ADDRESS

BY

ALTON B. PARKER

IN MEMORIAM
DAVID BENNETT HILL

rAJ-E un;

3LIK--

DELIVERED AT THE
JOINT MEETING OF THE SENATE AND ASSEMBLY
IN THE CAPITOL AT ALBANY
JULY 6, 1911

^

I

¦

/VITH COMPLIMENTS OF
ALTON B. PARKER

Address by Alton B. Parker, delivered at the Joint
Meeting of the Senate and Assembly, at the Assembly
Chamber, in the Capitol, Albany, July sixth, nineteen hun
dred and eleven, at eight p. m., called to commemorate the
services of the Honorable David Bennett Bill to his party,
his State and his country, Governor Dix presiding.

In surveying the life and services of David Bennett
Hill we will pass over his boyhood and student days and
the earlier years in his chosen profession, to reach the
more expeditiously the full, rich years devoted to the
public interests. We would find in his early life incidents
of great human interest and giving large promise of the
usefulness which followed. But those years of his life
were after all very like the youthful years of the thou
sands in this country who began life on the farm or on
the tow-path, in the house by the woods or in the village
home, securing their early education under disadvan
tageous circumstances, but persevering ever. Among the
men who have thus wrested a career from fortune will
be found multitudes ministermg in every profession,
countless others serving in public station, and not a few
who have ultimately attained the Presidency of the United
States. '' ' ' ;

At the Bar.
A student of men, well grounded in the principles of
the law, of wide reading and experience in their applica
tion, ever alert and watchful of the opposition, and loyal
to the last degree to every cause he espoused — he soon
reached the front rank of the profession and there re
mained until his tasks were ended.
The work of his late years was compensated for by
vastly larger fees than that of the earlier.
Interesting as would be a review of his professional
life, it must not be allowed to trespass upon a considera
tion of his public career. That occupied seventeen years
of his life, when his powers were at their best. It in
cluded a longer service as Governor than that of any since
Governor DeWitt Clinton.
The Young Politician.
In the Douglas campaign at the age of seventeen
years he manifested a keen appreciation of the impor
tant duties of citizenship in a political address at Cayuta,
Schuyler County. The comment of the county papers was
to the effect that the speech indicated very considerable
promise. Little did the writers think that this boy was to speak
in behalf of the Democratic party in every campaign save
ono from eighteen hundred and sixty to nineteen hundred
and eight, inclusive, and that in at least two Democratic
Presidential Conventions the honor of leadership on the
floor of the convention would be nearly equally divided
between another and himself, and that in still another his
own and other States should press his nomination for the
Presidency. At the age of twenty-seven he was sent to the Legis-

lature from Chemung County, becoming a member of the
Committees on Judiciary, Railroads and Elections. He
introduced a bill to abolish contract labor in prisons. It
failed of passage, but such an act was passed while he
was Governor, receiving his approval.
He was returned to the Legislature the following
year, serving on the same committees. He and Samuel
J. Tilden were the only Democratic members of the Judi
ciary Committee, and they took part in the impeachment
of Judge Barnard.
Assemblymen Tilden and Hill became confirmed
friends, the younger member giving to Mr. Tilden and
his leadership enthusiastic and effective support. As
Governor Mr. Tilden appointed Mr. Hill a member of
the commission to prepare a uniform charter for cities,
but he was unable to accept.
Mr. Tilden said of him in eighteen hundred and sev
enty-six, "He is the most promising young Democrat in
the country to-day, ' ' and in eighteen hundred and eighty-
five, although in feeble health, he gave out an interview
in support of Mr. Hill's candidacy for Governor.
Indeed, in eighteen hundred and eighty-two Mr. Til
den desired him to be the candidate for Governor, but
instead Mr. Hill sought the nomination for Lieutenant-
Governor, and gave his support to the nomination of
Grover Cleveland for Governor.
Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Hill were then the Mayors
of their respective cities, and their nominations for Gov
ernor and Lieutenant-Governor were ratified by majori
ties approximating one hundred and ninety-two thousand.
Governor Hill.
The election of Mr. Cleveland to the Presidency in
eighteen hundred and eighty-four was followed by his

