ELEMENTS CHUKCH HISTORY. o ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. VOL. I. COMPRISING THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH DURING THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES. DAVID WELSH, D.D., F.R.S.E. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY AND CHURCH HISTORY, NEW COLLEGE, EDINBURGH ; FORMERLY REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY AND CHURCH HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH. EDINBURGH: THOMAS CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET HAMILTON, ADAMS & CO., LONDON; W. CURRY JUN. & CO., DUBLIN. MDCCCXLIV. EDINBURGH : PRINTED BY JOHN GREIG, LAWNMAEKET. PREFACE. The work of which the first volume is now given to the public, has been undertaken chiefly with a view to my students. The field of Church History is so extensive, that I have found it impossible to do more in the time allotted to me, than explore a portion of it ; and the only method that remains, is to publish the substance of a part of my lectures, which may enable me to examine more minutely some objects that have been hastily past over, and to enter upon new regions. I purpose, should my life be spared, to carry on the History till the end of the sixteenth century, which will probably extend to six or seven volumes. When the undertaking was commenced, I had the hope of compressing all that related to the first period into one volume ; but this could not be done without swelling it to an inconvenient bulk ; and as, owing to unavoidable circumstances, nearly a VI PREFACE. year must intervene before the remainder can be ready for the press, I am induced to publish the part already printed in an incomplete state. In this way, I am desirous that it should be remem bered, that the General Introduction is intended to serve, not for what appears, but for a large work, and that the Introduction to the first part is meant to prepare the way for two volumes. It may be necessary to state, that a few para graphs have been transferred from the Edinburgh Review, and from the Encyclopsedia Britannica, in articles contributed by myself. 59 Melville Street, 1st March 1844:. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. Object of Church History, 1 Its place among other departments of Inquiry, 2 Subjects comprehended in it, 2 Periods, ...... 8 Preparatory and Auxiliary Studies, . 13 Sources of Information, .... 19 Advantages of the Study, . 20 Works upon the subject, 30 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. PART I. FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST TILL THE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE. INTRODUCTION. OF THE GENERAL CONDITION OF THE WORLD DURING THIS PERIOD. Section I. Of the Condition of the Heathen World, . II. Of the Condition of the Jews, ..... 5478 vm CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. ni? THE FR0PAGATI0N AND PERSECUTIONS OF CHRISTIANITY. Section I. Of the Life and Ministry of Jesus Christ, . . 95 II. Of the Progress of Christianity during the Lifetime of the Apostles, . .... 170 III. From the Death of the Apostle John till the Com mencement of the Dioclesian Persecution, . . 248 § 1. Of the Spread of the Gospel, . . 248 § 2. Of the Opposition made to Christianity — 1. Of the legal position of the Christians ; and of their persecutions by order of the Civil Rulers and from popular violence, ..... 262 2. Of the Authors who wrote against Chris tianity, ..... 305 IV. From the Beginning of the Dioclesian Persecution till the Peace of the Church was secured by Con stantino becoming sole Emperor, . 341 Notes and Illustrations, ....... 401 Index, ... . . . 465 ERRATA. Pago 31, four linos from bottom, for midcr.'4;iniUng r] /j,sv oiv rovroiv xal Kgorzgov, iv otc, hiirvirtii- tfa/AJjv ygovt%o~i xavotfiv i'ffiro/j.riv xanffTfiadfAsv. TVk^igrarrpi d' ovv o/j.ag avTuiv iiil tov iragovrog wg/£jj0j]n rr?i dp?jy?jiou cvvigybv tfy^jguv eu^o'/asvo; duva/j*iv avSgojffwv yt fi,r)v ouba/j-Sig Euge/v oh! ts mrig "i-)(vi\ yvfjjvd rr)v avrriv r\juv vgoojdtvxoruv odbv, fir) on Sfuxgdg durb (mvov itgotydeiig, 81 oiv aXXos aWag Stv hir\v{ixaeiv •ypovoiv fnpixag ti(mv xaraXsXo/Vaff; hii\yr^aug, — x. r- X. L. i. c. 1. 3 In an Epistle ascribed to Jerome, ad Chromatium et Heliodorum. The Epistle maybe apocryphal, bub- the anecdote is not improbable in itself, from the nature of the intercourse that subsisted between the Emperor and Eusebius ; and for all that is essential, it is expressly- stated, or rather conceded, in a fragment of Antipater of Bostra; BairiKtKri yec^ ffvvlgyeia ^tufilvas po&'ius ra vnxvr&%od Wfos skutov 'trvvccyuv aSvuvara. Antip. Episc. Bost. Contr. &c. CONCH,. Tom. vii. p. 876.' INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 33 he had occupied.1 In the following age, the history of the Church was carried down to a later period, af ter the example he had afforded, but without any at tempt to modify or enlarge the views of the first ages of Christianity presented by their great predecessor. Socrates, a lawyer2 of Constantinople, who flourished in the first part of the fifth century, wrote a history of the Church in seven books, from the commencement of the reign of Constantine till the year 439, in a spi rit of moderation and impartiality deserving of all praise. Sozonren, also a lawyer of Constantinople, who flourished at the same time, wrote a history in nine books of the same period,3 in a more elegant style, but with less judgment. Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus in Syria, a man of acknowledged abilities and learning, wrote a history of the same period,4 with a moderation of temper and soundness of judgment that could not be expected from his lives of the Monks, and his polemical works. Another account of the period was written by Philostorgius, an Arian author, who flourished in the same century. Of this work only fragments remain.5 In the sixth century, the history of the Church was continued by Theodorus and Eva- grius. Of the work of the former little remains.8 1 The Ecclesiastical History was translated by Ruffinus towards the close of the century, and the Chronicon by Jerome ; both use great free doms with their author, — not, however, to such an extent as to interfere with the statement in the text. Ruffinus wrote also a continuation of the History of Eusebius, in two Books, — the only contribution to church history in the ancient Western Church that is deserving of notice in an abstract like the present. " Hence called Scholasticus, the name then given to advocates. - From 323 to 423. * In five books, from 322 to 427. ¦ Ap. Phot. " Only what has been preserved by Nicephorus Callistus. 0 . 34 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. The history of Evagrius1 extending from 431 to 594, has come to us entire. He is considered as the most orthodox of the Greek historians, but his work bears constant marks of credulity and superstition.2 In the works of the ancient historians of the Church which have come down to us, while much that is va luable is secured, there must also be noted great defi ciencies. A want of method and order is common to them all. Different matters are mingled together, without any principle of connexion, and subjects are taken up and dismissed, resumed and abandoned, in a way that is exceedingly harassing to the reader. Of the philosophy of history they had not the remotest idea. They were greatly deficient in the spirit of ana lysis and criticism. The want of strict accuracy of statement, which has been objected to in the ancient profane historians, prevails equally with them. And we seek in vain iu their writings for any information respecting the development of Christianity as a sys tem of doctrines— or the changes which were intro duced in the rites and ceremonies of religion — or the true character of the heresies which prevailed — or the precise relation of Christianity to heathenism, or of their mutual effects upon each other. With all their defects, however, these works are of great value, and 1 A lawyer of Antioch. 1 An edition of all the remains of the historians of the Greek Church was prepared by Valesius, who received an annual salary from the French clergy while engaged in this great work. It was published at Paris in 1659, in three volumes folio, with a Latin translation, and numerous notes. A splendid edition, with additional notes, was published at Cam bridge in 1 720 by Reading. The notes unfortunately are of inferior value ; and an edition of the Greek Ecclesiastical Historians by an en lightened Protestant of competent learning remains still a desideratum. See Jortin's Remarks, vol. ii. p. 245, and Schroeckh, vol. i. p. 150. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 35 if studied in connexion with the profane literature and ecclesiastical writings of the times, enable us to arrive at sufficiently accurate conclusions respecting many of the most important particulars connected with the state of our religion in its earlier days. Throughout the dreary course of the middle ages, we find nothing deserving the name of a general his tory of the Church.1 The growing power of supersti tion indisposed the minds of men to free inquiry, and the naked and open daylight of truth was deliberately shut out as not shewing " the masks, and mummeries, and triumphs of the world half so stately and daintily as. candle-lights." Besides, as the power of the Ro man See was in no small degree founded on a falsifi cation of the truths of history, all inquiry was sup pressed that might endanger an exposure of its pre tensions. Accordingly, with very few exceptions, the ecclesiastical history of the period referred to, consists of wretched compilations, or extravagant legends, and scarcely any writer evinced the qualities necessary for a credible historian.2 A time of change, however, came with the Refor mation. The various controversies which arose be tween Roman Catholics and Protestants, and between the different sects into which the Protestants were soon divided, rendered a searching inquiry into the exact condition of the Church in preceding ages in dispensably necessary. The Roman Catholics were 1 Nicephorus Callistus, a Constantinopolitan monk of the fourteenth century, framed an Ecclesiastical History by passages from the Greek historians and other ancient writers, mingled with the most wretched fables. Eighteen books remain, reaching to a. d. 606. This work forms no exception' to what is stated above. It has, however, a value from the fragments of the Fathers preserved in it, 2 See Note [P], 36 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. accused of a departure from the faith, worship, and government of the primitive church, and this charge could be proved or refuted only by an appeal to histo rical documents. On the other hand, the Protestants were obliged to answer the objection brought forward by their opponents, that their doctrine was to be re jected, as taking its rise with the sixteenth century only^ and this they did by establishing the harmony of the Protestant principles of belief with those of the early Christians, and by bringing forward examples of sects and individuals in all ages, who dissented from the opinions recognised by the Romish hierarchy. This advantage was followed up by shewing at how late a period the claims of the successors of St Peter were acknowledged among Christians, through what guilty arts their power was acquired and maintained, and with what disastrous consequences to the interests of religion and the condition of society that power had been exercised for many centuries. The first regular attack upon Popery in the form of an ecclesiastical history, was by a society of Lu theran Divines, known by the name of the Magde burg Centuriators. The name was derived from the city where the first part of their history was finished, and from the chronological mode in which they con ducted their work. The celebrated Flacius Illyricus was at the head of the undertaking.1 The work is divided into periods of centuries, in each of which the authors, with unlimited confidence in their own indus- ¦ He was assisted in the composition by Wigandus, Faber, Judex, and other theologians ; and ten or twelve scholars were employed at great expense, in Germany and other countries, in collecting materials, examin ing books and manuscripts, making extracts, &c. See Walch, Bibl. Theol. vol. iii. p. 121. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 37 try and resources, though with very imperfect ideas respecting the true nature of historical composition, undertake to give a complete view of the aspect which the Church presented, in a series of chapters, amount ing to no less than sixteen, with numerous subdivi sions. Every thing connected with the propagation and persecutions of Christianity is set forth, century by century, in three distinct chapters. After this we have a statement of the articles of doctrine taught by ecclesiastical writers, with extracts from their works upon forty heads of doctrine, constituting a whole body of divinity. The succeeding chapters are devoted to the following somewhat heterogeneous subjects — here sies — the rites and ceremonies of religion — schisms — councils — the lives of eminent persons — miracles and prodigies — the affairs of the Jews — religions foreign to the Church — and finally, the political condition of the world.1 The learning and industry of the Centu- riators have never been disputed. Their work has been considered as a storehouse by Protestant divines in succeeding times. In Germany it superseded all farther inquiry into church history for upwards of a 1 These particulars are set forth in the title-page as follows : — " Ecclesiastica Historia, integram ecclesise Christi ideam, quantum ad lo cum, propagationem, tranquillitatem, doctrinam, haereses, ceremonias, gubernationem, schismata, synodos, personas, miracula, martyria, reli- giones extra ecclesiam et statum imperii politicum attinet, secundum singulas centurias perspicuo ordine compectens, singulari diligentia et fide ex vetustissimis et optimis historicis, patribus et aliis scriptoribus congesta per aliquot studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magdeburgica." The work was published at Basil from 1559 to 1574, in thirteen volumes folio, each volume containing a century. A new edition was published in 1624 also at Basil, with various omissions and additions by the editor, Ludovicus Lucius. For fuller information as to the work of the Cen- turiators, see Walch, Bibliotheca Theologica, Tom. iii. p. 121 ; Schroeckh, vol. i. p. 162 ; and Clarisse, Encyclop. Thcol. p. 363. 38 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. century, and its influence in determining the mode in which historians direct their inquiries, has been more or less felt even to our own days. Very serious ob jections, however, may be made to this. great under taking. Notwithstanding the multitude of subjects which the authors proposed to illustrate, some of the most interesting in the field of historical investigation are wholly omitted ; and by the mode of division, all interest in the work as a continued narrative is neces sarily destroyed. The natural relations which connect different subjects are wholly disregarded ; and it must be added, that the prejudices of the authors sometimes misled them into error. The example of the Luther ans was followed by other Protestant Churches. And while in the course of the controversy with the Ro manists during the sixteenth and seventeenth centu ries, many valuable works were produced, as by Hos- pinian, De Mornay, Daille, Blondel, Salmasius, and others, who attacked the Romish Church upon his torical grounds, valuable contributions were made bv Hottinger, Spanheim, and the two Basnages, in the department of general church history.1 The Church of Rome, when it could no longer reckon upon the credulity or ignorance of mankind, or impose a reluctant silence, prepared vigorously to meet the attacks made on its claims. For this pur pose, Barouius was chosen to read ecclesiastical lec tures in the Oratory at Rome. He continued in this 1 Henrici Hottingeri Historia Ecclesiastica Novi Testamenti, Han. et Tuguri 1655-67, in nine volumes. — Fredrici Spanhemii Summa His torian Ecclesiastical, in the first volume of his works. — J. Basnage, His- toiro do Vieux ct du Nouveau Testament, 1699. — S. Basnao-ii, Annates Politico-Ecclesiastici, in three volumes folio. Unfortunately, the work readies only to the beginning of the 7th century;. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 39 situation thirty years, going over the history of the Church seven times ; and the materials prepared by him were at last published in the form of annals.1 Continuations were written by different hands. The best is by Rainald, who brings it down till 1524. In addition to the other merits of Baronius and his cou- tinuator, we are indebted to them for many original papers from the records of the Vatican. From the days of Baronius, learned men have never been awant- ing in the Romish communion, who have shewn in their historical researches as much industry, and ta lent, and ingenuity, and' in some instances as much honesty, though not so unfettered a spirit, as has been exhibited by Protestant writers. The Roman Catho lic historians best known to general readers in this country, are Fleury, Tillemont, and Dupin. Natalis Alexander is known chiefly to the learned.2 The cre dit of sincerity cannot be denied to any of these writers, and their industry has never been surpassed. As the Popish controversy contributed much to the study of ecclesiastical history, and enriched our theo logical literature with some of its most valuable trea- 1 Cans. Baronii Annales Eccle'siastici. Rom. 12 vols. fol. 1588-1607. Dr Cave justly characterises the History of Baronius as a work of in credible- labour and pains, containing much that is truly valuable, but exhibiting throughout the mischievous effects of the leading and pro fessed object of the author, — to defend his church against the Centuria- tors, and to make both the sceptre and the crosier stoop to the triple crown. See Cave's Primitive Fathers, Introd. See also Clarisse, Encyc. Theol. p. 364, for further information- as to the Annals of Baronius, and the works called forth in reply, both from Protestant and Roman Catholic writers. ¦* Natalis Alexandri Historia Ecclesiastica Veteris et Novi Testa menti. Paris, 1699. 8 vol. fol. According to Schroeckh, the" best and most learned general history that has proceeded from the pen of a Roman Catholic writer. 40 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. sures, so the contests between different sects of Pro testants have led, though in a more contracted degree, to similar results. The controversies between the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches, between Pres byterians, Episcopalians, and Independents, Trinita rians and Anti-Trinitarians, Psedo-Baptists and Anti- Peedo-Baptists, have secured a frequent examination of all that relates to the rites and ceremonies of early times, to the primitive form of church government, and to the doctrines set forth in the writings of the fathers. In regard to almost all the works which have been hitherto referred to, valuable as many of them are in various important particulars, there is one general ob jection to be made, that they are not of a purely his torical character, but may be considered as belonging to the department of polemical divinity, fully as much as to that of history. Some of them, indeed, are scarcely in a historical form, and even where it is otherwise, the partial object the writers had in view, leads them to neglect many important matters alto gether, and to exhibit the subjects which they bring forward only in one light. An unfavourable effect is also produced upon the manner in which the different topics are treated, and the calm tone of the historian is often exchanged for the noisy or bitter accents of the polemic. The progress of church history in Germany is well worthy of attention. We have already adverted to the effect produced by the labours of the Centuriators in suspending further inquiry ; and the distracted state of the country in no small degree contributed to the same result. One or two distinguished names occur INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 41 soon after the termination of the Thirty Years1 War. But it was not till towards the end of the seventeenth century, that the theologians awakened from their sleep, and acknowledged the necessity of making further pro gress in the study which had been so long neglected. Still, notwithstanding the labours of Sagittarius, Itti- gius, Arnold, and others, church history continued in its infancy till the days of Weissman,1 and Pfaff, and Mosheim, about the ^middle of last centnry, when the true principles upon which it ought to be written began to be recognised, and its uses to be acknowledged. By their efforts, and particularly by those of the last-men tioned writer, the facts of ancient history were placed upon a more satisfactory basis than had hitherto been found for them; the subject was freed from much of the rubbish which had been admitted, as by hereditary right, into the pages of preceding writers ; the peculiar characteristics of different periods were more distinctly marked ; the reciprocal influences of civil and eccle siastical affairs were exhibited ; and the causes . of events were more minutely investigated. The chief part in this reform is to be ascribed to Mosheim, whose history2 has long been deservedly popular in this coun- 1 C. E. Weismanni Theologi Tubingensis Introductio in Memorabi lia Ecclesiastica Historia? Sacra? Novi Testamenti ad juvandam notitiam Regni Dei et Satanae cordisque humani salutarem, &c. Halle, 1745, in 2 vols. 4to. The pious design indicated in the title is kept constant ly in view by the excellent author. The work is better suited for being consulted than for continuous perusal ; and from the devotional spirit of the writer, as well as from his learning and general accuracy, it will sel dom (particularly in the biographical department and in the account of controversies) be consulted without advantage. 2 J. Laur. Moshemii Acad. Georgiae Augusta? Cancellarii Institu tionum Historia? Ecclesiastica? Antiqua? et recentioris Libri quatuor, &c. Quart, pp. 956. Helmstadt, 1764. 42 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. try.1 He commenced his inquiries in ecclesiastical history at an early period, bringing to the task a spirit of patient industry, combined with ingenuity and acute ness, an adequate knowledge of several languages, a practical acquaintance with the business of the world, with a sincere though not ardent piety. His general history combines many excellences, but it is not with out very material defects. His arrangement is charge able with some of the worst faults of the Centuriators. He sometimes allows conjecture to supersede investi gation, and though his research was great, it was not always so great as might appear from his numerous references. Though much was accomplished by Mosheim and his distinguished contemporaries, much still remained to be achieved; and since their days, so great advances have been made, that the writings of Mosheim are now more read in this country than in Germany, where they are looked upon as in a great measure antiquated. It may be allowed, perhaps, that no succeeding church historian has combined more qualifications for the work than did that eminent individual — none has done so much for the science as was effected by him — none, 1 In the translation by Dr Maclaine, minister of the English Church at the Hague. Dr Maclaine's taste in composition was by no means faultless ; and the condensed vigour, and sometimes even the true mean ing, of the original are sacrificed in the constant endeavours which the translator considered himself warranted to make (see his Preface, pp. viii. ix.) after a flowing narrative. The spirit also with which he viewed characters and events, was sometimes different from that of Mosheim, and has given a tinge to various passages. Still the translation possesses many excellences, and its worst fault is its diffuseness. An edition of a more literal version, by Dr Murdoch, an American divine, has been re cently published in this country. But the character of the additional matter renders the work unsuitable for a general manual ; and it niav be doubted whether it will supersede the older translation. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 43 perhaps, would have been able to introduce the reform of which he was the chief author. But since his days all have enjoyed the advantage of his labours, every separate part of which he treated has been sub jected to the rigid examination of different learned men ; and thus errors have been detected, new facts brought to light, and in many instances more satisfac tory theories have been constructed for the explanation of events. The methods by which Niebuhr has im parted a new character to the Roman history, have, to a certain extent, been employed in reference to particular portions of ecclesiastical history. The con clusions which philosophers have arrived at from tracing the history of religion in general, have been applied with happy effect for the explanation of some of the most difficult appearances connected with the progress of the Christian religion. The scholars of Germany, in the prosecution of their indefatigable la bours, are continually succeeding in giving new illus trations of the meaning of classic authors, and many of these have been applied with good effect in the ex planation of the early Christian writers. The state of society and manners in the different countries into which Christianityhas been introduced — the distinctive features of the different systems' of ancient philosophy, their relations to each other and to the popular super stitions of the times — the influences produced by the character of rulers, and by the general state of law and government — these and similar subjects have been carefully explored by different minds, with different objects in view, and the most valuable and unex pected lights have thus been thrown upon many pas sages connected with ecclesiastical history. New facts 44 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. NTROD. have been brought forward — appearances that had been long familiar, but which seemed altogether unaccount able, have been distinctly referred to the general con dition of ancient society, or to peculiarities in the man ners of certain districts — and the lengthened tract of Christian history is disclosed, in harmony with itself, and in harmony with the annals of letters and philo sophy, and civil society, which run parallel with it. Even the neological views which have so generally pre vailed in the German churches, however much to be regretted in other respects, have been of advantage, upon the whole, to the science of history. They have led to a more thorough sifting of the evidence for all the facts favourable to the interests of Christian ity, by minds free from the suspicion of any partial bias ; they have furnished us with the unspeakable advantage of looking upon the same object from dif ferent points ; and though they have encumbered the subject with many extravagant theories, these very extravagances have called forth greater zeal on the part of Christian writers to set the matter in its true light, till all parties seem to have arrived at the conclu sion, that the best historian is he who has most care fully studied all the sources of information, and whose pages present the most faithful impress of the times to which they refer. Our limits will allow us to illustrate these remarks by a reference only to a few of the more celebrated authors. Schroeckh, the pupil1 and friend of Mosheim, was the author of a History of the Church, which, taken 1 He studied at Gottingen in 1753. The manner in which he speaks of his teacher is interesting and instructive ; v. Kirchengeschichte vol i p. 193. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 45 as a whole, must still be considered as the most com plete work that has appeared upon the subject.1 Though a large portion of the history by Schroeckh was published in the new era of German theology, the work has more in common with the school of Mosheim than with the daring spirits of the period which suc ceeded. It was otherwise with his contemporary Sem ler, also the author of a history of the Church,2 though he had commenced his historical inquiries at a some what earlier date.3 The influence of this remarkable man for good and evil was more decided in the field of exegesis than in that of history, though there can be no doubt that in this latter department also, the effect produced by his labours was very great. The charac ter of his mind led him to a critical examination of the materials of history (with which in their whole ex tent his learned industry made him familiar), rather than to the exhibition of the result of his inquiries in a continuous narrative ; but this peculiarity, though it diminished the value of his works as historical compo sitions, increased their power as stimulating to inquiry. The boldness with which he set himself in opposition to received opinions, and the learned ingenuity with which he discussed the grounds of facts that had previously 1 Christliche Kirchengeschichte von Johann M. Schroeckh, — in 45 vols. The first volume was published in 1768, the last in 1812. The author died in 1808, the two concluding volumes being by Tzschirner, with a Life of Schroeckh. The work is indispensable to those who would be masters in ecclesiastical history. 3 3. S. Semler, Historia? Ecclesiastic* Selecta Capita, 3 vol. Hala?, 1767-1769. 3 While at the University of Halle, he published an ingenious thesis, entitled Specimen Examinis Critici operum qua? ita feruntur Macarii, in which he disputes their genuineness. This was in his twentieth year, a. d. 1745. And his literary connection with Baumgarten and others, led him into various historical researches immediately afterwards. 46 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. been unquestioned, were in accordance with the spirit of the age, and the whole field of church history was subjected to an examination by followers who carried his sceptical principles to their extremest conse quences. Even in the worst periods of German neo logy, however, there were always inquirers who held firmly to the great truth of a Divine revelation, and the names of Walch, and Schroeckh, and Planck, con nect the period of Mosheim with that of the inquirers of the present day. It would be foreign from the object of this sketch to enumerate the distinguished writers who, in our own time, are enriching historic science with new ac cessions of knowledge. And I shall refer merely to Gieseler, who has given a model1 of a compendium of church history, in his compressed and comprehensive summary, illustrated by abundant, and copious, and admirably selected references and quotations. And to Neander, who has imparted a new character to church history itself,2 not more by the light he has shed upon it by his profound and original views, than by the unity he has given to all his speculations, in render ing the stores of his learning and genius subservient to the illustration, in a historical form, of the great truth, that Christianity is the leaven which is to per vade and transform the whole mass of society. The labourers in the field of church history in Ger many have not been confined to Protestants ; and the 1 In his Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte. It is brought down to the period of the Reformation. a In a variety of works, and particularly in his Allgemeine Geschichte der Christlichen Religion und Ivirche. The ninth volume, published in ]S-U, ends with Boniface VIII. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 47 works of Stolberg,1 Katerkamp,2 Locherer,3 and others, evince the zeal of the members of the Church of Rome in this department. The subject in its full extent has been less assidu ously cultivated in other countries and churches. In the continental Protestant churches beyond the limits of Germany, original inquiry has been in a great mea sure superseded by the imported treasures of their German neighbours.4 There have been, however, indi vidual instances of independent exertion, and Matter5 has successfully shewn that the profound philosophy and patient research with which the German theolo gians have explored the annals of the Church, may re ceive an increased value from the clearness of method and ornaments of diction which belong to another school. In the United States of America, the interest that is shewn in scientific theology, and the talent called forth in other departments, awaken hopes as to the benefits that may be expected, when the energies of their theologians are directed into the region of his tory, and when a survey is taken of the past from the interesting point which they occupy. Hitherto, how- 1 F. L. Graf von Stolberg, Geschichte der Religion Jesu. Ham burg, 1806-1819. 15 vols. Continued by Fr. v. Kerz. 2 Th. Katerkamp. Kirchengeschichte. Minister, 1819. 3 J. N. Locherer, Geschichte der Christlichen Religion und Kirche. 1824. 4 As in Denmark, Holland, and Switzerland. (See Clarisse, Encyc. Theol. cap. iii.) In this latter country, the extraordinary charm thrown around the period of the Reformation by the genius of Merle D'Aubigne, can scarcely fail to give a new impulse to historical studies. 6 In his Histoire Critique du Gnosticisme, et de son Influence, &c. ; and in his Histoire Universelle de l'Eglise ChreHienne, 'considered prin- cipalement dans ses institutions et dans ses doctrines. 1829. 48 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. ever, though historical theology has not been neglected, there has been no work among them upon the general subject of indigenous growth. In our own island, while many separate periods of the history of the Church have been investigated with extraordinary diligence and success for apologetic or polemical purposes, and while there are numerous ac counts of separate sects or churches of great value, few attempts have been made to present a complete view of the progress of Christian affairs. Systematic and practical theology have occupied the attention of the clergy of Scotland to the comparative neglect of exegesis and history. In the controversies that have arisen as to matters of doctrine, and worship, and go vernment, an intimate acquaintance with the materials of church history has been manifested, and particular periods of history have been admirably illustrated. We can scarcely, however, boast of a complete history. Even Dr Campbell's lectures must be considered chiefly in the light of historical disquisitions. In this aspect they are in every way worthy of his high name as a theologian and a philosopher. His natural acuteness, sharpened by the course of his studies, and tempered by a knowledge of mankind, has given him great ad vantages in many of his investigations. Though it must afford matter of regret to the serious mind, that the keen edge of his satire pierces sometimes deeper than the absurdities and frivolities of bigots and fana tics. The more recent work by Dr Cook1 comprehends 1 A General and Historical View of Christianity, comprehending its origin and progress, the leading doctrines and forms of polity founded upon it, and the effect which it has produced on the moral and political state of Europe ; by George Cook, D. D. 3 vols. 1822. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 49 many highly important subjects, and bears the marks of the author's usual industry and ability, but it was not intended by him to rank in the number of church histories.1 In England, the contributions to this department have been in greater abundance, but even there the full history of the Church can be learned only from foreign sources. The well-known work by the two Milners2 is justly deserving the popularity it has al ways maintained. The scholarship, the extensive read ing, and the extraordinary memory of the elder Mil- ner,3 afforded him great advantages in regard to the materials for his work, and he has employed them with much judgment and ability for the special object he had in view. It was no part of his aim to enter into critical inquiries in regard to the value of docu mentary evidence, or nicely to balance amidst con flicting statements ; but his natural sagacity, and his experimental knowledge of the workings of the heart whether in resisting or in yielding to divine truth, gave him an insight into the real springs of conduct, and enabled him to judge of characters and events in cases where sceptical inquirers, after more learned la bour, had shewn themselves at fault. This renders the work of the greatest value in affording a true knowledge of the character of the Church in by far its most im portant phasis. And the sympathy of the author with " whatsoever things are true, and honest, and lovely, 1 See Vol. i. p. 16. * The History of the Church of Christ, The first volume was pub lished in 1794. 3 See the very interesting account of his life by his brother, the Dean of Carlisle, whose continuation of the history is altogether in the spirit which he so fully appreciated. n f>0 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. and of good report, where there is any virtue, or any praise," has enabled him to present from the writings of holy men, and the facts of history, a series of pic tures of the power of divine grace, and of the beauty of holiness, which must always render the perusal of his work a profitable and pleasing exercise of piety. But with all these excellences the work cannot be considered a history of the Church. It is professedly written " on a new plan," and the peculiarity of that plan consists in only giving a history of " real Chris tians."1 The importance of this method for the pur poses of practical religion, and even for the ends con templated in historical theology, is very great, but it must be obvious that it excludes much that is essential to a complete portraiture of historic Christianity. Dr Jortin does not profess to give a history of the Church. His Remarks,2 however, contain more than many works of higher pretensions. At the same time, they are far from being complete ; and they stand in 1 Preface, p. iii. For some farther remarks in regard to the exclu- siveness of the aim of the author, see Note [D]. At the same time it may be proper to observe, that frequent injustice has been done to Mr Milner from not bearing in mind the nature of his plan. His affec tionate biographer complains of this in a letter, part of which may be quoted for the view it presents of his brother's character. " Once more I answer, it was not the author's plan to write the history of the fourteenth century; what he undertook to write was, a histoni of the Church of Christ. He was most uncommonly versed in history of all sorts, parti cularly in ecclesiastical history, and in general was well qualified to re tain and to dismiss matters according to their value when estimated bv his plan." The Life of Isaac Milner, D. D., p. 290. Particulars of some interest in regard to the preparation of the history, and the exact share taken by Dr Milner in the work as it now appears, are to be found in pp. 105, 151, 175, &c. of the same volume. 2 Remarks on Ecclesiastical History. 4 vols. By John Jortin, D. D. The first volume was published in 1751 ; the last two in 1773 after the author's death. The remarks terminate with the year 1517. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 51 contrast with the undertaking of Milner. The piety of the author, though sincere, was by no means fer vent, his standard of doctrines was low, and he views the character and events of other and far different times in the cold and imperfect light of his own age and country. His pointed sayings, and classical illus trations of the writings of the Fathers, which he had carefully read, render his volumes entertaining and instructive. They must be used, however, with cau tion. For though possessed of perfect candour and sincerity, his want of sympathy with the spirit of the periods of which he writes, has frequently prevented the author from doing justice to the individuals he de scribes ; and the work taken by itself, affords a very in adequate view of the true character and condition of the Church particularly in the early periods, and of the use that may be made of the materials1 presented to us. Of late years an increasing interest in the subject of church history has been manifested ; and several works have been published evincing learning and in dustry, and some of them high talent for historical composition. The removal by death of the learned and excellent Dr Burton,2 will long be regretted by those who are devoted to the study, not only from what might have been expected from his own labours, but also from his influence in directing attention to the subject.3 The merits of living authors it might be 1 Compare, for example, his remarks upon Hegesippus with those by Lardner already referred to, p. 30. 2 Author of Lectures on the Ecclesiastical History of the First Cen tury, 2 vols. 1831 ; An Inquiry into the Heresies of the Apostolic Age, &c. 3 Among the fruits of this influence, I cannot deny myself the plea sure of referring to the beautiful edition of the Apostolic Fathers by Mr Jacobson. v. Monitum. p. 1. See also infra. 