / & hadd them in the Chapytre
hous of westmynstre for | the reformacion of thordre / wherynne he had
comynycacian / and | also with Bisshoppes & men of the spjTritualte / Jn soo
ferforth / | that they doubted soore that he wold haue had the temporaltees |
oute of their handes / wherfor by thaduis labour and procuryng | of the
spyrytualte encouraged the kynge to chalenge normandy | and his ryght that
he hadde in Fraunce / to thende to sette hym a | werke there that he sholde
not seeke occasions to entre in to suche | maters / And soo alle his lyf after he
labouryd in the warrys in | conquerynge grete parte of the Eoyamme of
Fraunce / that by | thagrement of the kynge charlys hadde alle the gouemannce
of I the Eoyamme of Fraunce / And was proclamed Eegent aud he- 1 yr of
Fraunce / And soo not withstandyng alle this grete warre | that he had yet he
remembryd his soule / aud also that he was mor | tal and muste deye / For
whiche he orde3med by his lyf the place | of his sepulcre / where he is now
buryed and euery day thre mas | ses perpetueUy to be songen in a fayr chapel
ouer his sepulcre / Of | whiche the myddel masse and the fyrst and the laste
masse shal | be as it is assygned by hym as it appereth by thyse verses folo- 1
wynge / Henrici misse quinti sunt hie tabulate
Que successine sunt per monachos celebrate /
Die dinca Prima sit assumpte de festo virginis alme /
Poscit postremam . Cristus de morte resurgens / ||
Prima salutate / de festo virginis extat / Begin verso
' . ot sig. 53 5.
Feria ij Nunciat angeUcis / laudem postrema choreis /
Esse deum natum / de virgine prima fatetur /
Feria 3 Comemorat natam / sic vltima missa mariam /
Prima celebretur / ad honorem neupmatis almi
Feria 4 Vltima conceptam / denunciat esse mariam
Semper prima coli / debet de corpore cristi
Feria 5 Vltima sit fata / de vfrgine purificata /
Condecet vt prima / celebretur de cruce sancta
Feria 6 Atq5 salutate / fiet postrema marie /
Omnes ad sanctos est prima colenda supernos /
Sabbato Vltima de requie pro defunctis petit esse
Semper erit media de proprietate dei /
And yet this noble kyng harry the fyfthe founded two howses j of Eelygion /
One callyd Syon besyde braynford of the ordre of | saynt Brygytte both of men
and wymmen / And on that other sy | de of the Eyuer of Tamyse an hows of
TOL I. II

234 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
monkes of the chartre- | hous in whiche two places / he is contynuelly prayd
fore nyghte | and day / For euer whanne they of Syon rest / they of the char- j
trehous done theyr seruyce / And in lyke wyse whanne they of the | chartrous
rest the other goon to / and by the ryngyng of the bel- | lys of eyther place /
eche knoweth whauuc they ende theyr seruy- | se whiche ben nobly endowed .
and done dayely there grete almesse | dedes / as in the chartrehous certayne
children ben founde to scole | and at Syon certayne almesse gyuen dayly / And
yet besyde all | this he hath founded a recluse whiche shal be alwey a preeste
to I praye for hym by the sayde chartrehous / whiche preest is wel & |
sufficiently endowed for hym and a seruaunt / Loo / Here maye | aU prynces
take ensample by this noble prynce that regnynge so | lytel tyme not fuUy
X yere / dyd so many noble actes / as wel for | his sowle to be perpetueUy
remembryd & prayde fore . as in his j wordly conquestys / and he beynge in
his moost lusty age despy- | sed and eschewyd synne / and was vertuous and
a grete lustyser | Jn soo moche that alle the prynces of Crysteudom dradde
hym / I & also of hethenes / And had determyned in hym self yf god wol | de
haue sparyd hym that he wold haue warryd agayne the sara- | syns / and for
to knowe the ayde of other prynces & all the passa | ges in that iourney he
sent a knyght of henawd named syr hugh | de lanoye vnto lerlm / but er he
retorned he deyd at boys du vin | cet in the / xxxvj / yere of his age / on whos
soule god haue mercy ||

Begin recto How kyug harry the syxth regned beynge a chUde not one ye- | re of age /
0 sig. 53 6. ^^^ ^£ ^^g batayUe of veruoyl in perche /
Capitulum 17
A.D. 1422. Fter kyng harry the fyfthe regued harry his sonne a chil- j de and not
fully a yere old / whoos regne began the fyrst da- | ye of September / the
yere of our lord a thousand four honderd and | two and twenty / This kynge
beyng in his Cradel was moche | doubted and dradde by cause of the grete
Conquest of his fader | and also the wysedome and guydynge of his vncles the
duck of I bedford and the duc of gloucetre / This yere the xxj day of Octo- 1
bre deyde charies kyng of Fraunce / and lyeth buryed at saynt de | uys / and
thenne was the duc of Bedford made regent of frauce | And the duc of
gloucetre was made protectour and defendour of | Englond / And the fyrst day
A.D. 1423. of marche after was Syr wylliam | Tayllour preest degraded of his preesthode /
and on the morne af | ter he was brente in Smythfeld for heresye / This

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 235
yere | Syre James styward kynge of scottes maryed dame Jane the | duchesse
doughter of Clarence of her fyrst husbond therle of So- | mersete at saynt
mary onerays Also this yere the seuententh | day of august was the batayUe
of vernayl in Perche bytwene | the duc of Bedford regent of Fraunce and the
Duc of alaun- | son whiche was a greete batayUe / The duc of Bedford hadde on |
his syde with hym therle of Salesbury Mountagu the lord tal | botte and aUe
the power that they coude make in normandy the | garnysons kepte / And also
many Capytayns with moche peple | of the duc of Burgoyus / And ou that
other syde was the Duc | of Alaunson / the duc of Turon that was therle
douglas / therle | of Bougham with many lordes of fraunce / and greete
companye | of Scottes and armynakes / And thenne therle douglas caUyd | the
duc of Bedford Johan with the leden swerde / and he sente | hym worde
ageyne that he shold fynde that daye that his swerde | was of stele / And soo
the batayUe ioyned on bothe sydes and | fought longe that ther wyst no man
who shold haue the better a | grete whyle / but at last as god wold the vyctory
fyU on then | glysshe partye / For ther were slayne therle douglas which a ly |
tel before was made duc of Turone / therle of Bowhayn . therle | of Almarre /
the erle of Tonnar / therle of vauntedore • and the 1| vyseconute of nerbonne Begin verso
whiche was one of them that -slewe duk | Johan of burgoyne knelyng to fore ° ^'^' ^^
the dolphyn and many mo | vnto the nombre of ten thousande and moo / And
ther was taken | prysonner the duc of alaunson and many other lordes and
gen- I tyls of Fraunce / but scottys that day were slayne doune ryght | the
substaunce of them alle / Jn the thyrde yere of kyng harry | the syxth / the a.d. 1424.
duke of gloucetre maryed the duchesse of Holond | and wente ouer see with
her in to henawde for to take possession | of his wyues enherytaunce / where
he was honorably receyuyd | and taken for lord of the lond / But soone after he
was fayne to | retorne hoome ageyne | and lefte his wyf and his tresour that he |
brought with hym in a toune caUyd mounse in henawd / whiche | promysed for
to be trewe to hym / Not withstandyng they deUuer- 1 de the lady to the due
of Burgoyne / whiche sente her to gaunt / | And from thens she escaped in
a mannes arraye / and cam in to | Zeland to a toune of her owne callyd
Zierixee / And from thens | she wente to a Toune in holond caUed the
Ghowde . And ther she | was stronge ynough and wythstode the sayd Due
of burgoyne / | and sone after this the duc of gloucetre sente ouer in to Zeland |
the lord fytzwater with certayne men of warre and Archers for | to helpe and
socour the sayd duchesse of holond / whiche londed at | a place in Zeland
caUid Brewers hauen / where the lordes of the | coutre cam doune and fought
with hym / and in conclusion was | fayne to withdrawe hym and his meyne
1 I 2

236 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
to the see ageyne / but | yet he slewe aud hurte diuers lordes and moche peple
of the cou I treye / And soo retorned home ageyne aud preuayled noo thyng |
Also this same yere therle of Salysbury / therle of Suffolke | the lord wylby /
and the lord scalys with theyr retenue / leyd sye | ge to the Cyte of mauns / the
whiche Cyte was yolden to them | in shorte tyme with many other stronge
townes and Castels to j the nombre of syx and thyrtty/ This tyme all
normandye | aud a grete parte of Fraunce vnto Orleauce was vnder thobey |
saunce of the kynge of Englond / And aUe the remenaunt of | Fraunce was in
grete trybulacion aud myschyef/ j
Capitulum xviij
A.D. 1425. N the fourth yere the same nyght that the mayer of london | iohan
Begin recto Coueutrc had takcu his charge was a grete watche || in london for affi^aye
0 sig. 53 7- ^Yig^^ -^yas bytwene the bisshop of wynches- | tre / and the duc of gloucestre
protectour / For the mayer with the | peple of the Cyte wold abyde by the dnc
of gloucetre as protec- | toure of the Eoyamme / but by labour of lordes that
wente by- j twene / And in especial by the labour of the prynce of Portyn- j gale
ther was appoyntement taken that ther was no harme don | Aud after the
batayUe of vernoyll in Perche the Duc of Bed- | forde cam ouer in to Englond/
A.D. 1426. And on whitsondaye this yere at | leyceter he dubbed hynge harry knyght /
And forthwith the sayd | harry dubbed alle these knyghtes / whoos names
folowe / that is | to wete Eychard duc of york / Also the sone and heyr of the
duc I of norfolk / therle of Oxenford / therle of westmerlond / the sone | and heyr
of therle of northumberlond /the sonne and heyr of ther- | le of vrmond / The
lord Eoes / Syr James buteler / the lord ma- | trauas / Syr harry gray of
Tankeruyle / Syr wilham neuyl lor- | de Fauconbrydge / Syr george neuyl lord
latjrmer / the lord wel | lys the lord barkley / the sonne and heyr of the lord
Talbot / Sfr I Eauf gray of werk / Syr Eobert veer / Syr Eychard gray / Sir j
Edmond hongerford/ Syr Eobert Wynkefeld/ Syre Johan | hotelier / Syr Eaynold
Cobham / Syr Johan passhely / Syre tho | mas tuustal / Syr Johan Chydyock /
Syre Eauf Langford / | Syre wiUiam drury / Syre wiUiam apthomas / Syre
Eychard | Carbonel / Syre Eychard wydeuyle / Sire Johan shyrdelowe / j
Syr nychol blonket / Syre Eauf ratteclyf / Syre Edmond traf- | ford / Syre
wiUiam cheyne / Syre wilham Babyngton • Syre Io- | han Inne / Syr gilbert
A.D. 1427. beauchamp / Jtem / Jn the fyfthe | yere the duc of Bedford with the
duchesse his wyf wente ouer | see to Calays / And a lytel tofore wente ouer
harry Bisshop of | wynchestre / And on our lady day Annunciacion in our lady

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 237
chfr- 1 che at Calays the Bisshop of wynchestre whanne he had songe | masse
was made Cardynal / And he knelyng to fore the hye au | ter the duc of
Bedford sette the hatte on his heede . and ther we- | re his buUes redde as wel
of his charge as the reioysyug of his j benefyces spirituel and temporel / Also
this yere was greete j habundaunce of Eayn / that the substance of heye and
Corne was | destroyed / For it rayned almoost euery other day / This yere |
the goode erle of Salesbury Syre thomas montagu leyd syege | vnto Orleaunce /
At whiche syege he was slayne with agonne/ ] whiche cam oute ofthe tonne/
on whoos sowle god haue mercy | Amen / For syth that he was slayne
Englisshmen neuer gate ne || preuayled in Fraunce / but euer after beganne to Begin verso
lese lytel and | lytel tyl aU was loste / Also this same yere a breton | ° ^'^' ^^ "
murthred a good wydowe in her bedde withoute Algate / which | wedowe
fonde hym for almesse / And he bare awey al that she | hadde / And after this
he toke the gryth of hooly chirche at seynt | Georges in southwerke / and there
toke the Crosse and forswore | this loud / And as he wente it happened that
he cam by the place | where he dyde this cursyd dede in the subarbys of
london/ | And the women of the same paryssh cam oute with stones
& ca- I nel dunge and slewe and made an ende of hym / Notwithstan- | dynge
the Conestables and many other men beyng there present | to kepe hym / For
ther were many women • and had noo pyte / | Also this yere the duck of
norfolke with many gentUmen aud | yomen toke his barge the eyght day of
nouembre at saynt mary | ouerayes for to bane goon thurgh london brydge /
and thurgh | mysguydyng of the barge / it ouerthrewe on the pyles / and |
many men drowned / but the duc hym self with twoo or three leepe | vpon
the pyles / and soo were saued with helpe of men that were | aboue the brydge /
whiche cast doune Eopes / by whiche they saued | hem self/ This
yere on saynt leonards daye kynge harry | beynge seuen yere of age was
crowned at westmynstre / at whos | Coronacion were made syx and thyrtty
knyghtes / j
This yere on saynt georges day he passyd ouer see to Calays to- | ward a.d. 1429.
Fraunce / Aboute this tyme and afore the Eoyamme be- 1 ynge in grete myserye
and trybulacion • the dolphyn with his par | tye beganne to make warre and
gete certayne places /and make | destrusses vpon Englysshmen /by the mene
of his Capytaynes / | that is to wete la heer and poton de sentrayUes / And in
especial | a mayde / whiche they named la puceUe de dieu / this mayd roode |
lyke a man / and was a valyaunt Capytayne among them and | toke vpon her
many and grete enterpryses in soo moche that they | had a byleue to haue
recouerd al theyr losses by her / Notwithsta | dyng at last after many grete

238 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
feates by helpe and prowesse of sir | Johan luxemburgh whiche was a noble
Capytayne of the du- 1 kes of Burgoyne / and many Englysshmen pycardys and
bour I goygnons whiche were of oure partye / byfore the toune of Com | pyne
the thre and twentyest daye of maye the sayd pucelle was | taken in the felde
armed lyke a man and many other capytayns j with her / And all broughte to
Eoan / and there she was putte in | prysonne / and there she was luged by the
Begin recto lawc to bc breutc / II And thenne she sayd that she was with childe / wherby
" *'^' ^ ' she was | respyted a whyle / but in Conclusion it was founde that she was j
not with childe / And thenne she was brente in Eoan / And the | other
Capytaynes were putte to raunsonne / and entreated as | men of warre ben
acustommed / This same yere aboute | Candelmasse Eychard bounden
a woUe packer was dampned | for an heretyke / and brente atte tourhylle /
And aboute midlente | Syr thomas baggely preeste and vycary of mauenden
in Estsex | besydes walden was disgrated and dampned for an heretyke / | and
brente in Smythfeld . Also in this yere while the | kynge was in
Fraunce / ther were many heretykes and loUars / ] that hadde purposed to
haue made a rysyng / and caste byUes iu | many places • but blessyd be god the
Capytayne of hem was ta | ken . whoos name was william mandeuyle a weuar
of Aben- | don and bayly of the same toune / whiche named hym self lak |
sharp of wygmoryslonde in wales / And afterwarde he was byhe | ded at
Abendon in the whitsonweke / on the tewisdaye / |
A.D. 1429. This yere the seuenth day of december kynge harry the syxthe | was crowned
kyng of Fraunce at parys in the chirche of oure | lady with grete solempnyte /
There beyng preset the Cardynal of | englonde / the Duc of Bedforde / and
many other lordes of frau | ce and of englonde / And after this Coronacion and
grete feste | holden at parys / the kyng retourned from thens to Eoan and | soo
A.D. 1430. towarde Calays / And the nynthe daye of Feuerer londed | at doner / whome
alle the Comyns of kente mette at beramdoun/ | bytwene caunterbury and
doner alle in reede hoodes / And soo | cam forth tiU he cam to blackheth where
he was mette with the | mayer Johan wellys with alle the craftys of london
cladde alle | in whyte / And soo they brought hym to london the oue and
twe I tyest daye of the same moneth / This yere was a restraynt of the | woUys
at Calays made by the sowdyours / by cause they were | not payed of their
wages / wherfor the duc of Bedford regente | of frauce being thene Capitayn
cam to Caleis the tewsday in the esterweke / & on the morne after many
sowdiours of the toun we | re arested / and putte in warde / And in the same
weke he roode | to terewyn / And by the mene of the bisshop of Terewjm he
wed- 1 ded therles doughter of saint poul / and cam ageine to Caleis / |

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 239
And the enleuenst daye of Juin on saint bernabes daye | there were foure a.d. 1430.
soudyours of Calays that were chyef causers | of the restraynt byheded / that
is to wete Johan maddeley /Johan || lundaye/ thomas palmer/ and thomas Begin verso
Talbot / and an C X / I banysshed the toune that same tyme/ And byfore were °^''^' " ^•
banysshed | sixe score soudyours / And on mydsomer euen after cam the lord |
Eegent and his wyf to london / Capitulum 19
Bpute this Jtyme Pope martyn deyde / And after hym Eu- | genye the a.d. 1431.
fourth was pope / This was pesybly chosen in Eo j me by the Cardynals
and was very and Indubytate pope / | But shortly after he was putte and
expulsed oute of Eome/ in | suche wyse that he was fayne to flee naked/ Jn
this tyme j was the counseyUe of basyle / to whiche counseyUe he was cyted |
to come / and bycause he cam not they deposed hym / but he rought | not ne
sette not therby / but gate the Cyte of Eome . and abode stil | pope seuentene
yere / This yere aboute whitsontyde the He- | retyks of praghe were
destroyed / For at two iourneyes were des | troyed of them moo than twoo
and twenty thousande with her j Capytayns / that is to wete Procapius /
Saphco / and lupus pres | biter / Also ther was taken a lyue mayster
Pyers clerk | an Englysshman and heretyke / Also this same yere was a grete |
froste and a stronge duryng enleuen wekes / For it beganne on | saynt katheryns
euen / and lasted vnto saynt Scolasticais day in | Feuerer in which tyme the a.d. 1432.
vjmtage that cam from bordeux cam | ouer shoters hylle / This yere was the
counseyl of Aras and a | greete traytye bytwene the kyug of Englonde and
the Frensshe | kynge / where was assemblyd grete many of lordes of bothe
par I tyes / At whiche counsey^Ue was offryd to the kyng of Englond | many
grete thynges by the moyen of a legate that cam from ro- 1 me / whiche was
Cardynal of saynt Crosse / whiche offres were | refused by the Cardynal of
Englond and other lordes that we- 1 re there for the kyng / wherfor the duke
of burgoyne whiche had | ben longe Englysshe sworne forsoke oure partye /
and retourned | Frensshe by the meene of the same legate / and made a pees
with I the Frenssh kyng receyuynge of the kynge for recompensynge of | his
faders deth the counte of pontieu / the lordship of macon | with moche other
as is specyfyed in the sayd trayttye / And soo | oure ambassadours cam hoome
ageyne in werse caas than they | wente / For they lost there the duc of
Burgoyne / whiche hadde |1 ben with his bourgonyons and pycardes a synguler Begin recto
helpe in aU | the conquest of normandy aud of Fraunce / This same yere was | ° "^' ^'^ '

240 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS

a grete batayU on the see bytwene the Jeneweys and the kyng | of Aragon /
of whiche batayUe the Jeneweys had the vyctorye / | For they toke the kyng
of Aragon / the kyng of nauern / and | the greete mayster of saynt James in
galyse with thre honderd | knyghtes and squyers and moche other peple / And
this was I on saynt domynyks day • This yere were seen thre sonnes attones |
And anone folowyd the threfolde rule and gouernaunce in the | chirche / that is
to wete / of Eugenye / of the counseyle / and of the | neutralyte / Also this
A.D. 1434. same yere 1434 was a passyng grete wyn | de by whiche steples howses and
trees were ouerthrowen / |
Aboute this tyme was an hooly mayde in holond callyd lydwith | whiche
lyued longe only by myracle not etyng ony mete / |
This yere the duc of burgoyne byganne his ordre at lyle of the | golden
flyes • and ordeygned certayne knyghtes of thordre / and | made statutes and
ordenaunces • moche acordynge vnto thordre of | the garter. Also this yere the
Frensshmen hadde enterprysed to | haue stolen Calays in the fysshyug tyme /
For many bootys of | Fraunce had sauf conduytes to come to Calays for to
take hee- 1 ryng / And the soudyours of the toune hadde a customme to come |
to the chirche and leue theyr stauys stondynge at the chirche dore | whiche
stauys the Frensshmen which were arayd lyke Fysshers | hadde purposed to
haue taken soo theyr wepen / and wynne the | toune / but one of them laye
with a comyn woman the nyght by | fore / aud tolde to her theyr counseylle /
And she on the morne told | the lyeutenaunt / whiche forth with commanded
that euery man | shold kepe his wepen in his bond sacryng tyme and other / |
Aud whanne they apperceyued this that they were myspoyn- 1 ted /they sayled
strayte to depe and stale and toke that Touue / | And on newyers euen after
they toke harflete /
And thus Englysshmen byganne to lose a lytel and a lytel in | Normandye /
Capitulum visesimum /
A.D. 1436. t His yere was a grete noyse thurgh al Englond / how the | duck of
Bourgoyne wolde come and besyege Calays/ | wherfore the Erie of
Begin verso mortayu with his Armye that he hadde || for to haue goone with in to fraunce
was countremaunded and | charged that he shold go to calais . whiche was
at that tyme wel | vitaiUed and manned / For sire Johan Eatchf was
lyeutenat | of the kinge in that toune / and the baron of dudeley lyeutenatit |
of the castel / and the nynthe daye of JuiU the duke of Burgo- 1 yne with al the
power of Flaundres aud moch other peple cam | before Calais and sette his

ofsig. 54 1.

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 241
syege aboute the toune / and euery ton- 1 ne of Flaundres had their tentes by
them self /And this syege en j dured thre wekes /Jn the mene whUe the duc
of gloucetre beyng | protectour of englond toke the moost parte of the lordes
of En- 1 glond and wente ouer the see to Calays for to rescowe the toun | or to
fyghte with the duke and his boost yf they wolde haue by- j den / This tyme
london and euery good toune of Englond sente | ouer see to this rescowe
certayne peple weU arayd of the best aud j chosen men for the warre / And
the second day of August the sa- 1 yd duke of gloucetre arryued at Calays with a.d. 1436.
aUe his armye / j and fyue honderd shippes and moo / And the duke and aUe
his I boost that laye in the syege as sone es they espyed the sayllys in | the
see / byfore they approched calays hauen / sodaynly in a mor- 1 nynge departed
fro the syege / leuyng behynde them moche stuffe & | vytaylle / and fledde in
to flaudres and pycardye / and in lyke | wyse dyde the syege that laye to fore
guynes / where as they of | guynes toke the grete gonne of brasse whiche was
caUyd dyge- 1 on / and many other grete gonnes and serpentyns / And thenne |
whanne the duke of gloucetre was arryued with aU his boost / he | wente in to
flaundres and was therynne enleuen dayes /and dy- 1 de but lytel harme /excepte
he brente two fayr vyUages poperyng | and beUe / and other howses whiche
were of no strengthe / and soo | retornrned home ageyne / Also this same yere
the kyng of scottys | besyeged Eokesburgh with moche peple / but sir Eauf
gray depar j ted for the castel / and ordeyned for rescows / but as soue as the |
kynge vnderstode his departyng / be sodaynly brake his syege / | and wente
hys weye leuynge moche ordenaunce behynde hym / | where he gate noo
worship / This yere the second daye j of lanyuer queue katheryn a.d. 1437.
whiche was the kynges moder and | wyf to kynge harry the fyfthe deyde and
departed oute of thys | worlde / and was brought ryaUy thurgh london / and
soo to I westmynstre / and there lyeth buryed worshipfuUy in oure la- | dy
chapel / Also this same yere the fourtenthe daye of Janyuer || fyl doune the Begin recto
gate with a toure on hit on london brydge toward | southwerk with twoo °f^'&-54^-
arches /and aU that stode theron / This | yere was a grete trayttye holden
bytwene grauenyug and ca- 1 lays bytwene the kyng and ducke of burgoyne /
where for the | kyng was the Cardynall of Englond the duck of Norfolke & |
many other lordes / aud for the ducke was the Duchesse hauyng | fuU power
of her lord / as regent and ladye of his londes / where | was taken by thadnys
of bothe partyes an abstynence of warre | for a certeyne tyme in the name of
the Duchesse / and not of the | duke / by cause he hadde goon from his oth
and lygeaunce that he | had made to kyug harry / therfor the kynge neuer
wolde wryte | ne appoyute ne haue to do with hym after / but all in the

TOL. I.