resignation as Governor on the sixth of January, eighteen
hundred and eighty-five.
Governor Hill's subsequent election for a term of
three years in November, eighteen hundred and eighty-
five, was followed by a re-election for a like term in
eighteen hundred and eighty-eight. But the defeat in
this State at the same time of the Democratic Presiden
tial electors was a sore grief to him. Aside from his
earnest desire for the success of the party, he had — and
rightly so — an ambition for eighteen hundred and ninety-
two, and no one realized more clearly than he that his
only hope for such preferment would be buried by the
defeat of Mr. Cleveland's electors in this State.
With all his energy and ability, upon the platform
and otherwise, in this and in other States — he appealed
to the people for the success of the national ticket.
Mr. Cleveland understood the situation, and thus
expressed himself subsequently:
"I want you some time to correct the false impres
sion abroad that I either have, or had, any idea or im
pression that the Presidential ticket was the victim of
treachery in New York in the election of eighteen hun
dred and eighty-eight. Nobody could understand better
than I how that seemingly contradictory result was
reached. My campaign for re-election was, of necessity,
made upon a single national issue so forced to the front
that, as I had foreseen, there was no such thing as evading
it, even if my party or myself had so desired.
"On the other hand, the State campaign had issues
peculiar to itself, with their own supporters, men to whom
the tariff had, from a business and political point of view
only the remotest interest. The brewers had their own
organization for the purpose of protecting the property

under their management and jurisdiction. They had the
right to use their power for their own protection, and
that they exercised this right and power in their own
way in no way constituted a grievance so far as the
Presidential ticket was concerned. If they could attract
votes from a weak and unpopular Republican candidate
— supposed to be inimical to them — to his opponent who
would be fair because he was strong, they had a perfect
right to do so. I had had sufficient experience in State
politics to understand the whole situation and never per
mitted myself to reproach Governor Hill or his friends
for the untoward result so far as I was personally con
cerned. ' ' I have never ceased to admire and praise Governor
Hill for his clean, high-minded administration of the
affairs of the great State of New York. It kept down
taxation, and was efficient in carrying out the traditional
ideas of his party and our institutions. ' '
Nevertheless, there were those within the party who,
without evidence to support it, and against the over
whelming weight of evidence to the contrary, charged
disloyalty on Governor Hill's part. The injustice of it
was hard to bear, but it was borne silently and uncom
plainingly, as was his wont.
Falsely Accused.
It was his rule never to answer an attack, however
unjust. The consciousness that he had done right for right's
sake was sufficient for him. Let others falsely assign a
bad reason for wise action or charge non-action when
he had, in fact, acted, if they would — answer he would
not.

Let me cite an instance, verified by the original letters
now in the possession of his executors :
Holding Judge Isaac H. Maynard in high esteem as
a man of ability, integrity of purpose and spotless honor ;
believing, as he did, that the later in openly reclaiming
the Dutchess County election returns, before office hours,
from the Comptroller, by the direction of the County
Clerk, who had mistakenly mailed them — was both legal
and proper ; and, further, being sure that the attack upon
the Judge was solely for the purpose of delivering a blow
at himself over Judge Maynard 's shoulder; nevertheless,
on October fourth, eighteen hundred and ninety-three, he
wrote the Judge a long letter, which he sent him by spe
cial messenger, advising that "in view of the evidence
of opposition " he " retire for the sake of harmony. ' ' The
letter closes with this sentence :
"This is the most painful letter I ever penned — but
believe me still, your sincere friend."
The day following Judge Maynard replied, declining
to accept Mr. Hill's advice. His letter concluded as fol
lows: "I know that you would not advise or suggest any
thing you did not believe to be for my good and for the
party's good, but I am also sure that you would not ex
pect me to take a step which I could never regard without
a sense of humiliation and shame, and which in my judg
ment would cause me the loss of my own self-respect, and
the respect of my friends."
The defeat of the party in the election of eighteen
hundred and ninety-three was followed by a bitter as
sault upon Mr. Hill, the charge, in effect, being that