52 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. INTROD. improper fully to canvass. I may be permitted, how ever, to state, that of the abler works that have re cently appeared, some are calculated chiefly for popu lar use, while one with more learning does not present such a delineation of the state of the Church as is ne cessary for the purposes of theology. In making this reference to the recent history by Mr Milman,1 I am far from being insensible to its merits even for the theological student; and while differing from the learn ed writer in many important particulars, I consider it of favourable augury to the interests of the science, that he has been led to invest it with the attractions of his accomplished mind. My limits have prevented me from adverting to the numerous manuals of church history which have ap peared year after year from the time of the Reforma tion, though their character and form, and the extent of their circulation, are well worthy of attention. The compendiums by Turrettine, Lampe, Vitringa,2 and especially that by Jablonski,3 at one time so generally in use, may be still employed with advantage ; and the philosophic abstract by Spittler should on no account be overlooked.4 In the following work, I propose to set before the reader the views which I have been led to entertain of the different periods of the Church, after a careful examination of the sources of evidence under the guid- 1 The History of Christianity from the Birth of Christ to the Abo lition of Paganism. 3 vols. 1S40. 2 Hypotyposis Historia? et Chronologise Sacrae. 3 Institutiones Historia? Christiana?. ' Grundriss der Geschichte der Christlichen Kirche, von L. T. Spittler. It is to be desired that there should be a translation of this work, with the continuation by Planck. INTROD. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 53 ance and with the assistance of the authors who have been mentioned in the preceding pages, chiefly for the benefit of those who are pursuing the study of theo logy. It is but little I can hope to add to what has been accomplished by those who have gone before me, and my chief object is to adapt the labours of my predecessors to the present requirements of theology in this country. Even with this limited view, I am fully sensible of the many difficulties of the under taking. But being convinced that the study is at tended with advantages that have not been fully ap preciated in this country, I enter upon my labours in the persuasion that the Great Head of the Church can render the humblest services instrumental to the ad vancement of his purposes.1 My object will be attained of additional attention is attracted to the subject. 1 I may be allowed to borrow the words, as I would wish to enter tain the sentiment, of the Bishop of Cyrus, in entering upon his work : " Sabpw os ™ B. C. 536. 2 From 143 till 63 B. C. 3 He reigned from 40 B. C, till 4 A. D. 4 The rebuilding of the city of Samaria, the building of the city and harbour of Caesarea, with the rebuilding of the Temple, are among the monuments of the former. His conduct to Mariamne, the massacre of the members of the Sanhedrim, the assassination of Aristobulus, his unnatural conduct in pleading before the Roman Deputies that his two sons might be put to death, which led to the saying of Augustus (in al lusion to the Jewish faith), preserved by Macrobius, that he would ra ther be Herod's soiv than his son., and the orders which he left that all the principal men of Judea should be put to death upon his de cease, that the whole nation might be mourners at his funeral — illus trate the latter. 76 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. Upon the death of Herod, Palestine was divided amongst his three surviving sons, Archelaus, Antipas, and Philip. Archelaus was appointed ethnarch or go vernor of Judea, Idumea, and Samaria, which formed the largest part of the province. Antipas was named tetrarch of Galilee, and Philip tetrarch of Trachonitis. Archelaus followed in the footsteps of his father, and being without his talents or his arts, he was deposed by Augustus in the tenth year of his reign, in conse quence of repeated complaints from his subjects, and banished to Vienne, in Gaul. The part of Palestine which had been under Archelaus was now reduced into the form of a Roman province, being placed un der the superintendence of a governor, subordinate to the prefect of Syria. No fewer than three of these subordinate governors were appointed in suc cession towards the close of the reign of Augustus. During the reign of Tiberius there were only two, Valerius Gratus, A. D. 16, and Pontius Pilate, a.d. 27. Pilate seems to have been the first who took up his residence at Jerusalem, those who preceded him hav ing dwelt at Ceesarea. The condition of the Jews un der the Roman governors was miserable in the ex treme. The extortions of the publicans, whose office it was to collect the revenue, were excessive ; and the whole of their proceedings was vexatious and oppres sive. It was vain to hope for redress from the gover nors, whose avarice and injustice were proverbially great. The very fact of paying tribute to a heathen government was felt to be an intolerable grievance. And the Roman soldiers quartered over the whole country, though they prevented a general insurrection, yet, by their very presence, and by the ensigns of INTROD. |2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 77 their authority, exasperated the minds of the Jewish people, and led to many tumults, and seditions, and murders. A numerous party existed in Judea, whose religious prejudices were opposed to the idea of -pay ing taxes to a foreign power, and who cherished the vain hope of restoring the Jewish kingdom. Attempts were made by different individuals, and particularly by Judas the Gaulonite, to instigate the Jews to a ge neral revolt, which were repressed as they arose. But the fanatical principles were widely spread, and led to excesses, to which, in no small degree, may be as cribed the final destruction of Jerusalem. The party was distinguished by the name of Zealots. The removal of Archelaus was not connected with any act on the part of the Romans towards his brothers. Trachonitis continued under Philip till the time of his death, when it was annexed to the province of Syria. Herod Antipas continued tetrarch of Galilee till after the accession of Caligula, who, upon the discovery that he had entertained treasonous designs, deprived him of his tetrarchate, and banished him to Lyons, in Gaul. Agrippa, a grandson of Herod the Great, having ingratiated himself with the Emperor Caligula, was appointed tetrarch of Trachonitis, upon the death of his uncle Philip ; and upon the banishment of Herod Antipas, the tetrarchy of Galilee was added to the do minion of Herod, and ultimately he was named king of the whole territory that had belonged to his grand father. This prince, upon his death, left a son, also named Agrippa. He was represented to Claudius as too young to be appointed to such a kingdom, and Pa lestine was again placed under a Roman governor. 78 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. A considerable extent of territory, however, was ulti mately given to young Agrippa ; but Judea and Sa maria were reserved as a Roman province. The evils endured by the Jews from the emperors themselves, and from their provincial governors, who, without exception, seem to have been men insensible to the claims of justice, and actuated solely by a spirit of violence and rapacity,1 led at last to open rebel lion, and under Nero the wars arose between Rome and Judea, which terminated in the destruction of Je rusalem by Titus, A. D. 70. There is little that is interesting in the history of the Jews for near forty years after the destruction of their city. The ruins of Jerusalem were occupied by a Roman garrison, to prevent any attempt to rebuild it ; but gradually, though forbidden to approach Jeru salem, large communities were suffered to be formed in Palestine. In the year 129 we find the whole of Judea once more in a state of rebellion. The leader of this new revolt was Barchochab, the war against whom presents a repetition of the scenes of that of Titus. Success at last declared wholly in favour of the Ro- 1 Gessius Florus is represented by Josephus as spoiling whole cities, and ruining entire bodies of men ; as giving security to robbers and lawless men when made a sharer in their depredations ; and finally, as aggravat ing the oppressions of the people to instigate them to open rebellion, that he might escape the danger of a representation of his crimes being made to the emperor. It was natural for the Jewish historian to represent the revolt which terminated in the destruction of his country, as origi nating in the injustice of their enemies ; and it must be allowed, when we contemplate the proceedings of the Romans, that if ever there was a case in which revolt was justifiable, it was in that of the Jews. It may be doubted, however, when we consider their turbulent and lawless pro ceedings at this period as described by Josephus, whether they can be regarded with that generous sympathy which is awakened by the history of a people nobly uniting in the assertion of their rights and liberties. INTROD. 1 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 79 mans, and, about the year 134, Judea was again made desolate. About a half million fell by the sword in the course of this war, besides those who perished by fire, famine, and sickness. Those who escaped were reduced to slavery by thousands. Such as could not be thus disposed of were transported into Egypt, and Palestine was almost wholly depopulated. The Jews were now forbidden to enter Jerusalem, or even to look upon it from a distance ; and the city, under the name of .iElia, was inhabited by Gentiles only, or such Christians as renounced the Jewish ceremonies. This external course of events was partly the re sult, and partly the cause of the remarkable deve lopment of national character which took place un der it. The Jews who returned to Palestine in con sequence of the edict of Cyrus, must have brought along with them a strong feeling of the care which the Almighty exercised over their nation, and of the necessity of attending to his laws, from the punish ment which had been inflicted on them, and on their fathers, in consequence of their idolatry, and from their being restored to their own land, at the period which their prophets had foretold, upon their affording evidence of their penitence. The establishment of synagogues1 also throughout every part of the coun- 1 The precise period of the establishment of the national councils known by the name of the Sanhedrims, and of the introduction of the synagogue worship, cannot be ascertained ; but it seems not improbable that it was almost as early as the time of the return from Babylon, though a considerable period intervened before either system was in full operation. It has been conjectured that Nehemiah, in the conduct of his government, sought the assistance of a council or senate, consisting of the most influential individuals in Jerusalem ; and that, in imitation of this national council, smaUer senates were formed by degrees in each separate district, conducting the affairs of the community under the authority of 80 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. try, was calculated to counteract the prevailing ten dency to idolatry, by securing that all should be in structed in the law by a class of individuals, who had a strong personal interest in its regular observance. With the consciousness of adhering to the worship prescribed by Jehovah, arose the pride of being his chosen people, confirmed as this idea was by their having been placed in safety in the promised country, the great Sanhedrim. These councils were intimately connected with the synagogues. As the Mosaic law was made to extend to all the actions of civil as well as to the duties of religious life, the Scriptures became of constant reference in each community. The people assembled to hear it read and explained as a religious exercise ; and as it was the statute- book of the magistrate, its true meaning and right application to the cir cumstances which occurred became a matter of daily consideration. This gave rise to a class of men qualified for the important office of explain ing the law. Skill in this department became the great distinction to which all paid reverential homage ; and the direction of the worship of the synagogue, and the conduct of the courts of law, fell under the au thority of the learned doctors or scribes, in whom were united the pro fessions of law and of divinity. This was followed by a loss of power on the part of the priests, who became little more than the ministers of the sanctuary, without any authority as leaders of the people. Such was the great change effected in the course of a few centuries after the return from the captivity. The power of the priests passed into the hands of the rab bis; and instead of the schools of the prophets, and worship on high places, we have the Sanhedrims and the synagogues. The Jews who remained between the Tigris and the Euphrates, and those also who from this period began to scatter themselves throughout Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor, and, at a later period, over Greece and Italy, and the other parts of the western world, adopted or carried along with them the synagogue service. While their personal interests prompted them to wander over different lands, a common feeling united them all to the country promised to their fathers, and to the hopes connected with its possession. These expatriated Jews conformed themselves to the regulations prescribed from time to time by the learned doctors of Judea ; they contributed to the support of the ser vices of the temple so long as it retained ; and by these means, and by avoiding all intercourse by marriage with other nations, the Jews were distinguished as a separate people over all the world, and the spirit was confirmed which has preserved them from being confounded with others even to the present time. See Milman's History of the Jews ; Jost's All gemeine Geschichte des Israelitischen Volkes ; Prideaux, Connections ; and Vitringa de Synagoga vetere. INTROD. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 81 apparently in reward of their return to obedience. Unfortunately this obedience was little more than ex ternal. There were now no prophets to impress upon the people the unprofitableness of bodily exercise, if unaccompanied with the service of the heart. The interest of the priests and scribes was sufficiently se cured by the formal observance of ceremonial pre cepts, which they were tempted to multiply, and which they prevailed upon the people to receive by persuading them that they thus secured the divine favour. The presumption of the deluded people was irritated and increased by oppression, and persecution, and misfortune. Their external calamities threw them back upon their religion, and their literal ad herence to its requirements amidst every inducement to apostacy, encouraged delusive hopes, that all the promises made to their fathers would speedily be real ized. The consequences of all these circumstances upon a people subjected to oppression and injustice, and whose internal affairs were unsettled and uncer tain, were such as might be anticipated. Their ob stinacy of character was heightened into ferocity, and their formal religion was inflamed into a wild fana ticism. Their pride was increased with their misfor tunes ; their hopes of deliverance waxed the stronger as their circumstances became more desperate, from their belief in supernatural interference ; and their hatred and contempt of other nations was in propor tion to the extent to which they were placed at their mercy. The religion to which they thus proudly clung, and which should have taught them humility, and pu rity, and benevolence, filled their hearts with pride, and malignity, and scorn. The afflictive chastise- 82 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. ments to which they were subjected, lost their efficacy. And the Messiah, to whom all their hopes were di rected, and who had been promised as a Prince of Peace, and King of Righteousness, was regarded as a conqueror who was to glut their vengeance upon their oppressors, exalt them as masters over a vanquished world, and reward their present sufferings, by placing them in the midst of all carnal delights.1 In this state of things, we find the Jewish people divided into three separate sects, whose origin and character may be more easily traced to the general principles of our nature, than to the special circum stances, which gave occasion to their appearance. These sects were the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes.2 The Pharisees3 exhibited the national character in an extravagant excess, and were there fore in greatest favour with the people. It is sup posed that they took their rise during the wars of the Maccabees, in the desire to observe a greater strict ness in the practice of legal ceremonies, of which they professed to be alone able to explain the true import. Hence, according to some, they derived their name from a Hebrew word signifying either to separate or 1 The character of the belief in the Messiah as it prevailed at the time of the Saviour's coming, is ably illustrated by Mr Milman, History of Christianity, vol. i. pp. 56, et seq., and again pp. S2, S3, and some of the best works upon the subject are mentioned p. 58, note t. His at tempts to trace the origin of the belief appear to me less satisfactory. 3 See Neander, vol. i. p. 52, and Matter, i. p. 31, for the physiological explanation of the appearance of these sects. The historical facts con nected with their origin and character are to be found in Josephus, Philo, Pliny. Prideaux, Milman, and Jost, may be consulted with ad vantage ; and see especially Trium Scriptorum4 illustrium de tribus Judaiorum Sectis Syntagma. 3 Joseph. Antiq. L. xiii- c. 10, § 6. Bell. Jud. L. i. c. 5, § 2. * Drusius, Scaliger, and Serrarius. INTROD. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 83 interpret. Their motives in the first instance might be sincere, and there might always be some among them, who, like the Apostle Paul, scrupulously prac tised all their precepts in the hope of establishing a claim upon the Divine favour. But the great propor tion were actuated chiefly by selfish views : seeking to deceive the people by extraordinary professions of sanctity, and partly deceived themselves by the re spect of the people into an idea of their superior merits, they placed the essence of goodness in confor mity to external ceremonies, made use of the name they had acquired for every purpose of self-aggran dizement, sought to blind the people in regard to the true nature of religion ; and, partly from fanaticism, partly from hypocrisy, partly from a secret conscious ness of the hollowness of their own pretensions, they watched with suspicion and hatred every attempt that was made to disseminate sounder principles. The Pharisees received the law of Moses as con tained in the Pentateuch, but they added innumerable observances to what were there enjoined, under pre tence that they had been delivered by tradition from the time of Moses. And while they retained the posi tive precepts of the law in the most literal sense, they altered, according to their own fancy, by a system of allegorical interpretation, all that was of a moral na ture ; and they mingled the theology of the Old Testa ment Scriptures with the tenets of the Babylonians and other nations, with whom they had been brought into contact. A belief in magic, a system of angelology and demonology very different from what is to be found in the Old Testament, and various other delusions, were thus mingled with the popular Jewish creed. 84 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. The Sadducees,1 according to their own account, de rived their origin from an individual named Sadok, who in his zeal to give to virtue a character of entire disinterestedness, was led to deny altogether a future state of rewards and punishments. In the prosecution of this argument, he is said to have rejected the autho rity of all the sacred writings, with the exception of the Pentateuch, which might be supposed to favour his views as to a future state. Others derive the name of the sect from their character as just, their moral character being distinguished from that of the sancti monious Pharisees. It mav be easily imagined, with- out inquiring into the accuracy of these statements, that the multiplicity of rites added by hypocrisv or superstition to the Mosaic service, awakened a spirit of inquiry which could only determine the limits be tween what was authoritative and what of human de vice, by rejecting every thing as of divine authoritv, except the writings of the great prophet of their race. The danger of allegorical interpretation once per ceived, they might proceed to the other extreme, re fusing to receive any declaration but in its strictest and most literal meaning. In this wav, the doctrine of a future state was set aside — and this might, in the first instance, and with individuals of a speculative character, be represented as favourable to the purity of virtue. It has often happened, however, that vi cious principles which the ingenuity of those who have promulgated them has construed as favourable to virtue, have been practically employed by the fol lowers of the sect, as an excuse for criminal indul- 1 Joseph. Antiq. L. xiii. c. 10. § 6; xviii. 1. 4; xx. 9. 1. Epiph. Ha:res. 14. Hier. in Matth. 22. INTROD. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 85 gence. And we find the doctrine of the Sadducees chiefly prevailing among the richer and more luxuri ous classes, whose temporal advantages obscured the view of the future, or whose excesses made them dread a hereafter. The doctrine as to spirits was also re jected, upon the principle, apparently, that nothing is to be received as revealed that lies beyond the limits of our own experience. The Essenes1 formed the third sect. In every age of the world, and under many different forms of religion, there have been individuals to whom the general in tercourse of society has been distasteful, and who seek in solitude or in the fellowship of kindred spirits, that tranquil purity which is ruffled and soiled in the rude commerce of active life. Such were the Essenians. The servile hypocrisy of the Pharisees and the cold reasonings of the Sadducees being equally distasteful to them, they had recourse to a mystic devotion and an ascetic-life. They fixed their residence in the desolate tracts on the western shores of the Dead Sea, where they were joined from time to time by men of views similar to their own. Though receiving the Old Testament Scriptures as of divine authority — like most mystics, they were ready to set aside alike the authority of writ ten revelation and the dictates of reason, upon the sug gestions of their own imagination. They were chiefly devoted to the pastoral and agricultural life, and to some of the simpler mechanical arts, the proceeds of their industry being conveyed occasionally to cities, in several of which they had communities established. Medicine occupied a considerable portion of their at- 1 Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 2. Antiq. xiii. 5. 9; xv. 10. 4. &c. &c. Philo, De Vita Contemplativa. Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 17. 86 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. tention, which seems to have been connected with in quiries into the hidden powers of nature. In regard to their moral and religious views, our information is not wholly to be depended on, as Josephus and Philo seem both to have been animated with the wish of impressing their Greek and Roman readers with an idea of roman tic or philosophic purity. There seems no reason to doubt, however, that they led harmless lives, supporting themselves by manual labour, shewing great kindness to the members of their community, and seeking in their religious exercises to realize something more than a compliance with outward forms. The mixture of freedom from regard to ceremonies, and a servile at tachment to them, which has alwavs distinguished mystics, and which proceeds from their making their own fancy their guide, is to be observed among the Essenes. Sacrifices were offered — but not in the Jew ish Temple; oaths were prohibited — except that bv which they were, after a noviciate of three years, bound to their order ; the Sabbath rest was observed with a scrupulosity that cannot be recorded ; and thev not only avoided all intercourse with the heathen, but even with other Jews, and with the inferior classes of their own sect. Their numbers were comparatively small. The peaceful tenor of their lives seems to have preserved them, amidst the storms that shook Judea, in the respect of all parties. They exerted, however, little influence upon the general character. About the time of the Christian era, beside the in habitants of Palestine, members of the Jewish commu nity were to be found in almost every country of the world. In the East, a numerous colony was establish ed between the Tigris and the Euphrates, consisting INTROD. 1 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 87 of the descendants of those who had not availed them selves of the permission given by Cyrus to return to their own land.1 Flourishing colonies had also been planted in different parts of Africa. In Alexandria, where they had been permitted to settle upon the building of the city by Alexander the Great, and where additional settlers had been afterwards placed, they formed little less than half of the population.2 The captive Jews carried away by Ptolemy Lagus, were placed partly in Alexandria, and the rest in Cyrene and Lybia, where, according to Philo,3 they had in creased to the number of a million. In Arabia, about a century before the Christian era, the kings of the Homerites had become proselytes to the Jewish faith.4 The Syrian princes had planted colonies in different parts of Syria. And as Antiochus the Great was par ticularly favourable to this species of emigration, An- tioch became their head-quarters, when they formed the chief part of the population. Under the same dy nasty, they were conveyed to Asia Minor, over the whole of which they soon spread themselves, and from whence they passed over into different parts of Greece. They were first carried to Rome by Pompey, as cap tives. But receiving their liberty, and being permit ted to establish a synagogue, their numbers rapidly increased. They occupied chiefly that part of the city which was beyond the Tiber.6 The Jewish religion was recognised by the heathen as a national worship. In Palestine, respect was paid 1 Joseph. Antiq. xv. 3. 1. " Phil. p. 973. 3 Ad Flacc. p. 971. 4 Joseph. Ant. xx. 2. 5 Phil, deleg. ad Ca. p. 1014. Tac. Ann. ii. 85. Jos. Ant. xvii. 13. Ant. xiv. 10. 8. 88 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. to the service of the Temple by both Syrian and Ro man conquerors.1 And the free exercise of their re ligious worship — as well as various peculiar privileges — was granted to them by Imperial edicts, in the va rious cities in which they settled within the limits of the Empire.2 The sentiments of toleration with which the heathen were disposed to view the Jewish worship in common with all other local religions, were by no means re turned by the Jews towards the heathen. Looking upon all other religions as false, they entertained the hope of seeing their overthrow; and they not only did not conceal their views upon these subjects, but were ever ready to give utterance to the scorn which they entertained for the persons and the cause of idolaters. This excited the indignation or con tempt of their heathen neighbours, who, as in more recent times, seem to have envied their successful in dustry, and grudged them their privileges ; and who were not slow in giving the most offensive utterance to the scorn with which they regarded their worship.3 In this way, tumults frequently arose between the Jewish and heathen inhabitants, which led to serious consequences. Notwithstanding the contempt in which the Jews were held by many of the heathen, the substantial ex cellence of the doctrines of their inspired writers, could not fail to impress the minds even of those whose con tempt was the greatest, for the positive dogmas con- 1 Jos. c. Apion. ii. 5. Philo de leg. p. 1036. Tertul. Apol. c. 20. 2 Jos. Ant. xiv. 10. 8, and 53; and Phil. 1. c. 3 Juv. Sat. xiv. v. 97. Tac. Hist. 5. 5. Plut. Symp. &c. &c. INTROD. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 89 nected with them ;x the unsatisfactory nature of the heathen mythology also led many Greeks and Romans to view with a favourable eye any new form of wor ship, and the arts of Jewish and Samaritan soothsayers, and magicians, and exorcists, were not without some influence among the weak and credulous.2 Accord ingly, we find among the heathen population in diffe rent quarters, not a few proselytes to Judaism ;3 — some receiving merely the truths of the Jewish faith with out conforming to the rites of its worship, and even retaining the practice of their old religion, who were called Proselytes of the Gate ; and others, renouncing their ancient faith, and going wholly over to the ob servance of the ceremonial law, who were named Pro selytes of Justice.4 1 A sufficient illustration of this remark is to be found in the memo rable passage of Tacitus (Hist. v. 5) on the Theism of the Jews. " In the midst of all the obloquy and opprobrium with which he loads that people, his tone suddenly rises when he comes to contemplate them as the only nation who paid religious honours to the supreme and eternal Mind alone, and his style swells at the sight of so sublime and wonderful a, scene. Summum illud atque seternum, neque mutabile neque interi- turum." — Sir J. Mackintosh. Mr Milman, however, takes a different view, Hist, of Christ, vol. i. p. 25. 2 There are various references to this subject in classic authors — as Horace, Sat. i. 9, 69 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxx. 2 ; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 543 ; Seneca, De Superst. Ap. Aug. de Civ. Dei, vi. 11. See also Joseph. Ant. xviii. 3, 5 ; Celsus, Orig. u. Cels. i., &c. &c. 3 That there must have been a considerable number of proselytes, appears sufficiently from various imperial edicts relating to the subject, as Dig. L. xlviii. t. 8, 1. 11, &c. &c. See also Tacitus, Hist. v. 5 ; and Horace, L. i. Sat. iv. v. 143. Josephus mentions, that the Jews at An- tioch were continually bringing over a, great number of the Greeks to their religion, (Bell. Jud. L. vii. 3, 3) ; and that almost all the women at Damascus were devoted to the Jewish worship, (L. ii. 20, 2). The con version of the Kings of the Homerites (Ant. xx. 2), has already been alluded to, p. 87- See in correspondence with these, Matt, xxiii. 15 ; Acts ii. 10 ; Ch. xiii. 43, 50 ; Ch. xvi. 14, &c. Additional illustrations will be found in Lardner, Works, vol. i. pp. 119 et seq. Oct. ed., 1835. * The distinction between Proselytes of Justice and Proselytes of the 90 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. On the other hand, the Jews were, to a certain ex tent, affected by the habits and views of the heathen population among whom they happened to be placed. Every where, indeed, they retained the distinguishing characteristics of their race, and even those who yielded so far to the sceptical spirit that surrounded them, as to make their ancient faith the object of their ridicule, do not seem to have given up the observance of the Jewish worship. The synagogue service was kept up wherever a sufficient number of Jews were assembled — where that was not the case, they had at least their Proseucha},1 and thus they were sufficiently distinguish ed from the idolaters among whom they lived. In ad dition to this, the Holy City formed a bond of union among them all. However far separated from each other, the Temple was a subject of equal interest. Jeru salem was looked upon as their common capital, which was to be visited by all when it was in their power upon the celebration of the great festivals ; and an an nual contribution was sent from every community for the support of the religious services. Still the character of the Jewish settlers beyond the borders of Palestine underwent a material alteration. Many of the rites of the heathen worship were incor porated with the Jewish ritual, and introduced even Gate is generally admitted by the learned. Lardner, however, (Works, ut sup. vol. vi. p. 216), and Doddridge (Family Expositor, Acts x. 1, note b), hold that there was only one sort of Proselytes. And Dr Lardner states that the notion of two sorts of Proselytes is not to be found in any Commentator before the fourteenth century. 1 Places for social devotion without those towns where the Jews could not have a synagogue, usually near a river or the sea-shore, for the purpose of ablution. See Lardner's Credibility of the Gospel His tory, Part I. ch. iii. 3. But see also Vitringa de Syn. Vet. pp. 119, et seq. INTROD. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 91 into the Temple service. The peculiarities of the Jewish character were also in some measure softened and subdued by intercourse with men of other habits and opinions. But the greatest change that was ef fected was upon their speculative system. In Alex andria, the Jews were among the wealthiest part of the inhabitants. The schools of Grecian jfliilosophy that were established in that city, brought the systems of that ingenious people in contact with the positive precepts of the Jewish law, as held by individuals who had incorporated them with the elements of the theo- sophy of the Magi. Of these in many respects dis cordant materials a new philosophy was formed, the first traces of which may be observed in the writings of Aristobulus, and in the Book of Wisdom ; it was after wards fully developed in the writings of Philo, and it holds a conspicuous place both in the history of litera ture and religion, and still more of Christian theology in the first aud second centuries. The consideration of this subject, however, may be better reserved for a subsequent chapter. The Samaritans, though partly of heathen extrac tion, could boast also of a Jewish origin,1 and having received from the priest Manasseh a form of worship founded on the Pentateuch, they may justly be con sidered as a sect of the Jews. They acknowledged the authority of the Books of Moses only, and their temple was on Mount Gerizim ;2 but in other respects, they observed the Levitical worship as it was cele- 1 2 Kings xvii. 24. " Till its destruction by John Hyrcanus 109 B. C. The Samaritans, like the Jews, were planted as colonists by Alexander the Great and Ptolemy Lagus in Egypt. Jos. Ant. xi. 8. 6 ; xii. 1 ; and xiii. 3, 4. 92 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. brated in Judea, though without the additions which it received in subsequent times. The Samaritans shewed less national pride than their Jewish neigh bours, and from various causes they entertained juster views respecting the promised Messias.1 They ima gined, indeed, that he would conduct them to victory, but then they believed that this was to be through re pentance. The bearing of these particulars upon the condi tion of the Jews at the appearance of our Saviour, upon their reception of him, upon the propagation of the gospel, and upon the development of theological science, is sufficiently obvious. The proud Romans, while, as has been mentioned, they looked down with contempt upon the Jews, paid respect to their reli gion as national. The rapacity of the governors, however, the iniquitous exactions of the tax-gatherers, and the cruelty of the soldiers, rendered the condition of the unhappy people altogether intolerable, prepared them to listen to any enthusiast who taught that it was unlawful to yield homage to a foreign ruler, and still more to any impostor who presented himself as a conquering Messias. These circumstances led to ex cesses on the part of the Jews, which afforded pre texts for new extortions by the procurators, and thus extremities were hastened, which terminated in the utter destruction of Jerusalem, and of the existence of the Jewish nation, though not of the Jewish people. The same state of national affairs and feelings ne- 1 See Horsley's Sermons, vol. iii. pp. 247, et seq. Prideaux, vol. ii. p. 263. Winer, (Realwbrterbuch, vol. ii. p. 43S) refers to Friedrich's Discussion de Christologia Samar., and Gesenius's Theol. Samar., neither of which I have had an opportunity of seeing. INTROD. % 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 93 cessarily indisposed the minds of the great mass of the people to a Messias who appeared in a lowly condi tion, and who taught the necessity of overcoming the passions of pride and revenge, which they were solely bent on gratifying. And the Pharisees, who had a personal interest in putting down any individual who exposed their pretensions, could have little difficulty in rendering the popular feeling available for the de struction of their victim. On the other hand, there were among the Jews not a few who still saw their religion in the light in which it had been placed by the Prophets, and who looked in the evangelical sense for the consolation of Israel. And the presence of Jewish colonies in every part of the world, afforded a point to which the apostles could address themselves ; while their existence was neces sary for the completion of the argument in favour of the truth of Christianity. But however important a link the Jewish race formed in the progress of the divine purposes, there was little in the aspect presented by them to relieve the spectacle of abounding iniquity. Jews and Gentiles were alike dead in trespasses and sins. The pure prin ciples of the Jewish worship were forgotten in a round of external observances, and bigotry and hypocrisy and worldly-mindedness were the distinguishing cha racteristics of the people. Among the idolatrous Gen tiles, the state of society was depraved to a measure of which in these times we can scarcely form an idea. The appalling descriptions by the sacred penmen1 are not in darker colours than those of their own writers. " Nullum crimen abest" is the testimony borne by the 1 Rom. i. 21 ad fin. Eph. ii. 1-3. 1 Pet. iv. 3. 94 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. satirist ;* while, to the same effect, the moralist2 de clares, " Omnia sceleribus ac vitiis plena sunt, plus committitur, quam quod possit coercitione sanari adeoque in publicum missa nequitia est, et in omnium pectoribus evaluit, ut innocentia non rara, sed nulla est.'1'' In contemplating these and other passages to a similar effect, one of the greatest philosophers of modern times pronounces it to be impossible to deny, that at this period there was " a corruption of manners and principles which age after age had prevailed, and must be confessed was not in a way or tendency to be mended."3 But man's extremity is God's opportunity : and at this time of apparently hopeless corruption, when " blindness happened to the Jews," — when his chosen people ceased to be " a witness for God," and " his name was blasphemed among the Gentiles through them ;"4 when full time had been allowed for the great experiment of what unaided reason was able to ac- accomplish, and when it was found that " the world by wisdom knew not God ;"5 when " darkness covered the earth, and gross darkness the people,"6 the Star of Bethlehem arose upon a benighted world. 1 Juvenal, Sat. vi. v. 294. 2 Seneca, De Ira, ii. 8. 3 Locke, Reasonableness of Christianity. 4 Rom. ii. 24, 5 1 Cor. i. 21. " Isa. Ix. 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 95 CHAPTER I. OF THE PROPAGATION AND PERSECUTIONS OF CHRISTIANITY. SECTION I. OF THE LIFE AND MINISTRY OF JESUS CHRIST. The history of the Christian Church takes its com mencement with the incarnation of the divine Author of our religion,1 the Lord Jesus Christ. In the course of the reign of the Emperor Augus tus, an order having been issued by that monarch for taking a census, the inhabitants of Judea proceeded each to his own city to enrol their names.2 Among those who thus obeyed the imperial edict was an in habitant of Nazareth, with his espoused wife, both of whom, though now in the humblest rank of life, were of the lineage of David.3 They went accordingly to Bethlehem, the city of David, which they found crowd- 1 The piety and good sense of Eusebius have led him here, as upon many other occasions, to a right view : oux aXXo^iv rj airb itp&ri)g apfcpjLai rr\g xard rov Sarrjga xal xugiov r\jjj(iiv 'irjaouv rbv ¦^gidrbv rou 'hiou olxovopiag. H. E. Ed. Hein. T. i. p. 6. The grounds upon which Heinichen would reject the words rbv §iov or rou %tou, in the above passage, as an interpolation, appear to me singularly unsatisfactory. A reference to the divine character of Christ was necessary for the purpose Eusebius had in view, as appears from the conclusion of the chapter and the commencement of the next (pp. 10, 11, ut sup.), while the sense in which he speaks of Christ as divine, is suffi ciently determined in the second chapter. ' See Note [T]. 3 See Note [U]. 96 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. ed with those who had arrived for a similar purpose. " And so it was," the historian relates with affecting- simplicity, " that while they were there, the days were accomplished that she should be delivered. And she brought forth her first-born son, and wrapped him in swaddling-clothes, and laid him in a manger, because there was no room for them in the inn."1 1 Luke ii. 7. " A strange scene presented itself to us when we looked out in the morning. The khan was of large dimensions, covering ap parently an acre of ground, with high buildings all round. The ground floor was occupied with horses and carriages of all kinds. The second floor was devoted to passing travellers This is the style of all eastern caravanseras, and may illustrate 'the stable of Bethlehem.' There was no room for Joseph and Mary in the apartments set apart for travellers, so that they had to betake themselves to the lowest floor ; and there the shepherds found the babe." — Narrative of a Mission of Inquiry to the Jews, by the Rev. Messrs Bonar and M'Cheyne, p. 514. This illustration seems natural, and at all events the evangelical nar rative is to be distinguished from the idle legends and even the ancient traditions2 which were soon connected with it, and which are referred to by Strauss (Leben Jesu, vol. i. p. 26S) to throw discredit upon the sacred record. These stories may have had their origin in the love of the marvellous, directed or followed by the desire of finding in the circumstances of our Saviour's birth, the fulfilment of some ancient pro phecy, as when, in the Gospel of the Nativity, our Saviour, being carried into the stable, is represented in connection with Isa. i. 3 ; and when Jus tin, building upon a mistranslation in the Septuagint, speaks of his being born in a cave as corrresponding with Isa. xxxiii. 