K K

242 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
duches- 1 se name / Also this yere queue Jane deyde / the second daye of [
JuyU /whiche had ben kynge harry the fourthys wyf/ and was | caryed fro
bermondesey vnto Caunterbury where she lyeth bury- j ed by hynge harry the
fourth her husbond / This yere deyde aUe | the lyons in the toure of london /
the whiche hadde not be seen in | many yeres byfore / oute of mynde
Capitulum 21
A.D. 1437. I N the xvj yere of kyng harry deyde Sygysmud Emperour | of almayne
and knyght of the garter / whos torment the j kynge kepte at pawlys
in london ryally / where was made a ry- | al herse / and the kynge iu his astate
cladd in blewe was at euen j at dirige / and on the morne at masse / Aud after
hym was elect | & chosen Albert duke of ostryche whiche had wedded Sygys- 1
mundus doughter for to be Emperour / This was taken and res- 1 seyued to
be kyng of boheme & vugary by cause of hys wyf that | was sigismundus
doughter whiche lefte after hym none other he | yer This albert was emperour
but one yere / for he was poysond | and soo he deyde / somme saye he deyde
of a flyxe / but he was a ver- 1 tuouse man and pytefuUe / soo moche that alle
the peple that | knewe hym sayde that the worlde was not worthy to haue
hys I presence / Jn this yere was the kynge of scottys murthred iu his [
chambre by nyght pytously whiche kynge had be prysoner xv ye | re in
englonde / And they that slewe hym were taken afterward | & had cruel
iustyce / this yere one owayn a squyer of wales a ma | of lowe byrthe / whiche
had many a day to fore secretely weddyd | queue katheryn & had by her thre
Begin verso SOUCS / & a doughtcr was takcu II and commannded to newgate to prysonne
0 sig. 54 -. -^^ ^^ -^^^^ ^£ giouce- 1 tre protectour of the Eoyame / And this yere he brake
pryson by | the mene of a preest that was his chappelayn / and after he was j,
taken ageyne by my lord bemond / and brought ageyne to newe j gate / whiche
afterward was delyuerd at large / and one of his | sones afterward was made
Erie of rychemod / & another erle of | penbroke / and the thyrde a monk of
westmynstre / whiche monke | deyde sone after / This yere also on newyers
day at baynardyscas- 1 tel fyl doune a stak of wode sodeynly at after none /
and slewe | thre men meschyuously and foule hurte other / Also at bedford |
on a shyreday were eyghten men murthred / withoute stroke by | fallynge
doune of a steyr / as they cam oute of theyr comyn haUe | and many foule
A.D. 1440. hurte /Jn the eyghtenth yere sir rychard beau- 1 champ the good erle of
warwyck deyde at Eoan / he beynge that | tyme lyeutenaunt of the kynge in
normandye / and from thennes | his bodye was brought to warwyk / where he

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 243
lyeth worshipfiUly | in a newe chapel on the south syde of the quyre / Also
this I yere was a greete derthe of Corne in al englond / For a busshel | of
whete was worth fourty pens in many places of Englond / & | yet men myght
not haue ynowgh / wherfor steuen broun that ty- 1 me mayer of london sente
in to pruse / and brought to london cer- 1 tayne shippes laden with rye / which
easyd and dyd moche good | to the peple / For corne was soo skarce in
Englond that in some | places of englond poure peple made hem brede of fern
rotes / I This yere the general counseyle of basyle deposed pope eugenye (
And they chese felyx whiche was duc of sauoye / And thenne | byganne the
scysme / whiche endured vnto the yere of our lord a | M C C C C & xlviij /
This felyx was a deuoute prynce / and sa- 1 we the sones of his sones / and
after lyued a deuoute and hooly | lyf/ And was chosen pope by the counseylfr
of basyle / eugenye de j posed / and soo the scysme was long tyme / and this
felyx had not j moche obedyence bycause of the neutralyte / for the moost
parte | and wel nygh al cristendom obeyed & reputed eugenye for veray |
pope / god knoweth who was the veray pope of them both / for both |
occupyed durynge the lyf of eugenye / This yere Syr Eychard | wiche vycary
of hermettesworth was degrated of his prysthode / | at powlys / and brente at
toure hyUe as for an heretyk on saynt | Botulphus day / how wel at his deth /
he deyde a good crysten man | wherfore after his dethe moche people cam to
the place / | where he hadde be brente / and offryd and made a
heepe || of stones / and sette vp a crosse of tree and helde hym for a saynt j tUl Begin recto
the mayer and shreues by commaundement of the kynge and | bisshops ° "^' '^ ^'
destroyed it / and made there a donghyll . Also this same | yere the shreues of
london fette oute of saynt martyns the graute | the sayntuarye fyue personnes /
whiche afterward were restored | ageyne to the sayntuarye by kynges lustyces /
After Alberto | the thyrde Frederyk was chosen Emperour / This Frederyk
duke I of ostryche was longe Emperour / and differyd for to be crowned | at
Eome by cause of the scysme / but after that vnyon was had | he was crowned
with Imperyal dyademe with grete glorye aud | tryumphe of pope nycholas the
fourth / This was a man pesyble | quyete and of syngnler pacyence / not hatyng
the chirche • he wed- 1 ded the kyng of portyngales doughter /
Capitulum 22
N this yere dame Elyanore Cobham duchesse of gloucetre / | was arestyd a.d. 1440.
for certayne poyntes of treasonne leyd ageyn | her / wherupon she was
exaniyned in saynt steuens chapel at west | mynstre byfore tharchebisshop of
E K 2

244 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
Caunterbury / and ther she was | enioyned to open penaunce for to goo thurgh
chepe berynge a ta- 1 per in her honde / and after to perpetuel prison in to the
lie of man | vnder the kepynge of sir thomas Stanley / Also that sa- 1
me tyme was arestyd ihayster thomas southwel a chano of west | mynstre
mayster John hum a chappelayn of the sayd ladyes / | mayster Eogyer
bolyngbroke a Clerk vsynge nygromancye / j
And one margery Jurdemayn caUyd the wytche of eye besyde | westmynstre/
These were arestyd as for beyng of counseyU with | the sayd duchesse of
gloucetre . And as for mayster thomas south | wel he deyde iu the toure the
nyght before he shold haue be reyued | on the morne / For soo he sayd hym
self that he shold dye iu his | bedde and not by Justyce / And in the
A.D. 1441. yere twenty | mayster Johan hum and mayster Eogyer Bolyngbrooke were |
brought to the guydhalle in london / and ther bjrfore the mayer / | the lordes
and chyef Justyce of Englond were rayned and j dampned to be drawen
hanged and quartred . but mayster John j hum had his chartre and was
pardoned by the kynge . bnt mays j ter Eogyer was drawen to Tybume/ where he
confessyd that he | yde gyltles and neuer had trespaced in that he deyd fore/ ||
Begin verso Notwithstaudyug hc was hanged heded and quartred / on whos | soule god haue
° s'g- 54 3- jj^gj.gy ^ _^xi(j margery Jurdemayne was brente | in Smythfeld / ^ Also
this yere the lord Talbotte | had leyde syege to dyepe / but the Dolphyn
rescowed it / and wan | the bastyle that Englysshmen had made Also this
A.D. 1442. yere was | a greete effraye iu fletestrete by nyghtes tyme bytwene men of |
Courte and men of london / and dyuerse men slayne and somme | hurte / and
one herbotel was chyef cause of the mysgouernaunce | and effraye / Also
this yere at the chesyng of the mayer | of london the Comons named
Eobert Clopton and Eawlyn ho- | lond Taylour / And the Aldermen toke
Eobert clopton & brought | hym at the ryght honde of the mayer / as the
customme is / | And thenne certayne tayllours and hande crafty men cryed
A.D. 1443. nay | naye not this man / but rawlyn holonde / wherfor the mayer that |
was padysley sente tho that soo cryed to newgate / where they a- | bode
a grete whUe and were punysshed / Jn this yere | were dyuerse
ambassadours sente in to Guyan for a maryage | for the kynge for the
erles doughter of Armynak • whiche was | concluded / but by the mene of
therle of Suffolk it was lette & | put a part / And after this the sayd erle
of Suffolk wente ouer | the see in to Fraunce / And there treated the maryage
bytwene | the kynge of Englond and margarete the kynges doughter of | Secyle
and of lerusalem And the next yere it was conclu | ded fuUy that maryage/
by whiche maryage the kynge shold de- | lyuer to her fader the Duchye of

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 245

b

Angeo . and the Erldome of | mayne whiche was the keye of normandye /
Thenne departed the Erie of Suffolke with his wyf and dy | uerse lordes and
knyghtes in the moost ryal astate that myghte j be oute of Englonde with newe
chares and paUirayes / whiche | wente thurgh chepe /and soo wente ouer the
see/ and resseyued j her / and syth brought her in the lente after to hampton /
where | she landed and was ryally resseyued / And on Candelmasse | euen
byfore by a greete tempeste of thonder and lyghtnyng at | after None / Paulus
Steple was sette a fyre on the myddes | of the shafte in the tymbre / whiche
was quenchyd by force of la | boure / and speciaUy by the laboure ofthe morowe
masse preeste | of the bowe in chepe / whiche was thought Inpossyble / sauf
pnly I the grace of god/ This yere was the erle of Stafford made | and
create Duke of Bokyngham / the Erie of warwyck / Duk || of warwyck / therle Begin recto
of dorsete / marquys of dorsete / and the erle | of Suffolk was made marquys of *'^''^' ^'^ '^"
Suffolk/ Capitulum 23/
i N this yere kyng harry maryed at southweke queue mar- j grete / And a.d. 1444.
she cam- to london the eyghtenth day of maye / | And by the waye alle
the lordes of englonde resseyued her wor- j shipfuUy in dyuerse places / and in
especial the duc of gloucetre | And on blackheth the mayer Aldermen /and
aUe the craftes in | blewe gownes browdred with the deuyse of his crafte that
they I myghte be byknowen / mette wyth her with reede hoodes / And | brought
her to london / where were dynerse pagentis aud counte- 1 naunces of dyuerse
historyes shewyd in dyuerse places of the cy | te ryally and costlewe / And the
thyrttyest daye of maye the sayd | queue was crowned at westmynstre /
And there was Justys | thre dayes duryng within the sayntuarye to fore
thabbay / / | This yere the pryour of kylmayn appeled therle of vrmond
of I treasonne / whiche hadde a day assygned to them for to fyghte in |
Smythfeld / and the lystys were made and feelde dressyd / But | whanne it
cam to poynt the kynge commannded that they shold | not fyghte / but toke
the quarels in to his owne honde / and this | was doone . at the Instaunce and
labour of certayne prechours & | doctours of london as mayster gylbert
worthyngton parson of sa- j ynt Andrews in holborne and other / Also
this yere cam a | grete ambassate in to englonde onto of Fraunce for to haue
con- I eluded a perpetuel pees / but in conclusion it torned vnto a triews j of
a yere Aboute this tyme deyde saynt bernardyn a gray j frere whiche
beganne the newe reformacion of that ordre in many | places / iu so moche that
they that were reformed ben callyd ob- 1 seruauntes / whiche obseruauntes ben

246 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
encreaced gretely in Jta | lye and in almayne / This Bernardyn was
ca- 1 nonysed by pope nycholas the fyfthe in the yere thousand foure C | and
fyfty / Johannes de capestrano was his disciple / whiche pro | uffyted moche to
the reformacion of that ordre / for whome God | shewyd many myracles also /
Here is to be noted that from this | tyme forward kyng harry neuer prouffyted
ne wente forward / | but fortune beganne to tourne from hym on aU sydes / as
weU in | Fraunce / normandye / guyan / as in Englonde / Somme men ||
Begin verso holdc oppyuyou that kyug harry gaf commyssiou plenerly to sire | Edward
° ^'s- 54 4- j^yjjg jgyj^g B.obert roos / the dene of saynt seneryns & | other to conclude
a maryage for hym with therle of Armynaks | suster / whiche was promysed as
it was sayd and concluded / | But afterward it was broken / for by the mene
of the marquys | of Suffolke it was broken / And he wedded Queue margrete |
as a fore is said / whiche was a dere maryage / for the Eoyamme | of Englonde/
For it is knowen veryly that for to bane her was | delyuerd the duchye of
angeo / and the erldom of mayne / which | was the keye of normandy for the
Frensshmen tentre / And a- | bone this the • sayd marquys of Suffolke axyd in
playne parle | ment a fyftenth and an half for to fetche her oute of Franuce / |
Lo what a maryage was this / as to the comparysone of that o- | ther maryage
of Armynak /For ther sholde haue ben delyuerd | so many castels and townes in
Guyan / and so moche good shol- 1 de haue ben youe with her / that aU englond
shold haue ben therby | enryched / but contraye wyse fylle / wherfore euery
greete prynce | ought to kepe his promyse / For bycause of brekyug of this pro j
myse / and for maryage of queue margrete what losse hath hadde | the Eoyamme
of Englond / by losyng of normandye and guy- 1 au by dyuysion in the Eoyame /
the rebellyng of Comons ayenst | theyr prynce and lordes / what dyuysyon
among the lordes / what | murdre & sleyng of them / what feldes foughten
& made / |
Jn conclusiouthat many a man hath lost his lyf/ the kyng j deposed the
queue with her sone fayne to flee in to Scotland / | and from thens in to
Fraunce / and so to lorayn the place that she | cam first fro / Many men deme
that the brekyug of the kynges | promyse to the suster of therles of Armynack
was cause of this | grete losse and aduersyte.
Capitulum 24
A.D. 1446. N the yere xxv . of kynge harry was a parlement at bury | caUyd saynt
edmondes burye / aboute whiche was comman- | ded aUe the comyns of
the countre to bee there in theyr moost defeu | sable araye for to awayte vppon

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 247
the kyng / To whiche parlement j cam the duc of gloucetre hunfreye the
kynges vncle / whiche hadd | ben protectour of englonde aUe the non age of
the kyng / And | anone after he was in his lodgyng he was arestyd by the
vyse II counte bemonde the conestable of Englonde / whome accompanyed | the Begin recto
duc of Bokyngham and many other lordes / And forthwith | aUe his seruauntes °^''^' ^"^ ^"
were comaunded for to d-eparte fro hym / and | two & thyrtty of the chyeeff of
hem were also arestyd and sente | to dyuerse prysons • And v or vj dayes
after this sayd arest / j the sayd duke was deede / on whoos sowle god haue
mercy / | But how he deyde and in what manere the Certaynte is not to | me
knowen / Somme sayde he deyde for sorowe / somme sayde he | was murthred
bytwene two fetherbeddes / other sayd that an ho- | te spyt was putte in his
fundament / but how he deyde god kno- | weth / to whome is noo thynge
hydde / And thenne whanne he | was soo deed / he was leyd open that al
man myght see hym | And so both lordes and knyghtes of the shyres with
bourgeyses | cam & sawe hym lye deede / but wounde ne token coude they
not I perseyne how he deyde / Here maye men marke what this world is | This
duk was a noble man and a grete clerke / and hadde wor | shipfuUy ruled this
Eoyamme to the kynges behoof/ and neuer | coude be founde fawte with hym /
but enye of them that were go | uernours / and hadde promysed to delyuer the
Duchye of An- | geo & the Erldome of mayn caused the destruction of this
noble I man / For they drad hym that he wolde haue enpesshyd that dely j
uerance / And after they sente his body to saynt Albons with cer | tayne
lyghtes for to be buryed . And soo Syre geruays of clyf | ton hadde than the
charge to conueye the corps / And soo it was | buryed at saynt albons in
thabbay / And fyue persones of his | houshold were sent to london / and ther
were rayned and luged | to be drawen hanged and quartred / of whome the
names were | Syre Eogyer chamberlayn^ knyght and myddletou Squyer / her |
bard a squyer arthur a Squyer / and Eychard Nedham whiche | fyue personnes
were drawen from the tour of london thrugh che | pe vnto Tiburne / and
there hanged and lete doune quyck / and | thenne strypt for to haue ben heded
and quartred / And thenne | the marquys of Suffolk shewyd ther for them the
kynges par j don vnder his grete seal / and soo they were pardonned of the re- j
menaunt of the execucion and had theyr lyues / And soo they j were brought
ageyne to london / aud after frely delyuerd / | Thus beganne the trouble iu
englond for the deth of this noble | duke / AUe the comous of the Eoyamme
beganne for to murmu- | re and were not content / After that pope Eugenye a.d. 1447.
was deed ny | cholas the fyfth was electe pope / This nycholas was chosen || .^^ ^^^^^
for Eugenye yet hauyng the scisme / Notwithstondyng he gate the | obedyence ofsig. 54 5.

248 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
of aU cristen Eoyammes / For after he was electe and | sacred pope / Certayne
lordes of Fraunce and of Englond weere | sente in to sauoye to pope Felyx for
to entreate hym to cesse of the | papacye . And by the specyall labour of the
bisshop of norwyche / | and the lord of saynt Johans he cessyd the second
yere after that | Nycholas was sacred / and the sayd Felyx was made legate of j
Fraunce and cardynal of sauoye / And resygned the hoole papa- 1 eye to
nycholas / and after lyued an hooly lyf and deyd an holy | man / And as it is
sayd god shewed myracles for hym / |
This was the thre and twentyeste Scysme / bytwene eugenye & | Felyx / and
dured sixteue yere / the cause was this / the generaUe | counseylle of basylle
deposed eugenye whiche was only pope and | Indubytate for as moche as he
obserued not and kept the decrees | and statutes of the counseylle of Counstance
as it is sayd / nether | he rought not to gyue obedyence to that general
counseyU / wherof | roose a grete alteracion amonge wrytars of this mater pro
and I contra whiche can not acorde vnto this day / One partye seyth that |
the counseyUe is aboue the pope / that other party sayth nay . But | the pope
is aboue the counseyU / God blessyd aboue alle thjmges | gyue and sende his
pees in hooly chirche spouse of Cryst Amen / | This nycholas was of Jene
comen of lowe byrth a doctour of | dyuynyte an actyf man / he reedefyed
many places that were bro | ken and rujrnons / and dyde do make a grete
walle oboute the pa- | lays' and made the walle newe aboute Eome for drede
of the tur | kes / And the peple wondred of the ceesynge and resygnynge of |
Felyx to hym / consyderyd that he was a man of so lowe byrthe | And that
other was of affynyte to alle the moost part of Cryste | prynces / wherof there
was a verse publysshed in Eome in this | maner / Lux fulsit mundo cessyd
Felyx nycholao.
Capitulum 25 Capitulum 24
A.D. 1448. i N the yere of kyng harry xxvij beynge trewes bytwene | Fraunce and
englond a knyght of the englysshe partye na | med Sir Fraunceys
Aragonoys toke a towne of normandy na | med Fogyers . ageynste the trewes /
of whiche takynge byganne | moche sorowe and losse / For this was the
Begin recto occasiou by wMche the || Frensshe men gate all normandy / This yere a Squyer
0 sig. .4 , ^£ englod I named chalons dyde armes with a knyght of Fraunce named |
Syre lowys de buyel to fore the Frensshe kynge / and ranne the | Frensshe
knyght thurgh with a spere and slewe hym in the felde |
Jn the yere xxviij was a parlement holden at westmynstre | And from
thennes adiourned to the black Frerys at london / | And after Crystemasse

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 249
to westmynstre ageyne / And this same | yere Eobert of Cane a man of the west
contre with a fewe ships | toke an hole flote of shippes comynge oute of the
baye laden with | salt / whiche shippes were of pruys / Flaundrys / Holand
and I Zeland / and brought hem to hampton / wherfor the marchauntis | of
englond beynge in flaundres were arested in Brugys / Jpre | and other places /
and myght not be delyuerd ner theyr dettys | dyscharged tiU they had made
a poyntement for to paye for the a- 1 mendes and hurtes of tho shippes / which
was payd by the mar | chauntes of the staple euery peny / And in lyke wyse
the mar- 1 chauntes and godes beyng in danske were also arestyd and ma- 1 de
grete amendes . This same yere the Frensshmen in a mornynge | toke by a
trayne thea toune of pout al arche aud therynne the lord | Fawconbrydge was
taken prysonner / And after that in decem- | bre Eoan was taken and lost / a.d. 1449.
beyng therynne the duc of somer- 1 sete edmund / therle of Shrewsbury / whiche
by appoyntement left | pledgys and lost all normandye / and came home / And
duryng | the sayd parlement the duck of Suffolk was arestyd and sente | in to
the tour / aud ther was a monethe / and after the kyng dyd | doo fetche hym
oute / For whiche cause alle the comyns of En- | glond were in a grete rumour
what for the delyueraunce of An- | geo and mayn and after for losynge of al
normandye / and in e- | special for the deth of the good duke of gloucetre /
in soo moche | that in somme places men gadred to geders and made hem Ca- 1
pytaynes as blewe berd and other / whiche were resysted and ta | ken aud had
Justyce aud deyd/ And thenne the sayd parlement | was adiourned to leycetre/
And theder the kynge brought with | hym the duke of Suffolke / And whanne
the comon hows vn- | derstode that he was oute of the tour and comen
theder / they desy- | red to haue execucion on them / that were cause of the
delyueraunce | of normandy / aud had ben cause of the deth of the duc of
giouce- I tre / and had solde gascoyne and guyan / of whiche they named | to
be gylty the duc of Suffolk as chyef the lord saye / the Bisshop | of Saslebury /
Danyel and many moo / And for to pease the || Comons the duck of Suffolke Begin verso
was exyled oute of englond fy- | ue yere / And soo durynge the parlement he ° ^^' ''^
wente in to norfolke | and there toke shippyng for to goo oute of the Eoyame
in to frau | ce And this yere as he sayled on the see / a shippe of warre cal- j
1yd the nycholas of towr mette with his ship and fonde hym ther | in whome
they toke oute / and brought hym in to theyr shippe / | to fore the mayster
and Capytayns / And ther he was examyned | and atte last Juged to the deth /
And so they putte hym in a Ca | bou / and his chappelayne for to shryne hym /
And that done | they brought hym in to doner roode / and there sette hym in
to the I boot / and there smote of his heede / and brought the bodye a londe |
TOL I. L L

250 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
vpon the sondes and sette the heede therby / And this was done j the fyrst
day of maye / Loo what auayleth hym now this delyue | ueraunce of
normandye / And here ye may see how he was rewar | ded for the deth of the
duck of gloucetre / Thus beganne sorowe | vppon sorowe and deth for deth /
Capitulum 26
A.D. 1450. t His yere of our lord a thousand four honderd & fyfty was | the grete
grace of the Jubilee at Eome / where was greete | pardonne / in soo moche
that from alle places of Crystendome gre | te multitude of peple resorted
theder / This yere Syre thomas | cryeU was ouerthrowen at fermygny / and
many Englysshemen | slayne and taken prysonners / This same yere was
a grete | assemblyng and gaderyug to geder of the Comons of kente iu | greete
nombre / and made an Insurrection and rebeUyd ageynste | the kynge and his
lawes And ordeyned hem a Capytayne cal- 1 1yd Johan Cade an Jrysshe man /
whiche named hym self mor | tymer Cosyn to the ducke of yorke / And this
Capytayne helde | these men to geder and made ordenaunces among them
& brought I hem to blackheth where he made a byUe of petycions to the kyng j
and hys counseyU / and shewyd what Inyuryes and oppressions | the poure
comyns suffryd / aud alle vnder coloure for to come to | his aboue / And he
had a grete multitude of peple / And the seue- 1 tenth day of Juyn the kynge
with many lordes Capytayns and | men of warre wente towarde hym to the
blackheth / Aud whan | the capytajme of kente vnderstode the comyng of the
kynge with | so grete a puyssauce / he withdrewe hym with his peple to
Begin recto seucuok || a lytU vyllagc / And xxviij daye of Juyn beynge with | drawen
aud goon / the kynge cam with his armye sette in ordre | and enbatayUed to
the blackheth / and by aduys of his counseyU | sente sir vmfrey Stafford
knyght . aud wiUiam Stafford Squyer | two valyaunt Capytains with certayne
peple to fight with the | capytayne and to take hym / and brynge hym ahd
his I accessaryes to the kynge . whiche wente to seuenock / and there the |
Capytayne with his felauship mett with hem / and fought ayest | hem / and in
conclusion slewe them bothe and as many as abode / | and wolde not yelde
hem nor flee / Duryng these scarmuche fyll | a grete varyaunce among the
lordes men and comyn peple beyng | on blackheth ageynst theyr lordes and
capytayns sayyng playn | ly that they wolde goo to the capytayne of kente to
assyste and | helpe hym / but yf they myghte haue execucion on the traytours / j
heyng aboute the kyng / wherto the kyng sayd nay /
Aud they sayd playnly that the lord saye tresorer of eng / | lond the

ofsig. 54 7.