against the judgment of the other party leaders he had
forced the nomination of Judge Maynard ; that his course
was prompted by selfishness, and was in entire disregard
of the rights and interests of the party. But not a word
of denial or explanation came from him.
In eighteen hundred and ninety-four, against his ear
nest protest, he was again nominated for Governor. Pub
lic prints and speeches repeated then the charge of party
misconduct in forcing the nomination of Judge Maynard.
On the twenty-third of October, eighteen hundred and
ninety-four, Judge Maynard wrote Senator Hill a letter,
enclosing the letter of advice Senator Hill wrote him on
October fourth, eighteen hundred and ninety-three. The
Judge's letter concluded as follows: "I herewith enclose
the same, for such use as in your judgment may be most
advisable. ' '
Still he did not publish it, and went down to political
defeat for the first time in his life, and without a murmur.
It may be that his great affection for Judge Maynard
contributed toward his decision, but the fact remains
that his course in this instance was in line with his settled
policy not to answer those who misrepresented him, or
accused him of doing that which he ought not to have done
or leaving undone that which he ought to have done.
Other interesting illustrations could be given did time
permit. Personally, I know of but one exception to this rule
of silence. As that had to do with a matter of profes
sional ethics, he brought it to the attention of the State
Bar Association. Their investigation resulted in his com
plete vindication.
I am of the opinion that it would have been the part
of wisdom to have occasionally strangled the libels his
enemies created to his injury. But it must be admitted

that his patient sufferance indicates great strength of
character and full confidence that "Truth, crushed to
earth, shall rise again," or, as he said, in professional
phrase, "It will come out all right in the summing up."
State Administration.
In his first message, addressed to a Legislature m
political oppostion, he said:
"The people demand better government, purer meth
ods and higher aims, and whatever party gives the best
evidence of the honest fulfillment of such purposes will
receive their confidence and approval. ' '
Frugal himself, it is easy to understand how it hap
pened that he set himself the task of preventing waste
and extravagance in the expenditure of public funds.
His efforts were successful. How thoroughly suc
cessful the people came to appreciate last year when com
parison was made between the expenditures under his
administration and those of his several successors.
As we take up each year the two or more volumes
of the session laws which embody the work of the Leg
islature, we are like to wonder if it can be really true
that during Governor Hill 's administration there was but
a volume a year. Examination discloses that our recollec
tion is exact.
It was due, however, not to the Legislature, but to
the Governor.
He waged war without ceasing against unnecessary
as well as bad legislation. He sought not credit for this
strenuous service, but rendered it in the public interest
as his duty of course.
Instead of writing a stinging veto of an unnecessary

or unworthy bill, thus wounding the introducer — who
quite likely acted without fully appreciating 'the character
of the measure — he sent for him, pointed out the objec
tion, and suggested that the introducer might like to recall
the bill. If the member decided not to do 'so, the veto
followed. In other words, he did not try to make political capital
for himself at the expense of other members of the State
Government. A right result was his only aim.
The Courts.
Partisan he was, of vigorous and rigorous type. His
party attachment and loyalty is well told in one speech in
the Senate, in which he said :
' ' Born of a Democratic ancestry, reared under Demo
cratic teachings, a public life devoted to building up and
strengthening the party whose principles I have always
zealously espoused, my interests, my sympathies, my
hopes and my aspirations are all within party lines."
He believed that the Democratic party was most sorely
needed in the conduct of the National Government, and
that it was his duty as well as that of every man enter
taining a like belief to contribute his best effort to that
result. Party organization with the power to administer
discipline seemed to him absolutely essential. But this
principle of party government in his judgment ought not
to be invoked as to the judiciary.
He believed it of the highest public import that the
courts should deserve and have the perfect confidence of
all the people, and that one means to that end is to have
the appellate courts as nearly evenly divided as possible
as to party faith.

10
As always with him, his creed was father to his prac
tice. And when the responsibility came of appointing
seven Supreme Court Justices to constitute the Second
Division of the Court of Appeals, he carried the principle
to a generous extreme.
He could have created a court with a majority of Dem
ocrats. Instead he appointed four Republicans and three
Democrats. When Judge Potter left the court the opportunity
again occurred to make the court Democratic, but he re
garded Mr. Justice Landon, Republican, best equipped
of the available Supreme Court Justices, by reason of
his long service in the General Term; so to him the
appointment went.
So, too, did he appoint Republicans to fill vacancies
caused by death or resignation of Supreme Court Jus
tices chosen by that party. And his selections were rati
fied by the nomination of both parties, and' subsequent
election by the people.
As a party leader he gave effective support to the
adoption of that which has now become settled custom :
that all worthy, able and efficient judges should have re
election without party opposition.
As Governor it fell to him to appoint a large com
mission to revise the Judiciary Article of the Constitu
tion. He selected its members from the leaders of the
bar of the State, eliminating no man because of his per
sonal or political opposition, and giving to each party
equal representation.
It will not be claimed, I think, that his record as
respects the judiciary has a parallel in the history of the
State.