16, ouroj oh.tisu !» u-^rjXu a—YiXaioj xirgag itiyQjidg. But the narrative in St Luke is incon sistent with the idea of a cave or grotto,3 there is no allusion to any previous prediction, nothing to which the idea of a myth can be attached ; and it is contrary to all the rules of evidence, to make the Evangelist accountable for the errors or fabrications of others, with whom he had no connection. Indeed, in the contrast between the simple statement of the sacred penman, and the forced and unnatural additions and glosses of the apocryphists and traditionists, we have strong presumptive evi dence of the truth of the gospel record. a Referred to by Justin Martyr, Origen, Eusebius, and other Fathers, as to our Saviour having been born in a grotto or cave, (iv orriXuiaj rm auvzyyus t»J? xaifj.m. Just. Dial, cuni Tryp. p. 3M). 3 Grotius refers to the practice in Greece ; but there is no evidence that the stable of the Eastern khan is ever in a cave ; v. Bonar ut sup. p. 2j0. Dr Robinson has sheivn the un- teiiableness of the tradition with his usual fulness and clearness. Biblical Researches, vol. ii. p. 78. CHAP. 1.11. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 97 But amidst these outward appearances of subjection1 and neglect, indications were given that the infant born in a condition thus lowly, was the special care of Heaven, and that with him a new era was to open upon the world. The circumstances connected with his birth corresponded in a remarkable degree with the predictions of the Jewish prophets respecting the Mes sias. He belonged to the tribe of Judah,2 and was of the house of David.3 Events, over which his earthly kin dred had no control, fixed his birth at Bethlehem, from which place the promised Deliverer was tojspring.* The seventy prophetic weeks of Daniel were approach ing to their termination.8 And so determinate were these and other predictions, that a general opinion pre vailed, even in heathen countries, that the tide of time was bringing our race to a mighty epoch, and that a prince was to arise in the East who was to obtain the empire of the world.6 The wisdom of Divine Provi dence was also shewn in the appointed scene and sea- 1 The Emperor Julian makes this an objection to the divine charac ter of Christ, ilg rjv ruv 'Kaiaapog wrixoav, referring to the acknowledged fact of his enrolment under Cyrenius, apud Cyril, p. 213, ed. Spanh. Cyril in a few sentences (ibid.) exposes the futility of the objection, and shews that the only real difficulty is in the fact of his becoming man. The positive advantages arising from Christ appearing in a mean con dition, are more fully developed in the Sermons at Boyle's Lecture, vol. i. pp. 482, et seq., and vol. iii. p. 144. 2 Gen. xlix. 10. 3 Psa. Ixxxix. 4, 27; cxxxii. 11 ; Jer. xxiii. 5, &c. &c. 1 Micah v. 2. 6 Dan. ix. 24, 25. 8 Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judaea profecti rerum potirentur. Sueton. Vespas. c. 4. — Pluribus persuasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum Uteris contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret oriens, profectique Judaea rerum potirentur. —Tacit. Hist. 5, 13. rjv vnn/Mbg d/j,iag, xal yiigoiv ail yivb/iivog, a'itaeiv xard itdvroiv iiridnuiv, are the remarkable words of Josephus, referring to the latter period of his reign. Antiq. L. xvi. c. 7, § 3 ; see also c. 8, § 2, 5. 2 Matt. ii. 3. 3 Matt. ii. 16. The silence of Josephus respecting this cruel mas sacre is fully considered by Lardner (Works, ut sup. vol. i. p. 346, etseqq.), who clearly shews that no argument can be drawn from that circumstance against the truth of the gospel narrative. See also Prideaux, vol. ii. p. 655, Hug, ut siq). p. 476, and Neander, Leben Jesu, pp. 36, 37. Strauss (Leben Jesu, p. 285), concedes that the massacre was of a piece with the rest of Herod's conduct, in so far as regards his cruelty, but objects to it as inconsistent with his known sagacity, which would have led him to make private inquiry at Bethlehem respecting the Messias, while he detained the Wise Men at Jerusalem ; or when they departed for Bethlehem to send a spy to watch their proceedings. But history, as is remarked by Olshausen, abounds in illustrations of victims delivered CHAP. 1.51. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 101 furiated by the neglect of the Wise Men, and deter mined to make sure of his prey, he sent forth and slew all the children that were in Bethlehem and in the coasts thereof, from two years old and under.1 The particulars which have been mentioned may aid us in determining the period of the birth of Jesus, which is not mentioned in the sacred record, and re specting which there has been a difference of opinion among the learned who have engaged in the inquiry. It is now generally agreed upon, that the date must be fixed a few years earlier than is indicated by the epoch of our era, which, according to the common computation, corresponds with A.u. 754. We have seen that Jesus must have been born before the death of Herod the Great f and it appears from Josephus,3 that Herod died before the Jewish passover A.u. 750. From calculations founded on other parts of the gos pel history, and particularly on a comparison between from the vengeance of crafty tyrants, by the neglect of what appeared after the event the most ordinary precautions ; and these instances, how ever explained, completely remove the objection. Strauss, indeed, in his third edition, attempts an answer, but it is in a strain undeserving of serious refutation. Xixriov on raura, /3bifjLoX6%ui sirgiifi ra %r]fjt,ara, xal bu 6irouda£ovrt iv rr) dirayyiXia. Orig. c. Cels. 1 Matt. ii. 16, 17, 18. Even Strauss has not ventured to trace the narrative of the massacre to the prophecy by Jeremiah (xxxi. 15), though he refers to it as misapplied. A beautiful illustration of the passage is to be found in the missionary narrative already alluded to (pp. 266-7), by my friends and former pupils, Messrs Bonar and M'Cheyne, who, throughout their work, have shewn how much a right exegesis may de rive from competent scholarship and knowledge of Scriptural geography, when possessed by those in whom " the word of the Lord dwells richly in spiritual understanding." In the present instance, they seem to have removed difficulties as to the situation of Rama, that have perplexed commentators and Biblical geographers, from the time of Jerome till that of Robinson. — Biblical Researches, vol. ii. p. 331, &c. 2 Matt. ii. 1, 16. ' Winer, who refers to Antiq. 17, 18, 1 ; 14, 14, 5, and 17, 9, 3. 102 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. Luke iii. 1 and 23, many have supposed that the na tivity was in A.u. 747 ; and in this opinion some have been confirmed by the conjecture of Kepler, that the conjunction between Jupiter and Saturn, which took place in that year, was the star seen by the wise men ; though we have seen that it may be justly questioned how far the principles of scriptural interpretation ad mit of the supposition that the phenomenon referred to corresponds with the particulars mentioned by St Matthew.1 In regard to the day or month in which the Saviour was born, a subject to which the devotion of a large proportion of the Christian world has at tached much importance, we have no means of accu rate knowledge. The description given2 of shepherds watching their flocks by night, is inconsistent with the idea that it could have been in December or Ja nuary, or during the aridity of the autumn months ; as we know that in these periods the herds were no longer left in the fields.3 At other times of the year ¦ Matt. ii. 2, 7, 9. A list of the opinions which have been enter tained respecting the year of our Saviour's birth is to be found in the Bibliographia Antiquaria by Fabricius, and in Munter's Stem der Weisen. Untersuchungen iiber das Geburtsjahr Christi. See also Hales' Chronology, vol. ii. 3 Luke ii. 8. 3 " Pluvia prima descendit, die 17, m. Marchevan (Noveinb.), tunc armenta redibant domum, nee pastores in tuguriis amplius habitabant in agris," &c. (Gemar. Nedar. 63, ap. Win. vol. i. p. 657). Again, we read in Jerome, that in summer, " juxta ritum Palestinse et multarum orientis provinciarum qua} ob pratorum et foeni penuriam paleas prae- parant usui animantium." (Comm. Is. lib. vii.) To the same effect we are informed by Dr Robinson (Biblical Researches in Palestine, vol. ii. p. 97, et seq.), that around Jerusalem, " during the months of November and December, the rains continue to fall heavily Snow often falls in Jerusalem in January and February, to the depth of a foot or more In autumn, the whole land has become dry and parched ; the cisterns are nearly empty ; the few streams and fountains fail ; and all nature, physical and animal, looks forward with longing to the return of the rainy season." See also Shaw's Travels, p. 379. CHAP. I.§1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 103 the flocks might be turned out to pasture day and night in the south of Palestine ; but there is no cir cumstance referred to by any of the evangelists to de termine whether it was in spring or in summer that Jesus was born.1 Before the fatal order was issued by Herod for the massacre of the infants of Bethlehem, the Wise Men had done homage to the child Jesus, presenting costly gifts (as was common in Eastern countries upon visit ing a superior person),2 gold and myrrh, and frankin cense. It is not "stated by the evangelists, whether it was before or immediately after the visit of the Magi3 that Jesus, upon the forty days for the purification of his mother being ended, was taken to the temple of Jerusalem to be presented to the Lord.* The bene volent alternative afforded by the law of Moses to the poor, of offering a pair of turtle-doves, or two young 1 Various attempts have been made to connect the birth of Jesus with the feast of the Passover and the feast of Tabernacles ; but the con clusions have been generally drawn from vague and fanciful analogies, and do not rest on historical grounds. See Hales' Chronology, vol. ii. ; and Greswell's Dissertations on the Harmony of the Gospels, diss. x. The chronological error in the vulgar era, and in the season for cele brating the festival of Christmas, does not in any way affect the truth of the gospel history, and cannot indeed appear strange, when it is con sidered that several centuries elapsed before the method of computing time by the birth of Christ was introduced, and that the festival of the nativity was not observed in the primitive Churoh. This subject will be farther adverted to in the account of the rites and ceremonies of the Church. " For illustrations of this custom, see Doddridge's Expositor on Matt. ii. 11, note p. The tenderly considerate reflection in note q may be read at the same time with advantage. 3 For the different views that may be taken of the subject, see Dod dridge on Matt. ii. 11, note n, and Matt. ii. 16, note /, and Luke ii. 39, note p, which last corresponds remarkably with the view of Neander, Leben Jesu, p. 39, note z. ' According to the law, Exod. jr.iii._2, and Num. viii. 16, 17. 104 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. pigeons, instead of a more- costly sacrifice, was em braced upon this interesting occasion by the lowly fa mily. While this sacred service was proceeding, a farther testimony to the divine character of the infant child was afforded by the aged Simeon and Anna the prophetess, mingled with the intimation that his triumph was to be achieved through sorrow and suf fering.1 By the divine direction, the holy family now took their flight into Egypt, to avoid the fury of the tyrant. An uncertain tradition fixes the spot of their residence at Matarea, near the ancient Heliopolis; and there are various idle accounts of miracles, which marked the presence of a superior being.2 From such traditions the Jews took occasion to circulate many ridiculous tales of magical arts learned by Jesus while in Egypt, which were frequently referred to by some of the early philosophic opponents of the Christian faith. 1 The remark of Neander upon the words of Simeon appears peculiarly striking and valuable. " Merkwiirdig ist in diesen Worten die eigenthum- liehe Gestaltung der Messianischen Auffassung, eine solche, welche dem religibsen Standpuncte eines sehnsiichtigen Juden von reinerer, geistigerer Frbmmigkeit ganz entspricht; und dies eigenthiimliche Geprage einer iiber den gewbhnlichen Standpunkt sich erhebenden und doch keine eigentlich christliche Element enthaltenden Richtung bestatigt nicht allein die Wahrheit der Erzahlung, sondern es unterscheiden sich da^ durch auch Symeons Worte von einer in seinem Namen nur gedichteten Rede." — Leben Jesu, p. 31. The internal evidence thus arising in favour of the authenticity of the passage, appears to me much stronger than that afforded by the in genuity of Scheiermacher, 3 who is equally daring, perhaps I might say presumptuous, in maintaining and in assailing the historical character of the sacred narrative. In the present instance, however, the remarks of this extraordinary man are, no doubt, interesting and curious, though justly subjecting him to the charge of inconsistency brought against him by Strauss, 1. c. ii. 325. 3 Euseb. Dem. Evang. L. 6. c. 20. Athan. de Incarnat. Soz. L. v. c. 21. But see John ii. 11. 3 Critical Essay on the Gospel of St Luke, pp. 39,10. CHAP. I. §1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 105 The malignant calumny of Celsus,1 however, and the absurd legends which long found currency among the Jews, are wholly inconsistent with the authentic nar rative of the return from Egypt upon the death of Herod, when Jesus might still be said to be in in fancy, as well as with the whole tenor of our Saviour's life and doctrine.2 The return from Egypt was in consequence of a divine communication, that " they were dead who sought the young child's life."3 Before this time the cruel character of Archelaus had begun to develope itself,* and upon hearing that he reigned in Judea, Joseph judged it safer not to live under his sway, and he again took up his residence in Nazareth in Gali lee.5 Here the opening character of Jesus engaged the love and excited the admiration of all who knew him.6 And even before his childhood was ended, in his twelfth year, when his parents carried him up to Jerusalem at the feast of the passover, we find him attracting the notice of the learned Rabbis,7 entering 1 Ap. Orig. c. Cels. Opp. Paris. 1733, p. 356. 2 It is triumphantly asked by Origen (1. c), if Jesus is to be consi dered merely as a magician, how came he to impress so earnestly upon his disciples to act always under the conviction that God is to be our judge, or how was it that he and his disciples at such personal hazard performed miracles that were to put an end to all magical arts ? 3 Matt. ii. 20. * It appears from Josephus, that the succession of Archelaus was by no means a matter of certainty — and soon after his father's death, he ordered a slaughter among the multitude assembled at Jerusalem at the time of the passover, in consequence of which an embassy was sent to Rome, to pray that he might be removed from the government. These particulars correspond entirely with what may be inferred from the gospel narrative. 5 Under the government of Herod Antipas, who, though disliked, was held in less odium than his brother. Jos. Antiq. L. xvii. c. 11. « Luke ii. 52. ' Luke ii. 46. There was an apartment in the temple where the 106 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. into discussion with them, and filling them with as tonishment at his extraordinary knowledge and saga city. It would appear that, according to the custom of his countrymen, he followed the trade of his foster- father. In Mark, vi. 3, he is spoken of familiarly as " the carpenter."1 And Justin Martyr tells us, that while he sojourned on earth, he was employed in the ordinary occupations of a carpenter; r&zroiuxoc, 'igyu ilgyuZpro, h uvdgairoig uv, agorga x.m Zpyct? In this lowly situation, and in the midst of these servile employments, a character was silently matur ing, such as the world had never before witnessed; and those lofty designs were conceived, the accom plishment of which was to give a new impress to the condition of society, and to alter the destiny of our race. Frequent attempts have been made to explain by the operation of natural causes, how, in circum stances so unfavourable, a character like that of our Saviour's could have arisen ; and various theories teachers of the law gave lectures upon it to the people ; and where young persons were examined, and had a liberty to ask what questions they thought proper for their farther information. Here Jesus along with others had placed himself at their feet. — Doddridge. See also Light- foot Hor. Heb. and Drusius, in loc. In illustration of this passage, Grotius refers to Josephus (De Vita, % 2), who, at the age of fourteen, was consulted by the priests of his city as to matters of the law ; and this surely shows how little any thing :nrythical can be attached to the incident. The remarks by Neander on the effects of this interview with the Rabbis upon the development of the mind of Jesus, are very striking. — Leben Jesu, pp. 63, 44. 1 Oux ourig idnv b rixroiv, 6 u'ibg Maglag ; This passage seems to have been tampered with as early as the time of Origen (c. Cels. ut sup. p. 659), probably from a wish to do away the prejudice that existed in many minds against the idea of a Saviour in such a state of humiliation. There is another reading, o rou nxrovog u'ibg xai Magiag ; but the weight of evidence is decidedly in favour of the former. 2 Tryph. 88. See also Theod. 3, 23 ; and Soz. 6, 2. CHAP. I. § 1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 107 have been framed respecting the manner in which the plan to which he devoted himself was suggested to his mind. The insufficiency of these attempts we shall afterwards consider. In the mean time, however, it may be remarked, that, though no explanation can be given, from circumstances merely external, of the growth of such a mind as that of Jesus, which must be sought only in the seed of the immortal plant itself, it is by no means inconsistent with the highest ideas that can be entertained of the divinity of his nature, to sup pose a progression in the development of his huma nity. External influences must to a certain extent modify the character of every man. We are told, ac cordingly, that " he increased1 in wisdom'" as well as " stature." And the commanding situation and ro mantic beauty of the city of his dwelling, the instruc tions of his mother, intercourse with the heathen, which, from the proximity of Nazareth to Galilee of the Gentiles, must have been frequent, are supposed by some to have proved among the subordinate aids for awakening that sense of the loveliness and majesty of external nature to which we find so many references in his discourses, and that susceptibility of every ten der emotion which his whole history manifested, and that enlarged philanthropy which looked beyond the distinctions of Jew and Gentile, of sect and class, of 1 Luke ii. 52. TgoixoKri eo. p. 101. 1 2 Kings i. 8. Zach. xiii. 4. Isa. xx. 2. = Matt. iii. 5 3 Exod. xix. 14. " Exod. xxix. 4. " Lev. xiv. 8. " See Walls's History of Infant Baptism, vol. i. Introd. The ques tion that has been raised upon this subject will be discussed in consider ing the history of the worship of the early Church. CHAP. 1.51. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 115 that the Baptist by the Divine direction, adopted a rite with which his countrymen were familiar, involving, as administered by him, on the part of those who ob served it, a confession of pollution and need of par don, and the expression of a purpose of future purity, the rite being at the same time significant of the re mission of their sins. Such was the preparation for the coming Messias, enjoined and conducted by his great forerunner. The approaching reign he described as wholly spiritual, — not limited to any favoured people, but embracing all of contrite heart and pure lives. From his first ap pearance he turned away attention from himself to one infinitely superior, describing his own ministry as initiatory merely, while that of Jesus was to be per fective. He baptized with water, Christ was to bap tize with the Holy Ghost and with fire. John could perform only a symbolical act, possessing no inherent " energy ; but a real virtue was to go out from Christ affecting the condition of the whole world by a puri fying and regenerating process, in which all that yielded to its influence was to be cleansed and renewed, while every thing that opposed it was to be destroyed.1 When John entered upon his office, he was left in ignorance of the person who was to appear in the cha racter he announced f but it was intimated to him, 1 Liicke, Comment. John i. 33, vol. i. p. 372. 2 The declaration of the Baptist himself upon this subject is ex press (John i. 31, 33), that while he knew that he was the herald of the Messias who was soon to appear, he was not aware that it was Jesus of Nazareth whom he was to announce in that character, perhaps that he did not know him personally till he came to be baptized. This corre sponds with what is related in the Gospel by Luke. From the dis tance of Nazareth from the residence of the parents of John, and from his long seclusion in the wilderness, he might never have met with Je- 116 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. part i. that in due time the mystery would be revealed. When Jesus of Nazareth appeared among his hearers, and presented himself- to be baptized, the promised sign was given ; as he came forth from the waters, the heavens were opened, the Holy Spirit descended upon him, and the voice of the eternal was heard owning him as his beloved son, and claiming for him the attention of mankind. His baptism proved the consecration to his office. The information contained in the Evangelists re- sus. We are not even told that he was informed by his parents (who probably did not long survive his birth, Luke i. 7) of the visit of the Virgin. And at all events, the impression of what was told him in his childhood might have faded away. A difficulty, however, arises from Matt. iii. 14, which certainly im plies a knowledge of the superior character of Jesus. But it may be easily supposed tfyat, when Jesus approached, he might be informed of their relationship, and the holiness of his character must have Tjeen matter of general knowledge. Nor are we prevented from supposing that there might be some secret intimation that this was the person respecting whom the sign was to be given. This is the opinion of Chrysostom, and of various modern writers. Dr Mill, in an able analysis of the passage in John (in his Historical Character of Luke's First Chapter Vindicated, p. 79, et seqq.), has well remarked, that the xayii oux r\8nv aurov is defined in meaning by the affir mative clauses which balance it, and must be understood simply as deny ing that John's own knowledge of Jesus was at all concerned in his re cognition of him as the Christ. And he refers to the following passages as illustrating the limitation contended for, John iii. 17, compared with the 19th verse following, also vii. 16 ; ix. 3 ; x. IS ; xii. 47 ; compared with ix. 39, and xiv. 24. It has always appeared to me that strong internal evidence of there being no previous personal acquaintance with Jesus, arises from the change in the Baptist's manner, upon his interview with Christ upon the banks of the Jordan. His severity is relaxed, his whole manner is softened when the Saviour is in view. There is a difference even in his mode of speaking of Christ from this period ; the figures he employs are of a milder description — the sterner features of his character are sub dued ; and we have in him an interesting example of the passing away of the rigours of the law that came by Moses, under the benign influence of the grace and truth that came by Jesus Christ. CHAP. I. SI. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 117 specting John, receives important confirmation from Josephus, who, in his history, bears testimony to the excellence of the character and doctrine of the Bap tist, describing him as a just man who had called upon the Jews to be baptized, and to practise virtue, exercising both justice towards men, and piety towards God.1 The rejection of Christianity, however, by the Jewish historian, has led him to omit in his account all allusion to the professed office of the Baptist as the forerunner of Jesus, though this was of much importance even for the history of the period ; as there can be no doubt that the ministry of John was inti mately connected with the success of the preaching of Jesus. 1 Krelva rourov (^lojdvvrjv) 'HguiBrjg, dya^bv avSga, xal roug 'louSaioug xiXiuovra, dptrr\v iitaexouvrag, xal rfj itpbg dXXrfXoug 8ixaiosuvp xal itpbg rbv 'hibv iuaij3i!q y^wfi/woug, fSaitriSfiCi euviivar ouroi ydg xal rr)v fiditrimv aito8ixrr)v aurSi (paviTo^ai, f/,r) liti rivoiv d/uagrdSoiv itagairriGu yj^oifjAvoiv , dXX' i(p' dyvsla rou au^arog an 8r) xal rv)g ¦v^y^Sjg 8/xaioSuvrj itpozxxixa- %ag(Livr\g' xal rw aXXojv Sudrgetpo/Jjivuv, xal ydg fip^r\eav it! irXsTsrov rrj dxppdcsu rZiv Xoyojv, hiUag 'Hgwe!)]j rb lit) roabv8i itfoavbv aurou roTg dv- SgtLitoig ftr) lit) ditosrdeu nvi ' savrov), and that he did not speak of himself, are clear and explicit. Equally unambiguous is the expression, " My doc trine is not mine, but his that sent me." The meaning is, " My doctrine, in its essential import, was not conceived, discovered, developed by me, as a mere human being, and according to the laws of my human intel lect ; neither is it promulgated barely on my own authority ; but it ori ginated from God, it sprung up under his influence, and is confirmed by his authority."3 Had Jesus simply said, " My doctrine is divine," the meaning might perhaps have been explained thus, — " I have not come without a preparation from God for the doctrines which I teach, and these doctrines are fully worthy of God." On this supposition, then, the in structions which the Saviour might have originated and arranged by his mere human intellect, were declared by him to be of divine origin, simply, because they were the truth, and perhaps also because he had ascertained their truth providentially, as it is called, or, in other words, under that general Divine guidance, which extends to all who make discoveries in science and advance the cause of virtue. But such an hypothesis is re futed by the plain and decisive contrast, not mine, but God's. In this phraseology, the origin of Christ's instructions from his own human in tellect, is obviously placed in opposition to their having originated from the Deity ; their origin from the former source is denied from the latter asserted. It is therefore maintained by Jesus himself, and in the full sense of the terms, that his instructions were derived from God." Ull- mann, ut sup. 2 John xiv. 11. " Eelieve me that I am in the Father, and the Fa ther in me ; or else (il de /at)) believe me for the very works' sake. See also xv. 22, and x. 25. a " Much that might he said on this subject has been so thoroughly discussed in two recent works, that no farther elucidation is needed. A complete argument, and one extending into very minute particulars, is given by Suskind in his Historical and Exegetical Enquiry, In what sense did Jesus assert the divinity of his religious and moral instructions f A shorter exegetical solution is given by Schott, iu his Letters on Religion and the Christian Revela tion." CHAP, I. §1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 155 they must have been performed, or he must have lent himself to a deceit. There is no other alternative. He could not but know whether they were actually wrought, or whether they were only seeming and illu sory. And if the miracles were not truly performed, then we have the individual whose moral character stands in all other respects higher than that of any other of the children of men, and who was made the instrument of conferring the greatest boon that ever was conferred upon mankind — we have that individual guilty of an artful and criminal imposture. Another theory respecting the life of Jesus remains to be mentioned, by which almost all the particulars recorded by the four Evangelists, comprising not only the miraculous, but even those in which there is no violation of the ordinary laws of nature, are removed from the region of history, and receive a mythical character. In the latter part of last century, the views brought forward by scholars and philosophers respecting the nature and origin of the myths of heathen nations, were extended to the Jewish people, and laboured sys tems were framed by theologians respecting the He brew mythology.1 At first, only the earlier portions 1 Thus it is laid down by Heine as a general position, — '¦' A mythis omnis priscorum hominum turn historia turn philosophia procedit ; neque adeo is qui aut historias antiquorum aetatum tractat, aut philosophia? origines et religionum causas investigat, cursum recte suam instituere potest nisi mythis tanquam carceribus progressus sit." Tholuck (in his Glaubwurdigkeit der evangelischen Geschichte, p. 14), represents Semler as the first among the German theologians, who in troduced the idea of myths into the department of Christian theology, in his Vorrede zur " Ausfuhrlichen Erklahrung fiber theologische Cen- suren." He was followed by Eichorn, Gabler, and others ; and, in 1802, Bauer published his Hebraische Mythologie d. Alten und Neuen Testaments, m. Parallellen a. d. Mythol. anderer Yolker. 156 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. of the Book of Genesis were ranked with the fables of heathenism, but by degrees the greater portion of the Old Testament came to be considered, not as the re cord of what actually took place, but as the fancy work of men of a " poetico-religious temperament," whose fabrications (sometimes mixed up with what actually took place, sometimes the product of their own ima gination), half credited by themselves, found an easy reception with their contemporaries, received ad ditional embellishments in passing from mouth to mouth, and from age to age, in a period that preceded the discovery of the art of writing, and at last gained currency as portions of authentic history. The transition was easy from the Old to the New Testament, and according to the character of the writers, or the principles entertained by them as to mythical formations, different portions of the writings of the Evangelists were divested of the attributes of authentic history. A commencement was made with the account of the miraculous Conception and the Na tivity f the Ascension was soon added ;2 the Tempta tion in the wilderness, and the Transfiguration were afterwards considered in the same light, and different portions of the first three Evangelists relating to the miraculous works of our Saviour, were successively transferred into the domains of mythic fable.3 Still, however, for a considerable period, the leading events connected with the history and character of Jesus, when freed from supernatural admixture, were admitted without question ; and it was reserved for 1 By Gabler, Bauer, and others. 2 By Ammon. 3 Tho influence of the writings of ScMeiermacher and De Wette is particularly to be marked in this process. CHAP. I. § i. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 157 Dr Strauss,1 opposing alike the rational and superna tural schemes, to attempt to deprive the life of Christ, in its most interesting portions, of all pretension to any basis in historical facts, and to represent it as little more than imaginary. What is . positive in the system of Dr Strauss, re specting the life of Christ, maybe reduced within nar row limits. He admits that there was such an indi vidual as Jesus, that he was baptized by John, that he went about as a public teacher,— some of his sayings and discourses in this character having been preserved, that he opposed himself to the Pharisees, who were in censed by his invectives, and had him put to death. His followers believed upon him as the Messias, whom he professed himself to be, and there was insensibly ascribed to him the particulars that floated in the na tional mind respecting the promised deliverer. A seeming history was thus gradually formed, possessing scarcely any elements of historical truth. Some of the particulars recorded, as the birth at Bethlehem, and the performing certain miracles, had their origin in the prophesies in the Old Testament upon the sub ject ; others are to be traced to the wish to convey an exalted idea of the character of Christ — as the visit of the Magi, and the presentation in the temple ; others, as the agony in the garden, were brought forward to shew that he foresaw the violent death that awaited him ; not a few supposed incidents, as the miraculous 1 Das Leben Jesu, kritisch bearbeitet von David Friedrich Strauss, Dr der Philos. und Repetenten am evangelisch-theologischen Seminar zu Tu bingen. Erster Band, Tubingen, 1835, pp. 730. The second volume was published in 1836. A third edition of both volumes was published in 1838, mit Ruchsicht auf die gegenschriften. The references in the present volume are to the third edition. 158 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. draught of fishes, and the withering of the fig-tree, are a transference into reality of the metaphorical language used by him in his discourses, and few cases remain in which the narrative had any foundation in what actually took place. The supporters of the theory of a biblical mytho logy, are careful to distinguish between the philoso phical, the historical, and the poetical myth.1 In the philosophical myth, an abstract idea or rather a moral or religious sentiment is bodied forth in a historical form, but altogether without foundation in any real occurrence. In the historical myth, the idea or sentiment connects itself with some actual event, but conjuring around it so many additional circumstances, that the reality is almost lost in what is imaginary. The poetical myth combines the two former species, and degenerates into the fabulous. It is of importance, also, to observe that a myth is not peculiar to one individual — it represents the sen timents of a whole community ; and though the special form is, in the first instance, given by one mind, that mind itself has been cast in the national mould, and its products at once gain a general reception. In this way, the mythical is to be distinguished from the fabulous, containing profound moral or religious truth, under a form that gives it currency and efficacy upon its first appearance, and thus performing an important part in the development of the national mind ; while, at a farther advanced period, when the external vehi cle is thrown aside as no longer suited to the state of general cultivation, the truth wliich it enveloped still remains for the lasting benefit of the species. In this 1 See Note [Y]. CHAP. 1. 1 1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 159 way, Dr Strauss, after having succeeded, in his own opinion, in proving that most of the events recorded respecting Christ never took place, still maintains that he has left every thing essential in the Christian faith uninjured, and that the supernatural birth of Christ, his miracles, his resurrection, his ascension, remain eternal truths.1 With all these explanations, however, the extension of the mythical scheme to the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, is accompanied with difficulties that prevent the supposition that this position can be permanently occupied by the enemies of our faith. Even in regard to the Old Testament history, upon which it would be foreign from my present object fully to enter, it may be remarked generally, that the myths of heathen nations do not rest upon the same basis with the particulars recorded in the sacred books of the Jews. In connection with the former, there are no written records, while the latter are conveyed in works, the external evidence for whose genuineness has never been set aside.2 There is also an essential difference in the internal character of the narratives, the historical form predo minating in an incalculably higher degree in the Jew ish than in the heathen primeval annals, and the mi raculous elements, in the latter, never being presented as affording evidence of the truth of the religion.3 And, finally, the moral and religious character of the Jewish faith is altogether unlike any thing to be found in heathen mythologies, and presents an appear- 1 Vol. i. Vorrede, p. ix. 2 See Note [Z]. 3 See Campbell on Miracles, Part II. Sect. 2, p. 69. 160 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. ance for which the theories of philosophers as to the origin of mythological systems is altogether inadequate to account.1 The difficulties in the way of giving a merely my thical character to the account of the life of Christ, are, if possible, still greater. It had long been consi dered as of the essence of the theories respecting the origin of mythological history, and still more of histori cal myths, that they preceded by ages the period of the discovery of the art of writing. But Jesus appeared in a period that is justly entitled in every respect to the character of historical, and we have accounts of his life written by his personal followers, or by those who received their information from his disciples.2 His claims were disputed from the very first, and there was not only every disposition, but every facility for examining rigidly into all that was advanced respect ing him. To ascribe, therefore, the production of a historical mythology to such a period, is to confound all that experience has taught as to the distinguishing characteristics of different eras in the history of man kind. It would be as reasonable to represent the high est efforts of art and science as belonging to a savage 1 For an excellent illustration of the position in the text, see again Campbell on Miracles — and particularly Part II. Sect. 7, entitled " Re- visal of Mr Hume's Examination of the Pentateuch." 2 It is of essential importance to observe that Strauss, in the face of all the external evidence for the genuineness of the gospels which, in some of its parts, has satisfied many of his contemporaries, little chargeable with over credulousness, not only rejects the Gospel by Matthew, but consi ders the Gospel by John, not as the production of the apostle, but as a compilation by a later hand ; and all this without attempting to meet the views that have satisfied De Wette and even Bretschneider, or advancing a single new argument on the subject. Upon this consideration alone, the theory of Dr Strauss might be set aside as inconsistent with established documentary evidence. CHAP. I. Si. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 161 state of society, as to seek for the unchecked workings of imaginative superstition in a period of comparative civilization. Dr Strauss, however, after having arbitrarily set aside the authority of the gospels as written long after the death of Christ, argues, that the tendency to my thic fabrications continued to prevail in the Jewish nation, and that in the descriptions in the Old Testa ment of the Messiah and in the common traditions upon the subject, materials were furnished, out of which a mythic representation of a supposed Redeemer was gradually constructed. But the hypothesis appears on many grounds al together inadmissible, even with this explanation. The account of Jesus as set forth by the Evangelists, cannot, without shutting our eyes to its true nature, be considered as referring to an imaginary character. Nothing can be farther removed from a mere assem blage of ideal perfections ; every part of the descrip tion is instinct with individual reality ; and in mark ing the lineaments presented to us, the impression seems irresistible, that we have before us a portraiture taken from the life. But the grounds of our belief under this aspect are not left to our subjective feelings merely. There is convincing evidence of the truth of the narrative in the manner in which our Saviour's life is incorporated with the scene in which he appear ed, and with the characters and events of the period. The allusions to local customs and manners, and to the circumstances of the times, are too delicate and various to allow of the supposition of intentional fabrication, and too minutely exact to be accounted for, but by the idea that the Evangelists related what they had per- 162 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. sonally seen, or what they had received from eye-wit nesses. And were it otherwise, the conception of the charac ter of Jesus remains to be accounted for. If the quali ties represented as belonging to him were merely ideal, there must have existed minds equal to the origina tion of the idea. The supposition that it was the in vention of the unlettered Jewish Evangelists is now generally abandoned.1 But equal difficulties attend the theory, that it was the produce of the mind of the early Christians, who invested their leader with the attributes that were to adorn the character of the Messias. The germ of all the qualities to be found in Jesus, no doubt, is contained in the writings of the Old Testament ; but from what we know of the state of the Jewish people and of the heathen world at the Christian era, the development of that germ in the ima gination of an individual possessing the moral excel lences ascribed to Jesus may be pronounced to be im possible.2 In many important particulars, the charac- 1 " We must transfer the spiritual and moral greatness of Jesus to his biographer, if we deny it to himself. If we glance at the greatest cha racters which have been exquisitely portrayed to us by the creative power and art of the most gifted poets, do we find in these characters any thing like that which is developed in Jesus ? And these plain, uncultivated Jewish Evangelists, they, forsooth, devised or were able to invent such a character ! How far, as an unaided man, did each of these writers of Memorabilia stand below Xenophon and Plato ; and yet, how high in its silent majesty stands the simple image of Jesus, which the unlettered Evangelists present, above the character that is given to the wisest Greek, by the two masters of language and rhetoric." Ullmann, ut sup. See also the well-known passage in Rousseau. 