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 251
Bisshop of Salysbury/ /the abbot of gloucetre / danyel j and treuylyan and
many moo were traytours / and worthy to be | ded / wherfor for to plese the
lordes meyne and also somme of the | kynges hows the lord saye was arestyd
and sente to the Toure / | of london / And thenne the kynge herynge tydynges
of the dethe j and ouerthrowynge of the staffords withdrewe hym to london / |
and fro thennes to kyllyngworth for the kyng ne the lordes dur | ste not truste
theyr owne houshold meyne / Thenne after that the | Capytayne had hadde
this vyctory vpon the staffordes / anone he | toke sire vmfrayes salade and
his brygantyns smyten ful of gylt | nayles aud also his gylt spores & arayed
hym lyke a lord and | a Capytayne / and resorted with al his meyne / aud also
mo than | he had to fore to the blackheth ageyne / to whome cam tharchebis- 1
shop of Caunterbury / and the duck of Bokyngham to the blac- 1 heth and
spake with hym / And as it was sayde they fonde hym | wytty in his talkyng
and his requestys / and so they departed | And the thyrdde daye of Juyll he
cam and entryd in to london | with alle his peple / and there dyde make cryes
in the kynges na | me and his that no man shojd robbe ne take noo mannes
good / I but yf he payd for it / and cam rydynge thurgh the Cyte iu grete |
pryde / and smote his swerde vpon / london stone in Canwyckstre- 1 te / and he
beyng in the Cyte sente to the tour for to haue the lord | saye / and soo they
fette hym aud brought hym to the guyldhalle | before the mayer and Aldermen /
where he was examyned / and || he sayd he wold and ought to be luged by his Begin verso
peres/ And the | comons of kent toke hym by force from the mayer and ° ^ig. 54 ?•
offycers j that kepte hym / and toke hym to a pryeste to shryue hym / And j
er he myght be half shryuen they brought hym to the standard | in Chepe /
And there smote of .his hede/ on whoos soule god haue | mercy Amen. And
thus deyde the lord saye tresorer of Englond | After this they sette his heede
on a spere / and bare it aboute in | the Cyte / And the same day at myle ende
ccowmer was byheded | And the same day byfore at after none the capytayne
' with certa- 1 yne of his mayne wente to phelyp malpas hows / and robbyd | hym
and toke awaye moche goode . And fro thennes he wente to | saynt margrete
patyns to one gherstys hows / and robbyd hym | also . At whiche robbyng
dyuerce men of london of theyr neygh- 1 hours were at it / and toke part with
them / For this robbyng the | peples hertes fyll from hym / and euery thryfty
man was aferd | for to be seruyd in lyke wyse . For ther was many a man in
Ion- 1 don that awayted / and wolde feyne haue seen a comjTi robberye / j
whiche god forbede / For it is to suppose yf he hadde not robbed / he | myght
haue gon fer er he had bee withstonde / For the kynge and | alle the lordes of
the Eoyame were departed excepte the lord sea- 1 les that kepte the toure /
L L 2

252 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
And the fyfthe day of Juyll he dyde do | smyte of a mans heede in
Southwerke / And the nyght after the | mayre of london the aldermen and
the Comons of the Cyte con | eluded to dryue awey the Capytayne and his
hooste / and sente to | the lord scales to the tour and to mathew gogh a
Capytayne of | normandye that they wolde that nyghte assayle the Capytayne j
with them of kente / And so they dyde and cam to london brydge | in to
Southwerke / er the Capytayne had ony knowlege therof | And they fought
with them that kepte the brydge / And the ke- 1 tysshmen wente to harnoys and
cam to the brydge and shot and | fought with hem / and gate the brydge / and
made them of london | to flee / and slowe many of hem . And this endured all
the nyght | to & fro tyU nyne of the clock on the morne / And atte laste they j
brent the drawebrydge • where many of them of london were drou | ned / Jn
which nyght Sutton an alderman was slayne / Eogyer | beysaunt and mathew
gogh and many other / And after this | the chaunceler of Englond sente to
the Capytayne a pardone ge- | neral for him and another for aUe his meyne /
And thenne they | departed from southwerke euery man home to his hows /
Begin rerfo Aud whauue they were al departed and goone ther were || proclamaciones
'°' ' made in kente / southsex / and in other places / | that what man coude take
the capytayne quyck or deede shold ha | ue a thousande march /And after this
one Alysaunder Jden a | squyer of kente toke hym in a gardyn in southsex /
and in the ta- | kynge the capytayne Johan cade was slayne / and after
byheded | and his heede sette on london brydge / / And anone after thenne |
the kynge cam in to kente / and dyde his lustyces sytte at caunter | bury and
enquyre who were accessaryes and chyef cause of this | Insurrection / Aud
ther were eyght men luged to deth iu one day | and in other places moo / And
fro thennes the kyng wente in to | southsex / and in to the weste countre /
where a lytell byfore was | slayne the bisshop of Salysbury / And this same
yere were so ma | ny luged to deth that thre and twenty hedes stode on
london brid- | ge attones / Capitulum 27
A.D. 1452. I N the yere thyrtty the duck of york cam oute of the march | of wales
with therle of deuenshyre and the lord Cobham | with grete puyssaunce
for reformacion of certayne Iniuryes aud | wronges / aud also to haue lustyce
on certayne lordes beynge a- | boute the kyng / And toke a felde at brentheth
besyde dertford in | kent / whiche was a stronge felde / for whiche cause the
kyng with | alle the lordes of the lande went vnto the blackheth with a grete |

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 253
multitude of peple armed and ordeyned for the warre in the best | wyse / And
whanne they had musteryd on the blackheth / certa- 1 yne lordes were sente to
hym for to treate and make appoyute - | ment with hym whiche were the
Bisshop of Ely and the Bis- 1 shop of wynchestre / and therles of Salysbury
and of warwyk | And they concluded that the duck of Somersete sholde be
hadde | to ward / and to answere to suche artycles as the duk of york shol | de
putte to hym / And thenne the duc of york shold breke his fel | de and come
to the kyng whiche was aU promysed by the kyng | And soo the kyng
commannded that the duke of somersete shol | de be had in warde / And thenne
the duck of york brake vp his | felde . and cam to the kynge and whanne he
was come / contrary | to the promyse a fore made . the duke of somersete was
presente in | the felde awaytyng and chyef aboute the kyng and made the |
duke of york ryde to fore as a prysoner thurgh london / and after || they wolde Begin verso
haue putte hym in holde / but a noyse aroos that the | erle of marche his ° ^'^' ^'^ ''
sonne was comynge with ten thousande men | to london warde / wherof the
kynge and his counseyl fered / and | thenne concluded that the duc of yorke
sholde departe at his wyl | Aboute this tyme byganne greete dyuysyon in
spruse bytwene | the grete mayster and the knyghtes of the duche ordre
whiche we | re lordes of that countre / For the Comons and townes rebeUyd |
ageynste the lordes / and made so grete warre that at last they cal 1 1yd the
kynge of pole to be theyr lord / whiche cam & was recey j uyd and layde
syege to the castel of maryenburgh / whiche was | the chyef castel and strength
of aUe the lond / aud wanne it / and | droofe oute the mayster of danske and
aUe other places of that | lond / And so they that had ben lordes many yeres |
lost all theyr j seygnorye and possessions in tho landes/ |
Jn the yere of oure lorde a thousand four honderd and thre and | fyfty a.d. 1453.
the cyte of Constautynople themperyal Cyte of Grece was | taken by the
turke / the Emperour slayne / and Innumerable cry- | sten peple destroyed
and put in Captyuyte / by whiche pryse Cry | sten feyth perysshed in grece /
and the turke enhaunced gretely in | pryde / And the yere of our lord
a thousand four honderd & j thre and fyfty on saynt edwardes day the
queue margaret was | delyuerd of a fayre prynce / whiche was named
Edward / j That same day Johan norman was chosen for to be mayer
of Ion I don / Aud the day that he shold take his othe at westmynstre / he j
wente thyder by water with alle the craftes / where a fore tyme / | the mayer
aldermen and al the craftes /Eode a horsback / whiche | was neuer vsyd after/
For syn that tyme they haue euer goone | by water in barges / ye haue
wel vnderstande to fore how that | Contrarye to the promyse of the kyng

254 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
and also the conclusions taken bytwene the kynge and the duke of york at
brentheth / the | duke of somersete wente not to ward / but abode about the
kyng I and hadde grete rewle and was made Capytayne of Calays / and j
rewlyd the kynge aud the Eoyamme as he wolde / wherfore the | grete lordes
of the Eoyamme and also the comons were not pie- | syd / for which cause the
duke of york the Erles of warwyck and | of Salysbury with many knyghtes
and squyers and moch peple | cam for to remeue the sayd duke of Somersete
and other fro the | kynge / And the kynge herynge of theyr comyng thought
by his I counseylle for to haue gone westward and not for to mete with | hem /
Begin recio Aud haddc with hym the Duke of Somersete / the Ducke || Bokyngham / the
ofsig. 55 !• gj,jg q£ Stafford / therle of northumberlond / the | lord clyfford and many other /
And what tyme that the Duk of | york and his felawship vnderstode that the
kyng was departed | with these sayd lordes from london / Anone he chaunged
his wey | and costed the countrey & cam to saynt albons the thre and twen j
tyest day of maye / and ther mette with the kyng . to whome the | kynge sente •
certayne lordes and desyred hem to kepe the pees and | departe / but in
conclusion whiles they treated on that one syde / | therle of warwik with the
marche men and other entrid the ton- | ne on that other / and fought ageynst
A.D. 1455. the kynge and his partye / | and soo byganne the batayUe and fyghtyug /
whiche endured a | good whyle / but in conclusion the duck of york obteyned
and I had the vyctorye of that lourneye . Jn whiche was slayne the j duke of
Somersete / therle of northumberlond / the lord Clyfford | and many knyghtes
and squyres / And many mo hurt / Aud ou | the morne after they brought the
kynge in grete astate to london / | whiche was lodged in the bisshops palays of
london / And anon | after was a grete parlament / Jn whiche parlement the
duke of I york was made protectour of Englond / and therle of warwik |
Capytayne of Calays / And therle of Salysbury chaunceler of | englond / and
aU suche personnes as had the rewle to fore aboute | the kynge were sette
a parte and myght not rewle as they dyde | to fore / Jn this yere deyde
pope nycholas the fyfthe / and after | hym was Calyxte the thyrdde / This
calyxte was a catalane / & | au old man whanne he was chosen and coutinuelly
seke /wherfor | he myghte not performe his zele and desyre that he had
ageynste | the turkes conceyued / aud the cause of lettynge therof was his j
age and sekenesse / This Calyxte lustitued aud ordeyned | the feste of the
transfyguracion of our lord to be halowed on saint | sixtes day in August by
cause of the grete vyctorye that they of | hungary had ageynste the turkes
that same day / he was chosen | pope the yere of our lord thousand four
honderd and fyue & fyf | ty / And deyde the yere thousand four honderd

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMXTS. 255
and eyght and fyf | ty / that same day that he ordeyned the feste of the
transfyguracion j to be halowed / Jn this yere fyU a grete affi'aye in london
ageynst | the lombardes / The cause bygan by cause a yong man toke a dag |
gar from a lombard and brake it / wherfor the yong man on the | mom was
sente for to come to fore the mayer aud aldermen / and | there for the offence
he was commytted to warde / And thenne the | mayer departed from the
GuyldhaUe for to goo home to his || dyner / but in Chepe the yonge men of Begin verso
the mercerye for the most | parte prentyses helde the mayer and shreues styU °^''^' ^^ '"
in chepe / and | wold not suffre hym to departe vnto the tyme / that theyr
Felaw I whiche was commyted to warde were delyuerd / and soo by for |
ce they rescowed theyr felawe from prysonne / and that done the j mayer and
shreuys departed / And the prysoner delyuerd which | yf he had be put to
pryson had ben in ieopardy of his lyf/ & thus | beganne a rumour iu the cyte
ageynst the lombardes / and the sa- | me euenyng the handcrafty peple of the
toune aroos and ranne | to the lombardes howses / and despoyUed and robbed
dyuerse of | hem / wherfor the mayer and aldermen cam with the honest
people I of the toune and droof them thens and sente somme of them that |
had stolen to newgate / And the yong man that was rescowed | byiiis felaws
sawe this grete rumour affraye and Eobberye en | slewed of his fyrst meuyng
to the lombard / departed and >went | to westmynstre to sayntuarye / or eUys
it had costed hym his lyf/ | For anone after cam doune one Oyer determyne /
for to doo I Justyce on alle them that soo rebeUyd in the Cyte / ageynste the (
lombardes . on which satte with the mayer that tyme WUliam ma | rowe /
the duke of Bokyngham and many other lordes for to | see the execucion done /
But the Comyns of the Cyte secretely ma | de them redy / aud dyde arme them
in theyr howses /and were | in purpose for to haue rongen the comyn beUe/
whiche is named j bowe beUe / But they were lette by sad men / whiche cam to
the I knowleche of the ducke of Bokyngham and other lordes / and | lucoutynent
they aroos for they durste noo lenger abyde / For | they doubted that the hoole
Cyte wolde haue aryseu ageynste | them / But yet neuertheles two or thre of the
Cyte were Juged | to deth for this robbery and were hanged at Tyburne / |
And anone after the kynge / the Queue and other lordes Eode | to Couentre / a.d. 1457.
and withdrewe hem from loudou for thyse causes / | And a lytel to fore the
duke of yorke was sente fore to Grene- | wych / and there was dyscharged of
the protectourshippe / j And my lord of Salysbury of his chauncelership /
And after j this they were sente fore by preuy seal for to come to Couentre / j
where they were almoost deceyued and therle of warwyck also / j and shold
haue ben destroyed yf they had not seen weU to / &c / 1|

256 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.

Begin recto Capitulum 28
ofsig. 55 2. His yere were taken four grete Fysshes bytwene Eerethe | and london /
t that one was callyd mors maryne / the second | a swerd Fysshe / the other
tweyne were whales / Jn this yere for | certayne effrayes done in the north
countre bytwene the lord egre | mond / aud therle of salysburyes sones / the
sayd lord egremond | whome they had taken was condempned in a grete
somme of mo | ney to the sayd erle of Salysbury / aud therfor commysed to
pri I son in newgate in london / where whanne he hadde ben a certayne | space
brake pryson and thre prysoners with hym and escaped / | & wente his way /
A.D. 1459. Also this yere therle of warwyk and his wyf | wente to calays with a fayr
felawship & toke possession of hys | offyce / Aboute this tyme was a grete
reformacion of many mo- 1 nasteryes of relygyon in dyuerse partyes of the
world / whiche | were reformed after the fyrst Instituciou aud continued in
ma I ny places . Also about this tyme the crafte of Enpryntyng was | fyrst
founde iu magounce in Almayne / whiche crafte is multy- 1 plyed thurgh the
world in many places . & bookes ben had grete | chepe and in grete nombre
by cause of the same crafte j
This yere was a grete batayU in the marches bytwene hongary | and turkye at
a place callyd Septegrade / where Innumerable | turkes were slayn more by
myracle than by mannes bond / For | only the honde of god smote them / Seint
lohn of capestrane was | there presente / & prouoked the cristen peple beyng
thenne aferd | to poursiewe the turkes where an Infynyte multitude were slayn |
and destroyed / the turkes sayd that a grete nombre of Armed | men folowed
them /that they were aferd to tourne ageyne / they | were holy angels/ This
yere the prysonners of newgate | in london brake theyr prysonne and wente vpon
the leedes and | fought ageynst them of the Cyte and kept the gate a long while |
but atte last the toune gate the prysonne on them / and than they | were put in
fetherys and yrons and were soore punysshed in en- | sample of other / Jn this
yere also was a grete erth quaue iu na | pies / in soo moche that ther perysshed
fourty thousand peple that | sanke there in to therth / Jtem Jn the yere six and
thyrtty saynt | Osmond sotyme bisshop of Salysbury was canonysed at Eome |
by pope Calyxt / And the sixtenthe daye of Juyll he was | translated at
Salysbury by the Archebisshop of Caunterbury | and many other bisshops /
Begin verso Aud iu August aftCT Syrc pyers || de bresey seneschal of normandy with the
sig. 55 i. gapitayne of depe and | many other capytaynes and men of warre wente to the
see with | a grete nauye and cam in to the downes by nyght • and ou the j
morne erly byfore day they londed and cam to Sandwyche both | by lande

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 257
and water / and toke the toune and ryfled and despoil | led it/ And toke many
prysoners / and lefte the toune al bare / | whiche was a ryche place and moche
good therynne / And ladde | with hem many ryche prysoners / Jn
this yere in many | places of Fraunce / Almayne / Flaundres / Holond / and
Zelond | children gadred them by grete companyes / for to goo on pylgre- 1
mage to sayut mychels mount in normandye / whiche cam fro fer | contreyes /
wherof the peple merueylled and many supposyd that | somme wycked spyryte
meuid them to soo doo / but it endured not | longe by cause of the longe waye
and also for lack of vytayll as | they wente . Jn this yere Eaynold
pecok / Bisshop of | Chychestre was founden an heretyke / and the thyrdde
day of De- 1 cember was abiured at lambhyth in the presence of the Archebis- 1
shop of Caunterbury and many Bisshops aud doct6urs / and | lordes temporaU /
and his bookes brente at poulus crosse / Ye haue | herde to fore how certayne
lordes were slayne at saynt Albons / | wherfore was alwey a grutche and
wrath had by the eyres of | them that were soo slayne ageynst the Duke of
yorke / the Erles | of warwyck aud of Salysbury / wherfor the kyng by
thaduys | of his counseylle sente for them to london / To whiche place the |
Duke of york cam the syx and twentyest day of Janyuer with | four honderd a.d. 1458.
men / and lodgeat Baynardys castel in his owne | place / Aud the fyftenth day
of Janyuer cam therle of Salysbu | ry with fine honderd men / and was
lodged in therber iu his ow- 1 ne place / And thenne cam the dukes of excetre
and of Somerse- 1 te with eyght honderd men and lay withoute tempelbarre /
And I the Erie of northumberloude the lorde egremond / and the Lord |
clyfford with fyftene honderd men / and lodged withoute toun | And the mayer
that tjrme gefferey boleyn kept grete watche with | the Comons of the Cyte
and rode aboute the Cyte by Holburh | and Fletestrete with a fyue thousand
men wel armed and ara- 1 yd for to kepe the pees / And the fourtenth day of
Feuerer therle | of warwyck cam to london from Calays wel beseen and wor- 1
shipfuUy with six honderd men iu reede Jaquettys browdryd | with a ragged
staf behynde aud afore / And he was | lodged atte gray Freres / And
the seuententhe daye of Marche || the kynge cam to london and the queue / Begm recto
And there was a cou- 1 corde and pees made amonge these lordes / and they ° ^^^' ^^ ^'
were sette iu | pees / Aud on oure lady day the xxv day of marche a thou- 1 a.d. 1458.
sand four honderd and eyght and fyfty / the kyng / queue . and all | these
lordes wente on procession at powlus in london / aud anone | after the kynge
and lordes departed / Jn this yere was a gre | te affi'ay in fletestrete bytwene
men of court and meu of the same | strete /Jn whiche affray the queues
attorney was slayne . |
TOL. I. MM

258 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS

Capitulum 29
a Lso this same yere as the Erie of warwyck was at a con- | seyU at
westmynstre / Alle the kynges houshold meyny ga | dred them to geder
for to haue slayne the sayd erle / but by helpe | of god and his frendes he
recoueryd his barge / and • escaped theyr | euyll enterpryse / how wel the
Coques cam rennynge oute with | spyttes and pestels ageynst hym / And the
same day he roode to- 1 ward warwyk / And sone after he gate hym a
commyssiou / and | wente ouer see to calays / Sone after this therle of
Salysbmy | comyng to london was encoutrid at bloreheth with the lord
aude I ley / & moche other peple ordeyned for to haue destressid him / but he |
hauynge knowleche that he shold be mette with / was accopauyed | with his
twoo sones sir thomas and sir Johan ueuyll / and a | greete felawship of good
men / And soo they mette / And foughte | to geders / where therle of salysbury
wanne the feld / And the | lord audely was slayn and many gentiU men of
chesshyre aud | moche peple hurte / And therles twoo sonnes were hurte / aud
go I ynge homeward afterward they were taken / and had to Chestre | by the
queues meyne / After Calyxte / pins was pope aud | was chosen this yere
1458 / And he was callyd to fore Eneas | an Eloquent man and a poete laureate /
he was Ambassatour | of the Emperours afore tyme / And he wrote in the
counseylle | of basylle a noble trayttye for thauctoryte of the same . |
Also he canonysed saynt katheryue of Senys / This po- 1 pe ordeyned
grete Indulgencys and pardonne to them that wol- 1 de goo warre ageynst the
turke / and wrote an Epystle to the grete | Turke exortynge hym to become
crysten / And in the eude | he ordeyned a passage ageynste the Turke
Begin verso at Aukouc / To || whichc mochc peple drewe oute of all partyes of Crystendome /
sig. 55 3. ^ I Q-f "w-biche peple he sente many hoome . ageyne by cause they suffys- 1 sed
not / And anone after he deyde at the sayd place of Ancone / | the yere of
oure lord a thousand foure houderd aud liiij the xUij j day of August / Jn
A.D. 1459. the yere eyght and thyrtty of kyng | harry the duke of yorke / the Erles of
warwyck and of Salys- 1 bury sawe the gouernaunce of the Eoyamme stode
most by the | queue aud her counseylle / and how the grete prynces of the
londe I were not callyd to counseylle bnt sette a parte / & not only soo / but j
that it was sayd thurgh the Eoyame that tho sayd lordes shol- 1 de be destroyed
vtterly as it openly was shewed atte bloreheth by | them that wold haue slayne
the Erie of Salesburye / Thene | they for sauacion of theyr lyues and also for
the comyn wele of | the Eoyame thought for to remedye thyse thynges /
assemblyd | them to gyder with moche people and toke a felde in the west

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 259
conn I tray /to whiche the erle of warwyck cam from calays with ma- 1 ny of
thold soudyours / as andrew TroUop / and other / in whos | wysedomes as for
the warre he moche trusted / aud whanne they | were thus assemblyd and
made theyr felde / the kynge sente oute | his commissyons and preuy sealys
vnto aUe the lordes of hys ro | yamme to come and awayte on hym in theyr
mooste defensable | wyse / and soo euery man cam in suche wyse that the
kynge was j stronger / and hadde moche more peple than the duc of york / |
and the Erles of warwyck / and Salysbury / For it is here to be | noted that
euery lord in englond at this tyme durst not dysobe- j ye the queue / For she
rewlyd peasybly all that was done about | the kynge / whiche was a good
symple and Innocent man / | And thenne whanne the kynge was comen
to the place where as | they were / the duck of yorke aud his felawship had
made theyr | felde in the strongest wyse / and hadde purposed veryly to
abyden | and haue foughten / But in the nyght Andrew Trollop and all | the
olde Soudyours of Calays with a greete felawshippe / so- 1 daynly departed oute
of the dukes hooste / and wente strayte vnto | the kynges felde / where they
were resseyued loyonsly / |
For they knewe the entente of the other lordes and also the ma- 1 ner of theyr
feld And thenne the duck of york with the | other lordes seynge them
so deceyued toke a counseylle shortly in | that same nyghte and departed from
the Felde leuynge behyud | them the mooste parte of theyr peple to kepe the
felde tyll on | the morne / Thenne the
duke of II yorke with his seconde sonne departed thurgh walys toward Ir | lond Begin recto
leuynge his oldest sone therle of marche with the Erles of | warwyck and of " ^'^' '' '^'
Salesbury / whiche to geder with thre or foure | personnes roode strayte in to
deuenshyre / and there by helpe and | ayde of one denham a squyer / whiche
gate for them a shippe / | whiche coste enleuen score noblys / & with the
same shippe sailed | fro thens in to garnesye / And there refresshyd them / and
from I thennes sayled te Calays / where they were receyued in to the cas | tel
by the postern er they of the touue knewe of hit/ And the duk | of yorke
toke shippynge in wales and sayled ouer in to Jrlond | where he Was well
resseyued / Capitulum Trisesimum
Henne kynge harry beynge with his hooste in the felde not | knowynge of a.d. 1459.
this sodayne departynge on the morne fonde | none in the felde of the
sayde lordes . sente oute in aU haste men to | folowe and poursiewe after to
take hem / but they mette not with | them as god wold / and thenne the kyng
M M 2