11
¦ vi 5 ¦! Gubernatorial Details.
The purely administrative duties of the Governor
were performed by him with that painstaking care, anx
ious attention to detail and energy in execution which
characterized whatever he undertook.
For instance : Once every year he visited the prisons.
It was neither a junketing excursion nor an idle ceremony.
He notified the warden long in advance of his coming that
he would personally hear any application for pardon that
was deemed worthy of consideration. In most cases the
applicant's appeal was dismissed at the end of an exami
nation in the conduct of which all the skill and ability of
the Governor was employed to ascertain the truth.
Instances there were, however, which led to an investi
gation outside the prison which disclosed either miscar
riage of justice or excess of punishment, and a pardon
resulted. Like thoroughness he employed in every branch of
his administrative work.
Some of the multitude of things accomplished by legis
lative action but due to his initiative and recommendation
were :
The substitution of electrocution for hanging.
Institution of Labor Day and the Saturday half holi
day. Insurance of the right of religious liberty in public
institutions. Grant to the Executive of power to appoint a referee
to take testimony on applications for pardon.
Creation of the Statutory Revision Commission.
Expediting of the final dispositon of murder cases
by permitting direct appeal to Court of Appeals.
Establishment of the Forest Preserve, and creation
of a commission to have general supervision thereof.

12
Institution of State Arbitration for disputes between
employer and employee.
Limitatip&iOf preferences under General Assignments
to one-third, of estate.
Repeal of acts superseded by PenaL and* Criminal
Codes. .
Provision; for organization, supervision, and adminis
tration of trust companies.
Inauguration of industrial training in schools.
Creation of Commission for Promotion of Uniformity
of Legislation in the United States.
Establishment of County Roads, the predecessors of
our State Roads.
Amendment of the Civil Service Law by. giving a
preference to veterans of the Civil War.
The originating of legislation against child labor in
this State.
Prohibition of electioneering within one hundred and
fifty feet of the polls and the institution of voting booths.
Amendment to Penal Code requiring candidates to file
statement of expenses ten days after election.
Statutory direction to certain classes of corporations
to make weekly payment of wages and salary:
Senator Hill.
Having completed, on the thirty-first day of Decem
ber, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, his term as Gover
nor, he immediately entered upon his duties as United
States Senator* to which office he had been elected in the
preceding January.
During, the greater portion of his term he" served as

13
Cnairman Of the Committee on Immigration, and as mem
ber' of thie: Judiciary, Fisheries, Organization of Execu
tive Department, and other committees.
With his accustomed energy he grappled with the
work before his committees, bringing to bear upon it his
well- trained mind and wide knowledge of law and affairs.
He was soon known to his associates as an indefatigable
and effective working member.
In time they came to know that New York's Senator
was the most effective debater that had represented his
State since the days of Conkling.
Income Tax.
Some of his then associates are of the opinion that
— everything considered — the most masterful of all his
arguments were made in the great debate on the Income
Tax features of the Wilson Bill. It is unquestioned that
no other speeches on that subject were comparable to his.
He began the first speech by entering the protest of
New York. He pointed out that under the war emergency
income tax New York had furnished thirty per cent, of
the total revenues derived from that tax, challenged proof
that its proportion would be less under the bill proposed,
and declared it to be unjust and sectional in its design and
operation. Presenting fifteen objections, some of them general
and others special, he made vigorous argument in sup
port of each.
The first speech was made April ninth, eighteen hun
dred and ninety-four; the last July third. And in the
meantime several long and careful addresses were deliv
ered. Securing by amendment the exemption from taxation