2 " Whilst all other men are formed^in a measure by the spirit of the age, we can discover in Jesus no impression of the period in which he lived. We know with considerable accuracy the state of society, the modes of thinking, the hopes and expectations of the country in which Jesus was born and grew up ; and he is as free from them, and as ex- CHAP. LSI. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 163 ter of Jesus was entirely different from what was ex pected by the Jews ; and they, as well as the heathen converts to Christianity, instead of being able to con centrate the rays of ancient prophecy in the glory in which we now witness them around the person of their Lord, shewed the utmost inaptitude to receive the idea of the perfection that was manifested before their eyes. The problem as to the origin of the description of Christ remains yet to be solved by infidels. His life is the great miracle of the Christian system ; and its first conception is as inexplicable upon merely natural principles, as the actual existence of the prototype. And here again it may be stated, that were the pos sibility of a mythical origin of the life of Jesus in the case of a community placed in peculiar circumstances to be allowed, the theory cannot be admitted as appli cable in the actual history of the Christian community. The rise and progress of the Christian Church in the midst of persecution remains to be accounted for.1 alted above them, as if he had lived in another world, or with every sense shut on the objects around him. His character has in it nothing local or temporary. It can be explained by nothing around him. His history shews him to us a solitary being, living for purposes which none but himself comprehended, and enjoying not so much as the sympathy of a single mind. His apostles, his chosen companions, brought to him the spirit of the age ; and nothing shews its strength more strikingly, than the slowness with which it yielded in these honest men to the in structions of Jesus." Channing's Sermon on the Evidences of the Chris. tian Religion. 1 The proposition with which Paley commences his work on the Evi dence of Christianity, stands directly in the way of the hypothesis of Strauss, and he makes no attempt to set its force aside. " There is satisfactory evidence that many, professing to be original witnesses of the Christian miracles, passed their lives in labours, dan gers, and sufferings, voluntarily undertaken in attestation of the accounts which they delivered, and solely in consequence of their belief of those accounts ; and that they also submitted to new rules of conduct." Vol. i. p. 17. 164 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. The particulars recorded in the New Testament history fulfil all the conditions of a sufficient explanation. The life and death, and resurrection of Christ, present an adequate cause for the change that took place ; and in faith in these, we have the victory that overcame the world. But in the mythical theory, the life of Christ, by a feat of dialectic art, is traced to the Church as its origin, and the relations presented in history are wholly subverted. It is not to be denied that Dr Strauss has conducted his argument with great learning and ability. And in one respect, he has rendered an important service to the cause of Christianity, by shewing the utter un- tenableness of the Neologian system of Scriptural in terpretation, and thus, it is to be hoped, hastening its fall. The theory he proposes to substitute in its place is attended with so many difficulties, that, notwithstand ing its temporary success, it must soon share the same fate. And in this way Dr Strauss will be found in directly to have promoted the cause he has sought to destroy. Next to the development of truth, it is de sirable that the various forms of error should be fully illustrated ; and by elimination, it may at last be forced upon the most incredulous, that the only tenable theory respecting the origin of the Christian Church is, that its founder was divine.1 The character of Christ, as exhibited in the Gospels, presents to us the only example, anywhere to be found, of the perfection of humanity ; and the contemplation of it has ever been considered by his followers as one of the most edifying and delightful exercises of piety.2 1 See Note [AA.] 2 A catalogue of some of the most important treatises upon this sub- CHAP. I. § I. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 165 A constant regard to the will of God, and a delight in doing it, form the distinguishing features of his cha racter. With these were connected the absence of all sordid, or selfish, or ambitious aims, and an enlarged and enlightened philanthropy. There is perhaps no thing more remarkable in the life of Jesus than the apparently inconsistent qualities which are blended together in one harmonious whole. We see in him the most unbending constancy united with great tender ness of feeling — hatred of sin, and compassion for the offender — a heart superior to all the allurements of pleasure, with a condescending indulgence for the in nocent relaxations of life — a mind of universal philan thropy, alive to all the domestic charities — views that extended to the whole human race, and a generous compliance with national and individual peculiarities.1 It is difficult to conceive that the portraiture presented to us in the sacred history can be contemplated without benefit ; but the chief benefit will be lost if it is for gotten that he whose life was the model of every vir tue laid down that life for the sins of the world. Those who hold the highest ideas of the divinity of Christ, admit to the fullest extent that he was also man; and the curiosity is not unnatural as to the personal appearance assumed by the Son of God. Upon this subject no direct information is given in the New Tes tament. From incidental notices, it has been conjec tured that he was of a robust frame, and that there was nothing particularly marked in his appearance f ject in English is given by Bishop Newcombe, in the preface to his work on our Lord's conduct and character. 1 See Channing's Sermon, ut sm/>. - John xx. 15, and xxi. 4. 166 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. but it may be doubted how far the passages referred to bear out these conclusions. There is better evi dence that the mixture of divine benignity and com manding authority which he everywhere displayed in his character, were conspicuous also in his voice and aspect.1 The most judicious of the fathers agree that nothing was known of the personal appearance of Christ, though inquiry upon the subject was not prohibited. During the first ages of Christianity, the Church, under perse cution, required a model of patient endurance ; and the general opinion of the fathers2 during that time seems to have been, that the personal appearance of Christ corresponded literally with the description in Isaiah liii. 2, 3. There was at the same time a pro hibition, founded on the second commandment, against attempting to frame any pictorial likeness of the Son of God. We read, however, of pictures of Christ in the hands of one of the Gnostic sects.8 Alexander Severus had his bust in the chamber set apart for his devotional exercises :4 and Eusebius relates, that many among the heathen had pictures of Christ and of his apostles, which he himself had seen.5 At a somewhat later period, when paintings began to be admitted into churches, the attempt to present a likeness of Christ was no longer considered as unlawful ; and full scope being given to the imagination of the artist, attempts were made to embody the purity, and elevation, and loveliness of the Saviour's character, in lineaments of 1 John xviii. 6 ; Matt. vii. 29 ; John vii. 46, &c. 2 Tertull. De Carne Christi, 9 ; adv. Jud. 14 ; Clem. Alex. Paed. iii. 1 ; Orig. Contr. Cels. Opp. vol. i. 689. 3 Iren. i. 25. 4 Lamprid. v. 29. » H. E. vii. 18. CHAP. I.§1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 167 extraordinary beauty. Certain theologians justified the attempt by explaining the description in Psalm xiv. as literally applicable to Jesus. There is a mi nute description of the personal appearance of Christ by the Greek ecclesiastical historian Nicephorus, and another in a letter purporting to be addressed by Pub- lius Lentulus, governor of Judea, to the Roman se nate. Both of these, however, are altogether without value. As the prosopographia in the pretended letter of Publius is from time to time brought before the public in various forms, without any hint as to its real origin, it may be proper to state, that there is most decisive evidence of its being a mere fabrication. No trace of it is to be found before the fourteenth century. No such person as Publius Lentulus was ever governor of Judea. From the style it is probable that it was written by some monk in the middle ages.1 In regard to images and pictures which tradition has represented as having been made while our Sa viour was on earth, in addition to the image already mentioned as having been sent to the king of Edessa, there was a likeness supposed to have been imprinted upon a handkerchief belonging to Veronica. The le gend is, that when Christ was led to crucifixion, Ve ronica, who followed him, put a handkerchief to his face, on which the impress of his features remained. 1 There are several manuscripts of this epistle, none of them, how ever, older than the fourteenth century. One of these was brought for ward about twenty years ago as newly discovered in the library of the Vatican, and treated as a matter of much importance. The subject was taken up in a work entitled " In du^evna Epistolae Publii Lentuli ad Senatum Romanum de Jesu Christ, scripts denuo inquirit J. P. Gables," 1819, in which the whole question is fully discussed. An exposure of the fabrication is also to be found in the American Biblical Repository, vol. ii. p. 367. 1G8 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. This holy relic is still exhibited at Rome on certain festivals.1 Eusebius speaks of a statue of Christ erected by the woman who was cured of the issue of blood, and mentions that he saw it himself at Csesarea Philippi.2 Julian the Apostate is said3 to have taken it down, and erected his own statue in its place. From the representations on some ancient coins, it has been conjectured that the pillar referred to was originally erected in honour of Hadrian.* In the Romish church it is believed that there existed a picture of Christ by St Luke, and that there was an image of him cut out by Nicodemus in cedar wood ; but these traditions are without support from antiquity, aud inconsistent with many passages in the writings of the fathers. A ge neral resemblance is to be observed in all the pictures of the Saviour ; but though this has probably arisen from admiration of one traditional model, there is no evidence whatever of its genuineness. After all our inquiries, while we are warranted in supposing that the benignant majesty which distinguished his charac ter beamed forth in his countenance, yet, in regard to any thing more definite, we must rest in the conclu sion of St Austin, " qua fuerit ille facie penitus igno ramus."5 Before our Saviour left the earth, he completed the foundations for the New Church, and made prepara tion for its indefinite extension by the commission he gave to his apostles to go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature.6 And amidst the vari- ' Boland. ad d. 4 Feb. 2 Hist. Eccles. vii. IS. 3 Soz. v. 21 ; Philostorg. vii. 3. * Gieseler's Kirchengeschichte, i. p. 79. ¦> De Trin. viii. 5. 6 Mark xvi. 15. CHAP. I. § 1. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 169 ous difficulties and discouragements with which they had been taught1 to lay their account, he confirmed their hopes, by the assurance that all power in hea ven and on earth was given to him, and by the pro mise — " Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the worldy2 It is of the utmost importance that these words should be continually borne in mind in all our in quiries respecting the character of Jesus and the ad vancement of his kingdom. By them we are taught to look upon Christ, "not as a generous benefactor only, who, having performed some actions of heroic virtue and benevolence, is now retired from all in tercourse with the world, so that we have no more to do with him than to preserve a grateful remem brance of his character and favours, but that he is to be considered an ever present, ever living friend, with whom we are to maintain a daily commerce by faith and prayer, and from whom we are to derive those sup plies of divine grace whereby we may be strengthened for the duties of this life, and ripened for a state of perfect holiness."3 And the study of Church History is deprived of its life and soul, if we separate it from the parting words of Jesus, and fail to mark, in the events which it presents to us, the presence of the Great Head of the Church, and to trace in their pro gress the development of his purposes. 1 John xv. 18, et seqq. 2 Matt, xxviii. 20. 3 Doddridge. 170 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. SECTION II. Of THE PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY DURING THE LIFETIME OF THE APOSTLES. The eleven Apostles, after witnessing the ascension of their Master, returned from the Mount of Olives to Jerusalem, where they were to commence the great work that was entrusted to them of overturning the systems of heathen superstition, and establishing a new religion over the world. To human observation no thing could appear more hopeless than the cause in which they were engaged. Of low origin, with little or no education, and not one of them distinguished by remarkable talent, they were possessed of no natural advantages for an extensive and complicated under taking. Our Saviour had employed a considerable part of his public life in preparing them for their of fice, but they had shewn no great aptitude for profit ing by his instructions. With little of the humble and self-denying spirit of their Master, their Jewish pre judices respecting the nature of the Messias' kingdom were never wholly overcome.1 They had given them selves up to their Master's guidance, without definite ideas respecting his ultimate intentions, and now they were left by him when his religion seemed to be in the crisis of its fate. The multitudes who had attended upon the preaching of Christ had been dispersed by 1 Even after the resurrection, and in their last interview with Jesus we find the apostle's asking (Acts i. 6), "Wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to Israel '? entirely in the spirit of their countrymen. Putabuut seriores Judaei imperium in gentes, quale habuissent sub Da- vide, a Messia ipsis restitutum iri. — Bretschneider in diroxa§iffrri/j,i. CHAP. 1. 1 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 171 his death. Even after his resurrection there were few who shewed any disposition to unite in the profession of his name ; little more than a hundred were to be found in Jerusalem to join the fellowship of the apos tles, and, of these, there seem to have been none of in fluence or authority. To all human appearance, the religion of Jesus could not long survive its author. But the new faith was not to " stand by the power or wisdom" of man, and its great author " knew whom he had chosen." What was necessary for the propaga tion of the new religion, was not individuals who might overawe by their authority or allure by their eloquence, but credible witnesses ready to give faithful testimony to the things they had seen and heard, and to point the application of ancient prophecy to present occur rences. For such duties, the apostles were sufficiently prepared. The facts of which they had been eye-wit nesses did not admit of any misinterpretation; they had been taught by our Saviour himself as to the true re ference of Scripture prophecy,1 a subject which the little education they had, prepared them for under standing ; their minds had been solemnised by the events which had taken place — so different from all their anticipations ; the very difficulty of their situa tion taught them caution and circumspection. They did not listen to the suggestions of their own zeal, they did not trust to their own judgment as to the steps that were to be resorted to, but waited patiently, in conformity to the instructions which their Master had given them, for the communication of supernatural aid. They did not shrink, however, as has sometimes been supposed, under the discouragements to which they 1 Luke xxiv. 44, seqq. 172 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. were subjected. They shewed, on the contrary, their determined purpose to fulfil the part entrusted to them by supplying the vacancy in their number,1 which had been occasioned by the treachery of Judas ; and they put their trust in God. The period in which they were left in this state, was of brief continuance. On the day of Pentecost, which was considered by the Jews as commemorative of the giving of the law by Moses,2 a sign from heaven indi cated that a new dispensation was to have its com mencement among mankind. And the noise as of a mighty wind which filled the house3 where the disci ples were assembled, and tongues4 like as of fire upon their heads6 betokened the baptism of the Holy Ghost 1 The circumstances connected with the election of Matthias will be considered in treating of the government of the Church. 2 Apparently with good reason, as we may conclude from Exod. xii. 2, and xix. 1, 11, though there is no express statement to that effect in the Old Testament Scriptures, nor in the writings of Josephus or Philo. A dissertation by J. M. Danz, in Meuschen's Novum Testamentum e Talmude illustratum, presents a collection of the traditions of the Jews upon the subject. 3 Prsesagium implendi totius orbis, per quem Ecclesia diffusa est. Grotius. 4 Hinc est quod super pastores primos in linguarum specie Spiritus Sanctus insedit, quia nimirum quos repleverit, de se protinos loquentes facit. Greg. Mag. 0 The arguments from the reason of the thing, and from Acts iv. 30, 31, vi. 3, brought together by Whitby, (Commentary Acts ii. 1), seem conclusive that all the 120 were present, and consequently that a tongue sat upon every one of them, v. 3. Besides, there is the tradition of the Church, which is entitled to authority in the quarter where alone the posi tion is now likely to be disputed. Jerome mentions, that when Paula came to Zion, they shewed her the place ubi super centum et viginti creden- tium Spiritus Sanctus cecidisset, Epitaph. Paulse ; and Chrysostom, and (Ecumenius, not only make the statement, but argue that St Luke would not have said itavreg when the apostles only were present, if others also had not been made partakers of the Holy Ghost — ii fjbr) xdi aXXoi fieri - gX0' — aP- Whitby, ut sup. See also Neander, vol. i. p. 8. CHAP. I. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 173 foretold by our Lord and by his forerunner,1 and in dicated the spiritual power by which a change was to be effected in the condition of the world. The mira culous appearances connected with the house where the apostles were assembled speedily collected a crowd, composed of individuals from all quarters of the world, who had come to the celebration of the Pentecost at Jerusalem. The disciples, constrained by a divine energy, now entered upon their special work, proclaim ing with ecstatic raptures those wonderful things that God had wrought. This was done in a form that in creased the general astonishment, for, by the miracu lous gift of tongues, the unlettered Galileans poured forth their hearts in the language of the different in dividuals whom they addressed.2 An attempt to turn into ridicule the fervent zeal that was manifested,3 was 1 Matt. ii. 11, Acts i. 5. 2 Neander, in his Geschichte der Pflanzung und Leitung der Christ- lichen Kirche durch die Apostel, vol. i. pp. 10, seqq., while he, in the fullest degree, recognises a supernatural spiritual influence on the day of Pentecost, endeavours, in what appears to me a very unsatisfactory man ner, to explain away the miraculous appearances of the tongues of fire, and the power of speaking in different languages. The statement in Acts ii. 8 is too express to admit of being set aside without violence. A candid and discriminating account of the circumstances which have disposed this truly admirable writer to such a mode of interpretation upon this and other occasions, is to be found in the Eclectic Review, vol. xii. p. 376, in an article which the theological student of this country might do well to peruse, before entering upon an examination of the work by Neander above mentioned. My references were made to the work as it originally appeared, and I have generally allowed them to re main ; but it may be proper to mention, that there is now a good transla tion in the Biblical Cabinet by Mr Ryland, containing various additions by Neander. 3 Acts ii. 13. " Others mocking, said, These men are full of new wine." It is well conjectured by Lightfoot, that they who said this were men of Judea, who, not understanding what the apostles spake in other languages, imagined they had babbled some gibberish as drunken men are used to do. This conjecture removes a plausible objection brought 174 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. met by the apostle Peter in an address to the assem bled multitude, in which he fully explained the appear ances which were witnessed, and pressed home their application upon the consciences of his hearers. The advantages of the discipline which the apostles had undergone, and their special fitness for their work, were already made manifest. In addition to the miraculous- powers with which they were invested, they could refer to the events in the history of Christ, which they had witnessed with their own eyes, they could appeal to the personal knowledge of many of their auditors, and they could shew the bearing of the prophecies of the Old Testament Scriptures upon the present state of affairs.1 But not all the advantages possessed by the apostles were sufficient to account for the success of their ministrations. It was immediate and astonish ing. A new power was manifestly put in operation. It was now shewn why it was expedient that our Sa viour should leave the earth.2 The Holy Ghost, whom he had promised to send upon his departure, was at length imparted, and the spiritual regeneration of the world took its commencement. Three thousand con verts were the fruit of their first day's labours. The foundation was thus laid of a new community, and every day was adding to its numbers. The zeal of the apostles animated them to incessant exertions in making known the offers of the gospel among the Jews, and in confirming those who were gained over. The converts devoted themselves entirelv to attendino; upon the ministry of the apostles, joined with them in forward by Neander to the supernatural interpretation (p. 15), from the difficulty of explaining how the imputation came to be made ; which, however, I observe he has somewhat modified in the English edition. 1 Acts ii. 15, seqq. 2 John xv. 17. CHAP. I. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 1(0 the public services of the temple worship, while they observed the institutions of the new faith, and were instructed in its principles from house to house, as accommodation could be obtained. The harmony that reigned among the members of the new community. their piety, and their deeds of disinterested philan thropy, afforded an argument in favour of the excel lence of the new cause, and presented an inducement to others to join it,1 — while the judgments of heaven were displayed to preserve the purity of the infant church from being sullied by hypocritical adherents." The zeal of the Apostles, and the increasing num ber of their converts, at last began to attract the notice of the ruling men in Jerusalem ; and Peter and John having performed a miracle at one of the gates3 of the Temple were apprehended and carried before the Sanhedrim. Here they were subjected to an examination, in the course of which the Council were made fully aware of their character and views, but no decisive measures were taken against the prisoners, who were dismissed on the following day, under strict injunctions that they should desist from the course they were at present pursuing. They probably owed 1 Acts iii. 47. ' As in the case of Ananias and Sapphira, Acts v. 1-10. The effect produced by their fate is set forth v. 11, and still more v. 13, where it is said that none who were not true converts ventured to join the new society. A different interpretation indeed has been sometimes given to the passage ; but the literal meaning of the word xo'/.Xdcbai, and its use in other passages of the Acts, as ix. 16, x. 28, xvii. 35, and also in Sept. 2 Sam. xx. 2, limit the sense to this, that the fear of a like punish ment prevented all from associating themselves with the church who were not sincere Christians. 3 Acts iii. 2. For the different opinions respecting the gate of the Temple referred to, v. Robinson in ospatog. The main circumstances, however, deserving of attention, are the custom (afterwards transferred to the Christian churches) of placing beggars at the gate of the Temple, and the consequent publicity of the miracle. 176 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. their safety in part to the differences between the parties in the Council,1 but chiefly to the influence that the new party had acquired among the inha bitants, even of those who did not openly or entirely espouse their views. This influence was in no small degree owing to the character of the new community, who presented a pic ture of peace and love such as the world had never be fore witnessed; while, at the same time, by conforming in every respect to the Mosaic ritual, they did nothing to offend the prejudices of the people.2 The command 1 During the time that our Saviour was on earth, the Sadducees sel dom came forward in opposition to him, and the Pharisees are men tioned as his chief adversaries. But from the testimony borne by the apostles as to the resurrection of Christ, the Sadducees, who denied a re surrection altogether, presented themselves as their bitterest foes, as we see Acts iv. 2, v. 17, xxiii. 6. And there can be little doubt the differ ences between the Pharisees and Sadducees operated favourably upon the proceedings of the Sanhedrim with reference to the apostles. It is extremely probable also, that there were friends of the new cause mem bers of the Jewish Council, or connected with the members of it, who, though they did not venture to declare themselves as converts, might yet exert their influence for the protection of the disciples from persecu tion. For a fuller illustration of these particulars, v. Whitby's Com mentary upon the passages above referred to, and Neander's Pflanzung, &c. pp. 52, seqq. 2 The converts strictly observed every part of the Jewish worship,3 and, upon the most moderate computation, upwards of two years must have elapsed before they allowed a departure from any part of the cere monial law even with Gentile converts. That this proved favourable to the peaceable and rapid progress of the apostolical doctrine cannot be doubted. The conduct of Luther and his followers at the era of the Re formation (equally without design on their part), in observing all the rites of the Romish worship, nearly three years after the first attack upon the sale of indulgences, was overruled in like manner for the advance ment of the Reformation. See Planck's Geschichte des Protestantischen Lehrbegriffs, vol. ii. pp. 5, seqq. ; and Robertson's Charles V, Book ii. 3 We find, Acts ii. 46, that the converts continued daily with one accord in the temple, i. e. at the stated hours of prayer, viz., at the third hour, Acts ii. 15, and the ninth, Acts iii. 1. It has been even supposed, from Acts x. 9, that they observed the sixth hour, set apart by the Jews from tradition, as a third hour of prayer. The influence of these practices upon the worship of the primitive Christian Church, (v. Clem. Alex. Strom. L. vii., Apostohcal Consti tutions, L. vii. c. 24, Tert. de Orat, &c. &c.,) and the use made of these by Baronius and other Roman Catholic writers, will be afterwards considered. CHAP. I. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 177 given to the Apostles was most express to preach the gospel to every creature under heaven. But the commencement was to be made in Jerusalem ; and it does not seem that the Apostles, in the first instance, had any idea that the offers of salvation were to be made except to members of the Jewish nation, or to those who, by observing all the Mosaic ritual, be came Proselytes of Justice. Circumstances, however, soon led to more enlarged conceptions respecting the true nature of the new dispensation on the part of those to whom it was committed, which afforded a handle for stirring up the multitude, and which ulti mately joined all classes among the Jews in the aim to exterminate the dangerous heresy. The first followers of the Apostles, as might be expected in circumstances so extraordinary, devoted themselves almost exclusively to the exercises of re ligion, and the poor were enabled to do this by the richer brethren communicating of their substance, so that " all was in common."1 In the first instance, 1 Mosheim, in his Commentaries, vol. i. p. 202, and more fully in his Treatise de vera Natura Communionis Bonorum in Ecclesia Hierosoly- mitana, and others who have written upon the subject, have clearly made out that there was never an exact community of goods among the first converts. Peter expressly stated to Ananias (Aots v. 4), that it was in his own power either to sell or to retain his property, and that after the sale he might contribute what he thought proper. His guilt was in his falsehood. Assistance was communicated to the widows, as we read Acts vi., but by no means out of a common store for the support of the whole community. Some weight also has been attached to Acts xii. 12, where the house of Mary is spoken of. The declaration of Luke, there fore, Acts ii. 44, and iv. 32, must be explained as signifying that the principle of brotherly love had so taken possession of their minds, as to lead them to consider their property to be at the service of their brethren as they might require it. Under the influence of this spirit, a common fund, placed at first under the management of the apostles, was established, out of which the common and necessary expenses were defrayed, and the M 178 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the distribution of the common store was in the hands of the Apostles ;: and as they were all natives of Palestine, an idea began to prevail that they gave a preference to those who were of the same country with themselves, and that the foreign Jews did not receive equal attention. To remove all grounds for complaint, the Apostles directed that officers should be elected for the special purpose of attending to the temporal affairs of the community. It appears that the new office-bearers, who being chosen by the popu lar voice were all Hellenists,2 did not confine them- wants of the poorer members supplied. And many sold their possessions to contribute to this stock, to which it has been conjectured by different commentators, those at a distance, like Barnabas, might be more disposed from their wish to connect themselves entirely with the brethren, and those in the neighbourhood from the prophesies of Christ respecting the destruction of all Jewish property. For various interesting views connected with this subject, see Nean der, 1. c. pp. 31 seqq. 1 Well might Doddridge, Expositor, Acts v. 2, speak of the meanness of Orobio in suggesting, ap. Limborch. Collat. p. 134, that it was of ad vantage to poor fishermen to be treasurers of such a store. Their whole history utterly belies the unworthy insinuation. Equally unfounded is the idea of Hobbes, that the rapid spread of Chris tianity may be accounted for by the charity that was exercised towards the lower orders. That there were probably individuals influenced by unworthy motives in attaching themselves to the apostles, it is not ne cessary to deny. But conceding, for the sake of argument, that there were many, the inquiry remains — What was the incentive with those who were rich to make such an appropriation of their substance as to present a lure to multitudes of converts ? Where did the rich imbibe their charitable dispositions ? What induced them to part with their possessions for the sake of those in whom nothing but the fact of Christianity being true could give them an interest. But besides we have seen, (y. supra, p. 175, note 1), that effectual means were employed to strike terror into the poor, who might be tempted to act from the idea, that godliness was worldly gain. And at a period somewhat later, but within the limits necessary to bear upon the objection, the apostolic rule was given, that if any man would not work, neither should he eat. 2 At least, so it has been conjectured from their names, it not being common for the Jews of Palestine to adopt names for their children ex- CHAP. I. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 179 selves wholly to the distribution for the poor, but performed certain duties of a spiritual nature. The qualities which recommended them to the election of their brethren, fitted them to demonstrate the truth of the gospel, and to administer its consolations, for which the special duties of their office must have afforded them frequent opportunity.1 Nor were their labours confined to the brethren ; their holy zeal led them farther, and they appeared as the champions of the cause they had adopted. In conducting their labours they were naturally brought into contact chiefly with Jews who, like them selves, had come up to Jerusalem from foreign coun tries ; and we find Stephen, one of their number, es pecially distinguished by his wisdom and power, dis puting in the synagogues of the Libertines, and of Cyrene, Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia,2 with those who refused to receive his doctrines, and silencing all their objections. Defeated in their arguments, his opponents had recourse to violence, and he was dragged before the Sanhedrim as a blasphemer. The charge brought cept from the Hebrew or Syriac. They were all Jews by birth, how ever, except Nicolas, who is distinguished as a Proselyte of Antioch, the Jews of which city are spoken of by Josephus (B. J. vii. 3, 3), as con tinually bringing over the Greeks to their religion. 1 See Dick's Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles, as to the qualifica tions and duties of the deacons, p. 136. 2 According to Jewish writers there were four hundred and eightv sy nagogues in Jerusalem ;3 and there seems good reason to suppose, that many of them were built by foreign Jews for their accommodation when attending the public festivals. The Libertines spoken of, are supposed by Grotius, Vitringa, and other learned men, to have been the descend ants of Jewish captives carried to Rome by Pompeyand others, who had received their liberty. Such a class is referred to by Tacitus, An. ii. 85, and Philo, ad Caj., and they might have had a synagogue at Jerusalem. » Vilriuga de Synag. Vet. p. 28. 180 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. against him was, that he had spoken against the law and the temple, founded apparently upon a misrepresen tation J of the tenor of his preaching. The nature of this accusation was calculated to unite the two lead ing parties2 in the Sanhedrim against him ; and, upon receiving it, the guilty purpose of the council was not to be mistaken. The proto-martyr saw that he was to be the victim of the blinded and malignant spirit which had been exhibited by the Jews in every j>eriod of their history. But his serenity was unruffled; his confidence in the goodness of his cause, and in the pro mised support of his heavenly Master, imparted a di vine tranquillity to his mind; and when the judges fixed their regards upon him, anxious to hear how he would shape his defence, the light that was within beamed forth upon his countenance, and " they saw his face as if it had been the face of an angel."3 In his defence, he entered upon an historical state- 1 Benson (History of the First Planting of the Christian Religion), and others, have considered the testimony of the witnesses agamst Stephen as in every respect false, and that we are not even to suppose that he had stated that Christ would " change the customs which Moses deli vered" (v. 14), upon the ground of the improbability of more being re vealed to Stephen than to the apostles as to the abolition of the ceremo nial law. From the strain of the martyr's speech, however, I would be disposed to draw a different conclusion. In various passages, his words clearly imply that external rites were not essential, and that true reli gion was not confined to the temple service (see verses 8, 38, 44, &c.). And there seems much probability in the conjecture of Nean der, that Stephen and the other deacons by their birth and education were less under the influence of Jewish prejudices than the natives of Palestine, and may thus have been prepared to go before the apostles themselves, in apprehensions of the liberty that the gospel was to intro duce. The statements of Stephen correspond in more than one particu lar with what was afterwards taught by St Taul. We find the gospel first preached by another of the (Hellenistic) deacons in Samaria (Acts viii. 5). And it was men of Cyprus and Cyrene (not Jews of Palestine) who first spake to the Greeks at Antioch (Acts xi. 20). '-' In illustration of this compare Acts xxii. 22. J Acts vi. 15. CHAr. I. %•>. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 181 ment,1 involving a refutation of the charges which had been made against him of hostility to the Old Testa- tament institutions ; but, at the same time, shewing that acceptance with God does not depend upon outward relations. Under the same form he illustrated the providential care exercised by the Almighty in regard to the Jewish people, along with the opposition exhi bited by the Jews towards those sent to them by God. And he pointed the application of his whole discourse, in charging his carnal-minded hearers with resisting like their fathers the Holy Ghost. The effect upon his auditors was terrible. Conscience smitten, they united in wreaking their vengeance on the faithful de nouncer of their guilt. They drowned his voice with their clamorous outcries, they stopped their ears against him, they gnashed on him with their teeth, and running upon him with one accord in a tumultuous manner they carried him forth, and without waiting for the autho rity of law, he was stoned to death as a blasphemer.3 1 The speech of Stephen is well deserving of the most diligent study, and the more it is understood, the higher idea will it convey of the de gree in which he possessed the qualities ascribed to him in the 6th chap ter. Even as a work of art, if such terms may be applied to the words of one who took no thought how or what he should speak, from his de pendence upon the promise, that it would be given him in that same hour, what he should speak — but even considered as a composition, it is curious and interesting from the connection, not at first obvious, which may be discovered between the various parts, and from the unity given to the whole by the honesty and earnestness of the speaker. Several writers have been misled by the form of the address ; thus in the re spectable lectures already referred to, it is spoken of as " an abridged narrative merely of the history of the Jews," p. 149. But without a formal statement of his object, Stephen obviously gives a confession of his faith, sets forth a true view of the import of his preaching in oppo sition to the false gloss that had been put upon it, maintains the just ness of his cause, and shews how well founded were his denunciations against the impenitent Jews. 2 The nature of this punishment as described by Jewish antiquarii s 182 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. The prejudice that was awakened against Stephen was easily extended to the members of the new com munity in general, and a violent persecution had thus its origin. But the means employed for the overthrow of the Church were overruled by Providence for its en largement. Hitherto, the preaching of the new doc trine had been confined to Jerusalem. But among the converts who were now driven from that city, there were many who engaged in the work of preaching the gospel in different parts of Palestine, and even in Phoenicia, and in some adjacent tracts, and who gained proselytes wherever they went. The new sphere of labour upon which the heralds of the gospel were thus unintentionally driven, proved of not less importance for the development of Christian doc trine, than for the multiplication of converts. We have seen that though it had been clearly intimated that the gospel was to be preached to the whole human race, the apostles, in the first instance, con fined their labours to their own countrymen ; and is thus set forth by Benson : — A crier went before him who was to die proclaiming his name and crime, and who were the witnesses against him. When they were come within two or three yards of the place of execution, they stripped the criminal naked, except a small covering for decency about the middle. The place of execution, from which they threw down the malefactor, was about twice the height of a man, upon which he was made to ascend with his hands bound. When he was ascended, the wit nesses laid their hands upon him, and then stripped off their upper gar ments, that they might be the fitter for the execution. The witnesses who stoned Stephen committed their clothes to the custody of a young man whose name was Saul. From the high place one of the witnesses threw down the criminal, and dashed his loins against a great stone which was laid there for that very purpose. If that killed him not, then the other witnesses threw from the same height a great stone upon his heart as he lay upon his back, and was stunned with the fall. If that despatched him not, then all the people fell on hiin with stones till he died. — Jlis- hini of the First Planting of the Christian Church. CHAP. I. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 183 if the wider application of the blessings of the new cove nant was presented to their thoughts, their ancient prejudices seem to have prevented them from suppos ing that conformity to the law of Moses, as a neces sary preliminary, could be dispensed with. But upon the dispersion after the martyrdom of Stephen, the new circumstances in which the preachers of the gos pel were placed, and the exhibition of the power of the truth upon minds which had been imagined to be beyond its legitimate scope, led to an enlargement of views. Thus the gospel was proclaimed by Philip in Samaria, with a success that attracted the immediate attention of the apostles. Beyond the limits of Palestine, the truth that was preached could not fail to come under the notice of men who had no disposi tion to embrace the Jewish worship ; and upon their becoming converts to the new faith, the question im mediately occurred as to what were the terms upon which they were to be admitted into the Church. Va rious difficulties were connected with this subject, and different individuals would come to different conclu sions ; but at Antioch it was practically resolved that the rite of circumcision might now be dispensed with ; and Pagan converts were baptized.1 1 The preaching to the Grecians at Antioch mentioned in Acts xi. 20, is generally supposed by commentators to have been subsequent to the baptism of Cornelius. But this is not stated by St Luke, and the com mencement of the 19th verse seems to convey a different view. In regard to the individuals spoken of in the passage, commentators seem now agreed that the genuine reading is 'EXXriveg, and not 'EXXrivig- rdg. Some, however, are still of opinion, that though foreign Jews could not be referred to by Luke, he indicated by the word 'EXXrivig, " Gentile proselytes who had become worshippers of the one true God." See Tate's History of St Paul, p. 134. If by this is meant Proselytes of the Gate, the interpretation may be allowed, though the preceding context seems inconsistent even with this limitation. 184 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. On a matter of such importance, however, where different opinions would be entertained, and where con fusion and discord could scarcely fail to be the conse quence, the subject was not left to be finally determined by human wisdom; and by a special revelation to Peter,1 1 Neander, while he admits the reality of a supernatural communi cation in the case both of Cornelius and Peter, explains the objective appearances mentioned by the historian upon natural principles. The substance of his statement in regard to Peter, is, that the extension of the blessings of the gospel to the Gentiles, must have been a subject which of late had much occupied his thoughts. The effects which had been produced in Samaria, and the accounts of the readiness of some of the Gentiles to submit themselves to the new faith, could scarcely fail to call to the mind of the apostle those passages in the Old Testament which related to the spread of the gospel over all the earth, in connec tion with many intimations made by Jesus. Upon the day that the messenger from Cornelius arrived in Joppa, Peter had ascended to the roof (flat, after the eastern manner) of the house in which he lodged, to hold his mid-day devotions. There seems nothing improbable in the idea, that his prayers might be directed to the subject that had occa sioned in his mind so much perplexity, and that there was a struggle between the higher principles of his nature, and his remaining Jewish prejudices. In this situation, the inferior part of his nature asserted its claims — for we read that he became very hungry and would have eaten, — but some time intervened ere the usual repast was prepared. Here two tendencies co-existing, manifested their power in the spirit and upon the corporeal frame of the apostle. The divine and the natural exhibited themselves in strange union. What was godlike revealed it self in a corporeal image, employing a sign addressed to the senses, as the symbol of a great spiritual truth. The divine light breaking through the cloudy atmosphere of traditionary prejudices, reflected it self in the mirror which the condition of the corporeal part of his na ture presented. He saw heaven opened, and a vessel descended, in which were all manner of animals, and he heard a voice inviting him to kill and eat. Here his prejudices interfered, till they were re moved by the voice, " What God hath cleansed call not thou common." This shewed that the distinction of meats was at an end. The descent from heaven taught that he had a right to partake of whatever was there. And in* a higher sense, it typified that in the new creation brought down from heaven by Jesus Christ, all were to be made clean through the redemption in him, as they had been clean at their first creation. 1. c. pp. 91 seqq. It is impossible not to admire the inge nuity of this explanation, and it may be allowed that the reality of an au- CHAP. 1.52. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 185 the Church was instructed that the offers of the gospel might be made at once to the Gentiles. The determination of this question was of vital im portance to the character and success of the new faith. The insisting upon the observance of all the rites of Judaism would have proved an insurmountable barrier with many to the profession of the faith of Christ. While, on the part of those who embraced the gospel, the continued obligation of the law of Moses, however guarded or explained, would have inevitably led to views of merit inconsistent with the essential characteristics of the economy of grace. By the revelation to Peter the door was opened to the Gentiles, and the example which had been set of receiving them into the new communion, had obtained the sanction of the brethren.1 Still, however, there was a strong tendency to yield to the prejudices of Jews and Jewish converts, in enforcing ceremonial observances f and it was therefore of the greatest im portance that fit instruments should be found for taking full advantage of the opportunity now pre sented, in devoting their efforts for the conversion of the Gentiles, and in asserting and securing their pri vileges. For entering upon this great field, a la bourer was called by the supreme Head of the Church, with qualifications admirably suited for the work to thentic and immediate revelation of the divine will is the essential parti cular. It is otherwise, however, with his attempt to explain away the ap pearance of the angel to Cornelius. Here the words of the historian are express, and for such an era in the history of the Church, a mira culous interference may well be supposed necessary. For some excel lent observations upon this point, see Dick's Lectures, p. 227 seq. 1 Acts xi. 18. 2 This sufficiently appears from the conduct of Peter and Barnabas (Gal. ii. 13), and from the proceedings of the Judaizing party generally. 186 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. be entrusted to him. This was Saul1 of Tarsus. The natural endowments of this extraordinary individual, — his great talents, and his unexampled energy of cha racter, pointed him out for a conspicuous place in the theatre of the world for good or evil. His depth of character at an early period took the direction of religious zeal, and while his commanding powers of mind, and his impetuous nature, prompted him to ac tion, his conformation of intellect and his early edu cation enabled him to exert an influence over men, not by force only, but by the dextrous use of all the re sources of reason and argument. The conflicts which the new religion that had appeared in the world was destined to sustain with Judaism and Paganism, and which were soon to shake the whole fabric of society, had their commencement with his first entrance upon public life,2 and his character and previous training prepared him for taking a prominent part in the great strife. Born in a city3 distinguished as a seat of 1 Different accounts have been given of the "change in the name of Saul to Paul. The idea that the change took place upon his being made the instrument of converting Sergius Paulus (Acts xiii. 9), mentioned first (I believe) by Jerome (Cat. Script.), and followed by many modern writers, requires to be explained as much as the change itself. Neander supposes that Saul was the Hebrew, and Paul the Hellenistic form of the name (1. c. p. 100). The Jews in ancient times, as now, often altered their Hebrew names when among the heathens, and Paul may have done this with the view of not offending the prejudices of the Gentiles. Some of the fathers suppose that a new name was given to him at his conver sion, in signification of his being now the property of the Holy Spirit — as a new name is given to a slave by his master. See farther, Tholuck's Life and Writings of Paul (Biblical Cabinet, vol. xxviii. p. 34). 2 Acts vii. 58. 3 This is expressly stated by the apostle himself, Acts xxii. 3. Jerome (ut sup.) speaks of him as born in Gischala in Galilee, and as removing with his parents to Tarsus, when Gischala was taken by the Romans. We may, perhaps, conclude from this with Neander that his parents had been of that city. Tholuck gives plausible reasons for supposing that he left Tarsus for Jerusalem before his thirteenth year, 1. r. p. 5. CHAP. I. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 187 learning,1 where he spent a part of his boyhood or youth, he could scarcely fail to have some tinge of Grecian letters,2 and an acquaintance with heathen mythology ; and his education in a Pharisaic School, under the most distinguished Rabbi3 of the age, must have secured for him a thorough knowledge of the Scriptures, and of the Pharisaic system. His own earnestness of character led him to submit to both in the practical aspect in which they were presented to him, and his training in rabbinical dialectics must have familiarized his mind with the theoretic forms in which they might be presented by the subtlety of Jewish intellect.4 The importance of an intimate acquaintance with the Old Testament Scriptures, whether for the deve lopment of the Christian system, or for resisting by argument the Jewish opponents of Christianity, is sufficiently obvious. By imbibing the spirit of the Pharisaic system also, the zealot of the law was pre pared at a future period of his career to describe, with an accuracy and effect which nothing short of expe- 1 Tarsus is spoken of by Strabo (14, 991), as distinguished above every other city for the zeal with which its inhabitants cultivated letters and philosophy, and for the excellence of its educational institu tions. 2 This may be supposed though Paul did not attend any of the Gre cian schools (vide Tholuck, ut sup.) For whatever may have been the distance kept between the Jews and the heathen, the interest shewn by the inhabitants of Tarsus for the education of their children, could not be wholly without influence upon the Jews. And at all events, that the apostle was not without acquaintance with Greek literature appears certain. There seems indeed a tendency in the present day to a different view. But see Bentley's Sermon at the Boyle Lecture, p. 22 et al. 3 Gamaliel, numbered by the Jews as one of their seven wise men, Tholuck, 1. «. p. 47. 4 For some most interesting remarks upon the character of the train ing in the Rabbinical schools, see Tholuck, ut sup., p. 8 seqq. 188 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. rimental knowledge could impart, the miserable de fects and errors of the creed of those who built their hope of heaven upon legal observances.1 While the experimental knowledge of the adaptation of the new faith to the necessities of our fallen nature, possessed by a man of his large discursive powers thoroughly exercised in a matured logic,2 fitted the apostle for presenting the doctrines of the gospel in a form, that meets at once the religious susceptibilities, and the reflective exercises of our nature. In the early life of Paul, the intolerant principles of the sect to which he belonged, acting upon an ardent temperament, prompted him to a violent and determined effort to crush the cause that opposed it self to his cherished prejudices. He took a part in the execution of Stephen ; and he came still more pro minently forward in the persecution that immediately followed.3 At last we find him seeking authority from the High Priest,4 as head of the Sanhedrim, to extend his efforts for the detection and punishment of the new sect to the city of Damascus.5 A large pro- 1 In this respect he has been compared by Neander and Tholuck to Luther, who was at one time a zealot of the system which he afterwards assailed. In their view, however, they appear to me to rest too exclu sively upon the description in the latter part of the seventh chapter to the Romans, as referring to man in his natural state. 2 This view was first suggested to me by my lamented friend, the late Dr Thomas Brown. See also Neander. 3 Acts viii. 3. * Acts xxii. 5. 5 Damascus is mentioned Gen. xiv. 15, and is referred to 2 Samuel viii. 5, and Isa. vii. 8, as the capital of Syria. From the time of Pom- pey, it was in the possession of the Romans, till it was seized by Aretas (the petty sovereign of Arabia Petraea, Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5, 1), by whom it was occupied three years after the conversion of Paul, 2 Cor. xi. 32. Aretas was the father-in-law of Herod Antipas, but upon the in cestuous connection between that prince and his brother's wife, the daughter CHAP. I. i ¦>. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 189 portion of the inhabitants of this ancient city consisted of Jews and Proselytes to Judaism,1 and tidings must have reached Jerusalem that the proscribed faith was making progress among them. To check the grow ing evil inflamed the zeal of the youthful persecutor. But he was arrested in the midst of his career. In approaching Damascus, a revelation was made to him from Heaven, which effected a revolution in all his views; he entered the city the humble but devoted adherent, as he soon became the champion, of the cause he had sought to destroy ; and during the remaining part of his life, he becomes identified with almost all that we know of the spread of the gospel. Various attempts have been made to account for the conversion of Paul without the intervention of mi raculous agency. No writer of the present day hav ing a regard to his reputation, will venture to assert that Paul acted under the influence of sordid or am- of Aretas took refuge with her father. Some years after, a war broke out between the two, and Herod was defeated. Dr Burton (Lectures on Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. p. 87), to suit his theory as to the Chro nology of the Acts, conceives that this war took place immediately after the disgrace of the daughter of Aretas, and that the defeat of Herod and the occupation of Damascus preceded the crucifixion of our Saviour. This, however, is inconsistent with the statement by Josephus, from which it appears that Tiberius was immediately informed of the defeat of Herod and gave instructions to Vitellius to seize Aretas. As Vitellius was proceeding to carry these orders into effect, intelligence reached him of the death of Tiberius (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5), which took place in March,- a.d. 37. Vitellius immediately withdrew his troops, and it must have been after this period that Aretas obtained possession of Damascus. The subject is chiefly of interest as aiding in determining the date of St Paul's conversion, which, according to these particulars, could not be sooner than a.d. 34, though, as it is not said, and is not likely, that Aretas was in possession of Damascus when it was first visited by the apostle, it might be a year or two later. 1 Almost all the women were converts to Judaism, and under the reign of Nero 10,000 Jews were killed in a contest with the other in- 190 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. bitious motives, and lent himself to a deceit.1 But many still maintain that the apostle himself was mis led by the workings of his overheated fancy. They conceive that, notwithstanding the decided part he had adopted, his mind was far from being undisturbed in the course which he pursued ; that the native benevo lence of his character, the virtues of his victims, and the arguments in support of their cause, with which he could not be unacquainted, had awakened doubts in his mind as to the goodness of his own cause ; and that though a mistaken sense of duty, and a bigoted zeal, hurried him on to more decided deeds, it was not without inward compunctions and many struggles against his better nature. It is conjectured that he was approaching Damascus in this distracted state of mind, when a thunder storm was interpreted by him as a supernatural visitation, and proved decisive of his conduct.2 habitants, Joseph. B. J. ii. 20. At the period referred to in the Acts, the number of Jews was sufficiently great to ensure the accomplishment of any plan that came recommended by the authority of the high priest. 1 This objection is fully discussed in the first part of Lord Lyttelton's "Observations on the Conversion and Apostleship of St Paul;" "a treatise to which," in the weighty words of Dr Johnson, " infidelity has never been able to fabricate a specious answer." Lives of the Poets. This statement preceded the theories of the rationalists, which, in some respects, are specious, but they by no means present an answer to Lord Lyttelton's argument. 2 Haeserat adhuc alta mente reposita Stephani mortem generosissimam obeuntes memoria, quum Uteris sumnii sacerdotis monitus, ad extirpandos Christi discipulos Damascum peteret. Sed equitem peditemve comitari solet atra cura neque Saulus antea ad conscientiae vocem ita occalluisse putandus est, ut in itinere omnem animi affectuum imperio enervati in- quietudinem evitare potuisset. Transibat forte cum visa sociis amoenis- simam Damasci vallem montibus peraltis ex omni parti clausam, quum circa meridiem (xxii. 6) fulgur inexpectatum oculos ejus pra?stringeret timidumque viatorem ad terrain prosterneret. Observabatur sine dubio CHAP. I. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 191 This theory, however, is altogether inconsistent with the account by Luke, and with the whole tenor of the proceedings and statements of the apostle himself. It leaves unexplained the impression made upon Paul's companions, his own blindness, and the conduct of Ananias, as recorded by the sacred historian. In regard to the representation of the contending feelings of the apostle, it is at best wholly conjectural. There is nothing in the writings of Luke or of Paul himself to lead to the idea. It does not appear from the ac count of his feelings and conduct, that he had been visited with any scruples as to the goodness of his cause. The settled conviction of his mind was, that he should exert himself to uproot the religion of Je sus ;x and it was when his feelings were in this state, according to his own testimony2 upon various occa- Synedrii Hieros. emissario Schechinae species et metus, cui tonitru sub- sequentes fragores per resonantes montes repetiti fidem facere videbantur. Quas cogitationes, quaaso, cum anxius in terram provolveretur, prius su- biisse animum putemus hisce : certe nunc poenas dabis impiaa Christian orum persecutionis : Christus ipse, ad Jehovae dextram, ut vere discipuli ejus docuerunt, exaltatus tibi judex adparet scelerum vindictam sumens quam ut effugias statim tibi, ubi intraveris urbem liberatus a metu, ad meliorem mentem redeundum est, &e. Ammon. ap. Win. R. W. ii. p. 252. 1 He speaks of himself (Acts xxii. 20), as consenting to (guveuhoxuv) the death of Stephen ; he tells Agrippa (xxvi. 9) that he thought with himself (tfSoga efiauroi) that he ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth ; and, it appeared to him an unanswerable ar gument in favour of the truth of the gospel, that he who had entertained such views had been led to alter them. See the passages above referred to, and still more see ch. xxii. 19, where even after it was revealed to him that he would not succeed in persuading the Jews, he refers to the change in his conduct, which was known to the Jews, as calculated to make an irresistible impression. See also 1 Tim. i. 13, last clause. It may be added, that, in the strength of this subjective conviction as thus exhibited, there is strong internal evidence of the authenticity of the narrative and of the sincerity of Paul. 2 Acts xxvi. 13, seqq. 192 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. sions and in different forms, that the Lord Jesus mi raculously appeared and arrested him in his course. Had the narrative been less circumstantial, and had it proceeded entirely upon the authority of the historian, there might have been scope for theory and conjec ture. But in the form in which all the circumstances are presented to us, we must either receive them as true, or we are involved in all the difficulties of hold ing the apostle as deliberately practising a deceit upon the world.1 The true character of St Paul's ministry, and the secret of his astonishing success, cannot be understood if we leave out of view his own declaration, that he was chosen of the Almighty to carry the knowledge of the gospel among the heathen as a dispensation of grace, of universal application, in opposition to all that might limit the extent, or clog the freeness of its ope- 1 These difliculties are strikingly put by Paley : — " We have in Paul a man of liberal attainments, and in other points of sound judg ment, who addicted his life to the service of the gospel. We see him in the prosecution of his purpose, travelling from country to coun try, enduring every species of fatigue, encountering every extremity of danger, assaulted by the populace, punished by the magistrates, scourged, beat, stoned, left for dead, expecting wherever he came a re newal of the same treatment, and the same dangers, yet when driven from one city preaching in the next, spending his whole time in the employment, sacrificing to it his pleasures, his ease, his safety, persist ing in this course to old age, unaltered by the experience of perverse- ness, ingratitude, prejudice, desertion, unsubdued by anxiety, want, labour, persecutions, unwearied by long confinement, undismayed by the prospect of death." Horce Paulines, Conclusion. It was this Paul who made the statement as to his conversion, and we may well ask with Paley (ib), " Was falsehood ever attested by evidence like this ? Falsehoods, we know, have found their way into reports, into traditions, into books, but is an example to be met with, of a man voluntarily undertaking a life of want and pain, of incessant fatigue, of continual peril, submitting to the loss of his home and country, to stripes, and stoning, to tedious imprisonment, and the constant expectation of a violent death, for the sake of carrying on a story of what was false, and of what, if false, he must have known to be so ?" CHAP. I. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 193 rations. We have already adverted to the advantages which he possessed in his character and early history for his great enterprise ; but beyond this his prepara tion was not of man •} he conferred not with flesh and blood ;2 and supernal light was communicated for his guidance. He seems immediately to have entered upon the work assigned to him, first in Damascus, and afterwards in the neighbouring districts of Arabia,8 mingling probably with the active duties of preaching and teaching such exercises of soul in solitude, as might prepare him for entering upon a still wider field. Upon his return to Damascus, the fuller statement of his doctrines or his growing success exposed him to the enmity of the Jews, and it was with difficulty that he effected an escape from the city.4 Three years had now elapsed since the time of his conversion, during which period he had held no com munication with any of the leaders of the Church ; and it was upon his return to Jerusalem that he was first introduced, by Barnabas, to Peter and James, and joined himself unto the disciples.5 About this time, the persecution which had followed 1 Gal. i. 12. 2 Gal. i. 16. 3 There is a difference of opinion whether Acts ix. 20, refers to the proceeding of the apostle before or after the visit to Arabia, mentioned Gal. i. 17. The character of Paul and the nature of his commission seem to favour the idea, that he engaged at once in addressing his coun trymen. His retirement into Arabia in like manner has afforded matter for discussion. Some have supposed, that, like Moses and John the Bap tist, and our Saviour himself, he gave himself up to solitary preparation for his work. And there can be no doubt that if the fact had been stated by Luke instead of Paul himself, Strauss would have represented the whole as a myth. Neander conceives that the statement by the apostle in the passage referred to implies that he went into Arabia to proclaim the gospel, 1. v. p. 116. 4 2 Cor. xi. 30. 5 Acts ix. 28. 194 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the death of Stephen, and which had extended through out Judea and beyond Galilee, came to an end. It has been conjectured,1 that the respite thus enjoyed by the Church was upon the occasion of the order re ceived from Rome by Petronius, governor of Syria, to place a statue of the Emperor Caligula in the temple of Jerusalem, a.d. 40. The idea of the profanation of the temple is represented by Josephus and Philo2 as having spread universal consternation throughout Judea ; and though Petronius was induced to delay the execution of the order, the Jews must have been kept in a state of suspense and alarm till the death of Ca ligula. And it may be supposed, that it was when the attention of the Jews was concentrated upon their own affairs, that all the churches enjoyed that rest mentioned by Luke,3 which was followed by a rapid growth of the new cause. The stay of the apostle at Jerusalem at this pe riod was but of brief continuance. His zeal led him at once to make an effort for the conversion of his countrymen, but without success ;4 and having been taught by a special revelation that he was destined for a wider and more promising sphere5 of usefulness, he withdrew himself from the malice that threatened his safety, and proceeded, with the advice and under the protection of " the brethren," to his native city of Tarsus. At Tarsus he continued a considerable time, making it the centre of his missionary operations throughout Cilicia, the success of which maybe judged 1 Lardner's Works, i. p. 101. 2 Joseph. B. J, ii. 10. Philo, Leg. ad Caj. p. 703. 3 Acts ix. 30, 31. * Acts ix. 29. 6 Acts xxii. 18, 21. CHAP. I. §2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 195 of by the churches wliich we afterwards find planted in that country.1 During this period, the attention of the Church at Jerusalem was attracted by the rapid spread of the gospel among the heathen population of Antioch, and they commissioned Barnabas to proceed to that city,2 to acquaint himself with the character of the converts. Barnabas at once saw the importance of the field that was here opened up, and having secured the assistance of Paul as his coadjutor by a personal visit to Tar sus,3 they immediately began to preach the gospel. Their mutual labours were crowned with great suc cess. The number of converts rapidly increased ; they were recognised as a separate party; and they shewed themselves worthy of the name of Christians, by which the brethren were now first distinguished,4 by 1 Acts xv. 41. 2 Acts xi. 19 seqq. 3 Acts xi. 25. i Different accounts have been given of the origin of the name Chris tian. Some conceive that it was used by divine direction ; but the word ¦YPni^ariZsa, as employed by later writers, by no means limits to this signification, and may convey nothing more than the idea ex pressed in the present English version — " were called" — v. Robinson and Bretschneider in verb. Chrysostom mentions that Paul gave the name, but this is inconsistent with the practice of the apostle on other occasions. From the Latin termination of the word, Usher argues that the appellation must have been given by the Romans at An tioch, which is illustrated at length by Heumann, in a Dissertation de Ortu Nominis Christianorum, quoted by Lardner (vol. v. p. 502). Lardner (ib.) justly remarks, that the " believers at Antioch were now very numerous ; otherwise heathen people had not taken so much notice of them;" and Neander rightly draws the farther conclusion that there must have been many Gentile converts. " Among themselves they were called believers, brethren, or disciples. By the Jews some name was employed denoting contempt — as Galileans or Nazarenes. By the hea then, from their observing the Jewish ceremonies, they had not hitherto been distinguished from the Jews, but now when Christianity was spread among the Gentiles apart from the observance of the ceremonial law, its professors appeared as an entirely new religious sect (a genus ter- tium, as they were sometimes termed, being neither Jews nor Gentiles) ; 196 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. affording to the world new examples of active bene volence and disinterested philanthropy.1 For a con siderable period Antioch became the Mother Church of the Gentile converts, as Jerusalem was that of the Jewish Christians. While Paul and Barnabas were conducting their ministrations at Antioch, a prophet named Agabus visited the city,2 who foretold that Judea was soon to be the scene of a famine. Upon this the brethren were moved to furnish assistance to the saints in Je rusalem, in the prospect of the approaching calamity ; and Paul and Barnabas proceeded to the holy city with their contributions. St Luke states, that the dearth took place " in the days of Claudius Caesar."3 This famine is mentioned by Josephus,4 and it seems to have commenced in the year 44. About the same period, the peace which had been and, as the term Christ was held to be a proper name, the adherents of the new religious teachers were distinguished by a word formed from it, as the adherents of any school of philosophy were wont to be named after its founder." Ryland's Translation, vol. i. p. 116. 1 Reference is here made to the relief afforded to the sufferers from the famine in Judea, which, " as far as we know or have reason to be lieve, is the first transaction of the kind in the history of the world," (Bishop Sumner, quoted by Tate, p. 10) ; and also to the sending forth of Paul and Barnabas as missionaries to the heathen. Individuals had gone forth before to preach the gospel as induced by circumstances, or called by the Spirit, or directed by the apostles; but the case mentioned Acts xiii. 2, is the first in which a church is engaged in designating mis sionaries for evangelizing the heathen. 2 Acts xi. 28. That the word oix.oufi.'evr,v is to be understood as refer ring only to Judea in this passage, and that this limitation of the mean ing is warranted by various passages in the Septuagint and in the New Testament, appears to me to be clearly made out by Lardner, vol. i. p. 254, note i. 3 Acts xi. 28. d Antiq. xx. 2. The famine referred to by Tacitus, Ann. 12, 43, and Suetonius, in Claud., during the same reign, was different, and con fined to Italy. CHAP. I. ? 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY1. 197 enjoyed by the Christians in Palestine during the lat ter part of the reign of Caligula and the first years of the Emperor Claudius, was disturbed by the proceed ings of Herod Agrippa, who now occupied the throne of Judea.1 With the view of increasing his popularity with the leading men of the Jews, he put to death James, the brother of John (being the first of the apostles who suffered martyrdom), and afterwards cast Peter into prison. Peter, however, was delivered by miraculous interference, and the hostile designs of the king were prevented from being carried farther into effect by his sudden death.2 It must have been about this time that the visit of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem took place.3 They seem to have limited themselves to the special duty committed to them, and having conveyed the bounty of the converts of Antioch into the hands of the elders, they returned again to that city. The church in Antioch was now firmly established; and the views of its members having been directed to the communica tion to others of the blessings enjoyed by themselves, 1 See above, p. 77. 2 Jos. Antiq. xviii. 5, xix. 8. The account of Herod in the Acts entirely corresponds with what we learn from Josephus, who describes him (Antiq. xix. 7, 3), as desirous of pleasing the Jews, and as with this view being regular in observing their institutions. The circum stances connected with the death of Herod, as briefly set forth by Luke, are confirmed by the fuller narrative by Josephus (Antiq. xix. 8, 2). It seems even to be implied in the account by the Jewish historian, that the sudden death of the king was looked upon as a judgment, and the supernatural interference is not spoken of by Luke as having been visi ble. There is some superstition in Josephus, as to the king having seen an owl which he considered as ominous, and this is altered by Eusebius (H. E. ii. 10) into an angel ; but both accounts in this respect stand in contrast with the simplicity of the sacred narrative. 3 Compare Acts xi. 30, and xii. 25, with the account of the proceed ings and death of Herod in ch. xii. 198 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. Paul and Barnabas were solemnly set apart by divine appointment for engaging in a missionary enterprise. The two apostles, attended by John Mark, sailed from Seleucia1 to the Island of Cyprus, the birthplace of Barnabas,2 where probably there were already Jewish converts.3 Here they commenced their labours in the city of Salamis, and having passed through the island to Paphos, continuing in their divine work, they pro ceeded to the mainland, and spent upwards of a year in visiting the principal cities in Paphlagonia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The method observed by the apostles in all the places to which they came, was the same with that which continued to be pursued by Paul throughout the whole of his apostleship. Wherever there were Jews, in conformity with the divine pro cedure4 and the injunction of our Saviour, they went into their synagogues and made known the purposes of their mission. Those of the Jews who received the gospel formed the connectmg link for addressing the Proselytes of the Gate and the idolatrous Gentiles. And where the members of the synagogues rejected 1 A sea-port town, a few miles lower on the Orontes than Antioch. 2 Acts iv. 36. 3 Acts xi. 20. 4 To the Jews were committed in the first instance the oracles of God. Our Saviour himself was sent to the lost sheep of the house of Israel, and in commanding his disciples to go forth to preach the gospel, he subjoined " beginning at Jerusalem." In agreement with these indications of the divine will, the apostle Paul describes (Rom. i. 16) the gospel as the power of God to salvation — " to the Jew first," and in the fulfilment of his office, his attention was directed first to his own countrymen. These particulars are interesting as matters of history, and as illustrative of the character of the divine dispensations ; and taken in connection with the remarkable distinction in the commission of the apostles between the circumcision and the uncircumcision (Gal. ii. 9), they seem to impose an obligation upon Christian churches in all ages, to direct their collective wisdom for the benefit of the Jews, in imitation of the apostolic model. CHAP. 1. 5 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 199 the truth proclaimed to them, the apostles, agreeably to the tenor of the revelation made to Paul,1 did not waste their time in ineffectual disputations, but turned to the Gentiles. In prosecuting their labours upon this occasion, the apostles frequently met with opposition, and in some instances their personal safety was put in danger. Thus at Iconium,2 a tumult having been raised against them, an attempt was made to stone them to death, and similar scenes were repeated in different places. In regard to these persecutions and others of a like nature which followed Paul till the end of his apostle ship, it is to be observed that none of them originated with heathen rulers. After the death of Herod Agrippa, there was no persecution under the sanction of legal authority for nearly twenty years. The Chris tians were indeed subjected to constant hardships and assaults, but these were not to be ascribed to Roman governors, who frequently exhibited much lenity and moderation in their proceedings respecting them. They considered the Christians merely as a particular sect among the Jews, and they extended to them the same toleration which they shewed to the Jewish race in general.3 It was in the bigotry of the Jews, and in 1 Acts xxii. 18. 2 Acts xiv. 1 seqq. 3 See above, p. 88. The Jews had been subjected to many hardships in the latter part of the reign of Caligula, but their privileges were re newed by Claudius in an edict,4 to which he gave the utmost publicity, and in which he enjoins that the Jews should not be molested in the practice of their rites, exhorting them at the same time to use their pri vileges with moderation, and not to interfere with the religion of other nations. The Christians enjoyed the benefit of this clemency, though they sometimes suffered along with the Jews, when the turbulence of that people provoked the multitudes or the magistrates to punish them. . Jos. Antiq. XIX. 5. 3. 200 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. part I. their j ealousy of the privileges of divine revelation be ing extended to the Gentiles, that the sufferings of the early Christians had their origin. In Judea, they brought the followers of Jesus before their councils, and sentenced them to scourging and imprisonment. In foreign countries they stirred up tumults against them among the common people, employed the influ ence of the more powerful of their own body to their disadvantage, carried them before the public authori ties as disturbers of the peace ; and it frequently hap pened, that the magistrates took too little interest in the subject, or were too much under the influence of the leading men among the Jews to restrain their in justice. Only two instances are mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, the one at Philippi,1 the other at Ephesus,2 where the attack was first made by the heathen, the preaching of the apostles threatening to interfere with their sources of worldly profit and advantage.3 The success of the apostles throughout their progress was in every respect encouraging. The first fruits of their labours among the heathen was the Roman Pro consul4 of Cyprus ; at Lystra they numbered among 1 Acts xxi. 19 seqq. 2 Acts xix. 23. 3 It is to be observed also, that in Ephesus the Jews, though they did not commence, took an active part in the riot, v. 33. 4 Sergius Paulus, ' Aviuitarog. A partition of the Roman provinces was made by Augustus into provincial senatoria and provincial impe- ritoriai ; the former being under the care of the Senate, who appointed proconsuls (dvOunaroi) to govern them, while the latter were under the direct control of the Emperor, who appointed oflicers over them with a higher title. It is justly considered a proof of the accuracy of Luke that he gives the title of proconsul to Sergius Paulus. Cyprus at one time was a praetorian province, but at the time referred to by Luke, it was given to the Senate. Dio Cass. 54, p. 523. See Basnage, Annal. Lardner, vol. i. p. 32, and Robinson in 'Hyi/iuv. CHAP. 1. 8 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 201 their converts a holy family, one of the members of which, the youthful Timothy,1 proved afterwards emi nently useful in promoting the cause of the gospel ; and they laid the foundations of flourishing churches throughout the whole country which they visited. Upon their return to Antioch they were able to give to the assembled congregation a cheering account of the manner in which the Almighty had crowned their efforts among the Gentiles.2 The personal labours of Paul and Barnabas were now for a period of about four years chiefly confined to Antioch, confirming the faithful, increasing the number of converts, and, as we may suppose, main taining a correspondence with the new churches which they had planted. In the course of this period Paul paid a visit to Jerusalem, for the purpose of holding a consultation with the apostles in consequence of a revelation given to him.3 It was obviously of essen tial moment that there should be an entire concurrence among the leading men of the Church, as to the me thods respectively employed by them in executing their commission. For this purpose it was necessary that Paul should fully explain the doctrine that had 1 See the chain of particulars brought forward by Paley, to prove that Timothy must have been converted at this period in the city of Lystra. Horae Paulinas, p. 182. 2 Acts xiv. 27. 