260 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
wente to ludlowe and | dispoyUed the castel and the touue / And sent .the
duchesse of york | with her children to my lady of Bokyngham her suster /
where she | was kepte longe after / And forthwith the kynge ordeyned the | duc
of somersete Capytayne of Calays / And these other lordes | soo departed as
a fore is sayd were proclamed rebeUys and gre | te traytours / Thenne
the duke of Somersete toke to hym | alle tho Soudyours that departed fro the
felde / and made hym re | dy in alle haste to goo to Calays and take possession
of his of- I fyce / And whanne he cam he fonde the Erie of warwyck
therin | as capytayne / And therles of marche aud salysbury also / And |
thenne he londed by Scales and wente to guysnes / and there he | was
resseyued / Aud it fortuned that somme of | tho shippis that cam
ouer with- hym / came in to Calays hauen by | theyr free wyUe / For the
shipmen ought more fauoure to the Er | le of warwyck than to the Duke of
Somersete / | Jn whiche shippes were taken dyuerse men • as
Jenyn Fynk- | hyll / Johan felaw / kayUes and purser / whiche were byheded
so- 1 ne after in Calays / And after this dayly cam men ouer See | to thyse
lordes to Calays / And byganne to wexe strenger and | strenger • And they
Begin verso borowcd mochc good good of the staple / || And on that other syde the duc
sig. 55 4. ^£ Somersete beyng in guysnes | gate people to hym / whiche cam oute and
scarmusshed with them | of Calays / aud they of Calays with them whiche
endured ma | ny dayes / duryng thus this dayly scarmuchyuge / moche people |
dayly cam ouer vnto thyse lordes / Thenne on a tyme by thaduys | of counseylle
the lordes at calays sente ouer Mayster Denham | with a grete felawship to
Sandwyche / whiche toke the toune / | And therynne the lord Eyuers and
the lord scales his sonne / | and toke many shippes in the hauen / and
bronght hem alle to ca | lays / with whiche shippes many marouners of
theyr free wyUe | cam to Calays to serue the Erie of warwyck / And
after | this the Erie of warwyk by thaduys of the lordes toke alle his | shippis
and mannyd them wel / and sayled him self in to Irlond | for to speke with the
duke of yorke / and to take his aduys how | they sholde entre iu to Englond
ageyne / And whanne he hadde | ben there and done his erandes / he retourned
ageyne toward Ca- | lays / and brought with hym his moder the Countesse of
Salys I bury / And comyng in the west countraye vpon the see the duk | of
excetre admyral of englond beyng in the grace a dieu accompa | nyed with
many shippes of warre / met with therle of warwyck | and his flote / but they
fought not / For the substaunce of the pe- | pie beynge with the duke of
excetre ought better wyU and more | fauour to therle of warwyck than to
hym / And soo they depar- | ted and cam to Calays saefte / blessyd be god /

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 261
Thenne the kynges counseylle seynge that these lordes had goten | these shippes
from Sandwiche and taken the lord Eyuers and | his sonne ordeyned
a garnyson at Sandwiche to abyde and kepe j the tonne/ And made one
mountford Capytayne of the Toune / | Aud that noo man / ne vytayUe ne
marchaunt that sholde goo iu | to Flaundres shold not goo to Calays / Thenne
they of Calays | seynge this made oute mayster denham and many other to goo
to I Sandwiche / And soo they dyde / and assayUed the toune by wa | ter and
by lande / And gate it and brought mountford theyr | Capytayne ouer see to
rysebank and there smote of his heede / | And yet dayly men cam ouer to
them oute of aU partyes of En- 1 glond /
Capitulum Trisesimum Primum • ||

recto

ofsig. ss 5-

Nd after this the sayd erles of marche warwyk and of sa | lysbury cam Begin
ouer see to doner with moche peple and there | landed / to whome al the
coutray drewe and cam to london armed | And for to late the lordes of the
kynges counseyUe knowe theyr | trouth / and also theyr entente / assemblyd
them and told them / | that they entended no harme vnto the kynges personne/
sauf that | theywold putte fro hym suche persones as were aboute hym / j
And soo departed fro london with a grete puyssaunce toward | norhampton/ a.d. i46o.
where the kynge was accompanyed with many lor- | des aud had made
a stronge felde Withoute the toun / And there | both partyes mette and was
foughten a grete batayUe • In which | batayU were slayne the duck of
Bokyngham / therle of shrowes | bury / the vysccounte Beamond / the lorde
Egremond and many | knyghtes and Squyers and other also / And the kyug
hym self | taken iu the felde / and afterWard brought tb london / And anone |
afterward was a parlament at westmyristre / duryng whiche par | lament the
duck of york cam onto of Irlond with therle of Eut | land rydyng with a grete
felawship in to the palays at westmes- | tre and toke the kynges palays • And
cam in to the parlement | chambre / and there toke the kynges place / and
claymed the crou | ne as his propre enherytaunce and ryght / and cast forth in
wry I tynge his tytle / and also how he was ryghtful Eyer / wherfore | was
moche to doo / but in conclusion it was appoynted and con- j eluded that
kynge harry sholde regne and be kyng durynge his | naturel lyf / For as
moche as he had ben so long kyng / and was | possessyd / And after his deth
the duke of yorke shold be kynge | and his eyres kynges after hym/ And
forthwith shold be procla | med eyr apparaunt / And sholde be also protectour
and Eegente | of englonde durynge the kynges lyf/ with many other thynges |

262 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
ordeyned in the same parlament / And if kyng harry duryng his | lyf wente
from this appoyntement / or ouy artycle concluded in | the sayd parlement he
shold be deposed / & the duke sholde take the | crowne and be kyng / all
whiche thynges were enacted by thaucto | rite of the sayd parlament / At
whiche parlament the Comons of | the Eoyamme beyng assemblyd in the
comon hows comeuynge | and treatyng vpon the tytle of the sayd duc of
yorke / sodaynly | fyll downe the crowne whiche henge thenne in the myddes
of the I sayd hows whiche is the fraytour of thabbay of westmynstre / | whiche
was taken for a prodyge or token that the regne of kyng | harry was ended
Begin verso aud also the crowuc whiche stode ou the hyest || tour of the stepel in the
Castel of doner fyU doun this same yere / j

ofsig. 55 5-

Capitulum 32
A.D. 1460. Henne for as moche as the queue with the prynce was in | the northe /
and absented her fi'om the kyng /And wolde | not obeye suche thynges as
was concluded in the parlement / hit | was ordeyned that the duck of york
as protectour shold go | norward for to brynge in the queue and subdue suche
as wold I not obeye / with whome wente the erle of Salysbury / Syre Tho- |
mas nenylle his sonne with moche peple / And at wakefelde in | Crystemasse
weke they were alle ouerthrowen and slayn by the | lordes of the queues
partye • that is to wete the duk of york slayn | therle of Eutland / Syre thomas
neuyll and many moo / Therle | of Salysbury was taken a lyue and other as
Johan harow of | london Capytayne of the foote meu / and bauson of huUe /
which I were brought to pountfret / and there after byheded and theyr he- [
des sente to yorke aud sette vpon the yates / And thus was that | noble prynce
slayne the duke of yorke / on whoos sowle & on alle | crysten sowles god haue
mercy Amen / And this tyme therle of | marche beyng in shrewesbury heeryng
the deth of his fader / | desyred assistence and aj^de of the toune for to auenge
his faders | deth / And from thennes wente to walys / where at Candelmasse |
after he had a batayl at mortemers crosse ageynst therles of pen | broke and of
wylshyre / where the erle of marche had the vycto- | rye / Thenne the queue
with tho lordes of the north after they had | distressyd and slayne the duck of
yorke and his felauship / came | southward with a grete multitude and puyssauce
of peple for to | come to the kynge / and defete suche conclusions as had ben
taken | byfore by the parlement / Ageynste whoos comynge the Duke of j
norfolke / the erle of warwycke with moche peple aud ordenaunce | wente vnto
saynt Albons / And ladde kynge harry with hem/ | Aud there encountryd

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. ' 263
to geder in suche wyse and foughte that | the duke of norfolke / and therle of a.d. i46i.
warwyk with other of theyr | partye fledde and loste that lourneye / where
kynge harry was | taken / and wente with the queue and prynce / and his
sonne / | whiche tho had goten that felde / Thenne the queue and her j
partye beynge at theyr aboue sente anone to london / whiche was | on
Assh Wednesday / the fyrste daye of lente for vytayUe / whiche || the mayer Begin recto
ordeyned by thaduys of the aldermen that certayne car | tes laden with vytaylle °^"^' ^^ ^"
sholde be sente to saynt Albons to them / | And whanne tho cartes cam to
crepylgate / the Comons of the cy | te that kepte that gate toke the vytayUes
from the cartes / aud | wold not suffre it to passe / Thenne were ther
certayne Alder | men and comeners appoynted to goo to barnet for to speke
with I the queues couseyUe for to entrete that the northern men shold be |
sente home ageyne in to theyr countraye ageyne / For the Cyte of | london
dredde soore to be robbed and despoyUed / yf they had come | And thus
duryng thys trayttye tydynges cam that the Erie of | warwyk had mett with
therle of marche on Cotteswold comyng | oute of wales with many wallshmen /
And that they bothe were | comyng to loudonward / Anone as these tydynges
were knowen | the trayttye was broken / For the kyng / queue prynce / and aU
the I other lordes that were with hem departed from saynt albons north | ward
with alle theyr peple / yet er they departed they byheded the | lord Boneyle /
and Syr thomas cryel/ whiche were taken in the | lourneye done in the
shroftewysday . Thenne the duchesse of yorke | beyng at london and herynge
of the losse of the Felde of saynt al | bons sente ouer see her twoo yonge sonnes
George and Eychard | whiche wente wente to vtrecht / And phelyp malpas
a ryche marchaut | of london / thomas vaghan squyer and mayster wylUam
hatte- 1 clyf / and many other feryng the comyng of the queue to london | toke
a shippe of Audwerp for to haue goone in to Zeland / And | ou that other coost
were taken of one Colompne a Frensshmau | a shippe of warre and he toke
hem prysoners / and brought hem | in to Fraunce / where they payd grete
good for theyr raunsonne / 1 and ther was moche good and rychesse iu that
shippe / Capitulum Trisesimum Tercium /
t Henne whanne the Erie of marche and therle of warwyk | hadde mette
to geder on Cottiswold / lucoutynent they con- | eluded to go to london /
And sente worde anone to the Mayer and | to the cyte that they sholde come /
Anone the Cyte was gladde of j theyr comynge hopynge to be relyeuyd by
them / And soo they | cam to london / And whanne they were comen and

264 POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS.
hadde spoken | with the lordes and astates / thenne beyng there concluded for
Begin verso as || mochc as kyugc harry was gone with them northward / that he | had
0 sig. 55 , ^Qpfg^yted his crowne and ought to be deposed acordyng vn | to the actes made
aud passed in the last parlement / |
And soo by thaduys of the lordes spirituel and temporel thenne | beynge ot
london • the erle of marche Edward by the grace of | god oldest sone of
Eychard duke of yorke as ryghtful heyr and | next enherytour to his fader/
A.D. 1461. the fourth day of marche the yere of | oure lorde Lix toke possession of the
Eoyamme of Englond at | westmynstre in the grete halle . And after in the
chirche of the ab- 1 bay and offi-yd as kynge berynge the Septre EoyaU / to
whom I alle the lordes bothe spirituel and temporell dyde hommage and j
obeyssaunce as to theyr souerayne / lyege / and lawfuU lord and | kynge / And
forthwith it was proclamed thurgh the Cyte kyug | Edward the fourthe of that
name / And anone after the kyng | roode in his Eyall astate norward with aU
his lordes for to sub- 1 due his subgettis that tyme beyng iu the north / and
tanenge his | faders deth / And on palmsonday after he hadde a grete batayUe |
iu the northe countrey at a place callyd Towton not fer fro yorke / | where
with the helpe of god he gate the felde and had the vycto | rye ¦ where were
slayne of his aduersaryes xxx thousand meu & \ moo as it was sayd by men
that were there / Jn whiche batayUe | was slayne the erle of northumberlond /
the lord clyfford / Syr Io | han Neuyll / the Erie of westmerlandes brother /
Andrewe Trol | lop / and many other knyghtes and squyers / Thenne
kynge | harry that had ben kynge beynge with the queue and Prynce at |
yorke / heerynge the losse of that feld and soo moche peple slayn | and
ouerthrowen / anone forthwith departed al thre with the duc | of Somersete /
the lord roos and other toward Scotland / |
And the next daye kynge Edward with all his armye entryd | in to yorke /
and was there proclamed kyng / aud obeyed as he | ought to be / Aud the
mayer Aldermen aud comyns sworne to be | his lyege meu / and whanne he
hadde taryed a while iu the north | and that alle the countrey there had
tourned to him / he retorned | southwarde leuynge the Erie of warwyck in tho
partyes for to | kepe and gouerne that countrey / And about mydsomer after
the I yere of oure lord god a thousande four houderd and syxty / And | the
fyrste yere of his regne he was crowned at westmynstre and | enoynted kynge
of Englond hauynge the hoole possession of all | the hoole Eoyamme / whome
J praye god saue and kepe / and | sende hym thaccomplysshement of the
Begm recto remenaunt of his rightfuU || enherytaunce by yonde the see /'And that he may
0 «ig- 55 1- pggj^g [-jr^ them to I the playsyre of almyghty god / helthe of his sowle / honoure

POLYCRONICON, LIBER ULTIMUS. 265
and I worshippe in this presente lyf/ and wele and prouffyte of alle j his
subgettis / and that there may be a veray fynal pees in al cry- | sten Eoyames
that the Infydeles aud myscreauntes may be with- 1 standen and destroyed /and
our feyth enhaunced / whiche in thyse j dayes is sore myunysshed by the
puyssaunce of the Turkes and j hethen men / And that after this presente and
short lyf we maye j come to the euerlastyng lyf in the blysshe of heuen / Amen
And here J make an ende of this lytel werke as nygh as I can | fynde after
the forme of the werk to fore made by Eanulph monk | of Chestre / And
where as ther is fa-wte / J beseche them that shal | rede it to correcte it / For
yf J coude haue founden moo storyes / j J wold haue sette in hit moo / but the
substaunce that J can fyn | de and knowe J haue shortly sette hem in this
book . to thentente | that such thynges as haue ben done syth the deth or ende
of the sa- 1 yd boke of polycronycon shold be had iu remembraunce and not |
putte in oblyuyon ne forgetynge / prayenge aU them that shall | see this symple
werke to pardone me of my symple / and rude | wrytynge / Ended the
second day of JuyU the xxij yere of | the regne of kynge Edwardthe fourth
& of the Incarnacion of | oure lord a thousand four honderd foure score and
tweyne / | Fynysshed per Caxton

TOL I. *' ^

NOTES TO VOL. I.

N N 2

NOTES TO VOL. I.

J^Tote a.

A LIST OE PERSONS BEARING THE NAME OE CAXTON, ANTE a.d. 1500.

Jeremias de Caxton,
1232. — " There was one Jeremias de Caxton, who was Sherif for this County (Cambridgeshire) for four
years together, beginning from 17th Henry III." — Brit, Mus, Add, MS, No. 5804. This appears to be
the same man who in 1233 witnessed the grant of a messuage in Cambridgeshire ; Account of Pythagoras' s
School in Cambridgeshire, Brit. Mus. Grenv. 3053, pp. 6, 7 ; who in 1239 is mentioned as having been
sent with several others to settle the disputes between the Convent and the City of Norwich ; and who,
in 1244, kept a RoU at the Exchequer as Justice. — Foss's Judges of England, vol. ii, p. 293.
William de Caxtone.
1311. — ^A copy of the Will of WUliam de Caxton, 4 Edw. II, is preserved in the Archives of the City of
London. He died possessed of a house in Shirbum Lane, St. Mary Abchurch, and a tenement in Wolfislane,
AUhaUows on the Cellars. — Becords ofthe Cou/rt of Bastings, G-uildhall, London.
Matilda de Caxton.
1342. — ^A copy, of the WiU of Matilda de Caxton, 16 Edw. Ill, is preserved in the Archives of the City
of London. She died possessed of houses, brew-house, and tenement in Candlewick Street, and tenements in
St. Swithin's Lane and Shirboume Lane. — Idem. Philip Caxton.
1420. — " 7 Henry V, 24th July. To Thomas Duke of Exeter. In money paid to him by the hands of
Philip Caxton, his attorney, in advance, as well for lOOOZ. yearly, paid at the King's Exchequer, as for the
support ofthe Earl of Oxford, in the King's custody, by reason of his minority, — 1581. 12s. S^d,"— Issues
ofthe Exchequer, by Frederick Devon, 4to. London, 1837, p. 201.
— Caxton.
1424. — The Norwich Caxtons are known only from the occurrence
of a merchant's mark, or rebus, in documents preserved in the
Guildhall of that City. Mr. Ewing, in his Essay on the Norwich
tradesmen's marks, in the "Original Papers of the Norfolk and
Norwich Archseologioal Society" for December, 1850, gives the
accompanying rebus of that name. The Cakes-tun is very curious,
the " cakes " looking very much like " hot-cross-buns." It is worth
noting that the village of Yaxley, Norfolk, is at this day pronounced
by the poor — ^Yakes-ley. Bichard Caxton.
1441. — Richard Caxton "issued" from his apprenticeship to John Harrowe, Mercer, of London. —
Mercers' Becords. "Wardens' Accownts. William Caxton.
1446. — In the City Records, Liber K, in a list of names, to which are attached small sums of money,
probably a house-tax, occurs — " Item, ten. willi de Caxton j d."

©0©

270 NOTES TO VOL. I.
Bobert Caxton.
Kute a. nn 1459. — Among the WUls preserved at Canterbury is that of " Robert Caxton, alias Causton," of
of Caxton, Canterbuiy. This is an additional proof that Caxton's name was pronounced Causton.
continued. Thomas Caxton.
1461. — Thomas Cacston, or Causton, was chosen by the Mercers' Company to be one of that Guild who
should ride out to meet Edward IV coming to London. — Mercers' Becords, Wardens' Accounts.
John Caxston.
1475. — In the account book of the Masters or Wardens of the GuUd of our Lady, within the Church of
St. Margaret's Westminster, is the foUowing : —
'" Also the said late maistres charge theimsUf w' money by them receiued for thentre of diiies psones of new
to the said frat'nite — Of Sir WiUiam Eolton, priste, vj s viij d
Of John Stones of wanndsworth vj s viij d
Of John Caxston vj s viij d
Thomas Caxton.
1476. — Thomas Caxton was Town Clerk of Sandwich in this year. — Boys' s History of Sandwich, 4to,
Canterbury, mdcccxcii (sic), p. 425. John Caxton.
1479. — Johes Caxton, de Tuxford =p
Bup'stes 19 . Edw. 4.
Richard Caxton == IsabeUa, filia Thomse
Vavasour de Deneby
in com' Derbia.

Agnes, filia = Joh : Sutton
et liffir . Eet . 40 , 23 Hen. 8.
— British Museum, Cole Collection; Addit. MS. No, 6707, p. 122.
John Caxton,
1485. — The foUowing inscription (Somner's Antiquities of Canterbury, 4to. 1640, p. 327), was anciently
to be seen on a brass tablet in the body of the Church of St. Alphage, Canterbury, but has long since
disappeared. Pray for the sawlys of lohn Caxton and of lone
And Isabel that to this Church great good hath done
In making new in the ChanceU
' Of Dexkys and Setys as weU
Au Antiphon the which did bye
With a table of the Martyrdome of S* Alphye
For thing much which did pay
And departed out of this life of October the 12 . day .
And Isabel his second wiff
Passed to bUsse where is no strife
The xij* day to tell the trowth
Of the same moneth as our Lord knoweth
In the yeare of om- Lord God a thousand fower hundred fower-
score and five.
Ofthe Desks, or, as the old inscription has it " Dexkys," mentioned above, no reUcs can now be identified,
and the same remark applies to the Antiphon and Table of St. Alphage's martyrdom; but one of the Seats
with the foUowing odd Rebus (copied from The Handboo'k of Canterbury, 1843), was for long an object of
curiosity in the South Aisle of the Church.

NOTES TO VOL. I.

271

The present Rector of St. Alphage, in answer to an inquiry, states that, on the occasion of some repairs, mu a, on
this old seat was cleaned and removed for safety to the Rectory, where it now may be seen. ^^'^ ^'^™^
I . 1 1  .11   ^ 01 CilXlf)!!,

The wUl of John Caxton " of the parish of St. Alphage, Canterbury, Mercer," is stiU existing in the
¦Registry of that City. In it are mentioned his wife IsabeUa and his daughter CeKa, but there is no link
by which to connect him with WUliam Caxton, the Printer.
Oliver Caston.
1498. — In the 13th Henry VII was enroUed a deed between OUver Caston, and others, concerning
tenements in the parish of St. Alphage, Cripplegate, London. — Court of Hustings, as above.
Among the MSS. in the British Museum is a Ust of Landowners in the County of Kent, during the reigns
of Henry VTI and Henry VIII, but the name of Caxton or Causton does not appear among them. —
Lansdowne MS. No. 276.
The Armorial bearings of several famUies of the name of Causton may be found in " Burke's General
Armory."

JVote b.

A LIST OE PERSONS BEARING THE NAME OE CAUSTON, CAWSTON, OR CAUXTON,
ANTE A.D. 1500.

William de Causton.
1297. — ^A copy of his WUl is preserved in the Archives of the City of London, in which he leaves houses
in Westoheap and Old Change. — Becords ofthe Court of Hustings, Gkdldhall, London.
Alexander de Causton.
1299. — A copy of his WiU is preserved in the Archives of the City of London, by which it appears that
he owned a shop in Cheap. — Cowrt of Hustings, as above.
Aubinus de Caustone.
1311. — Among the scrutineers of the Cappers' Company appointed, 4 Edward II, this name is mentioned.
— lAber Custumcn-um, by H. T. Biley, Svo, 1860, vol. i. p. 104.
Williomi de Caustone.
1317. — WUlehnus de Caustone was one ofthe " Vicecomites " in 10 Edward II. — Idem, pp. 245 and 294.
John de Caustone. >
1321. — In the list of a jury empanneUed to try certain claims of the Company of Fishmongers, appears
the name of "Johannem de Caustone." — Idem, p. 392. The bold Sheriff, renowned in the foUowing
story, was probably the same man : —
1326. — " Pleas of the HaU of his lordship the Eng, holden at the Tower of London before T. le Blunt,
Seneschal, and the Marshal of the household of his lordship the King, on the Thursday next before the

continued.