14
of income from bonds of the United States, he followed
with an attempt to secure like exemption of the income
from State bonds. But this effort was of no avail.
He charged the bill to be unjust and indefensible in
its discriminations in that it necessarily exempted the
income from six hundred and thirty-five millions of Fed
eral bonds, but denied like exemption to State bonds.
Then followed a masterly argument to the effect that
so much of the tax as is levied upon income derived from
bonds issued by municipal corporations was a tax upon
the power of the State and its instrumentalities to bor
row money, and consequently was repugnant to the Con
stitution of the United States.
In the first decision in the Pollack case (157 U. S., 429)
the United States Supreme Court completely sustained
his position.
His legal arguments in support of his assignments of
unconstitutionality as to separate features of the bill, as
well as to the bill as a whole, captured the interest and
the admiration of the bar of the country.
Unmatched in the debate, he was, nevertheless, over
borne in the vote.
Immediately a contest was determined upon, an effort
was made to retain the Senator to argue the case in the
Supreme Court of the United States. A large retainer
was offered, but he would not accept it, although he hoped
and believed his position would be vindicated by the
Court. His reason was that while he had no hesitation
in telling his brother Senators to their faces his view of
their proposed legisation, it seemed quite a different
matter to him and somewhat indelicate to denounce their
action — however diplomatically — before the Court.
So the pleasure was not his of presenting the argu
ment to the Supreme Court. But he had great satisfac-

15
tion in the decision, not only because it sustained his view
of the unconstitutionality of the provisions, but also be
cause in his judgment a wise governmental position was
attained. Good in an Enemy.
The world is full of men whose eyes are not blinded by
closest friendship or dearest kinship. These see and
point out the fault that shows perfection unattained.
Rarer the man with sense so keen that the fair quali
ties of his enemy are visible to him. Senator Hill was
one of these. And he freely and fairly acknowledged
admirable trait and worthy deed.
First Defense of President Cleveland.
In eighteen ninety-four, during the heat of the sum
mer and of the legislative debate on the Wilson Tariff
Bill, President Cleveland sent a letter to the Chairman
of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House.
The letter criticized adversely certain provisions of the
pending measure. It provoked a volley of protest from
most of the Democratic leaders in the Senate, they cen
suring it as an impropriety.
Wide as was the breech between the President and
Senator Hill, the latter came to the defense of President
Cleveland and stood alone against the storm raging
against him.
He said, in part : " I am not the defender of the Presi
dent ordinarily. I have received no favors at his hands,
as you and the country well know. I have my political
grievances. I differ with him on interparty policy, espe
cially on political matters in my own State. * * *
But I think * * * in this particular it is my duty,

16
and I am broad-minded and liberal enough to defend him
when he is unjustly attacked."
Of those who attacked the President were Senator
Vest of Missouri, who made the first speech, Senator
O'Gorman of Maryland, Senator Jones of Arkansas
Senator Voorhees of Indiana and Senator Harris of
Tennessee. Senator Hill, in closing his defense, said :
"I am reminded how, years ago, a senatorial cabal
conspired to assassinate the great Roman Emperor. If
I were disposed to make comparisons, I might speak of
the distinguished Senator from Maryland as the 'lean
and hungry Cassius.' You recollect what Csesar said of
him. He said :
'He thinks too much; such men are dangerous.'
"I might speak of the Senator from Arkansas as
Marcus Brutus — 'Honest Brutus.' * * * Casca was
the distinguished Senator who struck the first blow last
Friday. Trebonius, the Senator from Indiana — testy,
probably a little petulant — 'good Trebonius.' Metellus
Cimber, the distinguished Senator from Tennessee. * * *
"When yesterday they stabbed at our President and
sought to strike him down, they made the same plea as
did the conspirators of old, that they struck for Rome —
for their country. They said they did it not that they
loved Caesar less, but that they loved Rome more; not
that they loved the President less, but they loved their
party and this Senate bill more. I can say with Mark
Antony :
" 'What private griefs they have, alas, I know not,
That made them do it; they are wise and honorable.' "