3 Qgi. ji, 1-10. In fixing upon this period for the visit to Jerusa lem mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians, I follow Paley, whose arguments appear conclusive. See Horae Paulinae, p. 100 seq., Tate's edition. I may refer also to the additional considerations brought for ward by Tate (Appendix A), whose " Continuous History of the Apos tolic Labours and Writings of St Paul, on the basis of the Acts, with intercalary matter of sacred narrative, supplied from the Epistles," will be found a convenient and instructive manual, by those who direct their attention to this portion of the sacred record. 202 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. been revealed to him, his method and success in pro claiming it, and the miracles by which it had been confirmed, in order that there might be a distinct re cognition of his authority as an apostle in all his pro ceedings. But for this it might have been afterwards urged by his opponents, that his doctrine had not the sanction of the other apostles, and all the churches planted by him might have been unsettled.1 Accord ingly, Paul had an interview with the individuals of greatest authority among the brethren, and he so sa tisfied them in every particular, that they acknow ledged his character as the Apostle of the Gentiles. Even at this period the Judaizing party was begin ning to form who maintained the perpetual obligation of the law of Moses ; and they made an effort to force Paul to yield to their views in circumcising Titus, a Gentile convert, who had accompanied him to Jerusa lem.2 St Paul successfully resisted their pretensions ; but soon afterwards individuals of the same party fol lowed him to Antioch, where they stirred up a con troversy that threatened to produce a schism in the Church. And as they sought to bear down the apos tle by a reference to the authority of the Mother Church,3 it was finally agreed upon that the apostles and elders should be consulted. The subject met with the fullest consideration on the part of the as- 1 See Locke, (on GaL.ii. 2, notes a and c), whose views respecting the object of the private interview of Paul with the leading men of the Church seems well-founded, though I cannot go along with him in regard to its date. See preceding note. a Qal jj 3 3 This appears from Acts xv. 1, 24, where they are described by Luke as " teaching the brethren ;" while the Church in Jerusalem in declaring that though " they went out from them," they had no authority for what they taught, seems to imply that they had pretended to such authority. CHAP. -1. 52. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 203 sembled Church at Jerusalem, and the result of their deliberations was favourable to the privileges of the Gentiles. Circumcision was declared not to be binding, and nothing farther was exacted, than the abstaining " from meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication,"1 regula tions corresponding in some measure with what was ob served by Proselytes of the Gate. This decision, which was conveyed in a letter2 by brethren who might accompany it with every neces sary explanation, was obviously intended for a tran sition state of the. Church, when ancient Jewish pre judices and the prevailing customs of heathenism pre sented a barrier to the diffusion of Christianity. It was wisely calculated to remove difficulties and objec tions on the part of the Jews ; and while it imposed no real burden, and could lead to no misapprehension on the part of the Gentiles, it could scarcely fail to produce a favourable effect upon heathen converts, by marking a distinction between them and their former associates, and drawing them away from the infectious influence of heathen superstitions and pollutions.3 1 Acts xv. 29. 2 Chap. xv. 22, seq. This letter, as the most ancient record of any do cument proceeding from the Church, possesses both in its form and in its substance very great interest. It is justly remarked by Dr Bleek (Stud. u. Krit. vol. viii. p. 1037), that the placing of the name of Barnabas before that of Paul, affords internal evidence of its genuineness. We find Barnabas mentioned before Paul for a considerable time, from his being an earlier convert and better known to the Church. But at a later period, the growing authority of Paul secured for him the first place. 3 That the decree was not intended to be permanently binding, appears from the nature of the case, and from the conduct of Paul, who, in the latter part of his apostleship, does not seem to have insisted upon its uni form observance in every particular. Rom. xiv. 2, and 1 Cor. viii. 9, seq. For a considerable time, however, the Christians did not generally eat what is here prohibited. Clem. Alex. Pa:d. iii. 3, Tertull. Apol. 10, 204 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. The decision of the brethren at Jerusalem afforded general satisfaction to the Christians at Antioch, CDamong whom harmony was again restored.1 Upon this the views of Paul and Barnabas were once more directed to the farther propagation of the gospel ; but, in consequence of an unhappy disagreement,2 they were led to take different routes. Barnabas sailed for his native Cyprus, with his kinsman Mark ; Paul proceeded through Syria and Cilicia, accompa nied by Silas, who, having been deputed by the coun cil at Jerusalem to visit Antioch,3 had been induced to continue there, and now attached himself to Paul as a faithful and efficient fellow-labourer. In their progress, Paul and Silas, upon all proper Min. FeL p. 318, andOrig. c. Cels. viii. In the Western Church by de grees the decree ceased to be considered binding. But it was otherwise in the Greek Church, where abstaining from blood is still enjoined. The circumstance of a moral precept being contained in the decree, has been urged as implying the perpetual obligation of what is ceremo nial. But the introduction of the moral precept probably arose from the low notions entertained by the heathen generally respecting the re gulation of the sensual appetites, and still more from the extent to which licentiousness formed a part of heathen worship. 1 Acts xv. 30 seqq. 2 As to whether Mark should be allowed to join them. It is probable that Mark when he left them in their first progress (ch. xiii. 13), had shewn something of a Judaizing spirit, or had shrunk under the prospect of the labours before them, to the dissatisfaction of Paul. Upon either supposition Barnabas was less likely to take offence. (See Galatians ii. 13, and Col. iv. 10, and the admirable use that Paley makes of this lat ter passage in his Horae Paulina?, p. 147). It is pleasing, however, to think that Mark, profiting perhaps by the severity of Paul, ultimately proved himself worthy of the confidence of Barnabas (see 2 Tim. iv. 11) ; that this temporary difference by no means dissolved the respect main tained by Paul for Barnabas (1 Cor. ix. 6), and that it must have proved the means of a more extensive diffusion of the gospel by their betaking themselves to different countries. ' Acts xv. 22. CHAP. I. S 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 205 occasions, communicated the decision of the Church at Jerusalem, in which the Jewish converts at this period seem generally to have acquiesced. At Derbe Paul was induced by the accounts given him of his former convert Timothy, to receive him as a companion and assistant.1 After visiting the churches that had been already founded, the three associates proceeded through Phrygia and Galatia, preaching every where the gos pel of the Lord Jesus. When they left Galatia their course was for a time unsettled, their own wishes prompting them to a different route from that which had been marked out by the purposes of Heaven.2 At last, however, they were guided to the city of Troas.3 Here a divine revelation was made to them, that opened up a field wholly new ; and passing the line that had always been considered as forming the bound ary between the European and Asiatic nations,4 they conveyed to the Western world the first tidings of 1 Timothy's mother was a Jewess, and as it was a rule with the Jews that if the mother was a Jew, the son should be circumcised, St Paul, to take away occasion of offence, and probably also to facilitate his ad mission into the synagogues, " took and circumcised him." The case was altogether different with Titus, who was a Gentile by birth — and to have yielded to the wishes of the Judaizing party respecting him (Gal. ii. 3), would have been to own the necessity of circumcision for salvation. 2 Ver. 6, 7. ¦* Here they were joined by Luke (as appears from the change in the phraseology, Acts xvi. 10), who accompanied them to Philippi (ver. 16, 40), where he probably remained till Paul visited Macedonia a third time (ch. xx. 3-6), after which he appears to have accompanied Paul till he came to Rome (ch. xxviii. 16), where he was when the Epistles to the Colossians (iv. 14) and Philemon (v. 24) were written. He is not men tioned in the Epistle to the Philippians, but he was with Paul at Rome when he wrote the second Epistle to Timothy (iv. 11), after which we have no farther notices respecting him in the sacred volume. From a comparison of Col. iv. 10, 11, 14, and Acts i. 19, it appears that he was not a Jew. See Paley, If. P. p. 148, Tate's Edition. 4 Herod. CI. 4. 206 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the redemption that had been wrought for the human race, and laid the foundations of the system that was to effect an entire change in the whole state of society in Europe, and render that country the grand theatre for the display of the triumphs of the gospel. The progress of the missionaries was marked by the churches they planted, amidst constant and often violent opposition, in Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth. This last city had arisen anew to considerable importance ;4 it was the capital of the proconsular province of Achaia ; it was distinguished as a seat of learning and philosophy ; and its two fa mous harbours rendered it an emporium of trade, con necting Asia and Africa with Italy. It formed thus a favourable station for the propagation of the gospel, and St Paul took up his residence there for a consi derable time. By his preaching and miracles, he brought over to the faith a considerable number of Jews, and still more Gentiles.2 And it seems pro bable, that at this commanding point, his views re specting the sphere of his personal exertions were ex tended; and the desire was awakened which he so strongly expresses3 as frequently prompting him to visit the capital of the world. 1 After its destruction by Mummius, B. C. 146. It had been restored by Julius Caesar, and it became a proconsular province under Augustus. 2 He did not, however, escape the usual bigotry of the Jews, by whom he was carried before the Roman Proconsul, whose conduct affords an illustration of the protection that was sometimes secured for the Chris tians at this period, by the moderation or indifference of the Roman governors. See Acts xviii. 12 seqq. The deputy at this time was Ju nius Annaeus Gallio, brother of Seneca, who dedicated to him his treatise De Ira, and who speaks of him upon different occasions in terms of affec tionate esteem. 3 See Rom. i. 9 seqq.. and particularly 15, and xv. 23. CHAP. I. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 207 St Paul had arrived at Corinth alone ; his associates having been left by him in charge of the Macedonian churches. He took up his abode with two Jewish con verts, Aquila and his wife Priscilla, afterwards honour ably distinguished by their exertions in the Christian cause ; for which the migratory habits common to them with a numerous portion of their race in all ages, afforded them many varied opportunities.1 Aquila was a tent-maker, and having been recently banished from Rome,2 he had opened for a time a workshop in Corinth. Here the apostle found employment that afforded him support without his becoming a burden to his converts. St Paul held the principle, that they who preach the gospel should live by the gospel, and he did not proudly reject the humble offerings that were oc casionally presented to him by his attached followers.3 But he scrupulously avoided making any claim upon their liberality.4 The trade in which he had been in structed5 was fortunately one which, wherever he went, afforded him the means of ensuring his own mainte nance. And we leave out of our view a very striking feature of the character of the apostle, if we do not bear in mind that, along with all his labours in preaching 1 Aquila was a native of Pontus. We meet him first at Corinth after leaving Rome. Then he goes to Ephesus, chap, xviii. 18, 19. After wards we again find him at Rome, Rom. xvi. 3, and, finally, at Ephe sus, 2 Tim. iv. 19. Paul speaks of the kindly feeling entertained for them by " all the churches of the Gentiles," Rom. xvi. 4. All which particulars are important, as illustrative of the facility and frequency of communication that might be enjoyed among the early Christians. 2 Probably at the time spoken of by Suetonius, Claud. 28. Compare Acts xviii. 2. 3 Phil. iv. 10 seqq. 4 1 Cor. ix. 16-18. 5 For illustrations of the custom among the Jews of training up their sons to some trade, see Lightfoot, vol. i. p. 295, &c. See also Tho luck, lit sup. p. 38. 208 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. and teaching, and the wasting of his frame by stripes and imprisonment, and stormy voyages, and long mid night journeys, he wrought with his own hands where- ever he came for the support of himself and of his missionary associates.1 During his continuance at Corinth, the apostle was again joined by Silas and Timothy,2 who informed him as to the state of the churches in Macedonia. The com munity in Thessalonica had continued stedfast in the faith, notwithstanding the persecutions they had sus tained ; but, at the same time, there were instances of error, and defection, and enthusiasm, which required his interference. In reference to this state of affairs he addressed a letter to that church. And some months afterwards, hearing that, though much good had been effected, misapprehensions and delusions continued to prevail, he wrote to them a second time. These epistles, which now form a part of the New Testament Canon, are the first of the written works of the apostle that have come down to us. Their date may be fixed about the year 52. At the end of about two years, the apostle, having established churches not only in the city of Corinth, but in different parts of Achaia,3 went up once more to Jerusalem to be present at one of the feasts.4 He afterwards revisited Antioch,5 and I am inclined to agree with those who conceive that it was at this point of time that he had the contest with the apostle Peter upon his withdrawing from his converse with heathen converts, referred to Gal. ii. 11 ; though there are not 1 See Acts xviii. 3, xx. 34, 1 Thess. ii. 9, and 1 Cor. iv. 12, 2 Acts xviii. 5, and 2 Cor. i. 19. 3 2 Thess. i. 4. 4 Acts xviii. 21. ° v. 21. CHAP. I. 1 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 209 awanting reasons for supposing1 that it might have taken place at an earlier period, soon after the coun cil at Jerusalem. St Peter seems to have yielded to the expostulations of the apostle of the Gentiles, but the Judaizing party had now become too powerful and too confident to submit to apostolic authority, and from this period the history of the church presents a new series of con flicts. Hitherto the persecutions of St Paul had been occasioned chiefly by unbelieving Jews, but the Ju daizing party were now in such numbers, as enabled them to create dissension throughout all the churches he had established, and thus to disturb the peace, and sometimes to endanger the safety of the apostle. The opposition he met with, however, only inspired St Paul with greater ardour in the cause to which he had been divinely called ; and Antioch became the starting point of a third missionary progress. His companions upon this occasion were Timothy, Eras- tus, and Titus.2 Their attention was first directed to the churches already planted in Galatia and Phry- gia,3 after which they proceeded to Ephesus, agreeably to a promise made by Paul to the Jews there,4 upon touching at that city on his way from Corinth to Jerusalem. Ephesus was at this period the capital of proconsular Asia ; and from the extensive trade it 1 Burton's Lectures, vol. i. p. 160, and Tate's Continuous History, Appendix B. 2 See Tate on Acts xix. 22, and 2 Cor. xii. 18. Silas probably re mained at Jerusalem, where he held a high place in the estimation of the brethren (Acts xv. 22). He seems afterwards to have been the bearer of the First Epistle of Peter to the churches to which it is addressed, and which he had formerly visited (1 Pet. i. 1, and v. 12). 3 Ch. xviii. 23. 4 v. 21. O 210 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. commanded,1 which brought together men of various characters, and different religious sentiments, in the prosecution of their worldly business, it afforded im portant advantages for the spread of Christianity. The apostle for three months after his arrival confined himself to the Jewish synagogue, where he explained fully and boldly every thing connected with the Christian system. The hardened rejection, however, on the part of a portion of the Jews, of the doctrine of the apostle, induced him at last to desist from attempting farther to meet their disputatious subtleties, and taking along with him the converts he had gained, he withdrew to the lecture-room of a rhetorician named Tyrannus, where for two years he had daily meetings for instruction and argument. In addition to his public ministrations, he exerted himself with unwearied z;eal with individuals and fa milies, to win them from their errors, to confirm them in the knowledge of the truth, and to train them up in the practice of the benevolent and holy precepts of the new religion.2 The effects of his labours soon became apparent. Jews and Gentiles not only in Ephesus but through out the whole province and neighbourhood, had an 1 Strabo speaks of it as exceeding in commercial importance every place west of the Taurus. Geogr. 14. p. 641. See also p. 577. 2 This appears incidentally from the affecting appeal of the apostle to the elders of Ephesus, when, at a subsequent period, he called them to Miletus upon his return to Jerusalem, see ch. xx. 18, seqq., — a passage which is equally deserving of the attention of the apologist, as affording an argument in favour of the truth of Christianity, — of the pastor, as presenting a model of ministerial fidelity and affectionate zeal, — and of the church historian, as illustrative of the character of the communities founded by the apostle, and of the secret of the success of his apostolic labours. CHAP. I. § 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 211 opportunity of hearing the true Christian doctrine ; and the zeal with which it was enforced, the virtues by which it was recommended, and the miracles by which it was confirmed, led multitudes to renounce the delusions of the ancient superstitions, and to turn to the living God.1 The central situation and commercial relations of Ephesus, enabled the apostle, during his continuance in that city, to maintain a communication with the various churches which he had planted through out Asia, Macedonia, and Achaia. He was visited by members of different communities, who informed him respecting their condition, and he employed suit able agents to convey his sentiments to particular churches, or to proceed on embassies of importance throughout different districts.2 There is no more remarkable feature in the apostle's character, and no finer display of the true spirit of the gospel, thaji the disinterested concern which he constantly exhibited for the spiritual welfare of all his converts. He omitted no opportunity of promoting their interests, he made known their various cases to the great Mas ter who had called him to the apostleship, " always making mention of them in his prayers," he suffered or rejoiced according to the vicissitudes of their spi ritual experience, his very existence was bound up in their stedfast adherence to the Christian cause, so that he could say, " Now we live if ye stand fast in the Lord."3 The information which he at this period received from various quarters, while it contained much that ' Ch. xix. 1-20. 2 1 Cor. i. 11, Acts xix. 22, &c. 3 1 Thess. ii. 8. 212 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. was calculated to encourage him, was far from being uniformly satisfactory, and both from the Galatian and Corinthian churches, tidings reached him which induced him to exercise his apostolical authority in epistles of much severity. In Galatia it would appear that the zealots for the Jewish constitution had gained over many to their views, making them willing to submit to circumcision,1 and all the ritual observances of the Jewish church, as necessary under the gospel.2 They refused to re cognise the apostolical character of Paul, and they endeavoured to make the Galatians believe that he acted contrary to his own professed opinions, when it suited his interests.3 The threatened subversion of the essential principles of the gospel in a church in which he was so much interested, stirred up his soul to its depths. All his feelings were moved ; and taking the pen, contrary to his usual practice,4 into his own hand, he wrote an indignant expostulation to 1 Gal. v. 1, 2, &e. 2 Ch. iv. 9, 10, &c. ' Ch. i. 8, 10, and v. 11. 4 Gal. vi. 11, compared with Rom. xvi. 22 and 1 Cor. xvi. 21. The idea of Winer and others of the same school, that by the word .-. p. 259. CHAP. 1. 8 2. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 213 the Galatian converts, vindicating his apostolical cha racter and authority, to give weight to the assertion of the true nature and genuine fruits of Christian liberty. The condition of the Corinthian Church was much more complicated. The usual temptations to vice presented in a rich city of great commercial resort, were united in Corinth with allurements connected with the corrupt modes of heathen worship ;4 such of the heathen population as were not engaged in business or pleasure devoted themselves to the unpro fitable speculations of a vain philosophy;2 and the Jewish inhabitants were much under the influence of the carnal views so frequent with their race. It was scarcely to be expected that the converts of Christi anity would altogether escape the infectious influence of the varied forms of temptation with which they were surrounded, while their diversified characters and habits in an unconverted state, prepared the way for a division into sects and parties. Accordingly, we find in addition to the usual division between the Ju- daizers3 and the followers of Paul, two other parties formed; the one professing themselves the adherents of Apollos,4 an Alexandrian convert, whose habits 1 Strabo, Geog. 8, p. 378. Athen. 13, 573. 2 See Neander as to the pursuit of philosophy by which New Corinth was distinguished, 1. c. vol. i. p. 253. 3 Consisting of those who said 'Eyw 8e xriv, sv&sov 'Qrfkov ditoSroXixou fUfkr\fj,arog guveig rore rrjg Aiyuitrou iitd^u itapd rou rrjg ' Agafiiag r)youfhivou, oig dv fisrd aitoubrjg ditdgr\g rbv 'ilgiyevriv it'sfL-^ioiev xoivuvrjgovra Xoyuv aiiruj. Toiyagouv itgoitifbtfibelg bit auruv, dipixviTrai lit) rrjv 'Agufiiav. Oux elg fkaxpbv be ra rrjg dipi^sug elg it'epag dyayuv, au^ig litl rr)v ' AXe^dvbpeiav iitavfiii. Euseb. H. E. vi. 19. The rjyoufi/evog rng ' Apaftlag might pos sibly be a nomadic chief, though more probably, agreeably to the con jecture of Neander (i. p. 114), a. Roman governor who wished to be instructed in the truths of Christianity. At a later date, we find in the Notitia imperii, a Dux Arabia?. Neander, ibid. 2 See Neander, vol. i. pp. 113-4. CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 261 already established, and we cannot but believe for extending the triumphs of the cross into new regions.1 The particulars of the propagation of the gospel in such instances, however, have not been recorded, and we know of the existence of new churches, only by references to them after they had been established. In the epistles of Ignatius we read of two churches, not mentioned in the New Testament : the Trallian and the Magnesian. In Edessa, about the year 160, we find a Christian named Bardesanes,2 enjoying the confidence of the Prince Abgar Barckann, and the sign of the cross taking place of the emblems of the worship of Baal, on the royal mintage.3 About the same period, we perceive traces of churches farther to the east, in a fragment of the writings of Bardesanes,4 — a passage which is valuable as showing that with the profession of the name, the pure morality of Jesus was extending itself. Farther evidence5 of the spread of the gospel in Persia is to be found in the circumstances con nected with the attempt made by Manes about a cen- 1 Vid. Mag. Cent., vol. i. p. 6. 2 He afterwards fell into heresy. A notice of his tenets wUl be found in the section on the Gnostics. 3 Bayer, Hist. Osrhoena et Edessena, L. iii. p. 173. Additional proof is given of the existence of Christianity in this quarter in the Chronicon of Edessa in Assemman. Orient. Bibl. Vid. Gieseler, vol. i. p. 132. 1 Ours ol Iv Jlap^sla Xgigriavol itoXuya/Lougi , Ud(&oi uitdgyovrig, oiiS' oi iv Mrjbla xug) itagafidXXougi roug vexpoug- ou-fc oi iv Tligglbi yafhougi rag Suyar'egag aurZiv, fliggai bvrrig- ou itapd fidxrgoig xal TdXXoig qfoiigouet roiig ydfhoug- ou% ot iv Alyuitroj SgjjffXEiiouov rbv " Aitiv, r) rbv Kuva, r) rbv Tpayov, r) A'/Xougov 'AXX' bitou ildlv, ours uitb ruv xaxZig xiifi/evoiv vo/aoiv, xal ISwv vixZivrai. Bardesan. in Euseb. Praspar. Evang. vi. 20. 6 For the various works from which we obtain information respecting the Manichaean heresy, see below. 262 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. tury later (a.d. 270) to combine the doctrines of Christ with those of Zoroaster. The general statements that have been referred to in various writers, warrant the conclusion, that, in addition to the churches respecting which we possess positive information, there existed others in different quarters of which no record has been preserved ; and in regard to which, it would be vain to indulge in con jectures. The general causes which led to the rapid spread of the gospel, have been already alluded to ; and these were now aided by the collection of the apostolical writings into a single volume, which seems to have taken place about the commencement of the second century, and by the translations of the Old and New Testaments into the languages of several countries into which the gospel was introduced.1 The constant intercourse that was maintained between dif ferent churches, and the custom of holding ecclesiasti cal assemblies introduced in the course of the second century, were attended with important results in con firming and extending the church. But the nature of the effects thus produced may be better understood, after considering the subject of church government.1 § II. Or the Opposition made to Christianity. 1. Of the legal position of the Christians ; and of their persecutions by order ofthecivil rulers or from popular vio lence. From the particulars alludedto in the preceding section, the success that attended the new religion could not fail to stir up opposition. In scarcely any case, 1 See below. CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 263 accordingly, was the course of the gospel left free and unimpeded. And as one of the strongest proofs of the growing power of the church, is to be found in the mul tiplied forms of resistance to which it was subjected; so one of the most interesting inquiries connected with the propagation of Christianity during this period, is that which relates to the struggle by which the strength of the rising faith was tried, and by which its triumph was ultimately achieved. The opposition that Chris tianity met with arose from those who were honestly or blindly attached to the heathen worship, or who had a personal or political interest in supporting the established superstition ; or from those who, without great regard for the ancient faith, were animated with sentiments of dislike to the principles or practices of the Christians. The hostile movements arising from senti ments so various, were of different kinds. The blind impulse to crush the rising sect by attacking the pro perty or persons of its members in tumultuary violence, or under the form of legal procedure, sometimes united all in hostile aggression. In other instances, the as sault was made in a way that might force or seduce to apostacy and put a check to farther proselytism. And frequently the weapons of contempt and ridicule, and sometimes of argument, were employed by literary com batants, to shame the Christians out of their faith, to prevent them from gaining over new converts, or in some instances to afford a pretext for tumultuary at tacks or sanguinary edicts. As all these offensive movements were to a certain extent affected by the state of the law in regard to Christianity, it becomes a matter of prime importance, to ascertain the legal position of the Christians, and the circumstances that determined it. 264 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. Before the reign of Trajan there had been no ex press law against the Christians by name ; they came merely under the operation of the common law or prac tice upon the subject of religion, according to which1 they were punishable by death. This state of things, however, could not continue longer ; and the questions that arose from the collisions between the contending parties led to the necessity of express provisions and enactments. The first edict of this description was issued in circumstances well deserving our notice. The Younger Pliny having been appointed by Trajan to the government of Bithynia and Pontus, had his at tention called to the spread of Christianity in these provinces. He found the temples deserted, the rites of Paganism neglected, — purchasers were no longer found for sacrifices, — and multitudes were brought be fore his tribunal charged with being Christians. Si milar accusations had been made before this time to other provincial governors2 during the reign of Trajan, and multitudes of Christians had been put to death. Pliny, however, was not of atemperto yield to the wishes of the multitude in carrying into effect a barbarous po licy without full consideration. Accordingly, though he at once put the law in force, strengthened as it was by the recent proclamation of the Emperor against secret societies,3 by inflicting punishment upon those who adhered to the profession of Christianity ; he granted full pardon to those who made a recantation. Having upon further inquiry ascertained that no charge could 1 See above, p. 56. ' Euseb. H. E. iii. 32. Simeon, son of Cleopas, is mentioned by Hegesippus as having suffered martyrdom at the age of one hundred and twenty, and Eusebius places his death at this time. Ibid. 3 Plin. Lib. x. Epist. 96. CHAP. 1. g 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 265 be established against the Christians except their su perstition, that, on the contrary, their principles were of a moral tendency, and that their course of conduct was irreproachable, he persevered in the same policy as calculated to put an end, without unnecessary waste of blood, to what he looked upon as an epidemic enthusiasm which, though harmless in itself, might prove dangerous to the state. The result of his pro ceedings corresponded to a great extent with his ex pectations, and when he brought the subject under the notice of the Emperor for his instructions, he was able to state that multitudes had returned to the ancient superstition, and to hold out the prospect of a still greater diminution of the evil, if the imperial sanc tion should be given to his moderate counsels. The policy and comparative clemency of the proceedings of Pliny, at once commended themselves to his friend and master, who in his rescript fixed the law that the mere fact of being a Christian was a capital offence ; but with these restrictions, that offenders were not to be sought out, that anonymous charges were not to be received against them, that it was only when an open accuser appeared that any case was to be proceeded in, and that even then pardon was to be extended to those who recanted.1 From the nature of the law as thus defined, the state of the church was left in great uncertainty, and the condition of the Christians could not fail to be different in different places, according to the character and num bers and relative position of Heathens and Christians. In some parts of the empire the church was left undis turbed, but in others, accusations were openly lodged 1 See Note [K.K.] 266 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. against the professors of Christianity, who were put to death upon the charge being established. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, was one of these victims.1 The rescript of Trajan, by requiring the formality of an accuser before the courts of law, was calculated in so far to afford protection to the Christians. But its benevolent intention was soon defeated by the arts of the enemies of the Christians, who stirred up the people to make use of their license2 to demand at the assemblies what they wished, by addressing them selves to the magistrates in a tumultuary manner, and clamorously urging that punishment should be in flicted upon the Christians. Motives of superstition were often the sole causes of such proceedings, sharpen ed upon various occasions by the belief that all the calamities which happened to prevail, arose from the anger of the gods ; and in some instances the threat of raising a cry was made in the hope of extorting money3 to prevent such a danger. It was seldom safe 1 Euseb. H. E. iii. 36. Ignatius was brought before Trajan when he was passing through Antioch on his way to Armenia, and refusing to recant, he was sentenced to be carried to Rome and thrown to the wild beasts, ilg r'ep^iv rou 8r)iJ,ou. Martyrium Ignatn. 2 It was an established privilege of the Roman people, of the exercise of which innumerable instances are to be found in the Roman history, that whenever the commonalty were assembled at the exhibition of public games, whether it were in the city or in the provinces, they might demand what they pleased of the Emperors or the Presidents, and their demands thus made must be complied with. When the multitude therefore, collected together at the public games, united in one general clamour for the punishment of the Christians at large, or of certain in dividuals belonging to that sect, the Presidents had no alternative but to comply with their demand, and sacrifice at least several innocent vic tims to their fury. — Mosheim's Commentaries, ii. p. 53. :l This practice became very common a few years afterwards — and if the translation of Eusebius by Ruffinus is to be trusted, it had its begin ning at this time. See Neander, vol. i. p. 147, note 2. CHAP. I. S3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 267 to refuse demands made in such circumstances, and the magistrates generally yielded to the clamours of the multitude. Some, however, were sensible of the injustice thus perpetrated ; and in consequence of a remonstrance from Serennius Granianus to the Em peror Hadrian, an explanatory imperial rescript was addressed to Minucius Fundanus, the successor of Serennius, by which tumultuary accusations were pro hibited, and regular accusations and formal proof ex acted before the infliction of punishment.1 It has been supposed that the favourable tone of this edict was in some degree occasioned2 by the ap peal that had been made to the justice of the Em peror by Quadratus and Aristides, two Athenian phi losophers who had become converts to Christianity, and who took the opportunity of Hadrian being in their native city, of addressing to him an apology for the per secuted cause ; being the first individuals from the time of the apostle Paul, of whom we read, who had 1 Mivouxlui <&ouv8dvw- iitigitoXrjv ibi^d/jjrjv ygaitpeiisdv fioi dttb lipevvku Vpaviavou Xaysitpordrou dvbpbg, bvnva gu bieb'e^oj. Ou boxit /aoi ouv rb itpayfha d£r\rr\rov xaraXiiteTv, 'iva f/,r) re oi avUgwitoi raparrwrai, xal roTg guxotpavraig yppriyla xaxougylag itapagyihrj . E/ ouv gafug elg rau- rr)v rr)v dc^iojgiv oi iitagyjoirai 8'uvavrai biigyugiZeg^Sai xard ruv Hpignavuv, a; xal itpb j3r)ft,arog aitoxglveg^ai, iitl rouro fhbvov rpaitagiv, aXX' oux dfyuigigiv, oiibe fjjbvaig (3oa?g. TloXXSi ydg fiAXXov itpogrjxev e'l rig %arr\- yopsiv ftouXoiro, rouro gi biayivuigxuv. E'l rig ouv xarriyopeT xal Selxvuei n itagd roug vbfhoug itparrovrag, ouroig bgiZi xard rr)v 8uvafuv rou dfhaprrj- fharog- iig /J,d rbv 'HgaxXza e'l ng guxon&v dbixouvrag. Euseb. H. E. iv. 26. The same state of affairs is indicated in the first three chapters of the fifth book. 2 See his Meditations, L. i. c. 3. 3 Jul. Cap. 13. 21, and Amm. Mar. 25. 4. i In this respect he is compared to the Emperor Julian by Ammianus Marcellinus, who, after mentioning the fears entertained by the people, CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 275 With such views Marcus must have been disposed to adopt severe measures against the Christians upon personal and political grounds ; and the violence with which the philosophers were disposed to treat the Chris tians, could receive no check from him even though he had paid little attention to the subject. But Marcus had directed his own consideration to the character of the Christians, and his views respecting them may be learned from a well-known passage in his Medita tions.1 He considered them obstinate, because they did not yield to what he regarded as reasonable ; and the readiness with which some of them courted death, and their exulting hopes of a resurrection, were inconsist ent with the self-annihilating indifference of the school to which he belonged. His personal pride as a philo sopher also, must, in common with that of other philo- that if the Emperor returned victorious from the expedition against the Parthians, the breed of black cattle would be destroyed, adds, Marci illius similis Caesaris, in quem id accepimus dictum : Oi Xeuxol [36ig Mdgxoi rSi Kaieagi. "Av gu vixrjgrjg, r)/xe7g aitoiXo/J.e'^a. xxv. 4. 1 " How happy is that soul which is prepared even now to be separated from the body, whether it be extinguished, or dispersed, or subsist stUl. But this readiness must proceed from a weU-weighed judgment, and not from mere obstinacy like the Christians. And it should be done con siderately and with gravity, without tragical exclamations, and so as to persuade another." L. xi. Dr Jortin remarks, that Marcus here " cen sures very unreasonably what he ought to have approved, this readiness and resolution to die for their religion." Upon this passage Lardner subjoins the following characteristic observation : — '¦' Certainly that re mark (by Dr Jortin) is very just, and, I think, very mild ; for if I were to aUow myself to speak freely, I should say that this is the basest re flection upon the Christians that I remember to have met with among all their old enemies. To say it is unbecoming a gentleman and an emperor is to say nothing. It is insensibility and inhumanity, — in a word, stoicism. It is the worse as it comes from a magistrate ; who, if he had been pleased to send proper orders to the officers under him, and parti cularly to the governors of provinces, he might have delivered the Chris tians from that trial which is here supposed." His farther more parti cular comments are weU worthy careful study. Works, vol. vii. p. 135. 276 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. sophers, have been hurt by the attacks made upon the philosophic character by the Christians.1 Marcus was naturally of a benevolent temper, and his clemency was shown in extending pardon to those who had been convicted of crime, and in seeking the prosperity and happiness of the empire. But along with, or rather as the result of, this kindliness of dis position, he shut his eyes to the faults of his friends,2 while his enquiring temper inclined him more to ab stract speculations, than to the actual business of em pire.8 The persecuting measures of this reign, accordingly admit of easy explanation. While his literary tastes and the principles of the philosophy he had adopted, united with a temper naturally benevolent, preserved him from the vices of other Emperors and prompted to many praiseworthy actions, his respect for the wishes of the philosophers prevented him from interfering with proceedings that they urged, and to which his own prejudices inclined him. His superstition also took alarm at any thing that interfered with the established worship. His pride as an emperor and philosopher was wounded at the idea that there should be any who did not yield to wishes that appeared to him founded 1 See above, p. 272, note 1. 2 See the accounts of his conduct to Verus and Commodus, and to his wife Faustina, in the Augustan historians. 3 In Rome he was a regular attendant at the school of Sextus, a Stoic philosopher. His reply to the orator Lycius, who met him walking with a book in his hand, was — " Etiam seni honestum est discere. Eo igitur ad Sextum philosophum ut discam ea qua? nondum scio." But surely, considering the pubUc duties which demanded his attention, we cannot be surprised at Lycius, who lifted up his hands and exclaimed in astonish ment, " 0 Sol ! Romanorum Imperator jam senex, libeUum tractans, Ludimagistri domum frequentat." CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 277 on reason ; and the temper that would have par doned submissive guilt treated as unpardonable the stedfastness of virtue. The emperor was willing to moderate his sway according to the dictates of a calm philosophy. But the philosopher, when he found that measures which seemed to him reasonable and just were set at nought, demanded the infliction of punish ment as an imperial duty.1 The condition of the Christians accordingly during this reign was more wretched than it had been since the time of Nero.2 In no part of the empire were they safe from violence, and fearful cruelty was exercised on different occasions. The persecutions of Smyrna, in which Polycarp the disciple of St John suffered as a martyr, and of Lyons and Vienne, where scenes of unheard of cruelty were transacted, have been minutely recorded in accounts which have come down to us ; and which leave an indelible stain upon the reign of this emperor, while they afford a convincing proof of the sincerity of the sufferers and of the divine energy by which they were supported. Little is known of the early history of Polycarp, except the interesting circumstance that he was fami liarly conversant with the apostles, and particularly with John. Irenseus tells3 us that he remembered him in his youth, the very place where he used to sit while he discoursed, his going out and coming in, his bodily figure, his mental habits, and the account he was wont to give of his converse with those who had seen the Lord. He was appointed Bishop of Smyrna, and is supposed by many to have been the angel of that church to whom the apocalyptical epistle was ad- 1 See Note [LL]. ' Mosheim. * Euseb. H. E. v. 20. 