272 NOTES TO VOL. I.
Xote h, ou the Feast of Saint Margaret [20 July], in the nineteenth year of the reign of King Edward, son of King
Oauston°&c. Edward. — John de Caustone, one of the Sheriffs of London, was attached to make answer unto his lordship
the King for contempt within the verge, etc. as Alan de Lek, serjeant-harbourer, who for him prosecuted,
averred. " And as to the same, the said Alan, who prosecuted, etc. said that whereas his said lordship the King,
with his household, on the Monday next after the Feast of the Translation of Saint Thomas the Martyr
[7 July], in the nineteenth year of the said King then reigning, came to the Tower of London, there at his
good'pleasure to abide, and the said Alan, the same day and year, as in virtue of his office bound to do, did
assign lodgings unto one Richard de Ayremynne, secretary to his said lordship the King, in the house of
the aforesaid John de Caustone, situate at Billyngesgate in the City of London, and, for the better knowing
of the Uvery so made, did set the usual mark in chaUi over the doors of the house aforesaid, as the practice
is ; and did also place men and serjeants with the horses and harness of the said Richard within the Uvery
ao made as aforesaid ; — the before-named Sheriff, the day and year above-mentioned, in presence of his
lordship the King and within the verge, etc., did not aUow such livery on part of the said Alan to be made ;
for that he of malice did efface the mark aforesaid, and drive away the men and serjeants aforesaid, in
contempt of his lordship the King, and to damage of one thousand pounds ; and this in behalf of his
lordship the King he was prepared to verify.
" And John de Caustone appeared, and he denied violence and injury when etc., and aU contempt, etc. ;
and he averred that in no way was he guilty therein, and put himself upon the country as to the same.
And Alan aforesaid who prosecuted, etc., in Uke manner, etc. Therefore a jury was to be summoned thereon.
And command was given unto the Marshal to summon to appear before the Seneschal, etc., on the Friday
instant next before the Feast of Saint Margaret the Virgin [20 July], wheresoever, etc., twelve, etc., by
whom, etc. Por that, etc.
" And hereupon, the Mayor and citizens of London appeared, and said that in the Charter of his lordship
King Henry, grandsire of his lordship the then reigning King, lately made unto the citizens of London as
to divers Uberties, it is set forth that within the walls of the City, or in the Portsokne, no one shall take
lodging by force or by Uvery of the Marshal ; which Charter, and the liberties therein contained, his lordship
the King then reigning, by his Charter, which they produced and which testified thereunto, did grant and
confirm ; the date whereof was at York, on the eighth day of June in the twelfth year of his reign. * *
" And they produced a Writ of his lordship the King directed here unto the Seneschal and Marshal,
whereby his lordship the King did command them that they should allow the citizens aforesaid to use and
enjoy their Uberties aforesaid, and every of them, before them without impediment, according to the tenor
of the Charter of confirmation and of the grant of the King aforesaid, not molesting them in any way or
aggrieving them, contrary to the tenor thereof. And they said that in virtue of the grant aforesaid, the
like Hveries of lodgings, upon every arrival of his lordship the King, had been wont to be made in the City
aforesaid by the Mayor, Sheriffs, and officers of such city, in presence of the Marshal of the household
aforesaid, and not by others, as from of old had been the usage, and that always, from the time of the grant
of the Charter aforesaid, they had enjoyed such Uberty untU within one year then expired, when the said
Alan de Lek did impede them therein; wherefore they demanded that their Uberty aforesaid might be aUowed
unto them, etc.
" A day was given unto them for hearing judgment, on the day aforesaid, etc. And in the meantime
conference was to be held thereon with the King, etc. Upon which day, as weU the aforesaid Alan who
prosecuted, etc., as well as John aforesaid, [aud it was found that] the said John was in no way guUty of
the contempt aforesaid, as was imputed unto him. Therefore it was awarded, that the aforesaid John should
go thence without day, etc." — Liber Albus, translated by H. T. Biley. 4to. 1861 [Error for 1860], pp. 263-5.
A copy of his WiU, dated 1353, preserved in the City Archives, (Court of Hustings, as above), shows
that John de Causton was a Mercer, and that he died in possession of tenements in the parish of St.
Pancras, Sopers Lane, and several other tenements in different parts of the City, including the " Cardinal's
Hat," in Gracechuroh Street. Some of these were left for the establishment of a Chantry in the Convent
of "HaliweU extra bisshoppisgate,'' where continual mass might be sung for his own soul, and the souls

NOTES TO VOL. I. 273
of WUliam de Causton and others. This endowment was brought before the Archbishop of Canterbury, Note 6, on the

names of
Causton, &c.

in 1520, for re-adjustment, the proceedings in which case are reported at length in the Registry Books
at Lambeth Palace, where a copy of this WUl also appears. contimuia.
William Cauxston,
1341.— In the Mercers' Records, 2nd Henry IV, among the " Entries " of Apprentices--" WUl. Causton,
app. Thom. Gedeney ij s." — Mercers' Becords, Wardens' Accounts,
Bichard de Causton — 'William de Causton — Michel de Causton — Henry de Causton —
Theobald de Causton — Nichol de Causton — Boger de Causton,
1347.— These persons were aU admitted to the feUowship of the Mercers' Company in this yesi,—Idem.
Henry de Causton,
1350. — A copy of his WiU is preserved in the Archives of the City of London, by which it appears that
he died possessed of a Quit-rent and tenements in the parish of St. Thomas Apostle, London. — Becords of
the Cov/rt of Hustings, Qhiildhall, London, William de Causton,
1354. — A copy of his WUl, preserved in the City Archives, shows WUHam de Causton to have possessed
numerous tenements in various parts ofthe City of London. — Cou/rt of Hustings, as above,
Bichard de Causton,
1366. — A copy of his WUl is preserved in the City Archives, in which he devises certain tenements in
the parLshes of St. Margaret Patyns, and St. Dunstan towards the Tower, and to " the work of London
Bridge, 10s." — Court of Hustings, as above, Hugh de Causton.
1370. — " To John de Southam and Hugh de Causton, of the City of London. In money deUvered to
them in discharge of 16Z. 13^. 4sd,, which they lent to the Lord the King, at the Receipt of the Exchequer,
on the 25th day of May last past, to wit, the said John 101., and the aforesaid Hugh ten marks, as appears
in the RoU of Receipts of the same day. — Issue Boll of Thomas de Brantingham, Bishop of Fxeter, and
Lord High Treasurer, containing paym.ents made out of His Majesty's Bevenue in 44 Edward III.
By Frederick Devon. 4to. London, 1855.
Hugh de Causton owned, in 1370, the manor of Cawstons, or Causton, in the Weald of Kent. {See
also Note c.) Boger de Cawston.
1380. — Was a merchant of Norwich, where his trade mark is stUl preserved. A person of this name, but
perhaps not the same, was Town Clerk in 1322. — Norwich Arch. Soc. Papers, Deceniber, 1850.
Walter Causton.
1392. — Was Monk and Precentor of Christ Church, Canterbury, and Master of Eastbridge Hospital in
1383. In 1392 he was made Prior of St. Martin, Dover, by Archbishop Arundel. — Lyson's History of
London. FoUo, Canterbury, 1782, vol. iv. p. 106.
Boger Causton.
1395. — Was an Alms-man of the Mercers' Company. — " Almoigne a Rog. Causton, xiij s." — Mercers'
Becords. Warden^ Accounts. William Causton.
1405. — " WUUelmus Causton de Romene et Alicia vxor ejus " made over land to the Hospital of
St. Bartholomew, Sandwich, in the 6th Henry IV. — Collections for a History of Sandwich, by William
Boyes. 4to. Canterbury, 1792, p. 39.
TOL. I. 0 0

continued.

274 NOTES TO VOL. I.
Note 6, on the Stephen Causton.
names of
Causton, &o. 1434. — " Item pour les gentz dalmoigne de Mercery. — Stephen Causton piir xiv semaynes le
semayne, xiiij d." — Mercers' Becords. Wardens' Accounts.
Oliver Cawston.
1465. — The foUowing entry appears in the Hst of Burial Fees for St. Margaret's Parish, Westminster —
" It™ rec"* de Oliver Cawston die sepult' sui p' Uij"^ tapr . viij d."
John Causton.
1466. — Left sums of money by wUl to various religious houses of Norwich. — History of the Beligious
Orders, <^c. of Norwich, by Mr. John Firkpatrick, Svo, Norwich, 1845.
William Causton.
1485. — Of West Wickham (or Westerham), Kent. His WUl is preserved in the Registers of the
Archdeaconry and Diocese of Rochester, but contains nothing of interest.
Tliomas Causton.
1495. — Of Beckingham, Kent. His WUl is also preserved in the Registry of the Archdeaconry and
Diocese of Rochester, but yields nothing worthy of notice.
There were in later times famiUes of Causton, at Causton, in Essex, and at Oxted, in Surrey. — Burhe's
General Armoury.
At the present time a strict inquiry has failed to discover any one bearing the name of Causton (or any
similar name) in the neighbourhood or town of Hadlow, Kent, nor is any trace of the old famUy known
on wood, stone, or glass, in the ancient Mansions or Churches of the district.

JVote c.

ON " CAXTON " AND " CAUSTON " AS THE NAME OF A PLACE.

Causton, Kent.
The following is from the pen of the Rev. L. B. Larking, Vicar of Byarsh, Kent.
" In his Preface to the ' Historyes of Troye ' Caxton says, ' I was born and learned mine English in Kent
in the Weald.' How he would have pronounced his own name we may gather from a comparison with the
mode in which others were pronounced in that district, and this we learn from the form in which they
present themselves in old manuscripts, at a time when the scribe wrote by ear, and had no settled law of
speUing to guide him.
" In manuscripts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centmies we find Hadlow invariably written Haudloo or
Haulo ; Francklyn is written Prauncklyn ; Alchin, Auchin ; Mailing, MauHng ; Wanting, Waunting ;
Addington, Audinton. These names are aU selected from the Weald, or the neighbourhood of Hadlow. Were
it necessary we could yet add a large number more. We have, however, cited sufficient to prove that in the
Weald, and speciaUy in that part in which Hadlow is situated, the a was pronounced broad. It is also well
known that at the above period x was pronounced something very Hke ss. Thus Vaux is frequently written
Vauss ; Fyneux, Fyness ; and we have Exhurst as often as Esshurst, for one and the same place, just as
the English rendering of BruxeUes is to this day Brussels. Admitting therefore the pronunciation of a and

contimted.

NOTES TO VOL. I. 275
a; to be as we have stated (and there is hardly any doubt that it was so), Caxton in speaking of himself Note c, on
would have called himself Causston. But we have a most decided exemplification of this in reference to ofKton,\c.
Caxton in Cambridgeshire. In Rot. Origin. 41 Edw. III., rot. 42, there is the following entry : — ' Cantebr.
Joh'es FreviUe dat viginti marcas, &c." In English thus : — Cambridgeshire, John FrevUle gives twenty
marks for Ucense to enfeoff John de Carleton and John de Selv'le in the manor of Causton.' In the
' Inquisitiones post mortem,' 4 Ric. II, No. 23, in a record of the same estate we find, Elena, the widow of
Sir John FrevUl, having as her dower, the third part of the manor of Caxton in Cambridgeshire. It must
therefore have been pronounced Caijsston, or it never could have appeared in that form in the ' Originalia.'
In the fourteenth century, then, Caxton and Causton were one and the same name.
" Fuller says that ' WUliam Caxton was boim in that town ' {i, e. Caxton). Caxton as we have seen teUs
us himself that he was bom in the Weald of Kent. We must look therefore for Caxton alias Causton in
the Weald for his birthplace. Now in the parish of Hadlow {alias Haulo) in the Weald is the manor or viUe
of Causton. Late in the fourteenth century it was possessed by a famUy of the same name, ' De Causton,'
one of whom we conclude to have been our Ulustrious Typographer.
" It may be weU to add that the manor of Causton was held of the honour of Clare, the lords of which, in
the fifteenth century, were that ducal and royal house by whom WilHam Caxton was warmly patronized.
Their forest of South Frith ; close to Causton, descended, through one of the coheiresses of GUbert de Clare,
Lord of Tunbridge, to Richard, Duke of York (father of the Duchess of Burgundy and Edward IV), whose
widow possessed it at her death.
" We think, from the above premises, we can with safety assert that Causton in Hadlow may take to itself
the honour of having been the birthplace of WiUiam Caxton, and our Society may congratulate itself on having-
been the first to decide this interesting fact, whioh has hitherto been a subject of hopeless inquiry. — L.B.L. —
ArchcEologia Cantiana ; or, Transactions ofthe Kent Archceological Society, vol II.
" Causton is the next that claims our consideration, because it owned a famUy of that surname. It was in
ages of higher ascent the demean and interest of some of this name, but whether the Caustons of the
county of Salop were issued from hence or these of this seat extracted originaUy from thence is yet under
dispute, and the more because evidence of Deeds, which is the lanthorn not only of antiquity but sometimes
of reason also, is whoUy wanting. It is without controver.sy this mansion was not long in the Caustons, for
the ¦ thread of succession was interrupted and broken, and Hugh Causton, by sale, conveyed it over to the
Wattons of Addington. — 'Villare Cantianum, by Thomas Phillipott, folio, Lynn, 1776.
" Caustons is a parish which had foi-merly owners of that name. In the Sth year of King Hen. II the
heirs of Hugh de Causton and WiUiam Franklyn held the eighth part of a knight's fee in Hadlow. This
manor continued in the name of Causton tUl Hugh Causton alienated it to one of the famUy of Watton, of
Addington, in which it remained tUl WUHam Watton, of Addington, about the reign of King Edward the
fourth, sold it to Thomas Peckham."^-E^so»'s History, folio, Canterbury, 1782. »
Cauxton, Norfolk.
17. Henry V. A grant in old Norman French, from WUHam Earl of Suffolk to John Frampton, of
10 marcs to be paid from the receipts of the manor of Cauxton in Norfolk. — Brit. Mus. Campbell
Charters xxiu, 19. Caxstone, Huntingdonshire.
This place is mentioned io Liber Albus (Ryley's translation), p. 350.
Caxton, Cambridgeshire.
This was, anciently, a town of great importance, and several writers have erroneously designated it as the
birthplace of WUUam Caxton. Many interesting particulars concerning it may be found in British Museum
Additional MSS. 5804, 5819, 6823, &c.
0 0 2

276 NOTES TO VOL. I.

JVote d.

SOME PARTICULARS IN THE LIFE OF LOUIS DE BRUGES, SEIGNEUR DE LA
GRUTHUYSE AND EARL OP WINCHESTER.
The history of this nobleman, so celebrated in Flemish history, is not sufficiently known to EngHsh
readers. He was descended from an ancient Flemish stock, and his father, Jean de Bruges, was long
remembered in the annals of chivalry for the splendid tournament given by him in 1392 at Bruges. In
these jousts more than a hundred of the most renowned knights of the age bore a part, and in memory of
the noble feats there performed the Town CouncU instituted, a few years later, a society called " L'Ours
blanc," under the auspices of which a tournay was held in Bruges every Easter. These were not discon
tinued untU the year 1480, so that they took place annually during the whole period that our Caxton was
a resident in that city — another cause, perhaps, of his great partiaUty for everything associated with
chivalry. Louis de Beuges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse, born about the same time as Caxton (and who survived him
but a year), made his first public appearance in arms at the Bruges jousts when about 17 years of age, and
acquitted himself with great honour.
In 1449 PhiHppe te Bon appointed him " Cupbearer," and in 1453 he was sent to protect Oudenarde, in
case of attack from the men of Ghent ; hut the Brugeois, with whom he was always popular, procured his
recaU, wishing him to take the mUitary government of their own town. Here he successfuUy opposed an
artful manoeuvre of the Gantois to obtain possession of Bruges. At the celebrated Council of the " Voeu du
Faisan," held in 1454 at LUle, the object of which was to rouse aU Christendom, and especially the people
of the Low Countries, to oppose the Turks, the Seigneur took the foUowing oath : ." Messire Lois de
Gruthuse voa de servir Monseigneur audit voyage, de sou corps et de sa chevance, et ne I'abbandonnera
jusques a la mort en tous les voyages oii U sera, ou en son lieu, monseigneur de Charolois ou monseigneur
d' Estampes.'' In 1455 he married Marguerite de Borssele. In 1461, having served , his Prince as
Ambassador, Chamberlain, and Privy Counsellor, he was rewarded for his services by being created
a Knight of the Golden Fleece, the highest honour his sovereign could bestow upon him. In 1463 he was
appoioted Lieutenant General of HoUand, Zealand, and Trieste. ,
The first notice we have of a direct connection of Louis de Bruges with English matters is in 1466, when
he came over as Ambassador from Duke PhUip, to conclude a peace with Edward IV, and at the same
time to treat concerning the marriage of Charles le Hardi (son of PhUip) with Margaret of York. This
marriage was celd^rated at Midsummer of the ensuing year at Bruges, and at the Festival, which was
maintained for a whole week with the utmost splendour, the Seigneur took his part in the jousts. . In 1470
occurred the circumstances by which Louis de Bruges is best known to Englishmen. That year saw
Edward IV driven suddenly from his kingdom by the Earl of Warwick, and crossing the sea with numerous
foUowers to seek succour of the Duke of Burgundy. On nearing the Flemish coast they were attacked
hy Corsairs, but at this critical moment Louis de Bruges, who was in the neighbourhood with a fleet of
26 ships, and who little suspected to whom he was rendering such aid, sent out assistance. As soon as he
knew it was the king of England, he took boat and hurried to receive him and his suite. For nearly three
months he was in constant attendance on the king, who visited the Seigneur at his Chateau of Oostcamp,
and with several of his nobles resided in the town mansion of the Seignem- in Bruges. The way in which
Edward IV regained his throne, after about three months, with a precipitancy only equaUed by his
expulsion, is weU known. His brother-in-law, the Duke Charles, had promised sixteen vessels of war to
assist him in his efforts to regain his kingdom, and Louis de Bruges prepared to follow and second the
attempt, a proceeding, however, which was rendered needless by the rapid success of the Yorkist army.
On quitting Bruges the king, who was a great favomite with the Brugeois, was surrounded by crowds of

NOTES TO VOL. I. 277
citizens, impeding his way, each anxious to behold him for the last time. Touched by so spontaneous Note d,
a proof of attachment, the king, instead of traversing the canal from Bruges, as he originaUy intended, °°""'""^'^'
determined to gratify the wish of the people, and walked with them to Damme, where he took boat. On
finding himself again firmly estabUshed on the throne, Edward, wishing to show to the citizens of Bruges
his appreciation of their services and the hearty reception they had given him, wrote them an autograph
letter of thanks, which was despatched by special messenger. He also about this time, probably incited by
the splendid manuscripts he had seen in the Chateau of Louis de Bruges, ordered many expensive books to
be written and iUuminated for him at Bmges. Of these several may stUl be recognised in the old Royal
Library in the British Museum.
Greater honours were bestowed upon Louis de Bruges when, charged with a mission from his sovereign,
he shortly after visited the English capital. The king and ParUament received him with unbounded
magnificence, and the people with loud acclamations. It was on this occasiou that he received Letters
Patent creating him Earl of Winchester, with permission to quarter the Arms of that ancient title with
those of England on his shield. Nor were his new honours empty, for, to support thefr dignity, he was
aUowed to draw annually from the revenues of the Port of Southampton the sum of £200. This was
granted to him and his heirs male, but for some unknown cause, the deeds by which this grant was
secured, were deUvered up to Heury VII at Calais in the year 1500, being eight years after the death of ,
Louis de Bruges. The latter portion of the career of this eminent man was more chequered than the
former. Under PhiHp the Good, Charles the Bold, and the Princess Mary of Burgundy, he enjoyed the
highest favour, and was extremely popular among the Brugeois, to whom he had rendered frequent
services; but upon the marriage ofthe Duchess Mary with MaximUian of Austria, his fortunes became
more precarious. The policy of the new Prince and that of the Seigneur were oft^en irreconcileable, and for
some time the Seigneur found himself a prisoner at Malines, and aU his goods confiscated. Restored to
freedom, he again took part in the troubled state of his country's affairs, untU November 1492, when he
feU sick, and died at Bmges at the age of about 70 years. In that city he was buried with his ancestors,
in a noble Mausoleum, the old chroniclers recording that' a fearful storm raged round the Church of Notre
Dame during the ceremony.
Very few characters appear in history so irreproachable as that of Louis de Bruges ; but, next to the
services rendered by him to Edward IV, the feature that most attracts us is his great love of literature.
The Hbrary amassed by himself was scarcely inferior to those of the kings of France, and the Dukes of
Burgundy (see also Note e). Among the artists employed by him was the luckless Colard Mansion, and
it is possible that this celebrated printer may have been assisted in his new art hy the Seigneur, who
is styled by him " compere."
The history of this remarkable man has been vividly delineated in one of the most interesting works
which proceeded from the pen of M. Van Praet, under the title of " Becherches sur Louis de Bruges,"
Svo, Paris, 1831 ; and from this work have the preceding remarks been mostly gleaned.

JVote e.

MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BURGUNDIAN AND FRENCH LIBRARIES OP THE
15th century.
These Usts comprise extracts from the Libraries of the Dukes of Burgundy and Louis de Bruges ; fi-om
the Libraries of the Louvre and of Jean, Duke of Berry : showing that the works which issued from Caxton's
press were the standard books of his age. Indeed, take away the Latin and the purely EngHsh books from
the list of Caxton's productions, and not one wUl be left of which the French original cannot be traced in

278

NOTES TO VOL. I.

Note e, these magnificent Libraries. The collection of the Dukes of Burgundy included two English works, after-
n^mue . .^^^^ printed at Westminster, viz. No. 1088, " Boethius," probably the version by Chaucer ; and No. 1090,
an English version of " Cathon." The descriptions in the foUowing extracts wUl also afford a very good
idea of the material, binding, and, in some cases, the value of each work.

From the Libraries of the Dukes of Burgundy. The Inventory, taken about 1467, is preserved in the
Public Library, Lille. The following particulars are extracted from the " BibliotMque Broty-
pographique.'' Paris, 4fo, 1830.

Ducal No.
Librai-y of
Burgundy. No.

No.No.

No.No.No.

No.No.No.No.
No. No.
No.No.No. No.
No. No.
No.No.No.No.

884. Ung Hvre en parchemin convert d'ais blans, intitule Le premier Hvre du Becoeul des Histofres de
Troyes." Another copy. 894.
893. Ung autre Hvre en parchemin convert d'ais noirs, intitule Le second Hvre du recoeul des
Histoires de Troyes.
2191. L'Ystoire de Jason, couvert de cuir jaime, a deux cleans de cuir, et cincq boutons de chacun coste.
1950. Les Dictz moraulx des Philosophes, convert de cuir rouge, a tout deux cleans de letou, histoire.
Five other copies. 941, 943, 944, 973, 2097.
1088. Boece de consolacion en Anglois, couvert de cuir rouge.
1542. Boece de Consolacion, couvert de velours noir, & clouz et cleans dorez. Eight other copies.
1534, 1535, 1536, 1537, 1538, 1539, 1540, 1541.
1570. Le Hvre de la MoraUte des nobles homes sur Le Jen des Eches, couvert de cufr rouge a clouans
d' Argent, armoiez aux armes de monseigneur le duo qui PhUipe le Hardi fat nome. Six other
copies. 971, 1568, 1569, 1571, 2120, 2121.
2146. Ung livre couvert de cuir blancq, a deux cleans et cincq bouts de leton sur chacun coste historie
et intitule L'Ymaige du monde. Nine other copies. 778, 817, 818, 819, 820, 823, 999, 2145, 2147.
2123. Le Hvre du Begnart, couvert de cufr blanc, a deux cleans de leton. Three other copies.
1326, 1327, 1328.
1953. Tulle, de viellesse, de Amicitia, et Le debat de vrai noblesse. Also — 1005, 1006, 1010, 1018,
and 1054.
2088. De Godefroy de BouiUen, couvert de cuir blanc a deux cleans de leton. Another copy. 1055.
855. Le livre des trois Pelerinages en parchemin convert d'ais blans. Also 795.
724. La Legende doree, ung grant livre en parchemin couvert de Satin figure nefr k grans clous.
Two other copies. 725 and 1967.
1090. Cathon en anglois, en papier couvert de rouge cuir.
1008. Caton en francois en parchemin couvert d'ais rouges.
1658. Le Hvre que fit le chevalier de la Tour a I'enseignement de ses fiUes. Ung grant volume couvert
de cuir, gamy a tout deux clouans, hysterie. Two other copies. 991 and 992.
2102. Le Hvre d'Ysopet, couvert de cuir grisatre tout dessire.
1981. La Mort du roy Artus, couvert de cufr jaune, histoir^. Another copy. 1264.
2291. Le Roman de Paris et de la beUe Vienne, traduit de provengal en franfois, par Pierre de La
Ceppede marseUlois, sur papier, avec miniatures.
1210. Neuf quayers de' papier escript de lettre bastarde en prose, oontenant la Legende de Sainte
Katheline. Other copies— 1211, 1212.
2116. Livre de bonnes meurs, couvert de cuir rouge, ^ deux cleans de leton.
963. Ung Hvre nome Le Hvre des Fais d'Armes. En parchemin couvert d'ais rougastres bien
clouees. Also 2118.
2070. L'Orloge de Sapience, couvert de cufr nefr, istorie. Another copy. 1229.

NOTES TO VOL. I.

279

From the Library of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse, who died in 1492. The Beference
numbers are from " Becherches sur Louis de Bruges." Paris, Smo, 1831.
No. LX. Le RecueU des histofres Troyennes, par Raoul Lefevre. Tr6s beau msc. sur vel., du quinzieme
siecle, e'crit en anc. grosse batarde, et enrichi de quarante-quati-e belles miniatures.
Ne. XII. Le Hvre des Quatre dernieres Choses a venfr. Beau msc. sur vel., du qumzieme siecle, en anc.
grosse batarde.
No. XXXrV. La MoraUte du jeu des Echoes, traduite par Jean de Vignay, msc sur vel., du 15me siecle,
en anc. batarde.
No. LXI. ^^Histofre de la Conqu^te de la Toison-d'Or. (Life of Jason). Tres beau msc. sur vfl., dli 15me
siecle, en anc. grosse batarde, enrichi de 18 grandes et beUes miniatures.
No. XXXVII. Les dits des PhUosophes. Msc. sur vel., du 15me siecle, en anc. batarde. Another
copy. No. XXXIV.
No. XXXrV. Boece de la Consolation. Msc. sur vel., du 15me siecle, en anc. batarde.
No. LXXXV. Le Livre intitule, Eracles ; Godefroy of Buloyne. Tres beau msc. sur vel., du 15me
siecle.
No. XLVII. Les Metamorphoses d'Ovide. Tres beau msc. sur vel., du 15me siecle, en anc. grosse
batarde.
No. LXXX. La Legende doree. Beau msc. sur -sffl., du 15me siJcle, en anc. beltarde. The Preface
begins — " Monseigneur saint Jerosme dit ceste autorite," &c.
No. XLII. Le Livre des bonnes Moeurs. Msc. sur vS., du 15me siecle, en anc. batarde et erne de quatre
miniatures.
No. XLVI. De la Chose de Chevalerie en Faits d'Armes. Msc. sur vel., du 15me siecle, en ano.
batarde.
No. VII. L'Horloge de Sapience. Beau msc. sm- vfl., du 15me siecle en ano. grosse batarde.
No. LXXXIII. La L%ende de S. Catherine de Sienne. Beau msc. sur vfl., du 15 siecle.
No. LXXXVI. Description du Si%6 de Rhodes, traduite du latin de GuUlaume Caoursin. Msc. sur vel.,
du 15me siecle, ecrit en anc. batarde.

Note e,
continued.

Library of
Louis de
Bruges.