17
A Bond Issue.
On January third, eighteen hundred and ninety-six,
Senator Hill, while temporarily presiding in the Senate,
made a ruling which added greatly to his reputation
as a parliamentarian, furnished another illustration of
the rapidity of his mental processes, and relieved the
Administration from threatened embarrassment.
At the time the Federal treasury had not sufficient
gold on hand to promptly meet the obligations which
the credit of the Nation required should be paid in that
coin, and the Administration was considering a bond
issue. After the assembling of the Senate at noon on Fri
day, January third, a motion was carried that at the
close of the day the Senate adjourn to Tuesday, January
seventh. The Vice-President called Senator Hill to the chair
and left for the day.
Then followed an extended speech by Senator Sher
man on the financial situation. At its conclusion Senator
Butler (Populist) of North Carolina asked for the pres
ent consideration of a bill which he had theretofore intro
duced being "A bill to prohibit the further issue of
interest-bearing bonds without the consent of Congress."
It provided as follows : "Be it enacted * * * that the
issuance of interest-bearing bonds of the United States
for any purpose whatever, without further authority
from Congress, is hereby prohibited."
After a brief speech he asked immediate considera
tion. A single objection would prevent its passage at that
session, and from the standpoint of the Administration it
was vital.

18
Senator Hill appreciated the situation, and hoped and
expected an objection. But none was made. However,
he proved equal to the emergency, for he made the follow
ing announcement: "The Senator from New York, now
in the chair, objects to the consideration of the bill,"
much to the surprise and consternation of the Populists
and their Republican allies.
A coterie of Populist, Democratic and Republican
Senators — who were by this bill seeking to embarrass the
Administration — excited and incensed, hurriedly gath
ered in front of the Journal Clerk, and referring to Sen
ator Hill said, "Could he do that?" The Clerk, smiling,
quietly replied, "Well, he has done it!" Subsequently
the Clerk stated that although he knew of no precedent
for the announcement, he had no doubt of either its legal
ity or propriety. And the incident was closed.
How timely and helpful to the Goverment his action
was you will appreciate when I tell you that on the fol
lowing Monday morning, January sixth, the Secretary of
the Treasury published a call for a popular loan for one
hundred million dollars.
Saturday morning Colonel Lamont requested Senator
Hill to confer with Secretary Carlisle and himself on the
financial situation. The question discussed was whether
the amount of the loan should be fifty or one hundred
millions, and whether the bonds should be sold at private
sale to a syndicate or disposed of to the general public as
a popular loan.
The conference lasted several hours. Senator Hill
arguing for a popular loan of one hundred millions ; Sec
retary Carlisle favoring a private sale on the ground that
it was certain to produce the needed money, while the
result of a popular loan could not be foretold.

19
The President on the day following decided in favor
of the popular loan of one hundred millions.
It was entirely successful, and the threatened crisis
passed. Defeated in this carefully prepared scheme to em
barrass the Government, the enemies of the Administra
tion then apparently decided that if they could not block
the financial plans of the Administration they could at
least throw mud at it.
Accordingly, on the twelfth day of the following
month, Senator Peffer of Kansas, a Populist, introduced
a resolution providing for the appointment of a special
committee of the Senate to investigate and report all
material facts and circumstances connected with the sale
of United States bonds by the Secretary of the Treasury
in the years eighteen hundred and ninety-four, eighteen
hundred and ninety-five and eighteen hundred and ninety-
six. The resolution came up again six days later. Senator
Sherman moved its reference to the Financial Committee.
Senator Peffer opposed such reference, and stoutly in
sisted on a special committee.
Thereupon Senator Hill began an address to the Sen
ate, in opposition to any investigation either by the
Finance Committee or a special committee. It occupied
the major portion of many days before it was finally
concluded, on May sixth.
The introducer, as well as the supporters of the reso
lution, and their motives, were presented in a light that
must have made them very uncomfortable. Severe as
was their eastigation, it was but just, as that which hap
pened then and afterwards makes clear.
The resolution went to the Finance Committee, which
made a report of the evidence without recommendation.