278 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. dressed. The time of the persecution in which he suffered1 is not certainly known, but it seems to have taken place when Marcus designed an exj>edition against the Marcomanni. The constancy of the other martyrs under the torments they endured, filled the be holders with astonishment ; seeing them scourged till their veins and arteries were laid bare, and even their entrails becoming visible ; after which, they were laid upon the shells of sea-fish, and upon sharp spikes fixed in the ground, with many other kinds of torture. In the hour of the fiery trial the faith of a few proved feeble and failed. But many continued faithful, and some were enabled to bear up with extraordinary mea sures of fortitude ; being strengthened with strength in their soul. At last a cry was raised for seizing- Poly carp. By the kindness of his friends he had been prevailed upon to consult for his safety in concealment; but a servant was forced into a betrayal of the secret of his retreat, and he was carried away to the city. The shout of the universal multitude proclaimed the appearance of the venerable witness of Christ before the tribunal. The Proconsul, after various questions, urged him to consult for his safety, and expressed his willingness to release him if he would swear by the fortunes of Csesar and blaspheme Christ. " Eighty and six years," he replied, " have I served Christ, and he hath never done me injury; and how can I blas pheme the king who hath saved me V The kindness of the Roman magistrate was at last changed, and he threatened to throw him to the wild beasts ; but Poly carp was not to be changed from good to evil, and set ' Pearson supposes it to have been during the reign of Antoninus Pius, but the greater number of writers place it in the year 167 or 169. CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 279 at nought his threatening. " I have fire with which to tame this stubborn spirit," said the incensed Ro man. " You threaten me with fire that lasts for a moment," Polycarp mildly replied, " but you are igno rant of the fire of everlasting punishment reserved for the ungodly. But why do you delay ? let your work be done." Proclamation was then made that Poly carp had confessed himself a Christian, upon which Jews and Gentiles, with united execrations, demanded that a lion should be let loose upon him. But the hour for the shows being past, it was determined that he should be burnt alive. Fuel was soon collected by the infuriated populace,1 and they approached to fasten him to the stake. " Let me remain as I am," said he, " for He who hath given me strength thus far, will stand by me to the end." They only bound his arms, and he like a victim from the flock poured forth his soul in gratitude to God who had counted him worthy of that day and that hour, to receive his portion in the number of martyrs in the cup of Christ for the resur rection of eternal life in the incorruption of the Holy Ghost ; and praying that he might be received a sacri fice well savoured and acceptable. Thus the angel of the Church of Smyrna was faithful unto death, and received the crown of life.2 1 Consisting of Jews as well as Heathens. See Bonar and M'Cheyne, p. 458. 2 The account of this martyrdom is contained in an Epistle of the Church of Smyrna (Ecclesiae Smyrnensis de martyrio Polycarpi epistola encyclios, first published by Usher), inserted by Eusebius in his History (H. E. 1. iv. 15) with some omissions. Several miraculous circumstances are introduced, as a voice from heaven encouraging him, the fire arching over him and not burning him, &c. But these, however they may be explained, do not affect the remaining portions, which have every ap pearance of reality. 280 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. We have now to turn to the persecution of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne.1 It had its com mencement with the multitude, who treated the Chris tians with all manner of contumely, and finally brought them before the magistrates. Here they attempted to be heard in defence of their conduct; but this was refused, and they were limited to an answer to the question whether they were Christians. Many promptly answered that they were, and were crowned with martyrdom; a few, unable to undergo the severity of so great a combat, fell away. Some heathen slaves were induced by the dread of torture to declare that the Christians were guilty of monstrous crimes ; after which the sufferings endured by the faithful exceeded description. The names of several who especially distinguished themselves by their patient endurance have been recorded. A general interest was excited respecting a slave of the name of Blandina, in whom God showed that those that seem mean and base among men, are accounted of great honour for their love towards him. It was dreaded by the Christians in general, that through the infirmity of her body she might be unable to endure. But the strength that is made perfect in weakness sustained her. From morning till evening her torturers desisted not ; they were exhausted by their work ; but amidst all that was inflicted upon her, it abated her pains to repeat her good confession, " I am a Christian, nor is there any evil practised amongst us." An attempt was made to extract from one Sanctus a confession of the crimes 1 Ecclesiarum Yiennonsis et Lugdunensis epistola ad ecclesias Asia? Phrygi.-vquo de passionc martyvum auorum ; inserted by Eusebius, H. E. v. 1-3. CHAP. I. § >. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 281 of the Christians, but he resisted all their endeavours. He would not tell his name, nor that of his nation, nor whether he was a freeman or a slave ; but to every interrogatory his reply was, "I am a Christian;" de claring that this was name, and state, and race, and all to him. They at last fixed red-hot brazen plates upon the tenderest parts of his body, but he was be dewed and refreshed by the fountain of living water that flows from Christ. A slave was tempted to charge the Christians with impieties, the torture was con tinued to extort farther revelations, but she awoke as out of sleep, withdrew all she had averred, and de clared herself a Christian. The usual methods of torture were exhausted, and new expedients were resorted to. Some were thrust into noisome dungeons, others had their feet fixed in the stocks, and stretched to extremity.1 A few re nounced their faith ; but it was now too late, and they were brought forth to execution. It was easy to dis tinguish between the stedfast followers of Christ and those who had renounced their faith. Forsaken by their God, disowned by the Christians, despised by the heathen, the downcast looks and haggard countenances of the apostates betrayed them as they were dragged along; while the joy of martyrdom and hope in the promises, and the love of Christ and the Spirit of the Father supported the faithful, who proceeded with cheerful steps, like brides adorned in rich array, breath ing the fragrance of Christ. Attalus, a physician of eminence, was led round the amphitheatre with a tablet inscribed, " This is Attalus the Christian." He was a Roman citizen, and it was 1 Twv itobuv litl ir'e/Mtrov biariivo'JAVOiv rpuitr\iJ,a. 282 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. judged necessary to refer to the Emperor as to his fate. The rescript was, that citizens should be par doned upon recantation, but that if they persisted they should be ignominiously1 put to death. Attalus, with many others, sealed his testimony with his blood. Day after day was now given to the work of destruction. Blandina, formerly mentioned, was brought daily to see the sufferings of others, being herself reserved for the last. She was introduced into the amphitheatre with Porticus, a youth of about fifteen. No pity was shown to the tender sex of the one, or to the tender age of the other, and the whole round of barbarities was inflicted upon both. The youth was strengthened and confirmed by the counsel and example of the Christian heroine, till nature sank under the pressure of such multiplied afflictions, and he gave up the ghost. " And now," says the historian, " the blessed Blandina, last of all, as a generous mother, having ex horted her children and sent them before her victori ous to the king, measured over the same course of combats that her sons had passed through, and has tened to meet them with joy as if invited to a wedding- feast. After she had been scourged and exposed to wild beasts, and placed in the iron chair, she was enclosed in a net and thrown to a bull, and having been tossed and gored and proved superior to all her pains, she at last expired. Even her enemies con fessed that no woman had ever suffered so much. The rites of sepulture were denied to the dead. 1 ditoru/MitavigDrjvai. Lexicographers differ in their explanation of this word ; but there can be no doubt that hero it must be understood as implying capital punishment with infamy. CHAP. I. J 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 283 The prisons, where many had been suffocated, were watched lest the bodies should be carried away. The scattered limbs and mutilated trunks that had been left by the wild beasts or by the devouring flames were also guarded. Some gnashed with their teeth, others mocked, and those of gentler mould asked the Chris tians that still survived, Where is your God ? The putrefying remains after six days were at last brought together and reduced to ashes, which were cast into the Rhone, that nothing of them might be found on earth any more. And these things were done as if men could prevail against God, and frustrate all hopes of a resurrection.1 It is mentioned by Eusebius, as matter of current report, that in one of the German wars the soldiers of Marcus were reduced to great extremities by a long- continued drought, but upon the soldiers of the Meli- 1 " I cannot omit what appears to me a standing miracle in the three first centuries ; I mean that amazing and supernatural courage and pa tience which was shown by innumerable multitudes of martyrs, in those slow and painful torments that were inflicted upon them. I cannot con ceive a man placed in the burning iron chair of Lyons, amidst the insults and mockery of a crowded amphitheatre, and stiU keeping his seat, or stretched upon a grate of iron over coals of fire, and breathing out his soul among the exquisite sufferings of such a tedious execution, rather than renounce his religion and blaspheme his Saviour. Such trials seem to me above the strength of human nature, and able to overbear duty, reason, faith, conviction, — nay, and the most absolute certainty of a future state. Humanity unassisted, in an extraordinary manner must have shaken off the present pressure, and delivered itself out of such a dreadful distress by any means that could have been suggested to it. We can easily imagine that many persons in so good a cause might have laid down their lives at the gibbet, the stake, or the block ; but to expire leisurely amidst the most exquisite torments, when they might come out of them even by a mental reservation, or a hypocrisy which is not without the possibility of being followed by repentance and forgive ness, has something in it so far beyond the force and natural strength of mortals, that one cannot but think there was some miraculous power to support the sufferer." Addison's Evidences, pp. 83, 84. 284 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. tenian legion falling down upon their knees and pray ing to God a thunder storm followed, the lightnings of which dispersed the Germans, while a copious shower refreshed the soldiers of the Emperor. Eusebius adds that the name of the thunderbolt was given to the legion by whose prayers deliverance was obtained, and that Marcus himself, in a letter to the senate, bore testimony to the good effects of the-supplications of his Christian subjects. Various particulars are added by subsequent writers, and a letter purporting to be ad- dressedby the Emperor to the senate is quoted, in which all former edicts against Christianity are abrogated. That the Roman army was relieved by a season able shower is unquestionable; and that the Christians belonging to the army of Marcus would pray for rain, and that the relief vouchsafed may be considered in answer to their prayers, in the same manner that we are permitted to look upon events in providence as fol lowing the prayers of the faithful, may be conceded. But the account of the miracle is not supported by sufficient evidence, and its effects upon the conduct of Marcus are inconsistent with what is well known of his subsequent character and proceedings.1 1 Eusebius leaves every one to form his own opinion of the story, dXXd raura fiiiv bitr) rig WiXr] redigOoi ; and refers only to Apollinarius and TertuUian. The passage in Apollinarius has been lost; but he states that the legion was called the Thunderbolt Legion — a name which, as has been proved by the learned, belonged to it before. TertuUian states that the letter of the Emperor, in which he mentions that the army was saved by the prayers of the Christians, was stiU extant, but he does not speak as if he had seen it. This is the whole positive evidence in its favour, for later writers are not to be taken into account. Dio Cassius (1. 71) gives a similar account of the miracle, and refers it to the in fluence of Aruphis, an Egyptian magician, present with Marcus, with Mercury. Capitolinus (M. Ant. c. 24) and Themistius (Or. 15) ascribe the deliverance to Marcus's own prayers. Marcus erected a pillar, also, whore he represents Jupiter Pluvius giving rain to the Romans. CHAP. I. jj 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 285 Under the Emperor Commodus,the unworthy son and successor of Marcus, the Christians enjoyed a period of greater tranquillity ; and peace being restored to the churches, and the advantages of civil life extended without any distinction on the score of religion, vast accessions were made to the new cause, especially among the noble and wealthy.1 To the brutalized mind of Commodus all religions were equally indif ferent f his degraded tastes, fostered as they had been by the example and indulgence of his mother,3 and left unchecked by his father, led him to associate with the lowest of the people.4 He was thus removed from the influence of the philosophers and priests, now the greatest enemies of the Christians ; and a favourite of the name of Marcia in his abandoned court, from causes which have not been mentioned, but certainly under the superintending direction of the power that can bring good out of evil, afforded her countenance to the new cause. The people, amidst the sufferings which they endured from his horrible tyranny, instead of being led to impute their disasters to the offended gods, had too obvious a cause in the abuses of government ; and their rage was directed, not against the Christians, but against the tyrant himself and his guilty minis ters.5 Conspiracies and rebellions also occupied the 1 ore xal b gwrrjgiog Xbyog Ix itavrbg y'evoug dv^puntoiv itaeav uitriyero ¦^/uyyiv litl rr)v eugij3r) rou ruv bXuv Ssou ^grjgxelav liigre rjbrj xal rwv lit) 'Pcifj.rjg eu fhdXa itXouno xa) y'evei Siatpavwv itXiloug lit) rr)v gtpwv bfkbee -/wpeiv itavoixl re xal itayyevr) goirngiav. Euseb. H. E. v. 21. See also Irenaeus, 1. iv. u. 30. 2 Lampr. Com. c. 9. 3 Dion. 1. 72, &c. 4 Lampr. Com. c. 2. 5 We have a striking instance of this (Herod. 1. i.) in the attack made upon Oleander in the time of the pestilence and famine that devastated Italy, a. d. 190. In the reigns of the Antonines, with whose virtues the gods could not but be well pleased, the Christians would have been the objects of attack. 286 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. general attention during various parts of his reign,1 and from all these circumstances the Christians were but little molested. Still it does not appear that Com- modus introduced any relaxation in the laws respect ing Christianity, which were frequently employed by interested or superstitious magistrates for the oppres sion of the Christians.2 In the unsettled times that followed upon the death of Commodus, we have no information respecting the state of the Church.3 The ancient laws, however, con tinued still in force, and persecutions were still carried on.4 The Emperor Severus, upon his accession to the throne, in gratitude, it is said,5 for a personal benefit he 1 Herod. 1. i. 2 An individual instance of persecution is mentioned, which shows in how precarious a situation the foUowers of Christ were placed. A phi losopher of the name of ApoUonius, a man of considerable celebrity, was accused by an informer before a magistrate of being a Christian. The magistrate ordered the accuser to be put to death, according to a law which had been made against common informers. But the old law against Christianity continuing stiU in force, the magistrate, after in vain endeavouring to prevaU with ApoUonius to abandon his religion, sen tenced him also to be beheaded. Euseb. H. E. v. 21. This proceeding, which took place at Rome itself, under a magistrate who seems to have had no personal enmity against his prisoner, renders it more than pro bable that, throughout the provinces, there might be governors who, contrary to the declared will of the Emperor, would, under a show of law, inflict capital punishment upon those Christians who were brought before them. There are some inconsistencies in the story, for which see Gieseler, vol. i. p. 146, note I; but that the main circumstances were true, see Jortin, vol. ii. p. 78. 3 According to Neander, vol. i. p. 182, it must have been stiU more unpropitious to the Christians, who always suffered most in periods of public turbulence and distress. This statement, however, is to be taken with limitations, and holds true only of good reigns, as in those of the Antonines, Decius, &:c. In the reigns of the tyrants it was otherwise, as in that of Commodus. ' Clem. Alex. Gnom. ii. p. 414. ° Tert. Scap. c. 4. CHAP. I. §3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 287 had received from a Christian,1 and also perhaps from none of the new sect being found in the ranks of the rival competitors to the throne,2 gave the weight of his influence for the protection of the Christians, and no new edict for some time was issued against them. But the ancient laws continued in force, and these laws in various instances were carried into execution, though sometimes the Emperor personally interfered for the safety of the Christians.3 About this time the extravagance of the Montanists,4 and of some of those belonging to the true church who had imbibed their principles, subjected Christians to the charge of disaffection to the civil power. Under a despotic government and in times so unsettled, such a charge could not be overlooked ; and Severus, whose favour had arisen from no settled prmciple, changed his policy, and issued an edict forbidding proselytism.5 This was towards the end of the second century, or, according to others, about the beginning of the third ; and from that period till the time of his death, the Church was never free from persecution, which in many instances was conducted with dreadful severity.6 1 A Christian named Proclus had restored him to health by anointing him with oU ; in gratitude he received him into his house. 2 Tert. Scap. 2. 3 Tert. Scap. c. 4. 4 See chap, on Heresies. 5 Spart. 17- Basnage (Ann. Pol. Eccles. vol. ii. p. 222) imputes the change to the avarice of Plautianus, who hoped to add to his stores by the forfeited possessions of the proscribed ; which is rendered not impro bable by the fact, that the persecution raged most fiercely in Egypt while Plautianus was there (see the account in Dio, 1. lxxv. 856). We know also that the right of exercising the Christian worship was in some instances purchased by money, which seems to favour the same idea. The propriety or justifiableness of such a proceeding led to difference of opinion among Christians. Tert. de Fug. 6 Conclusive proof of this, of a nature similar to that which was re ferred to in the case of Nero, is to be found in Euseb. H. E. vi. 7. 288 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. From the death of Severus, a period of almost un interrupted prosperity was enjoyed by the Church, with one brief exception, for thirty-eight years. Ca- racalla was not a persecutor of the Christians. He had been educated by a Christian nurse,1 and his ear liest companion was a Christian; and it is justly re marked by Gibbon, that almost the only redeeming trait in the character of this monster of cruelty, was exhibited in the indignation he expressed at the cruelty inflicted on a Christian youth. From youthful re membrances, or perhaps from a wish to propitiate some measure of favour amidst the aggravated atroci- ties of which he was guilty, he issued a decree by which the Christians must have profited,2 though the storms which had arisen in the latter part of his fa ther's reign did not at once subside.3 The history of Heliogabalus affords a remarkable illustration of the remarks formerly made,4 upon the debasing influence of some of the modes of heathen superstition; as the most revolting features in the picture, which has been drawn by the Augustan his torians with such disgusting minuteness, found an ex cuse, if they had not their origin, in the mythology of heathenism. And if the monstrous infamies of his court can only be explained by the morbid cravings of a pleasure-sated mind and enervated frame, they were all conjoined with a devotedness to the worship in which he had been educated. In the service of this religion as high priest, he gloried more than in all the power and splendours of empire ; and he valued 1 Lacte Christiana educatus. Tert. 2 Dio, 1. 77. See Note [MM]. J Tert. de Fug. c. 5. 4 See p. 68. CHAP. I. §3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 289 his imperial rank and influence chiefly as a means of promoting the interests of his God. To this Chris tianity during his reign owed its safety. To render the homage presented to all other deities subordinate to that offered to himself, and to incorporate their rites with the service of the Syrian faith, was the grand object of his reign. The ancient worship of Rome was made subservient to the oriental rites ; and the Jewish and Christian religions were looked upon as of sufficient importance to be employed in multi plying the numbers who were to be attached to the service he wished to establish.1 He did not attack, he did not despise any mode of superstition. He him self was subverting the laws of Rome upon the subject of religion, and it was his wish to unite all peaceably in a new ritual. As the safety of Christianity was secured during the reign of Heliogabalus, so its ulti mate interests were promoted. Montesquieu remarks, that the proceedings of this Emperor, by familiarising the minds of the Romans to new forms of worship, and teaching them to subordinate their views even upon the subject of religion to the will of the Emperor, prepared the way for an entire change in the established worship. In the union that was attempted of all re ligions, the attention must also have been directed to the subject generally, and that was always favourable to the best form. And the bestial abandonment of 1 Heliogabalum in Palatino monte juxta aedes imperatorias consecravit, eoque templum fecit, studens et Matris typum, et Vesta? ignem, et PaUa- dium, et ancilia, et omnia Romanis veneranda in illud transferre templum, et id agens ne quis Roma? deus nisi Heliogabalus coleretur. Dicebat praeterea, Judaeorum et Samaritanorum religiones, et Christianam devo- tionem iUuc transferendam, ut omnium culturarum secretum Heliogabali sacerdotium teneret. Lamp. Heliog. c. 3. T 290 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the high priest of the sun, could not but be contrasted with the purer lives of the ministers of the gospel, whose principles and practice alone of all the servants of the various religions that were brought under the notice of the citizens of Rome, were favourable to the interests of purity and virtue. That the safety of the Christians at this period de pended much on the personal character of the Empe ror, appears from the spirit that was now manifested by the new Platonists generally, and also by the law yers, and other men of learning. It was during this reign that Ulpian prepared, if he did not likewise publish, the rescripts of the Emperors upon the subject of Christianity ; and Dion Cassius, who composed his history at the same time, plainly shewed his attach ment to the ancient superstition, and his willingness that it should be maintained at any cost. Alexander Severus, who, like his predecessor, owed his rise to the efforts of his mother, enjoyed in her a counsellor, whose precepts were of more value than the crown she secured for him. Under her in fluence, and in the true spirit of the eclectic philoso phy to which he had attached himself, he bestowed a portion of his regard upon the Christian religion and its supporters. The golden rule of the gospel was inscribed on the walls of his palace ; he gave a place to the bust of Jesus in his private chapel, along with the other benefactors of the human race, as Abraham and Orpheus. Some of the most distinguished of the Christian bishops were held in honour at his court -1 and the method of electing to ecclesiastical offices was made his pattern in civil appointments. The influence 1 " For the first time seen in the imperial court." — Gibbon. CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 291 of his mother might be observed in all these proceed ings. Though not a Christian herself,1 she held the professors of Christianity in respect, and invited Origen to a personal conference at Antioch. A new tempest overspread the horizon upon the death of Alexander. The friendship shewn by that amiable and excellent monarch to the bishops of the Church, was enough to subject them to the jealous re venge of his low-minded successor, the Thracian Maximin ;2 and the disposition thus shewn against them was sufficient to give courage to the enemies of Christianity throughout the empire to indulge in their malice.3 A breathing time was again enjoyed under the Gor- dians, and still more during the reign of Philip the Arabian, who shewed himself so well disposed towards Christianity and its teachers as to afford some counte nance to a mistaken report, that he himself was a con vert to the new faith.4 During this period of peace the Christian faith conti nued to gain converts. Multitudes of the higher ranks attached themselves to a cause which had so much to attract when it ceased to be dangerous, and the Church 1 This appears from the manner in which Eusebius and Jerome both speak of her ; several instances of superstition also are mentioned in the Augustan history, and Lampridius would not have employed the language '' sancta muUer," if she had been a Christian. Lamp. 14. 2 Capit. 9, 10 ; and Euseb. vi. 28. 3 We have positive information respecting this — Orig. Com. in Matt. iii. 837, and Cyp. 75, FirmU. Epist. 147. Dodwell thinks that it was of brief continuance, but the contrary stands on sure ground. 5 Origen addressed several letters to him, and he paid great respect to the ministers of reUgion ; but his mode of celebrating the secular games and other circumstances preclude the idea of his being considered a Christian. 292 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. numbered among its adherents the most learned and able men of the age. Those who observed the signs of the times, how ever, were able to prognosticate an approaching change. The vices that disgraced the Church called for a time of trial, and of purging, and of burning from the Most High;1 and the rapid increase of converts was whetting the wrath of the adherents of paganism, and calling forth new calumnies against the Christians.2 This spirit broke out even before the end of the reign of Philip,3 and the successor of Philip gave it a direction throughout the empire. The evils which threatened the empire on all sides, had for some time past led considerate men into an 1 " Habenda tamen est, fratres dilectissimi, ratio veritatis, nee sic mentem debet et sensum persecntionis infesta? tenebrosa caligo coecasse ut nihil remanserit lucis et luminis unde divina praecepta perspici possint. Si cladis causa cognoscitur, et medela vulneris invenitur. Dominus probari famUiam suam voluit ; et quia traditam nobis divinitus disciplinam pax longa corruperat, jacentem fidem etpene, ut itadixerim, dormientem censura caelestis erexit ; cumque nos peccatis nostris amplius mereremur, clementissimus Dominus sic cuncta moderatus est ut hoc omne quod gestum est exploratio potius quam perseeutio videretur. Studebant augendo patrimonio singuli ; et obUti quid credentes aut sub apostolis ante fecissent aut semper facere deberent, insatiabili cupiditatis ardore ampliandis facultatibus incubabant. Non in sacerdotibus religio devota, non in ministris fides integra, non in operibus misericordin., non in moribus disciplina. Corrupta barba in viris, in feminis forma fucata. Adulte- rati post Dei manus oculi, capUli mendacio colorati. Ad decipienda corda simplicium caUidae fraudes, circumveniendis fratribus subdola? voluntates. Jungere cum infideUbus vinculum matrimonii, prostituere gentilibus membra Christi. Non jurare tantum temer^, sed adhuc etiam pejerare, praepositos superbo tumore contemnere, venenato sibi ore male- dicere, odiis pertinacibus invicem dissidere. Episcopi plurimi, quos et hortamento esse oportet caeteris et exemplo, divina procuratione contemta, procuratores rerum saecularium fieri, derelicta cathedra, plebe deserta per alienas provincias aberrantes, negotiationis quaestuosa? nundinas aucupari, esurientibus in ecclesia fratribus, habere argentum largiter velle, fundos insidiosis fraudibus rapere, usuris multiplicantibus foenus augere." Cyp. de lapsis. 2 Orig. L. iii. 3 Euseb. H. E. vi. 41. CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 293 inquiry into the causes in which they had their origin, and the means by which they might be averted. The departure from the simple virtues of ancient Rome was felt by the better disposed as lying at the root of the evil; and along with this was connected, on the part of the superstitious, the idea so often referred to, that the neglect of the rites of the pagan worship had provoked the anger of the immortal gods. Both these views presented themselves to the Emperor Decius, who not perhaps unexpectedly — though apparently with reluc tance — was compelled to retain the reins of empire which he had undertaken to tighten. Impressed with a sense of the ills which had arisen from a departure from the virtues of the Romans, especially during the reign of the Princes of Asiatic origin who had preceded him, he formed the plan of restoring the ancient manners1 and ancient worship of Rome. His enlarged statesman-like views taught him the only probable means of effecting this, and he had sufficient energy of character to lead him to disregard every impulse of mercy in endeavouring to secure his object. He was far from being of a cruel temper ; unnecessary violence he was anxious to avoid ; but the end he had in view must be attained at whatever cost. Such was the origin of the first general persecution, and it be longed to this most philosophic Emperor to make ita proselytising one. The number of Christians was increased to a degree of which there had been no former example; the leniency of preceding Emperors had vastly aggravated the evil, and the necessity of a change of policy, if the 1 This appears from the circumstances connected with the censorship. See Gibbon, p. 98. 294 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. new cause was to be checked, could not but impress every man of ordinary reflection. Decius clearly saw that partial efforts could be of no avail, and that nothing short of a vigorous and united movement throughout the whole empire could effectually put down the evil. He had the wish to signalise his reign by the utter extermination of the new system, and the course he pursued was worthy of such an ob ject. Instructions were given by an edict that all within a limited period should observe the ordinary rites of the established worship. In the case of those who refused, expostulation, promises, threatenings, and finally punishments, proceeding from lighter to more severe, were to be resorted to. Those who fled were not to be pursued — but if they returned they were to be put to death ; and from the moment of their flight, their estates and all their property were confiscated. Those who failed to appear were thrown into prison, where expedients were resorted to in order to force abjuration, varying according to their cha racters.1 An inquiry was instituted before the magis- 1 Their sufferings were ingeniously prolonged ; and when they wished to die, their prayer was refused, and a respite was granted that the firm ness of their mind might be broken. Two anecdotes have been preserved by Jerome, which, though they afford only matter for the disgusting ridicule of Mr Gibbon, may be mentioned as characteristic of the times, and may be viewed with better feelings. A martyr, after having been torn on the rack and covered with burning plates, was ordered by the judge to be rubbed over with honey with his hands tied behind his back ; he was exposed to the burning rays of the sun, and to the torturing sting of insects which crowd the summer's noon. Another young man was carried by order of the magistrate into a pleasant garden amidst lUies and roses, and tied down upon a couch of down by the side of a rivulet covered with trees waving in the cooling breeze. In this situation a woman of extraordinary beauty was brought to him, and strove by every art to make him unfaithful to the precepts of the gospel, and to sully the purity of his mind. In this situation the youth bit off his tongue and CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 295 trates after this; and unless there was a recantation, of which sacrificing to idols was the evidence, a series of proceedings ensued which terminated in death. The instructions were, that attention should especially be paid to bishops and leading persons of the Church, to gain them over to heathenism, or to put them to death ; the increasing episcopal authority rendering the whole Christian community more and more de pendent upon the character of the bishops. We have an account of the execution of these edicts in different parts of the empire ; and the effect every where was nearly the same. The first blow was struck at Rome under the immediate eye of the Emperor, and from Rome the persecution spread throughout all the provinces. When the determination of the go vernment was made known, the greatest consternation everywhere prevailed.1 Many yielded at once and gave in their abjuration ; some with every demonstra tion of reluctance, and shame, and self-accusation ; others shamelessly and promptly to secure their safety. Some declined complying with the demand, and as- sumedsto themselves all the glory of confessors, which in the end was turned to shame by their falling away from their stedfastness ; while others who shrunk from the guilt of sacrificing were willing to make a compromise with their conscience, and by appearing before and paying a bribe to unprincipled magistrates, to whom money was dearer than the observance of spit it in the face of his betrayer. The anecdote awakens a mingled feeling ; but ere we condemn, and stUl more ere we smile, let us bear in mind the extent and spirituality of the holy law of God, and who it was that said, Whosoever looketh upon a woman to lust after her, hath com mitted adultery with her already in his heart. 1 See the account by Dionysius of Alexandria. Euseb. H. E. vi. 41. 296 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the laws, obtained a testimonial of their having com plied with the imperial decree ; and others, without seeking a certificate or appearing before a magis trate, obtained the insertion of their names in the list of those who had complied with the law, regarding this as a lighter species of criminality. We have thus the distinctions during this persecution of the Thuri- ficati, the Sacrificati, and the Libellatici, whose diffe rent characters led to disputes upon the subject of dis cipline and government, of which an account will be given in a subsequent chapter. Fabian, Bishop of Rome, was one of the first mar tyrs, a.d. 250, and it was not till the end of the reign of Decius that the vacancy was supplied. St Alexan der, Bishop of Jerusalem, who had been a confessor in the time of Severus, was thrown into prison by order of the governor of Palestine, and died in 251. Baby- las, Bishop of Antioch, suffered death in the same man ner. Origen was one of those subjected to torture in this persecution: he endured with heroic patience, and survived the cruelty of his enemies. Eudemon, Bishop of Smyrna, fell into apostacy, and his example was followed with melancholy effects among not a few of those who might have been hoped to prove faith ful in Asia Minor. Some bishops withdrew from the scene of persecution, according to the direction of our Lord to his disciples, that when they were perse cuted in one city, they should flee to another. Thus Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, after having fallen into the hands of the military, was induced to retire into a desert place in Marmarica till the storm sub sided. Gregory, Bishop of Neo-Ceesarea, in Pontus, surnamed Thaumaturgus, exhorted his flock to save CHAP.I.§3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 297 themselves by flight, himself setting the example, in retiring to a desert place with one of his deacons who had formerly been a heathen priest. But of all those who sought safety in retreat at this time, the most remarkable was Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage. The fervent zeal, the active temper, and am bitious spirit of this individual, led him to take a part in all the questions which were agitated in Africa; and from his high character and unquestionable abilities, the influence of his opinions and proceedings extended far beyond the limits of his own country, and he was en gaged in a correspondence with distant churches, upon the important subjects of discipline and worship which at that time divided the Christian world.1 He was born at Carthage about the end of the second century. He received a liberal education, and devoted himself to the study of eloquence with such success, that he ar rived at the highest distinction as a teacher of rhetoric, and lived in great pomp and splendour. The greater part of his life was passed among the errors of heathen worship, though it would appear the claims of Chris tianity were long urged upon his acceptance. The ar guments and expostulations of Cecilius, a priest of Car thage, at last prevailed, and Cyprian, amidst the ridi cule and hatred of his former associates, joined him self to the Christians.2 In two years after his conver- 1 An account of his life is written by his deacon Pontus ; but notwith standing the opportunities enjoyed by his biographer, his narrative is far from being so complete as could be wished. His style is exceed ingly declamatory, and the work altogether is panegyrical, rather than historical. It contains, however, some valuable notices, from which, and stiU more from the writings of St Cyprian himself, particularly his letters, we may form a tolerably correct idea of his life and character. 2 After his conversion, he distributed among the poor the riches he had amassed, parting with his estate, and even with his gardens, which he had near Carthage ; though his gardens were afterwards restored to him. 298 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. sion, he was first admitted into the priestly office and then promoted to the see of Carthage. But scarcely was he advanced to this dignity, when the persecution that raged in other parts of the empire extended to Carthage, and the fury of the heathen rulers was es pecially directed against a character so conspicuous. At this juncture, the obnoxious bishop withdrew to an obscure solitude, where he was safe from the assault of the persecutors, and whence he could maintain a con stant correspondence with the clergy and people of Carthage. The propriety of this step is much disputed. Cyprian himself states that as the martyr's crown comes from the grace of God, and can only be received when the proper time arrives, so he denies not the faith who, still remaining true to Christ, retires occasionally, but waits his time. And he gave the strongest evidence which it was in his power to give of his sincerity when he said he was waiting God's time, iu the cheerful re solution with which he afterwards suffered death in the cause of religion. That there was no desertion of prin ciple in the retreat of Cyprian, appears also from the respect with which he continued to be treated by the great proportion of the Christian world, in an age when such an undue importance was attached to the charac ter of confessors and martyrs. Had there not been reasons of a very obvious policy to warrant his conti nuing in a place of concealment, it can scarcely be sup posed that he would have continued to exercise so great an authority over the church of Africa, the particulars of which will be considered in a subsequent chapter. He devoted himself to reading the Scriptures, that he might reduce them to practice ; and it was one of his sayings that, when God commends any person, we ought to find out in what respects he was agreeable to him, and imitate him in these. CHAP. I.