From the Library of the Louvre under Cha/rles V., Charles VI., and Charles VIL, 1373-1427. The
Beference numbers are from " Catalogue des livres de V ancienne BibliotMque du Louvre."
Paris, 8vo., 1836.
No. 152. Le Liure des Esohes moralise, couvert de veluyau v'meU a queue, a fermofrs dargent a cignes Royal Library
blancs, et le dona au Rey monss. de Berry son frere. Six. other copies, numbered 123, 190, 367, °' France.
394, 468, 1094.
No. 1098. Un Uure des MoraUtez des PhUosophes, en francois, de lettre bastarde, couvert de cufr qui fut
vert, a deux fermofrs de laton.
No. 101. Boece de Consolacion, bien historie et escript. Seven other copies, numbered 110, 112, 118,
238, 435, 655, 885.
No. 117. L'Ymage du Monde, bien escript de grosse lettre. Seven other copies, 38, 366, 404, 476, 507,
556, 1113.
No. 917. Guide Metamorfoseos, en francois, couurt de cufr a empraintes, a ij fermoers de laton. Other
copies, 27, 298.
No. 256. Le Liure du Regnart, couiit de cuir rouge. Six other copies, 89, 342, 417, 921, 957, 1104.
No. 1110. Un Hure de Godefroy de BuiUon, en vng gros volume, escript en francois, bien historie &
enlummine, couiit de soye a queue bien vieUle, a ij fermofrs dargent. Twelve other copies, 32, 37,
79, 96, 282, 284, 285, 286, 292, 324, 492, 1110.

280

NOTES TO VOL. I.

Note e,
continued. Library of
Louis de
Bruges.

No. 581. Une Legende doree, qui est escript de lettre dor sur p'chemin noii, 2 petit vol. couut de cuir
blanc aj fermoir de sole &de cufr. Five other copies, 22, 86, 213, 240, 884.
No. 158. Les cempUacons Ysepet et Auionet en latin et en francois, histories de nefr, et st. bonnes
moraUtes couiites de drap dor. Other copies, 121, 957.
Ne. 226. Le Pelerinage du Mende, de I'Ame, de Jhiicst, couut de sole vert a queue, q. dona au Roy le
comte de Harcourt. Other copies, 259, 502.
No. 276. Du Roy Artus, de la Table ronde, et de la Mort dudit Roy, tres bien escript & enlumine, et de
grant volume, a iij coulombes. Also 299 and 1122.
No. 280. La vie S. Charlemane.
No. 175. Vegesse de Cheuallye tres bien escript et ystoriee, couiit de veluyau celestin, et fermoers dargent
des armes dAnceure. Nine other copies, 119, 132, 137, 258, 398, 447, 458, 462, 511.
No. 280. Les uij fils Aymon.
No. 335. De Blanchardin et de Beaumauuaiz, tres viel.

Library of
Jean, Duc of
Berry.

From the Library of Jean Duc de Berri, au Chateau de Mehun-sur- Yevre, A,D, 1416. The original
Priced Catalogue, written on vellum, is preserved in the Library of Sainte- Genevieve, Paris ; and
the Beference numbers to the volumes are from "La Librairie du Jean, Duc de Berry," par
Hiver de Beauvoir, Paris, 8ve., 1860.
No. 105. Un Hvre de Troye la Grant, couvert de veluyau vermeU fermant &, deux fermoers d'argent dore
ronds, lequel fut achete par mondit Seigneur de Bureau de Dammartin, au mois d'Avril 1402.
40 Hv.
No. 65. Un Hvre des Dits moraux des philosophes escript en frangois de lettre de court historie au
commencement d'enlumineure, achete eu mois de Janvier 1403 pour le prix de 80 escus d'or.
No. 66. Another copy. 8 Hv. 15 sch.
No. 93. Boesce de consolation convert de cufr rouge, &c. 75 Hv.
Ne. 115. Un Hvre en frangois de 1' Image du monde, que fist maistre Gosserin historie en plusieurs Heux, &c.
12 Hv. 10 s.
Ne. 114. Another copy. 55 s.
Ne. 92. Un Hvre du Benart, couvert de cufr vermeil, &c. 50 Hv.
No. 82. Un Hvre, en francois, d' Ovide Metamorpliorios couvert d'un cmr vermeU empraint a deux
fermoers d'argent dere, tout plains et les tixus de soye vermeille. 30 Hv.
No. 83. Another copy. 30 Hv.
No. 84. Another copy. 25 Hv.
No. 154. Les Oroniques d'Angleterre escript en mauvais francois convert de cuir fauve, a deux fermoers de
laiton. 1 Hv. 17s. 6d.
No. 90. Un livre du Pelerinage du corps et de I'ame, historie au commencement et en plusieurs Heux de
blanc et de noir, fermant a deux fermoers d'argent blanc a deux tixus de soye noire.
No. 135. Un tres-bel Hvre de la Legende dorie, historic en plusieurs Heux tres-richement, couvert de drap
de sole vermeU double de tierceUn, ^ deux fermoers d'argent dore esmaUHes de saint Jean et saint
Jacques. 75 Hv.
No. 70. Un petit Hvre en francois intitule des bonnes Moeurs historic en plusieurs Heux, couvert de cuir
vermeil empraint a deux fermoers de laiton dore, hachife des armes de Mens, le duc et sur chascun
ais cinq bouUens de mesme ; lequel Hvre fut donn^ a Monseigneur le Hij jour de maxs mU cccc et
neuf par frere Jacques le Grant augustin. 6 Hv. 5 s.
No. 104. Un Romant qui parle des Quatre fils Haymont, &o,, couvert de cuir rouge, &c. 15 Hv.
The total sum at which this Library, containing only 162 vols., was valued on the death of the Duke,
appears to have been 14,909 Hvres.

NOTES TO VOL I.

281

GENEALOGY
SHOWING THE PRINCIPAL FOUNDERS OF THE ERENCH AND BURGUNDIAN LIBRARIES.

JOHN, KING OF FRANCE ¦-
1350-1364.

BONA OF BOHEMIA, Ffrst Wife.
= JANE, Duchess op Buegundt, Second Wife.

I

CHARLES V =

JANE

LOUIS

JEAN

PHILIPPE LB HARDI =

= MARGARET

1364-1380.

of Botibbon.

Dttke op

Duke op

DiJKE OP Buegundt,

Only Daughter

Anjou.
Beebt.
1361-1404.
of the Count
of Flanders.
1
CHARLES VI =
= ISABELLA
1
LOUIS
1
JEAN SANS PEUR =
= MARGARET
1380-1423.
OP Bavaeia.
Duke op
Obleaks.
CHARLES
1404^14,19.
op Bataeia.
1
CHAELES VII =
= MAR,T
1
MICHELLA
PHILIPPE LE BON =
[Third Wife.]
= ISABELLA
1423-1461.
OP Anjotj.
First Wife of
Philippe le Bon.
Duke op
Okieans.
1419-1467.
OP POETUaAL.
1
1
1
[Third Wife.]
LOUIS XI =
= CHARLOTTE CATHERINE
CHARLES IE TEMERAIRE =
= MARGARET
1461-1483.
OP Savoy.
First Wife of
1467-1477.
op Yoek.
Charles le Temeraire
--
Caxton's Patroness
JVotef.
ON EARLY PRINTING AT BRUGES.
Jean Briton and his Ci
In the Imperial Library at Paris is a smaU 4to Volume, of which no other copy is known to exist, and
upon which a claim has been founded fer the Printer by the Abbe Ghesquiere, (Bspr. des journ. Juin 1799),
not only as the ifrst in Bruges, but as the inventor of the art itseU. The name by which the book is known
is " Le Doctrinal pour I'instruction de tous chrestiens." Its description is as feUows : — The volume is in
quarto, and should contain 32 leaves, divided into four sections of two sheets each, giving eight quarto leaves
to each section. The first and last leaves, which were net printed on, are wanting in the Paris copy, having
probably been thrown out by the binder, thus leaving, thfrty printed leaves ; but that the above collation
is correct is easUy proved by the water mark in the paper, which is a dog passant, and which, the book being
quarto, runs through the back, shewing the head of the dog en one leaf and the taU on the corresponding
leaf. Thus the first leaf of the section having part of the water mark visible, the eighth leaf should have the
supplementary portion. There are two types used; one fer the text, a small secretary, which is the very same
as that in the " Fasciculus temporum," printed by Veldener, at Utrecht, in 1480, and the ether a black letter
of a much larger face, but cast on the same body, which is used for head lines only. The pages have 15 lines,
TOL. I. ' P P
282 NOTES TO VOL I.
Note f, and there are both signatures and catchwords. No one acquainted -with the minutise of the earHest books
eonttnued. ^^^^ attribute this tract to the infancy of the Art, and its whole claim rests on the foUo-wing Colophon,
Jean Briton, where the latinitv and statements are equally incorrect.
an<} his claims. ' " Aspice presentis scripture gracia que sit
Confer opus opere . spectetur codice codex
Respice qj munde . q) terse . q) qz decore
Jmprimit hee ciuis brugesis brito Johanes
Jnuenies artem nuUe mostrate mfradam
Jnstrumeta queqz non minus laude stupeda
Which may be fi-eely rendered thus : —
Behold the elegance of this writing,
Compare this work with another, this book with another l?ook.
See how clearly, how neatly, how tastefuUy
John Brito, a citizen of Bruges, prints these works.
Discovering a wonderful art, ne one having instructed him
The astonishing implements also not less praiseworthy
This John Brito was probably the same man whose name appears for many years, between 1454 and 1494,
in the Registers of the GuUd of St. John, noticed previously in Chapter IV. Both Bernard (De I'origine de
rimprimerie II. 398) and Van Praet (Notice sur Colard Mansion) are of opinion that Veldener was the real
printer ; and that Brito, having invented some plan of stencUUng, tried it on the Doctrinal, using the word
" imprimit," to describe his process, and that Veldener, when really printing from one of these copies, left
in Brito's phraseology. This does not seem a very satisfactory explanation, and the evidence of the
Doctrinal having been printed at Bruges receives seme confirmation from the existence in the archives of
that city of some printed leaves of a work which were rescued a few years ago by the Archeviste
Mens. P. A. Bossaert. He has thus labeUed them, " Fragments imprimes decouverts dans I'interieur d'une
vielle couverture de registre, au depot des archives, en 1854, par I'arche-viste." They consist of six leaves
and six haU leaves, and the typography in its two sorts of letter, in the pecuUar arrangement of both
catchwords and signatures, in the length of Hne, and number of lines in a page, agrees exactly with the
unique Doctrinal at Paris, and was evidently from the same press. The document, of which a complete
copy exists in MS. in the To^vn Library, was issued in the reign of Mary, Duchess of Burgundy, after her
marriage with MaximUian. The origin of the erroneous stanzas was probably this — Jean Briton, who was
a member of the guUd of St. John, was, like many of his fellows, a Printer in a rude way. As it was no
uncommon thing for both Scribes and Printers at that period to reproduce the work before them, without
attempting to suit its phraseology in any way to altered circumstances, so we can easUy imagine that
this Doctrinal may have appeared in a much cheaper and ruder form many years before, when this
bombastic Colophon was in some degree applicable ; and have been repeated in every edition up to 1480,
which appears to be about the date of the Paris Doctrinal and of the Bruges Fragments.

JVote g.

CAXTON MEMORIALS.
The foUowing Contribution to Notes and Queries fer July 19, 1851, from the pen of Mr. Bolton Corney,
embraces the history of Caxton Memorial efforts up to that date : —
" After Caxton had slept with his fathers fer three centuries, remembered only by a few antiquaries, it was
deemed fit that a pubUc monument should record his merits.
" The Roxburghe club, much to the honour of its members, undertook to bear the cest of it, and to
superintend its execution. With regard to its location, there was no question as to the paramount claims of

NOTES TO VOL. I.

283

Westminster. It was proposed, in the first instance, to place it in the coUegiate church of St. Peter, within
the preomcts of which church Caxton had exercised his art. The want of a convenient space wa^ rather an
obstacle to that plan : a more serious obstacle was the amount of fees demanded on such occasions. It was
then decided, and perhaps with more propriety, that it should be placed in the parish church of St. Margaret;
and the execution of the monument, which was to be of the tablet form, was entrusted to the younger
Westmacott.i An engraving of it has been published.^ The inscription is :
To the memory
of WUUam Caxton
who first introduced into Great Britain
the art of printing
and who a d. 1477 or earlier
exercised that art
in the abbey of Westminster.
This tablet
in remembrance of one
to whom
the Hterature of his country
is so largely indebted
was raised
anno Domini mdccoxx
by the Roxburghe club
Earl Spencer, E.G. president.
" The monument, as a piece of sculpture, is simphcity itseU, and therefore suitable to the place of its
destua.ation. To the inscription I venture to make seme sHght objections : 1. Whether Caxton " introduced
into Great Britain the art of printing " admits of a doubt. There is no evidence to invaUdate the colophon
of the Exposicio S. Jeronimi in simbolo Apostolorum.^ Dibdin fully beUeved in its authenticity."
2. Caxton is very imperfectly designated. He was a weU-informed writer, a most assiduous translater, and
a very careftU editor. As early as 1548, he was classed among the Illustres majoris Britannia scriptores"
— ^but we are on the decline, it seems, in point of tact and inteUigence. 3. The date of his decease, and the
place of his burial, should have been stated. The facts are recorded in the accounts of the churchwardens of
this very parish, and nowhere else.^ 4. The inscription, as a composition, wants terseness : on this defect,
I content myself vrith giving a hint typographically.
" In 1847 a fresh attempt was made to revive the memory of Caxton. After due notice, a public meeting
was held en the 12th of June to " promote the erection of a monument to commemorate the introduction of
printing into England, and in honour of WiUiam Caxton, the earHest EngHsh printer '' — lord Morpeth in
the chafr. The meeting was extremely weU attended. The form of monument proposed was, the combi
nation of a fountain by day and a Hght by night — the poetical conception of the Rev. H. H. MUman. Some
exceUent speeches were made — and I cannot but particularize that of the noble chairman ; considerable sums
were subscribed — the Messieurs Clowes tendering £100 ; a committee, a sub-committee, a treasurer, and
a secretary, were appointed. ' With the proceedings of that meeting, as publicly reported, my information
terminated. " After a lapse of four years, a meeting of the subscribers to the Caxton Testimonial was advertised for
the 10th July, to ' consider an offer made by the Coalbrookdale Iron Company to erect an iron statute of
Caxton — and, in the event of the proposal being adopted, to determine the best means of carrying the same

Note g,
continued, Caxton
Memorials.

(1) T. F. Dibdin, Renninlscences of a literary life. London, 1836. 8yo. i. 386.
(2) J.'M.Q.-rtm, A catalogue of hoolcsprlvatehjjninted. London, 1834. Svo. p. 486.
(3) S.'W.Smger, Some account of the iooh printed at Oxford in MW. London, 1812. Svo. p. 44.
(4) Typographical antiquities, by Joseph Ames, etc. London, 1810. 4to. Life of Caxton, p. 75.
(5) Itlvstrlvm tnaioris Britannia^ scriptorvm sumrnariii avtore loanne Bdlaeo. Gippeswici, 1548.
(6) John Nichols, Illustrations of the manners and expenses of ancient times, London, 1797. 4to.
(7) The Times, June 14, 1847.

4to. fol. 208.
p. 3.

P P

284

NOTES TO VOL. I.

Note 0,
continued.

Caxton
Memorials.

into effect.' I was much astonished at this announcement A meeting to consider an offer to perpetuate
a fiction in connexion with an art which surpasses all other arts in its power of establishing truth ! On
reflection, I became calm ; and felt that Mr. Henry Cele, the honorary secretary, was perfectly right in
adopting the customary phraseology. The result of this meeting is a desideratum. It seems to have been
private ; for an examination of 300 columns of The Times, being the history of four days, did not lead to
the discovery of one word on the iron statue of Caxton.
" If the statue-mania did not now prevail to an unexampled extent, I should feel much confidence in the
sound sense of the subscribers — ^but I have some frrepressible misgivings.
" According to my feeUngs, which I avail myself of this opportunity of recording, we may commemorate
an eminent individual in better ways than by the erection of a statue; the phUanthrepist, by an alms-house —
the scholar, by scholarships — the naval commander, by a sea mark — etc. Admitting that a statue may
sometimes be the mest desfrable form of monument, the statue of an individual of whose features we are in
entfre ignorance is a misnomer. It is scarcely less than an absurdity.
" As I have intimated that there is no authentic portrait of Caxton, I must now justify my conviction.
Ames published a woodcut as a portrait of our venerable Caxton^: Dibdin discovered it to be a 'portrait of
BurchieUo,''' an eccentric Florentine barber ! — le pe^te le plus bizarre qui ait jamais ecrit! Horace Walpole
pubHshed a print said to represent Earl Rivers ' introducing Caxton to Edward IV.' ^" — which was copied
from an iUuminated MS. of The dictes and sayings of the philosophers, preserved in the archiepiscopal
Hbrary at Lambeth. Now, what says Mr. Todd? ' That Ca,-%.iaD. printed this book in 1477, is weU known.
But what has that cfrcumstance to do with the earl presenting or attending the presentation of his own
manuscript ? The figure here introduced by the earl is evidently, by the tonsure and habit, a priest; which
Caxton was not.'^^ The evidence, in both cases, is very decisive; and I have heard of no other engraved
portraits of Caxton. The enamel -miniature by Bene, produced as authentic at the meeting of 1847, was
copied from the Lambeth manuscript ! It was sold by Messieurs Christie and Manson in 1850.
" Viewing Caxton as a man of considerable literary abilities, and as iSne first English printer, I have now
to propose for him a monument which shaU do justice to his merits in both capacities — a monument which
shall be visible at all times, and in aU places : I propose a coUeotive impression of his original compositions.
Such a volume would be a monument in honour of Caxton, as it would give a tru^ account of his Hfe and
labours. It would also exhibit much of the Uterary history of the times ; some sound criticism and notions
on editorship ; and curious specimens of the feeUngs and style of our forefathers. It would comprise what
no amount of wealth could procure — what no single library in the realm could produce. It would be, to use
the just and forcible observation of Messieurs Visoonti and CasteUan, ou a somewhat simUar occasion,
• un monument plus glorieux, plus utUe et plus durable que ceux mSme que Ton pent eriger avec le marbre
et le bronze.' ^^ " Proposed Conditions.
"1. A volume, to be entitled CJe ffisiton iHcmortal, shall be printed for subscribers under approved
editorship, and shaU contain aU the original compositions of William Caxton, as proems, notes, colophons,
etc., with specimens of his translations, and fac-simUe cuts of his device and types.
" 2. In order to expedite the progress of the volmne, and to ensure the perfect accuracy of its contents,
there shaU be three co -editors — one of whom shaU act as secretary.
" 3. The volume shaU be printed in Roman type, with the ancient orthography and punctuation ; and in
two sizes — in royal octave, and iu demy' octavo.
" 4. Subscribers of £1 Is shaU be entitled to a copy on royal paper, and subscribers of 10s 6d to a copy
en demy paper.
" 5. Each editor sliaU be entitled to the same number of copies as are allowed by the Camden and other
similar societies.
(8) Typographical antiqnities. London, 1749. 4to. p. .54.
(9) The bibliographical decameron. London, 1817. Svo. ii. 288.
(10) Catalogue of royal and noble authors. Strawberry-bill, 1758. Svo. i. 60.
(11) Catalogue of the archiepiscopal mamiscripts at Lambeth. London, 1812. Folio, p. 37.
(12) Journal des soAjans. 1818. 4to. p. 389.

NOTES TO VOL. I.

285

" 6. The number of copies printed shaU not exceed the number for which subscriptions shaU have been
received, except as requfred by the fifth rule, and as presents to such pubUo libraries, or private collectors,
as may fiimish a part of the materials.
" 7. Printers and pubHshers subscribing for six copies shaU be aUowed a discount of 25 per cent.
" 8. The names of the subscribers, and an account of the receipts and expenditure, shaU be added to the
volume. " The project now announced was formed by me, as to its principal features, at the close of the year 1849 ;
but not a Hne was written before the appearance of the advertisement en the iron statue. It had been
communicated, however, in private, to the editor of Notes and Queries. To this fact I have no doubt he
¦wiU cheerfiUly bear -witness. As the previous scheme of a ' Caxton Testimonial ' was then almost forgotten,
the idea could not have been conceived in a spfrit of rivalry. Nevertheless, if need be, I would oppose to
the utmost of my abUity, and fearless of any array of names which the roUs of Uteratm-e may ftimish, the
PEBPETUATION OF A FICTION."

Note g,
continued, Caxton
Memoriala

The proposition of reprinting Caxton's works met with no practical support, and at a meeting presided
over by Mr. Botfield, in connection -with the " Iron Statue," the amount of subscriptions was found te be
far short of the requisite £500. After the Funds coUected had remained on hand for three years, they were
at last, by the consent of the subscribers, handed over to the " Printers' Pension Society,'' to form the
nucleus of a Pension for the perpetual reHef of some aged member of Caxton's own Craft. The balance thus
paid over in the 1854, by the Treasurer, the Very Rev. Dr. MUman, was £184 4s, since when it has been
augmented by special subscriptions tUl, in 1861, it amounted to £875 10s Id, a sum sufiioient to yield
a pension of £25 per annum, and accordingly, this year, the first " Caxton Pensioner " has been elected.
And this, after aU, is the best solution of the difiiculty, and perpetuates the name of our great Master-
printer in a manner which must appeal to the heart of every one who suflSciently values that noblest of aU
arts — the Art of Printing.
With reference to the fees for a monument in the Abbey, noticed by Mr. Corney, the foUowing note may
be added: — Dr. Dibdin was delegated te treat with the Dean and Chapter of Westminster concerning the
fees demanded, which were thrice the cost of the Tablet itself {Northern Tour, Svo, 1838, p. 854.)
The Roxburghe club hoped that these would be reduced to a nominal sum ; but aU the Doctor's powers of
persuasion were ineffectual.

LIST OF AUTHORS CONSULTED AND REFERRED TO.