20
An inquiry made by a Senator two days before Sen
ator Hill's term expired prompted him to make a brief
address to the Senate, in the course of which he said:
"There was not a scintilla of evidence to invalidate the
bond sale, or to cast any suspicion upon it."
Important Matters in Senate.
As early as eighteen hundred and ninety Senator
Hill advocated the repeal of the Sherman Silver Law.
When the extraordinary session of eighteen hundred and
ninety- three was called to relieve the then "present im
pending danger and distress," he predicted its repeal,
and he advocated and voted for the repeal measure which
was passed at that session, his speeches being largely re
sponsible for that result.
Senator Hill favored and voted for the measure of
eighteen hundred and ninety-four providing for the coin
age of the silver bullion then belonging to the Govern
ment, known as ' ' seigniorage. ' ' He believed this to be the
proper disposition of the bullion. Also, he hoped that
the passage of this act would cool the anger of the silver
Democrats over the repeal of the Sherman Act, and pre
vent such a split as occurred in the party in eighteen
hundred and ninety-six. The bill passed, but was vetoed.
In eighteen hundred and ninety-eight a bill was passed
providing for the coinage of the same bullion.
He introduced, and, after a long contest, secured the
enactment of a patriotic measure repealing the act mak
ing Confederate veterans ineligible for appointment in
the army or navy of the United States.
He was an earnest advocate of the repeal of the Fed
eral Election Law, which had long made possible unfair
interference with the conduct of elections by the States.

21
These are* but a few of the many matters in which
Senator Hill took prominent part in the Senate.
State Leader.
Returning from the Senate, he continued to be, as
before he had been, the undisputed leader of the Demo
cratic party in this State, until he voluntarily withdrew
from politics January first, nineteen hundred and five.
His leadership was due in no degree whatever to patron
age, for he had none for many years, but was due to the
fact that the Democratic masses of the State had the
utmost confidence in his character, his ability and his loy
alty to the fundamental principles of Democracy.
Political Honesty.
Throughout his life David B. Hill was the unyielding
foe of corruption in the public service.
When he took his seat as presiding officer of the State
Senate he said:
"I desire to observe and emphasize the fact that this
Legislature is competent to offer and shape its own meas
ures without the aid of that class of individuals who,
holding no official relations to it, yet make it their busi
ness to constantly hover about every legislative body,
seeking to dictate its policy and influence its conduct.
These corrupt, lobbying influences, which are unfortu
nately increasing year by year, and which no honest man
can view without concern, should be frowned upon and
discouraged. These men, who thus surround us for such
purposes, have neither the interests of the State at heart
nor the welfare of its representatives. Their motives are
mercenary, their occupation disreputable, and their very
presence a reproach."

22
In the last speech of his life, made at Elmira, his old
home, he pleaded for a return to old-time principles of
honesty in public life.
And it is known of all men that his conduct ever kept
step with his discourse. Lack of Lucre Lust.
In one of his Senatorial speeches David Bennett Hill
spoke of wealth as man's "least noble possession." His
friends well knew of his lack of instinct for the accumu
lation of riches. Though his practice after the close of
his public service was lucrative, Death found him a rela
tively poor man.
He cared not for money for itself, nor did he garner
it to minister to his personal pleasure.
He was honest to the extreme. He did, as a matter
of course, many things which would have seemed far
from necessary to many men, and to most others would
have seemed of such rare excellence as to deserve an
nouncement to and approbation by the public.
An example of such exact probity is found in his
refusal to accept the four thousand dollars and over
which represented the salary of United States Senator
from the time of his election to the day he qualified.
He threatened to mandamus the Clerk unless the money
was returned to the Treasury. Though this happened in
eighteen hundred and ninety-two, even closest friends
knew nothing of it till after his death. We find it difficult
to avoid contrasting it with the modern custom.
He spent much money in deeds of charity and kind
ness, observing ever the scriptural injunction, "Let not
thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth. ' ' Such
an instance his death disclosed also. The last day before

23
his fatal illness he spent at Troy ordering a bell for the
village church he attended in his boyhood, and it was stip
ulated that he was not to be named as the bestower.
This Was a Man.
This was a man, of highest ideals and clean life, fear
less, incorruptible, zealous in politics, loyal to the councils
and principles of his party, faithful to every public trust,
conscientiously devoted to the welfare of the people, en
during calumny patiently, eager to help all distress, never
vaunting his rectitude or beneficences, and having per
sonal qualities that made his friendship a thing to be
cherished with nothing less dear and sacred than ties of
home and nearest kindred.
By his death his profession loses an able, logical and
scholarly advocate, his party a potent, enthusiastic and
pre-eminent leader, and his country a great, far-seeing
and broad-minded statesman.
To the smaller company of his friends the loss is yet
greater; for his friendship for others, once given, knew
not change or diminution through circumstance or time.
The consolation that remains rests in the trust that his
friendship knows no change through eternity !

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