Vide
Pages
Ames, Joseph. Typographical Antiquities, being an Historical Account of Printing in England. London,
1749. 4to  29,46
Andeeson, Adam. Deduction of the Origin of Commerce from the Earliest Accounts. London, 1787. 4to 11
AEOHLffiioioaiA. London. 4to. Vol. XXXI  46
Atktns, Richard. The Original and Growth of Printing. 1664. 4to  80
Baebois, j. Biblioth6que Protypographique, ou Librairies des Fils du Roi Jean, Charles V., Jean de Berri,
Philippe de Bourgogne, et les siens. Paris, 1830. 4to  ,  Chapter II, and 278
Beauvoib, Hiver de. La Librairie de Jean Duc de Berry au Chateau de Mehun-sur-Yevre, 1416. Paris,
1860. Svo  Chapter II, and 280
Belgium. Le Bibliophile Beige, Tome I  26
Beenabd, Aug. De I'Origine et des Debuts de I'Imprimerie en Europe. Paris, 1853. Svo., 2 vols.. . .31, 38, 39, 46, 48, 51, 52, 282
BioGEAPHiA Bbitannica. London, 1784. FoHo  3
BoTS, William. Collections for a History of Sandwich. Canterbury, 1792. 4to  270, 273
Cakbeidge. The Account of Pythagoras's School in. (1773?). Folio  269
Campbell, John, Lord. The Lives of the Lord Chancellors. London, 1845-7. 8vo., 7 vols  18
Caeton, L'Abbe. Colard Mansion et les Imprimeurs Brugeois du 15me siMe. Bruges, 1S51. Svo. cum fig. 41
Caxton and the Art of Printing. London, 1852. 12mo  66
Clabk, Bichard. Monument to Caxton. Five Letters by. London, 1847. 16mo  68
Devon, Frederick. Issues of the Exchequer, being a Collection of Payments made out of His Majesty's
Revenue, from Henry III. to Henry VI. inclusive. London, 1837. 4to  69, 70, 119, 269
 Issue RoU of Thomas de Brantingham, &c., c&c. London, 1835. 4to  273
Dibdin, Thomas PrognaU, D.D. Ames's Typographical Antiquities, enlarged by. London, 1810-19. 4to.
4 vols  17, 32, 46, 4S, 64, 66, 79, 82
—  ¦ Bibliotheca Spenceriana ; or, a Descriptive Catalogue of the Books printed in the fifteenth
century, and of many valuable first editions in the Library of George John, Earl Spencer, K.G., &c.
London, 1814-15. 8vo., 4 vols  59
 The Bibliographical Antiquarian and Picturesque Tour in France and Germany. London, 1821.
Svo., 3 vols  41,58
Flandees. Annales du Soeiete d'Emulation de la Flandres. Bruges, 1843-8. Svo  18, 40, 127
Foss, E. The Judges of England. London, 1848-57. Svo., 6 vols  269
Pullee, Thomas, D.D. The History of the Worthies of England, London, 1662. Folio  1, 275
Gibbon, Edward. Miscellaneous Works. London, 1814. Svo., 5 vols  74
Haklutt, Richard. The Principal Navigations, Voiages, Traffiqves, and Discoueries of the English Nation.
London, 1604. Folio  13) 14, 110—19
Hasted, Edward. The History and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent. Canterbury, 1778-99.
Folio, 4 vols  3
Heebeet, William. Ames's Typographical Antiquities, augmented by. London, 1785-90. 4to., 3 vols. 46
Kent. Arehseologia Cantiana. Vol.11  275
Kiekpateiok, John. History of the Religious Orders, &c. of Norwich. Norwich, 1845. Svo  274
Knight, Charles. WiUiam Caxton, a Biography. London, 1844. 12mo  66, 68
KoELHOPF, Johan. Bie Cronica van der hUlige Stat van CoeUen. Cologne, -1499. FoUo  59
Lambaedb, WiUiam. A Perambulation of Kent. London, 1576. 4to  1
Laseena, M. de. Memoire Historique sur la BibUotheque de Bourgogne. BruxeUes, 1809. Svo  Chapter II, and 24
Lewis, John. The Life of Mayster Wyllyam Caxton, of the Weald of Kent, the first Printer in England.
London, 1737. Svo  46,57,66,79
London, Liber Albus. Translated by H. T. RUey. London, 1860. Svo  271,275
 Liber Custumarum. Edited hy H. T. RUey. Loudon, 1860. Svo  271

288 LIST OF AUTHORS, ETC. ride
Pages
Macphebson, David. Annals of Commerce, Manufactures, Fisheries, and Navigation, &c. London, 1805.
4to., 4vols  9, 10, 17
Mabohal, j. Catalogue des Manuscrits de la BibUotheque Royale des Dues de Bourgogne. BruxeUes,
1842. FoUo, 3 vols  Chapter II, and 24
Munch, Dr. Ernst. Maria von Burgund und Margarethe von York. Leipsig, 1832. 8vo., 2 vols  70
Nicolas, Harris, K.C.M. The Chronology of History. London, 1838. Svo  18, 46
NoEEOLK AND NoEWECH Aech^ologioal Society. Original Papers of. 1850. Svo  269,273
Notes AND QuEEiES. London, various years, 4to.  3,282 — 5
Pabis, M. Paulin. Les Manuscrits Francois de la BibUotheque du Roi. Paris, 1836-48. Svo., 7 vols. ... 48
Peignot, G. Catalogue d'une partie des Livres composant la BibUotheque des Dues de Bourgogne.
Dijon, 1841. Svo  Chapter II
Philipot, Thomas. VUlare Cantianum, or Kent surveyed and iUustrated. Lynn, 1776. FoUo  275
Pulling, Alexander. A Practical Treatise on the Laws, Customs, and Regulations of the City and Port
of London. London, 1842. Svo  4, 10
Rtmeb. Rymeri Poidera, Conventiones, &c. London, 1704-35. FoUo, 20 vols  13, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 126
Sandeei, Antonii. Flandria lUustrata. Bruges, 1641. Folio  15,16
Somnee, WUUam. Antiquities of Canterbury. London, 1640. 4to  269
Stow, John. A Survay of London. London, 1598. 4to  5,65,68
 A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, by John Strype, M.A. London, 1754.
FoUo, 2 vols  r  5
Tbot. The Destruction of Troy. London Bridge, 1684. 4to  50
Van deb Meebsch. Becherches sur la Vie et les Travaux des Imprimeurs Beiges et Neerlandais, etabUs
a I'etranger. (3tand, 1856. Svo  38
[Van Peaet, G]. Becherches sur Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse ; suivies de la Notice des
Manuscrits qui lui ont appartenu, &c. Paris, 1831. Svo  25
 Inventaire ou Catalogue des Livres de I'ancienne BibUotheque du Lou-vre, avec des Notes
historiques et critiques. Paris, 1836. Svo  21
 Notice sur Colard Mansion, Libraire et Imprimeur de la ViUe de Bruges. Paris, 1829.
8vo  19,26,39,40,46,53, 58,282
Walpole, H., Earl of Orford. Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, by T. Park. London, 1806.
8vo., 5 vols  8X
Wheeleb, John. A Treatise of Commerce, by J. W., Secretarie to the Societie of Merchantes Adventurers.
Middleburgh, 1601. 4to  10 13
WiDMOEB, Bichard, M.A. An History of the Church of St. Peter, Westminster, chiefly from Manuscript
Authorities. London, 1743. 4to  gg

INDEX TO VOL. I.

NAMES OF PERSONS ONLY ARE PRINTED IN ITALICS.

Abbey, meaning of the word, 65.
Abuse (L') en court, 42.
Accedence, 64.
Adrien, Daniel F., 108, 109.
Addington, 275.
Adventurers (see Merchant Adventurers).
Advertisement printed by Caxton, 64.
Advineux (Les) amoreux, 42.
-iEgidius Romanus, printed at Oxford, 81.
-.ffisop, printed by Caxton, 34, 64, 72, 73. EpUogue to, 172.
Printed by Mansion, 33, 35. MSS. of, 278, 280.
Aforge, Daniel, 121.
Alburgh, John, 91.
Aldermary, Parish of, London, 94, 123, 124. Tenements
in, held by the Guild of our Lady Assumption, 69.
Aldestre, Parish of, 6, 96, 101.
Alexander the Great, 140, 141, 177.
Almonry, The, 64, 69. Position of, 66. Caxton's reason for
choosing it as his place of residence, 67. Old house in,
said to be Caxton's, 68. Alms-houses in, 65.
Almonesrye, 64, 65 (see Almonry).
-Almory, 65 (see Almonry).
Ames, Joseph, 130. Note on Caxton's death, 75.
Ambry, 65 (see Ahnonry).
Anchises, 189.
Andrew, St., 149.
Aryov,, Duc d', 24.
Anne, St., Chapel of, 65, 66.
Antwerp, 21. Trade GuUd at, 26.
Apprentices, their age at "issue," 4. Length of servi
tude, 4. Duties of master towards, 5. Insurrection
of, 5. Oath of servitude, 5, 85. Sent abroad to learn
thefr trade, 10. Of a deceased master, 10.
Aqueduct iu London, 96, 100.
Arbre of batayUes, 186.
-Aristotelis Ethica, Oxon, 81.
Aristotle, 141.
Arras, 39.
Art and Craft to learn weU to die, printed by Caxton, 34,
72, 73.
Arthur, Prince of Wales, Son of Henry VII, 71, 191.
TOL. I.

Arthur, King, printed by Caxton, 34, 64, 72, 73. Prologue
to, 177. MSS. of, 278, 280.
Arundel, William JEarl of, 71, 168.
Assumption, Lady of, GuUd of, 94.
AtTcyns, Richard, Original and growth of Printing, 80.
Auhert, David, 24.
Aubert, St., Ahbede, 38.
Aureus de universe, 195.
Aymon, Four Sons of, printed by Caxton, 73. MS. of, 280.
Sagford, John, 3, 67, 82.
Baker, John, 91.
SaJcker, Jen.yne, 89.
BaUol College, Oxon, 163.
Ballard, Mr,, of Cambden, 75.
Balyn, Sir, 180.
Barkley (see Berkeley).
Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus rerum, 52, 53, 55, 56, 194.
Lewis's opinion of the apochryphal Cologne edition, 57.
Bartholomew, St., 149. Smithfield, 98, 103.
Beaumayns, Sir, 180.
Bedford, DuTce of, (Eegent of France), 23, 159. His
Ubrary, 25. Bedford Missal, 25.
Bedleem, Hospital of 6, 98 (see Bethlehem).
Bedside Prayers, 73.
Berkeley, the parish of, 194, 195.
Berkeley, Thomas, Lord, 164, 194, 195.
Berry, John, Duke of, 24, 153.
Bethlehem Hospital, 6, 98, 104.
Betts, Edward, 92.
Biography, Books of, printed by Caxton, 73.
Blanchardine and Eglantine, printed by Caxton, 73. Pro
logue to, 187. Manuscript of, 280. Sold by Caxton, 27.
Blase, St., Bishop and Martyr, 150.
Blois, Chateau de, 25.
BoatMre, 89, 123.
Boccace, printed by Mansion, 42, 43. Bochas, 141, 178.
Boethius, 73. De Consolatione PhUosophiaj, Epilogue to, 151.
Prmted by Mansion, 40. MSS. of, 278, 279, 280.
Boleyn, Galfour, 105.
Bolomier, Henry, 181, 182. Q Q

290

INDEX TO VOL. I.

Bomsted, Senry, 90.
Bonefaunt, Richard, 4, 7, 87, 88, 96, 101.
Book-binders and signatures, 30.
Books printed one page at a time, 29. Began with a blank
fly leaf, 29. Selection of paper, 29.
Bors, Sir, 180.
Bossaert, M. P. A., Bruges, 282.
Borselle, Marguerite de, 276.
Boteley, Isabella, 96, 101.
Boucher, Lord, 169.
Brabant, 110. Duke of 139.
Britain (see Description of),
British Museum. (For Books and MSS. in, see Libraries.)
Brito, John. His claims to be considered the first Printer,
at Bruges, 281.
Broad Street Ward, 67.
Broun, J., 92. Stephen, 105.
Bruges, City of, 10, 31, 39, 47, 58, 60, 62, 63, 70, 78, 79,
90, 92, 276. The Public Library, 43. Ancient Libraries,
24. Eecords preserved at, 20, 105, 107, 108. Domus
Anglorum, 15, 16. Guild of St. John, 26, 37. History of
the early Press, 37 to 44, 281. Cradle of EngUsh Typo
graphy, 37, 58. " Mirror of the World," engrossed at,
158, 154. " The Eecuyell," translated and printed at,
46, 48, 131, 133. " Chess-book," translated and prmted
at, 138.
Bruges, Jean de, 25, 276.
Bruges, Louis de, (see Gruthuyse),
Brussels, Trade GuUd at, 26.
Brute, Chronicle of, 178.
Bryant, Joseph, 46.
Bryce, Hugh, Mercer, 71, 153, 156. Thomas, 89.
Brydde, William, 96, 101.
Burchiello, portrait of, 82.
Burgardus, Dominus, 127.
Burgeys, Thomas, 120.
Burgh, Benet, Archdeacon of Colchester, 169,
Burgh, Richard, 11, 12, 89.
Burgundy, Dukes of, 40.
Philippe le Bon, 16, 17, 48, 61, 181, 138, 276, 281. His
Library, 24, 27. Editor of Le Recueil, 52.
Philippe le Hardi, 24, 27, 281.
Charles le Temeraire, 17, 126, 276, 281.
Margaret of York, Duchess of, 12, 60, 138, 275, 276, 281.
Marriage of, 17. Visits England, 70. Employs Caxton,
20, 21, 131. Has special privileges for Trading, 21.
Mary, Duchess of, 277, 282.
Cacston, Thomas, 3, 90, Spelt also Causton, 3.
Calais, 106, 107, 156.
Cambridge, King's College, Library of, 25.
Camelot, in Wales, 179.
Canterbury Tales (see Chaucer).

Carleton, John de, 275.
Carmes, Rue des, Bruges, 40.
Carton, I' Abbe, of Bruges, 41, 127.
Cassyodore, Johan, 166,
" Castons hous," 65.
Catherine, St., of Vienne, printed by Caxton, 73, French
MSS. of, 278, 279.
Caton, printed by Caxton, 64, 72, 73, Prologue to, 169.
MSS. of, 278.
Causton, a form of Caxton, 2, 3, 275. A Manor in Kent,
1, 3, 274, 275.
Causton, Alexander de, 271 ; Hugh de, 278, 275 ; Henry de,
87, 273 ; John de, 271 ; John, 274 ; Michel de, 87, 273;
Nichol de, 87, 273; Boger, 273; Roger de, 87,273;
Richard de, 87, 273; Stephen, 87, 274; Theobald de,
87,278; Thomas, 274; Walter, 273; WiUiam, 87, 273,
274; WUUam de, 87, 271, 273,
Cauxton, a form of Caxton, 2.
Caustone, Aubinus de, 271.
Cawston, OUver, 274.
" Caxons hous," and " Caxstou's hous," 64.
Caxston, John, 122. Mawde, 70, 120,
Caxton Memorials, 62, 282,
"Caxton Pension (see Printers' Pension Society),
Caxton, Parish of, in Cambridgeshire, 2. Spelt Causton, 3,
275,
Caxton, WilUam (not the Printer), 2, 120, 269, Burial
fees for, 69,
Cessolis, J de, 135.
Caxton, Willi.am:, the Printer. Birth, 1, 275, Variations in
name, 3, 275, Apprenticeship, 8, Master's femUy and
death, 5, Occurrences , during apprenticeship, 9, Goes
abroad, 10. Merchant Adventurers and Mercers, 11.
Governour of the Merchant Adventurers, 14. House at
Bruges, 15, First Embassy, 17, Second Embassy, 18.
Begins to translate, 19. Vins d'honneur, 20. Servant to
the Duchess of Burgundy, 20, Turns printer, 22, His
typographical tuition received at Bruges from Colard
Mansion and not at Cologne, 45 to 61. Settles at West
minster, 63. Colophons which mention "Westminster,"
63 to 65. Priutiug in the Abbey, 65, 66. The Abbots, 66.
The " Almonry " aud the " Eed-pale," 67. The Mercers
aud the Abbots of Westminster, 68. Mercers' Feast, 68.
The GuUd of our Lady and the Mercers, 69. GuUd
Feasts, 69. Paid £30 by Edward IV, 70. Audits the
Parish Accounts, 70. His Patrons, 70, 71. Classification
of his productions, 72, 74, Death and character, 75,
His literary attainments, 79. His Portraits, 81. His
Memorials, 62, 282,
Caxton, Jeremias de, 269; John, 270; MatUda de, 269;
OUver, 271; Philip, 269; Richard, 2, 269; Eobert, 270;
Thomas, 270; WUham de, 105, 269; Ditto (Norwich), 269.
Charles le Temeraire, 17, 126.

INDEX TO VOL. I.

291

Charles the Great, printed by Caxton, 34, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78,
Prologue to, 181, EpUogue to, 183, MSS, of, 280.
Charles the Great, 178,
Chartier, Alain, 177.
Chastysing of God's Children, printed by Caxton, 73.
Chaucer, Geoffrey. Book of Fame, 78. Canterbury Tales,
48, 78, 80. Proheme to Canterbury Tales, 173. Caxton's
opinion concerning, 173, and reverence for, SO, and praise
of, 151. Epitaph upon, 152. Minor Poems, 73. TroUus
and Cressida, 78.
Chawrey, Church of, in Essex, 99, 104.
Chess-book, printed by Caxton, 34, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50,
52, 54, 60, 63, 73, 78, 130, 166. Dedicated to Earl of
Waj-wick, 17. Prologue to Ffrst Edition, 185, French
Origmal of ditto, 135. MSS. of, 278, 279. Second
Edition, Prologue to, 137,
Chester, Earl of, 191,
Chicheley, John, 105,
Chirch, John, ^6, 101.
Chivalry, Order of, printed by Caxton, 79. Prologue to, 174.
EpUogue to, 175. French Prologue, 175.
Chobham, Eleanor, her penanCe for witchcraft, 9,
Chorle and the Bfrd, printed by W, de Worde, 65,
Christine de Pisan (see also Moral Proverbs), 24, CompUed
"Payt«of-Arms,"186.
Chronicles of England, 34, 63, 72, 73, 130. MSS. of, 280.
Cicero (see Tully).
City Eecords (London). Liber Dunthorne, 4. Liber K.,
104, 105.
Clare, Gilbert de, 275.
Clare, Honour of, 275.
Clarence, George Duke of, brother of Edw. IV, 135, 163.
Clarence, Thomas Duke of, 159.
Cloth, evil measure of, 90.
Colard Mansion (see Mansion).
Colchester, 169.
Coleman Street, Ward of, 95, 100.
Colen (see Cologne).
Cologne, 43, 46, 47, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59. Translation of
"Le Eecueil," finished at, 3, 20, 131.
Cologne Chronicle, 60. Account of Printing in, 59.
Cohimpnius Guido de, 139.
Confessio Amantis (see Gower).
Constitutiones, by Lyndewode, 64.
Controversie (La) de Noblesse, 42.
Cordyale, prmted by Caxton, 34, 71, 72, 73. EpUogue to, 149.
Corney, Bolton^ on Caxton Memorial, 282.
Cornwall, Duke of, 191.
Coster, Lawrence, of Haarlem, 53. The inventor of Printing,
38, 59.
Courier, price of a, to Bruges, 14.
Cradok, 178.
Craes, William, sues Caxton, 11, 106, 107.

Creveceur Seigneur de, patron of Colard Mansion, 40.
Cronicles (see Chronicles).
Crosse, John, 121.
Crucis, S., Convent (see Holy Cross).
Curial, The, printed by Caxton, 73. Prologue to, 177.
Daniel, Scepheer, 108, 109.
Dares Phrygius, 134.
Darius, 141.
Daubeny, WilUam, Treasurer to Henry VI, 71, 183.
David, King of Jerusalem, 177.
Dfebat entre trois Valeureux Princes, 42.
D'Estampes, Monseigneur de, 276.
De Brauwere, William, 128.
De Clenguemeure, Peter, 127,
Dedes, Robert, 96, 101, Legacy to, 7i
De Haec, Maurice, 127,
Description of Britain, printed by Caxton, 34, 63, 72, 73.
Prologue and EpUogue to, 164.
Dibdin, Dr., 180. Blames Caxton for not using Eoman
letters, 82. Eemarks on the " Almonry," 66.
Dictes and Sayings of the PhUosophers, printed by Caxton,
17, 34, 63, 69, 72, 78. Epilogue to 1st Edit., 141. Do.
to 2nd Edit., 142. Do. to 3rd Edit., 148. Printed by
W. de Worde, 56. Manuscript of at Lambeth, 81.
French MSS., 278, 279, 280.-
Dictys Cretensis, 134.
" Did do," meaning of the phrase, 48, 67,
Dinners ; — Visitation Dinner of the Mercers, 94.
Diodorus Siculus, 190.
Dionysu Areoppgitse liber, 42.
Directorium Sacerdotum, printed by Caxton, 84, 55, 64,
72, 73.
Dits Moraux (Les), 42, 278, 279, 280.
Doctrinal of Death, 65.
Doctrinal of Sapience, printed by Caxton, 64, 72, 73. MSS.
of, 278, 279.
Doctrinal (Le) du temps present, 42.
Doctrinal pour I'instruction de tous Chrestiens, printed at
Bruges, 281.
Doctrinals, early printed specimen, 89.
Doctrine (La) de bien vivre, 42.
Donat (Le) espirituel, 42.
Donatus, Church of, at Bruges, 40, 58. Eecords in, 127.
Donatus minor, by W. de Worde, 64.
Donatuses, 39. Printed in Holland, 59.
Dorie, Jacques, 108, 109,
Drapers at the Wool Staple, 68.
Drayton, John, Chief Cook, 123.
Dutch, Caxton's knowledge of, 79.

Earthen pots hire of, 128.
Edward I, 176,

Q Q 2

292

INDEX TO VOL. I.

Edward III, 176, 195.
Edward IV, 13, 78, 81, 90, 110, 156, 178, 188, 194, 196,
275. A trader on his own account, 21. His flight to
Bruges, 20, 70, 276. At Oostcamp, 25.
Egges or Eyren, 190
Egidius, St., Southwark, 98, 104.
Elemosinary (see Almonry),
Elizabeth, Saint, of Hungary, 78,
Eneas, 189,
Eneydos, printed by Caxton, 34, 67, 71, 72, 73, Prologue
to 188,
England (see Chronicles of,)
English Language, rudeness of, in the 15th century, 189,
"EngUsh Nation," The (see Merchant Adventurers),
Eracles (see Godefroy).
Erith, 60.
Essex, Earl of, 169.
Esteney, John, Abbot of Westminster. Sends to Caxton, 67.
Did he patronise Caxton, 66.
EsterUngs, The GuUd of, 12, 15.
Et cetera, a pecuUar form of " &c.," 55.
Evangiles (Les) des QuenoiUes, 42.
Everton, Cambridgeshire, 163,
Evil May-day (see May-day),
Eugenius, Pope, 170,
Euryalus and Lucrece, 32.
Exeter, Thomas, Duke of, 159.
Exposicio Sancti Jeronimi (see Oxford).
Eye, Witch of, 9,
Eyre, Thomas, 8,
Eyren or Egges, 190,
Faithhorn, 82,
Famine in London, S,
Fascet, George, Abbot of Westminster, 66,
Fasciculus temporum, 195, 281.
Fastolf, Sir John, 71, 159.
Fayts of -Arms, printed by Caxton, 34, 71, 72, 78. EpUogue
to, 186. French MSS, of, 278, 279,
Fees for searches at various Courts, 76, 77,
Felding, Geofrey, 88, 89.
Festivalis, Liber, printed by Caxton, 34, 63, 72, 73.
Fevre, Eaoul Le, 48, 49, 131.
Fifteen O's, printed by Caxton, 78
Fines for not attending the Lord Mayor, 12, 89.
Fiston, William, 50.
Florentines, the trade GuUd of, 15.
Foliet, Richard, 99, 104.
Frampton, Thomas, 119.
Franklyn, William, 275,
Frederick, Emperor, 48,
Freedom of London not attainable under 24 years of age, 4.
Freemen, Oath taken by, 86,

French, Caxton's knowledge of, 79,
Freres de la Plume, Society of, at Brussels, 26,
FreviUe, John, 275,
Froissart, the Historian, 176.
Fructus temporum, 75,
Fust, John, the Sorcerer, 31.
Fust, Jean, 38,
Fytt, James, 122,
Galahad, Sir, 176, 180,
Galfridus, 178,
Galiard, Seigneur de Duras, 126.
Game and Play of the Chess (see Chess-book),
Garard, William, 120,
Gared, Sir, 180,
Garter, Order of, 20.
Gawayn, Sir, 176,
Gazebeke, Monseigneur de, a patron of Colard Mansion, 40,
Gedeney, Thomas, 87,
Geiffe, William, 121.
George, St., Southwark, 98, 104.
Gerard, dom.., 39.
Gervers, a Scribe, 21.
" Gettez en molle," meaning of, 39.
Geyfe, William, 121.
GUes, St., in the Fields, 94.
Gilles Mallet, 28.
Ghent, City of, 25, 26, 46, 126, 127, 276. Duke of Burgundy
invested with Order of the Garter at, 20. " Le EecueU"
translated at, 20, 133.
Ghesquiire, L'Abbe, 281.
Ghostly Matters, printed by Caxton, 78.
Glastonbury, 178.
Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 9, 25. '
Gode, John, 96, ]01.
Godfrey of BuUoyn, printed by Caxton, 34, 63, 70, 71, 72,
73, 166, 178, 182. EpUogue to, 165. MSS. of, 278,
279.
Godnay, John, put to penance for marrying the widow of
Eobert Large, 7.
Golden Fleece, Order of, 189, Instituted 11,
Golden Legend, printed by Caxton, 64, 72, 73, 78, 194,
Prologue to, 165. French Prologue to, 166. Copies
bequeathed by Caxton, 75, Price of in 15th century, 76,
Printed by W, de Worde, 56, MSS. of, 278, 279, 280.
Good Manners, Book of, printed by Caxton, 34, 72, 73.
Prologue to, 183. French MSS. of, 278, 279, 280.
Gossin, John, 41, 127, 128.
Gouernayle of Health, printed by Caxton, 78,
Gower, John, 79, Confessio Amantis, 34, 64, 72, 73,
Granton, John, of the Staple, Calais, 11, 106, 107,
Greyhound, The, a tenement held by the Mercers' Company,
67, 94,

INDEX TO VOL. I.

293

Grocers, members of the Merchant Adventurers, 13.
Groote, Guerard le, 11, 106, 107.
Gruthuyse, Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse and
Earl of Winchester, 25, 27, 51. Patronises Colard Man
sion, 40, History of, 276.
Guenever, Queen, 180.
Ginlds, Account of Trade Guilds, 12, Guild of Lady
Assumption, 68, Account Books of, 68. General Feast
of, 69. Caxton a member of, 69. GuUds at Bruges, 26,
At Antwerp, 26, At Brussels, 26,
GuUdhaU, London, Archives of, 104. Trial at, 9,
Gutenberg, Jean, 38,
Haarlem, City of. Early Press at, 38, 60, Workmen from
settled at Oxford, 80,
Hachet, William, 120.
Hadlow, a hundred in Kent, 3, 274, 275.
Hakluyt, Merchant Adventurers' Patent, 110.
Hakeney les lokes, 6, 98, 104,
Halle, Robert, 87,
Halle, William, 99, 104,
HandbUl, by Caxton (see Advertisement),
Hanse Merchants (see EsterUngs).
Harrowe, John, Mercer, an Apprentice, 2, 88.
Hastings, Lord, Chamberlain to Edward IV, 156.
Hawkwood, Sir John, 176.
Haywarde, a Scribe, 81.
Hector, of Troy, 177.
Henault, 110.
Hende, William, 14, 90,
Henry TV, 13, 159,
Henry V, 159.
Henry VI, 13, 71, 159. His Library, 25.
Henry VII, 71, 183, 186, 187, 191,
Herbert, William, BibUographer, 130,
Hercules, 193,
Herry, Richard, 95, 100,
Hesdyn, Castle of, 139,
Heton, Christopher, 88, 96, 101. Legacy to, 7.
Heton, James, 87.
Higden, Ranulph, 194, 195.
Histoires de Troye, Les (see RecueU).
Histories of Troye, The (see RecuyeU).
History, Books of, printed by Caxton, 73.
History, Caxton's praise of, 192,
HoUand, 110.
HoUand, Donatuses, printed in, 59,
Holy Cross, Convent of, 98, 103,
Home, Sir John, hanged at Tyburn, 9.
Homer, 74, 134.
Horace, 74,
Horse, printed by Caxton, 73,
Horham, a Manor in Essex, 6, 96, 101.

Horse, Shepe, and Ghoos, printed by Caxton, 57.
Hospitals of London, Legacies to, 6,
Humphrey (see Gloucester, Duke of).
Indulgence, An, printed by Caxton, 78,
Infancia Salvatoris, printed by Caxton, 78,
Initial Letters on Wood, 38, 34, Do. Mauuscript, 33.
Invectives (Les) contre la Secte de Vauderie, 42,
Isle of Man, 9,
Islijp, John, Abbot of Westminster, 65, 66,
James, St., in GaUce, 149,
Jane, Widow of Duke of Burgundy, 24,
Jardin (Le) de Devotion, 36,
Jason, Romance qf, printed by Caxton, 34, 36, 48, 73, 166,
Prologue to, 138, EpUogue to, 140.
Les Pais du Jason, attributed to Caxton, 45, 46, 50, 51,
52, 58, 54, 60. Discovered bound up with Le Quadri
logue, 58. MSS. of, 278, 279.
Jean, Duc de Berri, 24.
Jean, sans Peur (see Burgundy),
Jehan, Librarier de Bruges, 153,
Jehanne de Bourgoinge, Eeine de France, 166,
Jennes, 108, 109,
Jerusalem, 79. Last Seige of (see Godfrey).
John, King of Frauce, 23.
John, St., Trade GuUd of, at Bruges, 26, 87, 40, 282.
Jones, Mr. J. Winter (Brit. Mus.), 46.
Joshua, Duke, 177.
Judas Maccabeus, 177.
Julius Cesar, 177.
" Justification," meaning of, as used by Printers, 32,
Kaye, Sir, 180.
Keddekin, Burgardus, 127,
KendaU, John, 120.
Kensington, 128,
King Street, Westminster, 122.
Knight, Charles, on "The Almomy," 68,
Knight of the Tower, printed by Caxton, 84, 64, 71, 78,
Prologue to, 170, French MS, of, 278,
KnoUes, Sir Robert, 176.
Large, Alice, 6, 8, 98, 99, 103, 104.
Large, Elizabeth, 7, 95, 99, 100.
Large, Elizabeth, the younger, 6, 8, 98, 99, 108, 104.
Large, Joan, 120.
Large, Johanna, 6, 95, 97, 100, 101, 102. Married to John
Godnay, 7. Her penance therefor, 7.
Large, John, 6, 7, 88. Apprenticed at same time as WiUiam
Caxton, 3,
Large, Katherine, 97, 101,
Large, Richard, 6, 7, 88, 97, 102, 105.

294

INDEX TO VOL. I,

Large, Robert, Mercer, 2, 97, 102, 105, Residence, 5.
FamUy, 6. Caxton apprenticed to him, 3, 5. Other
apprentices, 87, 88, Warden of the Mercers' Company,
87, Legacy to ditto, 88. Mayoralty, 8. New silver
Trumpets for ditto, 88. Mercers fined for not accom-
panymg him, 88. Death and WiU, 6, 95, 99. Epitaph, 6,
Fees at Prerogative Court for copying his WUl, 76,
Large, Robert, the younger, 6, 7.
Large, Thomas, 6, 7, 97, 101, 105.
Larking, Rev. L. B,, 274.
Lambert, John, 91,
Lancashire, Paupers in, 96, 100,
Lapenberg, Dr., 12.
L'Art de bien mourir, 42.
La Sema Santander, M, de, 58.
Latin, Caxton's knowledge of, 79. Books printed in, 79.
La Tour Landri (see Knight of the Tower).
Launcelot dm Lac, 176, 180, His sword, 178.
Lausane, 181.
Lawn, evU measure of, 90,
Lawyers, Satire on, 136.
LeadenhaU, 9.
Le Fevre, Eaoul (see Fevre),
Legenda Aurea, (see Golden Legend).
Leper houses at Hakeney les lokes, 6, 98, 104.
Lettres de Somme, 41.
Lewis, John, 130. Letter to Ames, 82,
Liber Festivalis (see FestivaUs),
Libraries. Modern. — Belgium, 45. Bruges, 43. King's
CoUege, Cambridge, 25. Lambeth Archiepiscopal, 143,
LiUe, 38, PubUc Library, Cambridge, 183, 184, MUler
Library, 148, Paris, Imperial Library, 26, 31, 48, 51, 58,
281. Oxford, 25,
British Museum. — Books printed by Colard Mansion in,
31, 89. Books printed by Caxton in: Boethius, 151.
Canterbury Tales, 173. Caton, 169. Charles the Great,
181. Chess-book, 1st Edit., 135. Chess-book, 2nd Edit.,
137. Cordyale, 149. Cui-ial, 177. Description of Bri
tain, 164. Dictes, 1st Edit., 141; 2nd Edit., 142.
Eneydos, 188. Fayts of Arms, 186. Golden Legend, 165.
Jason, 138. Knight of the Tower, 170, Mirrour, 1st
Edit., 152. Order of Chivalry, 174. Tully, 159, Eey
nard, 157. Eecuyell, 131. Manuscripts in: — Eeg:
14 B ii, p. 175; 14 E ii, p, 31 ; 15 E i, p. 31; 19 A ix,
p. 153 ; 19 B xvii, p. 166 ; 19 C viU,jp. 81 ; 19 E v, p. 40.
Harleian, No. 4392,^. 32; No. 5440,^. 135; No. '6199,
p. 31 ; -Arundel, No. 112, p. 80, Manuscripts written at
Bruges, in, 277,
-Antieut. — Charles V, of France, 28, Dukes of Burgundy
81, 277. Duke of Bedford, 23, 25. Hemy VI., 25, Jean
Duc de Berri, 24, 277, 280, Jean sans Peur, 24. Louis
de Bruges, 25, 277, 279. Louis duc d'Anjou, 24. Library of
the Louvre taken to England, 23. PhUippe le Hardi, 24, |

LiUe, City of, 276,
Lionel, Sir, ISO.
Livery (see Mercers' Company),
Literature in the 15th century, 23,
LoUardism, 8,
London Bridge, Eepairs of, 6,
Louis de Bruges (see Gruthuyse').
Louis, Count of Burgundy, 24,
L'Ours Blanc, Society of, 275,
Louis, Duc d'Anjou, 24,
Louis, Duke of Bourbon, 161.
Lycwgus, 140,
Lydgate, John, 79, Life of our Lady, 73. Minor Poems,
73, Werkes of Sapience, 73,
Lynde, Isabella, 96, 101.
Lyndewode's Constitutiones (see Constitutiones).
Lucius, Emperor, 180.
Ludgate Prison, 99, 104.
Luke, St., Trade GuUd of, at Antwerp, 26.
MachUnia, never used Title-pages, 33.
Maidenhead, The, a tenement, 128,
Majority, legal and civic, 4.
Mallet, GiUes, 28.
Malory, Sir Thomas, 179,
Manny, Gaultier, Sir, 176.
Mansion, Colaed, 26, 28, 38, 86, 53, 55, 62, 127, 128.
A CaUgrapher, 40. The Seigneur de Gruthuyse and the
Seigneur de Creveceur, 40, 277. A member of the Society
of St. John, 40. Peculiarities of his printed books, 35, 41,
44. Eesemblance between his handwriting and his types,
31, 51. The first printer at Bruges, 39. His connection
with Caxton, 60. Printed several books usuaUy attributed
to Caxton, 54, 58. His residence and workshop, 40.
Landlords, 40, 127. FUght from Bruges, 41, 127, Books
printed by, in the British Museum, 81.
Mansion, Paul, 41. Robert, 41.
Manuscripts, peculiarities of compared with printed books,
29. Blank fly-leaves, 29. Title-pages, 33. Selection of
material, 29, Signatures, 30. Initials, 33. Pattern for
types, 32. Mistaken for printed books, 82. A List of,
printed by Caxton, in the Library of the Louvre, 279.
Ditto of the Dukes of Burgundy, 278. Ditto, Duc de
Berri, 280.
Marble, Henry, 122.
Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy (see Burgundy),
Margaret, Duchess qf Somerset, 27, 65, 70, Employs
Caxton, 187.
Margaret (Heiress of Flanders), 24.
Margaret, St., Lothbury, 95, 100.
Margaret, St., Westminster, 2, 62, 94. Churchwardens'
Accounts, 119. Audit, 70. Parochial Supper, 70, Guild
of our Lady, Accounts, 122,

INDEX TO VOL. I.

295

Marquet, 39;
Marriage-portions of poor girls, 6.
Marshall, J, 92.
Marten, Walter, 121.
Martin, St., Otewich, tenements at, 67. Pye at, 94.
Mary Spital, Hospital of, 98, 103.
Mathew, St., 149.
May Day, Insurrection of Apprentices, 5.
Mayence, 58. Printing at, 38, 59.
Medea, 140.
Meditacions sur les sept pseaulmes pemtenciaulx, attributed
to Caxton, 45, 46, 50, 51, 53, 54, 58. 60. Bound with les
quatre derrenieres choses, 58,
Mentz (see Mayence),
Mercers, The Company of, in London, 2, They originate
the Association of Merchant Adventurers, 18, Their high
position, 5, HaU, 13 . Apprentices, 4. The Woolstaple,
68. Fees on entering the Livery, 89. Legacy left to,
98, 1 03. Quit-rents, 94. Lessors of a tenement in Alder
mary, 69. Held the " Greyhound" and the " Pye" under
the Abbots of Westminster, 67, 68. Dmners, 68, 69.
Commanded by the King to choose Ambassadors, 18.
TheirEecords,85to94. Actsof Court,90 to 93. Warden's
Accounts 3, 86 to 89. Eenter Warden's Accounts, 93, 94.
Merchant Adventurers, 90, 92. An account of, 12, 13.
Their Charter in 1446, 11 ; in 1462, 13. Costs of ditto,
15, 89. Appoint "Justices," 113. Chapel at Bruges
and Middlesborough, 115.
Merlin, 180.
Michael, St., CornhUl, 9.
Middlesborough, 115.
Millyng, Thomas, Abbot of Westminster, 66,
Mirrour of the World, printed by Caxton, 68, 71, 72, 73,
78, 166. Prologue to, 152. Ditto to Second Edit., 154.
French Prologue to, 153. MSS. of, 278, 280.
Moral Proverbs, prmted by Caxton, 34, 63, 72, 73. Epi
logue to, 148.
Morahty, Books of, printed by Caxton, 73.
Moore, John, Mercer, 124,
Neche, Thomas, an apprentice, 7, 87, 88, 96, 101.
Newbolde, William, 90.
Newgate Prison, 98, 104,
Nicholas, Pope, 170,
Nicholas, St., de Bar in Puyle, 149.
Nichols, J. G., on the " Almonry," 68.
Nyche, Thomas (see Neche).
Oath taken by Apprentices (see Apprentices).
Oath taken by Freemen, 86.
Obray, William, 13, 14, 15, 111, 114, 116, 117.
Oetes, 140.
Okmanton, Henry, Legacy to, 7. (See Onkmanton.)

Olave, St., Parish Church of, in Old Jewry, 6, 95, 96, 99,
100,
Old Jewry, Large's house, 5,
Omers, St., Convention at, 16, 91. A Letter sent via, 17, 92,
Onkmanton, Henry, 7, 88, 96, 101.
Oostcamp, Chateau of, 25,
Opheltes, 140,
Order of ChivaUry, printed by Caxton, 64, 72, 73,
Order of the Garter, IS,
Orford, Lord, 81.
Orguylleuse 1', damours, 188.
Ortus Vocabulorum, 65.
Ovid, 72, 81. His Metamorphoses, 42, 166. MS, of, 279,
280.
Overton, Parish of. 6, 96, 101,
Our Lady AUey in King Street, Westminster, 122,
Oxford, Bodleian Library, 25, 30, Exposicio Sancti Jero-
mmi, SO, 283. Priests of, 172,
Oxford, Earl of, 186,
Printed Books, Signatures in, 30.
Paragraph Mark, use of, 35.
Paris, Imperial Library, (See Libraries,)
Paris, PauUn, on French MSS., 48,
Paris and Vienne, printed by Caxton, 34, 64, 72, 73, French
MS, of, 278,
Paul's Cross, Penance at, 9,
Peckham, Thomas, 275.
Penitence (La) Adam, a MS., 51.
Perceforest, 176.
Percyval, Sir, 176.
Perrot, Thomas, 19, 108,109,
Philippe le Bel, 185,
Philippe le Bon (see Burgundy).,
Philippe le Hardi (see Burgundy).
PUgrunage of the Soul, printed by Caxton, 34, 68, 72, 73.
MSS. of, 278, 280.
Pisan, Christine de (see Christine),
Pius IL, Pope, 163,
Players and Minstrels, hire of, 123,
Poetry, Books of, printed by Caxton, 73,
Pogius, of Florence, 170,
Polycronicon, printed by Caxton, 34, 72, 73, 178. Proheme,
191. Account of Printing in, 58, Reprint of " Liber
Ultimus," 197, 265, Prmted by W. de Worde, 56.
Portraits of Caxton, 81,
Praat, William, Mercer, 71, 89, 183,
Preste, Simon, VJ, 92,
Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Fees at, 76.
Primofacto, Laurence de, 161,
Printers' Pension Society, Caxton Memorial, 62, 285.
Profytes of Tribulacyon, 64.
Proloconycon (see Polycronicon).

296

INDEX TO VOL, I.

Propositio, attributed to Caxton, 18, 45, 46, 50, 54,
Psalter, the Mentz, 32.
Psalterium, printed by Caxton, 73.
Pseaulmes (see Meditacions).
Purgatoire (La) des mauvais Maris, 42, 53.
Pye, The, a tenement held by the Mercers' Company, 67.
(See also Martin's, St.)
Pykering, John, 15, 18, 93.
Quadrilogue (Le) d'Alain Chartier, 35, 40, 42. Bound with
Jason, 58.
Quatre (Les) derrenieres choses, attributed to Caxton, 45, 46,
50, 54, 55, 58, 61, MSS, of, 279,
Queenhithe, 9,
Quit-rents (see Mercers),
Ramsey, John de, 96, 101.
Randolff, John, Mercer, 120, 122.
Ranulph (see Higden).
Eecueil, Le, des histoires de Troye, attributed to Caxton, 18,
22, 30, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 66, 60. MSS.
of, 278, 279.
RecuyeU, The, of the histories of Troy, printed by Caxton, 34,
45, 46, 49, 50, 52, 54, 55, 57, 58, 60, 188, 165, 274.
Translation of, 20. Printed in single pages, 30, Prologue
to, 131, Epilogues to, 188, 184,
Red Pale, The, a tenement inhabited by Caxton, 65, 67, 70,
74. Also by W. de Worde, 67.
Eeligion, Books of, printed by Caxton, 73.
Redeknape, Esmond, 12, 89.
Redeknape, William, 12, 14, 90, 93, Ambassador, IS.
Bed Ink, as used by Caxton, 55. And by Mansion, 43, 54.
E«ynard, the Fox, pruited by Caxton, 34, 63, 72, 73, Epi
logue to 1st Edition, 157. EpUogue to 2nd Edition, 158.
MS. of, 278, 279, 280.
Ehodes, Siege of, 73, MS. of, 279.
Richard I, 176.
Richard III, 71, 178, 176, 188, 186.
Riche, Richard, 105.
Rigby, 18.
Rivers, Anthoine, Earl of, 2, 17, 56, 70, 79, 81, 141, 148,
149. A trader, 21. Owned the ship " Sterre," 21. His
arms, 21. (See also Dictes.)
Robert, Jean le, 38.
Bochester, Archdeaconry of (see WUls).
Roger, Clerk, arraigned for Witchcraft, 9.
Roland and Oliver, 181.
Eomance, Books of, printed by Caxton, 73. Caxton's love
of, SO.
Eomuleon, a manuscript, 40.
Eome, 149.
Eose, The, a tenement, 123.
Eoxburghe Club, 281. Tablet to Caxton, 62, 285.

Eoyal Book, printed by Caxton, 72, 73, Prologue to, 184.
Epilogue to, 185,
Eue des Carmes, 40.
Russell, John, 17, 20, 45, 46, 126. (See also Propositio.)
Eyal Book (see Eoyal Book).
Ryolle, William, 121.
Saint Greal, 175.
Salisbury, Earl of, 176.
Sampson, William, 96, 101.
Sandewyche, 21.
Santander, de la Sema (see La Sema),
Sapience, Doctrinal of (see Sapience),
Sapience, Works of (see Lydgate).
Scala coeU, Indulgence of, 149,
Scala Perfectionis, 64,
Scales, Lord, an Ambassador, 17,
Schceffer, Peter, 38,
Scribes, practices of, 29,
Scriptorium in Westminster Abbey, 66,
Selle, John, 106, 107, Co-defendant with Caxton, 11,
Selv'le, John de, 275,
Sermones Quatuor, printed by Caxton, 68, 73,
" Setting-rule" of Printers, 32,
Shakeston, Parish of, 6, 96, 101.
Sheffelde, a Mercer, 1S9.
Signatures, 80, 33, 34, 85,
Skelton, John, Poet Laureat, 190, His Works, 190,
Sloane, Sir Hans, 82,
Smithfield, Jousts in, 8, A Witch burnt at, 9,
Socrates, 142, Sayings of against Women, 145.
Somme Eurale, La, 40, 42, 43.
Southampton, Port of, 277.
South Frith, 275.
Spacing, Unes of an uneven length, 34, 35, 42. Eules
deduced from, 35. ,
Specultun Vitse Christi, printed by Caxton, 73.
Stafford, WiUiam, 119.
St. Albans, first printer at, 38.
Stanney, John, 168.
Stans Puer, by W. de Worde, 56.
Statins, 140.
Statutes, printed by Caxton, 78. Sold as a MS., 32,
Staunton, ThomMS, 4, 6, 87, 96, 97, 101, 102, 105,
Steel Yard, Merchants, 12, 69, Enforced ceUbacy, 78.
Stephens, St., Westminster, 149, 169. Chapel of our Lady
of the Piewe, 149,
Stockton, John, 90.
Stow, John, on the position of the Almonry, 66, Account of
Large's house, 6,
Strasbourg, 59,
Strete, Arnulph, 97, 101,
Streete, Randolph, 4, 6, 7. An apprentice, 87, 88,

INDEX TO VOL, I.

297

Strete, Hundred of, in Kent, 6,
Stroud, 123.
Stubbes, John, 21, 89,
Style, Tliomas, 105,
Subiaco, Monastery of, 31,
Suffolk, William, Earl of, 275,
Sun, The, a tenement, 123,
Sweynheim and Pannartz, 31, Bankrupts, 74.
Sutton, John, 14, 90.
Swan, The, in Thames Street, 9,
Tate, John, 92,
Thakstede, Church in the parish of, 99, 104,
Thomas-k-Becket, Guild of (see Merchant Adventurers).
Thomas de Aeon, St., 98, 103.
Thomas, St., Hospital of, 6, 98, 104,
Thirleby, WilUam, 122.
Tiptoft, Lord, 162, 168.
Title-pages, early use of, 33, Use of by Wynken de Worde,
33,
Tormady, Queen of, 188.
Tournays in the Tower, 9.
Tractatus de Transfiguratione, printed by Caxton, 55, 73.
Trade GuUds, Freres de la plume, at Brussels, 26. St. John at
Bruges, 26. St. Luke at Antwerp, 26,
Trade, prohibition of Flemish goods, 17. Eestrictions
removed, 18, Carried on by Edward IV, by Earl Eivers,
and various Nobles, 21,
Traits des Monnoies, 42.
Transfiguratione, Tractatus de, printed by Caxton, 55, 73.
Treatise of Love, printed by Caxton, 73.
Treaty of Trade, 1465, 16.
Trevisa, Vicar of Berkeley, 164, 194, 195,
Tristram, Sir, 176, 180.
Tully, printed by Caxton, 34, 70, 72, 73. Old Age, Pro
logue, 159. Friendship, Prologue, 162. EpUogue, 162.
Orations, EpUogue, 163. Epistles of, 190. MSS. of, 278.
Tunbridge, 275.
Troye, histoires de (see EecueU, Le).
Troye, histories of (see EecuyeU, The).
Turbot, price of, 123.
Turnat, Richard, 7, 96, 101.
Twrnowr, John, Printing at, Oxford, 80.
Tychemersh, 97, 98, 101, 103.
Types, first use of moveable, 88. Sequence of, 34.
Umfrey, Richard, 120.
TIther Pendragon, 180.
Utrecht, 281.
Voeu de Faisan, CouncU of, 276.
Vaughan, Thomas, 126.
VaUen, 39. TOL. I.

Valenciennes, 39.
Van Praet, L., 40, 46, 53.
Valerius Maximus, 40,
Vegetius de re mUitari, 186, MS, of, 280,
Veldener, Jean, Printer, 281.
Venice, 59,
Vento, Jeroneme, 108, 109,
Verard's Euryalus and Lucrece, 32.
Vignay, Jean de, 4s1, 135, French ' Prologue to. Golden
Legend, 166,
Vins d'honneur, presented at Bruges, 20.
Virgil (see Eneydos).
Vitas Patrum, 74, 75,
Vocabulary, 73,
Vos, Rosland de, Adjudicator, 11, 106, 107,
Walbrook, 96, 100. Watercourse, 6.
Walsyngham, Thomas, 105.
Warde, John, 91.
Warwick, Earl of, 70, 135, 276. Writes to Caxton, 17, 92.
Warwickshire, Paupers in, 96,
Washing a table cloth, 94,
Watermarks in "Le EecueU," &c., 51.
Watton, FamUy of, at Causton, in Kent, 3.
Watton, William, 215.
Wavyn, John, 87.
Weald, The, in Kent, 1, 274, 275.
Wenefryde, St., printed by Caxton, 78,
Westmestre (see Westminster).
Westminster Abbey, Chamberlain of, 94. Was a Printing-
press erected in the Church, 66. Scriptorium, 66. Eent-
roU under the Chamberlain, 67,
Westminster, Abbots of, leased tenements to the Mercers'
Company, 67, Palace of, 186, Wool Staple at, 68,
Caxton at, 60, 65, 62 to 81, 91, Extracts from Colophons
containing the word " Westminster," 63, 64,
Westmonasterium (see Westminster).
Westmynstre (see Westminster).
Whetehill, Richard, 16, 124, 125.
Whital's Dictionary, 64.
Whittington, Richard, Quit-rents of, 94,
Wight, Isle of, 141, 149,
Wills. — Caxton's, 75. Archdeaconry of London, 77. Arch
deaconry of Middlesex, 77. Archdeaconry of Eochester, 77.
Commissory Court, 77. Consistory Court, 77. Dean and
Chapter of St. Paul, 77. Dean and Chapter of Westmin
ster, 77. Deaneries of the Arches, 77. Guildhall, Court
of Hustings, 77. Lambeth Palace, 77. Precinct of St.
Katherine, 77. Prerogative Court, 76.
Winchester, 178.
Winchester, Earl of (see Gruthuyse).
Wine, price of, 123.
WoUescroft, Nicholas, 120.
E K

298

INDEX TO VOL. I.

Woodcuts, early use of, by Colard Mansion, 33.
Woodman, W., arraigned for Witchcraft, 9.
Woolstaple, The, a tenement so called, 123.
Wool Staple at Westminster, 68. Wool-staplers benefactors
to St. Margaret's Church, 68.
Worcester, Earl of, 79. Translates Cicero, 161, 163.
Worde, Wynken de, 55, 56, 75. His negligence, 56. The
various ways in which he spelt his name, 57. His blmi-
ders, 57. His rhymes to Bartholomeus, 55. Books
printed by, in Caxton's house, 64. Son-in-law of Caxton,
78. Adopts Title-pages, 79.
Wycam, John, 120.
Wyche, Hugh, 21, 89, 90.
Wyche, Sir Ricliard, his martyrdom, 8.

Wycombe, 125,
Wydeville, famUy of, owned the town of Caxton, 2.
Wydeville, Sir Richard, 120.
Wynken de Worde (see Worde).
Tear, old reckoning of, in Flanders, 46.
Ymage L', du Monde, 153, 278, 279, 280.
Yolus, 189.
York, Richard, Duke of, 275.
Ysiphile, 140.
Zel, Ulric, 33, 52, 53, 54, 55. His account of Printing,
59, 60.
Zealand, 110. Story of certain merchants saUing to, 189.

END OF VOL I.

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