|3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 299 At first the persecution was left to the care of the local magistrates ; but this proving less efficacious than was sufficient to meet the views of the Emperor, the Proconsuls were ordered to take the matter in their own hands, and to proceed with the utmost severity. In the mean time, however, the irruptions of the Goths called away the attention of Decius from the internal affairs of the empire, and his death again restored peace to the Christian world. The reins of empire were held with a feeble grasp by his successor Gallus, who was little qualified either to maintain the integrity of the empire, or to pro secute the plans of Decius for the reformation of man ners. His views of Christianity were not more favour able than those of his predecessor ; but his easy tem per indisposed him for the prosecution of violent mea sures ; though the work of persecution was by no means wholly discontinued during his reign.1 The long continuance, however, of a plague of terri ble severity which had taken its rise before the death of Decius, at last awoke into new life the popular su perstition, and an edict was published about the end of the second year of his reign, in which all the Ro mans were commanded to sacrifice to the gods, as a means of averting their wrath ;2 and the refusal on the part of many led to new persecutions. Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, and Lucius his successor, both fell a sacrifice. The wars which followed called away the 1 'AXX' ou8e TdXXog eyvw rb Asxlou xaxbv, oub'e itpoegxbitr)gi rl itor exeTvov egtprjXev, dXXd itpbg rbv aurbv itpo rwv bo&aXfiwv aurou yivofxevov eitraigs Xfbov. "Os su CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 325 a caricature of a Christian. That his first object was neither of a religious nor moral nature, sufficiently appears from some of the descriptions which he has given. To entertain himself and his readers was his leading aim. This he seeks to effect by amusing in cidents, interesting episodes, satyrical descriptions, and often by indecencies ; and like many other pro fligate writers, he makes a compromise with his con science, by putting a moral maxim in the mouth of his hero, after indulging his corrupted taste to satiety.1 Lucian was contemporary of Apuleius. Like him he was an enemy to Christianity ; but without his attachment to the reigning superstition, being in fact a Sceptic or Epicurean. In his works he shews him self exceedingly immoral, which is ill compensated by the elegance and ingenuity which must be ascribed to them. And in his writings there is more ridicule of superstition and the worship of the gods, and the sophistry of the philosophers, than of Christianity. He had little depth of thought, and no sympathy with what is pure, or lovely, or exalted in character ; but his keenness of observation and power of wit qualified him admirably for seizing what was open to ridicule in the mere external form of any system or character. His sentiments respecting Christianity are to be found in a letter addressed to Cronius, concerning Pere- grinus, an individual spoken of by many authors, who burned himself to death in the sight of all Greece, after the Olympic games in 165. 1 Mosheim, after giving an account of Dr Warburton's theory, adds, " De consilio vero fabula? de Asino, quod commendationem mysteriorum et Christiana? religionis contemptionem vir doctissimus esse conjicit, dubi- tare mihi liceat, quum nihil afferri videam ex ea, quod difficulter in aliam partem accipi possit." De Rebus, p. 563. 326 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. It seems that this profligate adventurer succeeded for a time in deceiving the Christians with professions of attachment to their faith. I shall quote the whole passage, both on account of the celebrity of the author, and because it contains the fullest account we possess of the character of the followers of Jesus from a hea then witness during the second century. It seems that Peregrinus, who was also known by the still more descriptive name of Proteus, was obliged to flee from his own country on account of his crimes. " At which time," says Lucian, " he wandered about in divers countries to conceal the place of his retreat, till upon coming into Judea, he learnt the wonderful doctrine of the Christians, by conversing with their priests and teachers. In a little time he shewed them that they were but children compared to himself, for he became not only a prophet, but the head of their congregation : in a word, he was every thing to them, he explained their books, and composed several tracts himself,1 inasmuch that they spoke of him sometimes as a god, and certainly considered him as a lawgiver and a ruler. However, these people in fact adore that great person who had been crucified in Palestine, as being the first who taught men that religion. " While these things were going on, Peregrinus was apprehended and put in prison on account of his being a Christian. This disgrace loaded him with honour, it was the very thing he ardently desired, it made him more reputable among those of that persuasion, and furnished him with a power of performing wonders. 1 Some writers have supposed that there is an interpolation or omis sion here ; but of this there is no evidence. See Lardner, vol. vii. 279 ; see also Neander, vol. i. p. 251. CHAP. I. S3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 327 The Christians, grievously afflicted at his confinement, used their utmost efforts to procure him his liberty, and as they saw they could not compass it, they pro vided abundantly for all his wants, and rendered him all imaginable services. There was seen by the break of day at the prison gate, a company of old women, widows, and orphans, some of whom, after having cor rupted the guard with money, passed the night with him. There they partook together of elegant repasts, and entertained one another with religious discourses. They called that excellent man the new Socrates. There came even Christians deputed from many cities of Asia, to converse with him, to comfort him, and to bring him supplies of money; for the care and diligence which the Christians exert in these. junctures is incre dible; they spare nothing in such cases. They sent large sums to Peregrinus, and his confinement was to him an occasion of amassing great riches, for these poor people are firmly persuaded they shall one day enjoy immortal life ; therefore they despise death with wonderful courage, and offer themselves voluntarily to punishment. Their first lawgiver has put it into their heads that they are all brethren. Since they separated from us, they persevere in rejecting the gods of the Grecians, and in worshipping that deceiver who was crucified ; they regulate their manners and conduct by his laws, they despise therefore all earthly possessions, and use them in common. Therefore, if any magician or juggler, or cunning fellow, who knows how to make his advantage of opportunity, happens to get into their society, he immediately grows rich, because it is easy for a man of this sort to abuse the simplicity of those silly people. Peregrinus, however, was set at liberty by 328 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the president of Syria, who was a lover of philosophy and of its professors, and who, having perceived that this man courted death out of vanity, and a fondness for renown, released him, despising him too much to have a desire of inflicting capital punishment on him. Peregrinus returned into his own country, and as some were inclined to prosecute him on account of his par ricide, he gave all his wealth to his fellow-citizens, who being gained by this liberality, imposed silence on his accusers. He left this country a second time in order to travel, reckoning he should find every thing he wanted in the purses of the Christians, who were punctual in accompanying him wherever he went, and in supplying him with all things in abundance. He subsisted in this manner for a considerable time, but having done something which the Christians abhor, they saw him, I think, make use of some meats forbid den amongst them, he was abandoned by them, inso much that, having not any longer the means of sup port, he would fain have revoked the donation he had made to his country."1 It is obvious that one design of Lucian in the fore going account, was to turn the Christians into ridicule ; but the passage, if dispassionately considered, will be found to contain a valuable testimony in their favour. Allowing the character of Peregrinus to have been as bad as Lucian represents it, all that can be said against the Christians in the matter is, that they were deceived by an artful impostor. And the other circumstances, notwithstanding the ridiculous turn that it is attempted to give to them, — respecting the character and conduct of the Christians, their contempt of the world and its 1 De Morte Peregrin. CHAP. I. §3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 329 enjoyments, their hopes full of immortality, their will ingness to endure persecution for the sake of future glory, the brotherly love which had been enjoined by their Master, and which they so carefully cherished, their confidence in the integrity of each other, and their sympathy with those in affliction, — present an at tractive picture of the new community, and would have been ill exchanged for all the knowledge of the world, even though accompanied with all the wit and learn ing, of their heartless lampooner. The very failings of the Christians leaned to virtue's side ; and Lucian would have searched the heathen world in vain for such an exhibition of indifference to personal interests, and of generous relief extended to the unfortunate. In this narrative also, Lucian unwittingly has enabled us to contrast the Gentile with the Christian character. We see the latter honouring and lavishing their bounty upon a worthless character ; but then they had no op portunity of being acquainted with his crimes, they conceived him to be suffering for conscience-sake, and the moment he deserted his professed principles they cast him off; while the Gentiles were aware of his guilt, but bribed into silence by the money he had re ceived from the compassion of the Christians; and after the whole of his impostures were made matter of common knowledge, and after he had terminated his disgraceful career by suicide, he continued to enjoy the fame of a philosopher.1 Christianity is alluded to by other heathen writers, but there is nothing in their works calling for exa mination f and we may pass on to those authors who 1 Aui. GeU. Noct. Att. xii. 11 ; and Amm. Marcel, xxix. 1. 39. 2 See Note [NN]. 330 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. wrote professedly against the Christian religion. They are three in number, — Celsus, Porphyry, and Hierocles. There were no doubt several others who stood forth as the champions of the ancient worship, but their works made little impression even at the time they were written, and soon sunk into oblivion ; and the three authors I have named, along with Julian the Apostate, who wrote at a later period, are considered, both by the ancient heathens and Christians, as the most formidable assailants of the religion of Jesus. Celsus seems to have been an Epicurean philosopher, who flourished about the time of Marcus Antoninus. His work against the Christians was entitled " The True Word."1 It is now lost; but we are enabled to form an accurate idea respecting its nature, from the answer to it which was written by Origen; who minutely examines all the arguments of his opponent in the order these are brought forward, and in his own words. There is no work not now extant of wliich we have more considerable remains ; in effect, it is the same as if we had Celsus' own work. Now, it is well worthy of remark, that among all the obj ections brought forward by this writer, there is not one of any weight which might not be as well urged by an infidel at the present day as in the time of Celsus. He searched the gospel for evidence against the gospel, as Origen remarked. He attacks some of the principles of the New Testament, and attempts by ridicule and argument to prove that they are incon sistent with one another, and with the doctrines of a sound philosophy ; he labours to lower our idea of the miracles which are recorded in the New Testa- 1 Xoyos dXr)Srig. CHAP. I. S3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 331 ment, by shewing that as wonderful works had been performed by magicians ; he assails the character of our Saviour, ridicules the idea of his being considered as a God, and endeavours to shew that higher virtues were exhibited by different philosophers. But it is obvious that all this course of attack might be pursued at any period ; and Celsus makes no attempt to shew the spuriousness of the writings of the disciples, or to bring forward facts inconsistent with their statements ; on the contrary, he takes the Books of the New Tes tament as he finds them, he quotes from them as the acknowledged writings of those who were the followers of Jesus, he bears testimony to many of the leading facts contained in these books,1 and he never speaks of any writings as existing in his time which could be brought forward to invalidate what the Scriptures contain. In this way, Celsus has been justly con sidered by many writers as a witness in favour of Christianity. And, indeed, there are many respects in which his testimony is invaluable. St Chrysostom remarks, that he bears witness to the antiquity of all our writings.2 Or as Dr Doddridge has excellently expanded this idea, " It appears by the testimony of one of the most malicious and virulent adversaries the Christian religion ever had, and who was also a man of considerable parts and learning, that the writings of the evangelists were extant in his time ; which was in the next century to that in which the apostles lived ; and that those accounts were written by Christ's own disciples, and consequently that they were written in 1 So fuUy indeed does he bear this testimony, that " an abridgment of the life of Christ may be found in his writings." Doddridge. 2 Chrys. t. x. p. 47. 332 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. the very age in which the facts there related were done, and when, therefore, it would have been the easiest thing in the world to have convicted them of falsehood if they had not been true."1 It is to be observed, however, that Celsus, in referring to the life of our Saviour, endeavours to turn the cir cumstances recorded of him into ridicule ; which he effects by giving the reins to his own imagination, distorting the narrative of the evangelists, or draw ing false conclusions from what they relate. Thus he speaks with much indecency and profaneiiess of the birth of our Lord ; represents him as having learned the art of magic in Egypt, and as taking to himself ten or eleven men — vile publicans and sailors, — going about with them, and getting his subsistence in a vile, base, and shameful manner. A single ex ample may suffice of the manner in which he misre presents the principles of the Christians. " That I say nothing more severe than truth obliges me to say is manifest hence ; when others invite to the mys teries, they invite men after this manner, ' Whoever has clean hands and a good understanding; or who soever is pure from vice, whose soul is conscious of no evil, and lives according to the law of righteous ness, let him come hither.' Now, let us see whom they invite. ' Whoever,' they say, ' is a sinner, whoever is ignorant, whoever is silly, and in a word, whoever is miserable, these the kingdom of God receives.' Whom do you mean by ' sinners ?' Do you not thereby intend thieves and robbers, prisoners, sacrilegious, and the like ? And what else would men say who aim to form 1 Doddridge, ap. Lardner, Works, vol. vii. p. 276. CHAP. I. S3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 333 a society of the worst of men ?" x The reply of Origen is as follows : — " It is one thing to invite sick souls to come to be healed, and another thing to call such as are cured to partake of higher mysteries. We who know the difference of these two things, first invite men to come and be healed, and we exhort sinners to attend to those who teach men not to sin ; and the ignorant and unwise we exhort to hearken to those who will teach them wisdom ; the weak we exhort to aim at manly wisdom, and the miserable we invite to accept of happiness, or to speak more properly, bless edness. And when they whom we have admonished have made some progress, and have learned to live well, then they are initiated by us." As a writer, Celsus does not appear to have been either acute or profound ; his opinions upon the sub jects of philosophy and religion seem to have been un settled, and are often contradictory; and his objec tions to Christianity are such as would present them selves to almost any mind that takes up the Bible with a determination to explain it in a way inconsistent with the idea of its divine origin. Accordingly, we find that many of his arguments have been repeated by infidels, age after age ; and after being a thousand times refuted, they are still advanced with apparently undiminished confidence in their force and originality. About a hundred years after Celsus flourished Por phyry,2 the bitterest and perhaps the most formidable of all the early enemies of Christianity. The same remark, however, may be extended to his works that 1 Orig. c. Cels. 1. iii. p. 2 Socrates speaks of Porphyry as having been a Christian, H. E. iii. 23, but apparently without grounds. 334 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. we applied to that of Celsus, namely, that they only contain speculative reasonings and bitter raillery, in stead of an examination of the facts which support the gospel, or an attempt to invalidate their evi dence. Porphyry was a Syrian by birth, his name was Melek,1 which Longinus changed into Porphyry.2 He was a man of great learning and eloquence. Neander finely characterises him as having recast an Oriental spirit in a Grecian mould. Among his vo luminous works there were fifteen books against the Christians, of which nothing now remains but frag ments. Answers were written to this work soon after it appeared by Eusebius of Csesarea, Methodius, and at a later period, by Apollonarius. But these replies have also perished. Modern infidels have complained that the Christians suppressed what they could not answer, and an edict of Constantine com manding the books of Porphyry to be burnt, has been represented as illustrative of the means which the Christians were ready to employ in support of their cause. Such an edict is inserted in the histories by Socrates and Sozomen ; but there is not awanting reason to suppose that they were imposed upon by a forgery ; the heathen enemies of Constantine, Julian, Zosimus, and others, have not charged him with this instance of false zeal, and there is no allusion to the subject in any contemporary Christian writer. But though there had been such an edict, we cannot ascribe to it the loss of the books by Porphyry, copies of which 1 Melek signifies a king in the Syriac ; hence he is called j3agiXsug ; sometimes Malchus, with the Latin termination. He is called Bataneotes by Jerome and Chrysostom. 2 He studied under Longinus, who changed his name into a word sig nifying purple, — worn by kings. Eunap. Porph. p. 16. CHAP. I. S 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 335 were in existence after the time of Constantine. The truth seems to be, that Porphyry's attack upon Chris tianity and the answers to it fell gradually into obli vion. From the fragments which still remain of the works by Porphyry, it appears that he argued against the truth of the gospel history, from the contradictions which it seemed to involve, and from the improbable nature of much that is recorded ; that he endeavoured to shew that our Saviour was often actuated by weak ness and caprice ; and that from the differences be tween Peter and Paul, he sought to shew that they could not be men commissioned to teach a revelation from heaven;1 he also brought forward many objec tions against the Old Testament Scriptures, and he devoted a whole book (the 12th) to shew that from the plainness of many of the prophecies of Daniel as to the kings of Syria and Egypt, they were written after the events. There is another work ascribed to Porphyry, entitled the Philosophy of Oracles ;2 which professed to be a system of theology deduced from the pretended oracles of antiquity. Such a work might have been expected from a man who seems to have wished to unite a philosophic theism with a popular polytheism. The great proportion of the learned, accordingly, have considered it as genuine. On the other hand, Lardner endeavours to shew, from internal evidence, that the 1 Neander mentions his finding fault with the allegorising in an arbi trary manner, which a certain theological school indulged, and that this objection comes with an ill grace from a Platonist ; but Porphyry mentions that the method was borrowed from the followers of Plato ; see Euseb. H. E. vi. 19. 2 itiPi rrjg ix Xoyiwv (piXogotplag. 336 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. production was the forgery of some Christian writer who assumed the character of a heathen, that he might with better effect introduce some oracles calculated to recommend the Christian religion. The Philosophy of Oracles is quoted by Eusebius to shew that an argu ment in favour of the truth of Christianity may be found in the Oracles of Apollo. In that work it is stated, that some of the heathens consulted the oracle whether Christ might be ranked among the gods, the oracle replied, " The wise man knows that the soul is immortal, but the soul of that man is most eminent for its piety."1 They further asked, Why Christ had suffered death ; the answer was, " To be subject to moderate torments is the fate of the body, but the souls of the pious go and take their station in the heavenly mansions."2 We can scarcely suppose that Eusebius would ascribe to Porphyry a treatise not written by him. And it is to be observed that Porphyry only quotes these oracles,3 and the use that he might have made of them remains uncertain. He might have been deceived concerning them ; and whether the responses were forged or actually delivered may be doubtful. It is certain that the oracles were con sulted respecting Christ, and it is not improbable that 1 Orn fhiv dOavdrri -^uyri fhsra gw/Ma rrP0:3dn;i Tiyvwgxei eopir) rsnr,/j,evog, aXXdye ^uyr) Av'epog eugefilr) itpotpepegrdrr] igrh Ixelvou. Euseb. Dem. Evang. lib. iii. p. 134. 2 'Soifia fhev dbpav'egiv fiatiavoig die) itgoj3';i3Xrirai Yuyii b'eugej3'iwv elg ohpaviov it'ebov 'IZii. Dem. Evang. lib. iii. J This is the view taken by FonteneUe ; who is strangely referred to by Fabricius (Bib. Gr. t. iv. p. 191), and Lardner (vol. vii. p. 444), as being of opinion that the work is not genuine. See his Hist, des Oracles, chap. iv. CHAP. I. sa. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 337 the responses might vary according to the opinions of the priests. On the other hand, the responses favour able to Christ might be forged by some Christian or by some heathen. Neander is of opinion, that the responses in the Philosophy of Oracles were actually delivered, for that no Christian would have had the prudence to speak with so little decision; and that the example of these heathen oracles induced Christians to compose others which are known to be forgeries.1 Hierocles, governor of Bithynia, a cruel persecutor of the Christians, was the author of a work against their religion, entitled " A Truth-loving Discourse addressed to the Christians."2 In this treatise, which was published about the beginning of the fourth cen tury, many of the arguments of Celsus and Porphyry are repeated. But Hierocles does not rest his cause chiefly upon these arguments ; and the great design of his book is to compare ApoUonius Tyanseus with Jesus Christ, and to shew that ApoUonius was the superior character. " You regard," says he, " Christ as a God, because he restored a few blind men to sight, and did a few things of a similar kind ; while ApoUonius, who performed so many miracles, is not on that account held by the Greeks as a god, but only as a man espe cially beloved by the gods."3 And taking for granted the truth of all that is recorded of ApoUonius, he runs a parallel between his life and that of Christ, to the disadvantage of the latter. From the time of Hiero cles, ApoUonius was considered as the hero of the old religion; and even among Christian writers, there are ' Neander, K. G. vol. i. p. 270. 2 Xoyoi (piXaXrfieig itpog roug yjiigriavoug. '¦ Euseb. Contr. Hier. p. 511. Y 338 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. many who have attached more importance to the life and character of this vain impostor than they deserve. Fleury has introduced a full account of his history, and seems to consider that his wonderful works were per formed by the assistance of Satan.1 Tillemont has treated him with too much honour, when he says, that he was one of the most dangerous enemies2 that the Christians had in the beginning, and that Satan seems to have sent him into the world about the same time with Jesus Christ, either to balance his authority in the minds of those who should take his cheats for true miracles, or to induce those who looked upon him as a deceiver, to doubt also of the miracles of Christ. Cudworth entertained a similar opinion.3 Neander takes a different view, and speaks of him as possessed of extraordinary gifts, and even perhaps under the influence of the Spirit ; though destroying the talent entrusted to him. In regard to the character and actions of ApoUonius, 1 Hist. Eccles. torn. i. pp. 20, 213, 237, &c. * Hist. Eccles. torn. i. p. 264. 3 " It is a thing highly probable, if not unquestionable, that ApoUonius Tyanaeus, shortly after the publication of the gospel to the world, was a person made choice of by the policy, and assisted by the poivers, of the kingdom of darkness, for the doing some things extraordinary, merely out of design to derogate from the miracles of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and to enable Paganism the better to bear up against the assaults of Christianity. For amongst the many writers of this philosopher's life, some, and particularly Philostratus, seem to have had no other aim in this, their whole undertaking, than only to dress up ApoUonius in such a garb and manner as might make him best seem to be a fit corrival with our Saviour. Eunapius, therefore, telling us that he mis-titled his book, and that instead of ' AitoXXwvlou /3/oc, the Life of ApoUonius, he should have caUed it Qeou elg dtywitoug iiti8r^iav, the coming down and converse of God with men, forasmuch as this ApoUonius, saith he, was not a bare philosopher or man, dXXd n 'bewv xal uvtywitou fjoegov, but a certain middle thing betwixt the gods and men." InteUectual System, p. 265. CHAP. I. § 3. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 339 as set forth by his biographer, admitting them to be in any degree comparable to those of our Saviour, as de scribed in the New Testament, there is to be observed a decided difference in the evidence which we possess of their reality. The Books of the New Testament were written soon after the death of our Lord, by those who had been witnesses of what he had said and done, and when there were thousands alive who might detect any attempt to deceive ; while our chief knowledge of the life of ApoUonius is from memoirs written upwards of a hundred years after his death. Philostratus, the author of this piece of biography, undertook the work at the request of the Empress Julia, wife of Septimius Severus,1 who put into his hands an account of the sayings and divinations of ApoUonius, by Damis, who had been his constant companion. He had also the benefit of an account of ApoUonius by one Maximus ; and the last will and testament of the philosopher. Such is the account given by Philostratus himself of his materials, and it is obvious that nothing can be more unsatisfactory. We have, in the first place, no information as to the accuracy of the memoirs by Damis ; nor do we know if Philostratus made a faith ful use of them. In this way his narrative is with out the evidence necessary to give us confidence in its truth. On the other hand, conceding the history to be true, ApoUonius is very far from being a perfect character ; and most of the marvellous things ascribed to him may easily be accounted for, without the intervention either of miraculous or magical agency. He was a native of Tyana in Cappadocia, of an ancient family, possessed 1 Philostr. L. i. c. 3. 340 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. of excellent talents, had an imposing appearance, and was not without some virtues. He attached himself to the sect of Pythagoras, practised great abstinence, observed the law of silence for five years ; and by some instances of great disinterestedness, by the severe tenor of his life (though not without the suspicion of concealed vicious indulgences), and by his pretences to inspiration, and perhaps partly by his singularities of walking barefooted and dressing himself in flax, he gained much notoriety, and was followed by many ad mirers. He was a great traveller, like those of his sect ; and wherever he went he recounted the wonders he had witnessed and performed. Many miracles are ascribed to ApoUonius, but they are either obviously fabulous, or they can be explained by natural causes. For example, it is related that he restored a young woman to life; but according to the shewing of his biographer himself, there were symptoms that life had not left her.1 The time of his death is not known ; but it is supposed to have been about the year 97. Statues were erected to his honour, and divine worship in some places was paid to him. 1 Philostr. L. iv. c. 45. See also Euseb. Contr. Hier. p. 530, &c. CHAP. I. S l- ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 341 SECTION IV. FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE DIOCLESIAN PERSECUTION TILL THE PEACE OF THE CHURCH WAS SECURED BY CONSTANTINE BECOMING SOLE EMPEROR. Before proceeding with an account of the Dioclesian persecution, it may be necessary to take a brief view of the state of the empire. In 285, the year after the election of Dioclesian, he found it necessary to asso ciate in authority with himself his friend and fellow- soldier Maximian; a man ferocious and ambitious, whose rude aspect and manners betrayed his lowly origin, but who had distinguished himself by his war like achievements, and whose ardent spirit had always owned the superior genius of the father of his for tunes. For a time these two fortunate adventurers divided between them the empire of the world, under the equal title of Augustus.1 Afterwards they agreed upon a farther division of their wide-spread territories, and their two generals Galerius and Constantius were raised to an equal share of power with themselves, though under the inferior title of the two Csesars. Thrace, Egypt, and the rich part of Asia, were re served for Dioclesian ; Italy and Africa were allotted to Maximian ; Gaul, Spain, and Britain were the por tion of Constantius ; and the remaining provinces were placed under the protection of Galerius. Ancient and modern writers have united in their expressions of ' Maximian was at first entitled Ca?sar ; the precise time when he was raised to equal authority is disputed. See Gibbon, p. 140; and TUle mont, Hist, des Emp. torn. iv. p. 7 and 597. 342 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. admiration of the system of government which they ascribe to the moderation and wisdom. of Dioclesian. And Mr Gibbon,1 after mentioning that their united authority extended over the whole empire, while each exercised a subordinate jurisdiction over his own ter ritories, and that the suspicious jealousy of power had no place among them, refers to a passage in Julian, where the happiness of their union is compared to a chorus of music, whose harmony was regulated and maintained by the skilful hand of the first artist.2 Whether this harmony ever actually existed may perhaps be doubted; it certainly was not of long continuance ; and events soon shewed, that however plausible the system constructed by Dioclesian might appear, it was deficient in those essential requisites that would have been necessary to keep together the discordant elements of which the empire was corn- posed. The scheme was suited to the character of Dioclesian ; for under the appearance of much political sagacity, it was in effect nothing more than a tempo rary expedient resorted to by a short-sighted policy. The dangers to which the empire was now exposed were indeed of an appalling magnitude,- — the inroads of the barbarians on the frontiers, the revolt of re mote provinces, the treasons of the different armies to promote the views of an ambitious general. To have an emperor and an army at every frontier, might seem to afford the best security against invasion and rebel lion ; while the four principal armies, being under the immediate command of those who had a legitimate share in the government, might be freed from the temptation of any irregular or treasonable movement. ' P. 141. 2 Julian in Ca?sar. p. 315. CHAP. I. s*. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 343 Had it been possible always to find four individuals animated with a common zeal for the general interest, and free from all personal jealousy and ambition, there can be little doubt that the fate which so long had threatened this great empire might have been ar rested, and that Rome might have long continued the mistress of the world. But the hopelessness of a con tinued accordance in the sentiments of those who might be nominated the Augusti and the Cossars, con stituted the essential defect of the new scheme ; and the attempt to preserve the empire entire, was calcu lated to accelerate its fall. In guarding against the evil, it was substantially fallen into; and the very semblance of union which was maintained, was cal culated to prove the germ of intestine commotions, from the hope it might awaken in the ambitious mind of universal sway. From the beginning of the reign of Gallienus till the 19th year of Dioclesian, the external tranquillity of the Church suffered no general interruption. The Christians were allowed the free exercise of their re ligion, with partial exceptions ; under Dioclesian, open profession was made of the new faith, even in the imperial household, nor did it prove a barrier to the highest honours and employments.1 In this state of affairs, the condition of the Church seemed in the highest degree prosperous. Converts were multiplied throughout all the provinces of the empire, and the ancient churches proving insufficient for the accom modation of the increasing multitudes of worshippers, splendid edifices were erected in every city, which were 1 Euseb. H. E. viii. 1. 344 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. filled with crowded congregations. But with this out ward appearance of success, the purity of faith and worship became gradually corrupted, and still more the vital spirit of religion suffered a melancholy de cline. Pride and ambition, emulation and strifes, hy pocrisy and formality among the clergy, and supersti tions and factions among the people, brought reproach upon the Christian cause. In these circumstances the judgments of the Lord were manifested; and the Church was visited with the severest persecution to which it ever yet had been subjected. According to the words of Jeremiah, so pathetically quoted by Eusebius in entering upon this part of his history, the Lord covered the daughter of Zion with a cloud in his anger, and cast down from heaven unto the earth the beauty of Israel. He threw down the strongholds of the daughter of Judah, and brought them to the ground.1 It was in the year 303 that the general persecution began. In the commencement of winter, Dioclesian had fixed his residence at Nicomedia, where he was joined by Galerius, in all the pride of the victories he had won over the Persians. In the interviews2 between the 1 Lament, ii. 1, 2. 2 The treatise De Mortibus Perseeutorum, generaUy ascribed to Lac- tantius, contains an account of these private interviews. Le Nourry has collected the arguments for proving that this tract ought not to be ascribed to the author of the Divine Institutes, which Lord Hailes has very well met. Mr Gibbon remarks (p. 225, note i), that " it is diffi cult to conceive how he could acquire so accurate a knowledge of what passed in the imperial cabinet ;" but his situation as tutor to C'rispus, son of the Emperor Constantine, must have afforded him many oppor tunities of information. The Book of the Deaths of the Persecutors is addressed to Donatus, a. confessor. The object of the work is to shew that the Emperors who persecuted the Christians all came to a miserable end. After mentioning briefly the sufferings of the Church under Nero, CHAP. I. St ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 345 Princes the new religion, or what they considered as the growing superstition, became the subject of their frequent consultation ; and the necessity of taking measures that might prove sufficient for rooting out the Christian faith, was urged by Galerius. Dioclesian, though a votary of Paganism, had hitherto allowed a full toleration to all his subjects, and from policy or indifference seems to have been indisposed to severe proceedings in matters of religion. For a long time he opposed the inclinations of Galerius, pointed out the dangerous consequences of disturbing the tranquil lity of the empire, reminded his colleague that the Christians courted death, and hence he drew the con clusion1 — how accurately the event declared — that if the sword were once drawn, oceans of blood would in fallibly be shed. He therefore proposed that if any steps at all were to be taken, they should confine them selves to the exclusion of Christianity from the officers of the palace and the soldiery. This moderate proposal, however, was far from satisfying Galerius, and, during the whole winter, in secret conferences, from which all others were excluded, he continued his importunities ; Domitian, Decius, Valerian, and Aurelian, and giving an account of the tragical deaths of all these tyrants, he enters at great length upon the persecution which took place in his own days, representing the horrid cruelties that were exercised upon the Christians, and the visible chas tisements which God inflicted upon their persecutors. Lactantius is considered as the most eloquent of the ecclesiastical authors who wrote in Latin, as is sufficiently shewn by the title which by universal consent he has won, of the Christian Cicero. 1 " He urged in the strongest terms the danger as well as cruelty of shedding the blood of those deluded fanatics," Gibbon, p. 225. There is nothing in Lactantius with respect to the cruelty of shedding the blood of the deluded fanatics. " The language of Dioclesian is that of a politician, not of a moralist ; the words employed by Lactantius are those of Dioclesian, and they are in character ; but the version of Mr Gibbon expresses his own benevolent feelings." Hailes' Manner in which the Persecutors died, p. 158. 346 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. till at last the aged Emperor was wearied out, or over awed into compliance with his views. We are probably without full information as to all the circumstances which inspired Galerius with so de termined a hostility to the cause of the gospel, or as to the means by which he prevailed with his more cau tious colleague to give his consent to an edict for persecution. The rude mind of Galerius was much under the influence of superstition, and his blood thirsty disposition would naturally prompt him to wreak his vengeance upon those who in any way might cross his prejudices. His mother also, like himself a bigot to the Pagan worship, and whose pride had been offended by the refusal of her servants to join with her in idol feasts,1 used all her influence at this period with her son, to incite him by a wide proscrip tion to avenge the slight that was offered to their own authority, and that of their offended deities. There is reason also to suppose that all the arts of the hea then priesthood were brought to bear upon the mind of Galerius. During the long period in which the arm of power had shielded, or at least refused to attack the Church, the priests, and also those whom interest or prejudice attached to the cause of heathenism, were far from being inactive. Through their influence, men of learning and ingenuity were employed to bring the Christian cause into discredit ; and not a few were led to renounce Christianity altogether, while others 1 The mother of Galerius, a woman exceedingly superstitious, was a votary of the gods of the mountains. Being of such a character, she made sacrifices almost every day, and she feasted her servants on the meat offered to idols ; but the Christians of her family would not par take of those entertainments. On this account, she conceived ill-will against the Christians. Hailes' Manner, &c. p. 124. CHAP. I. §4. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 347 were taught to regard it as a purified paganism. These, however, bore but a small proportion to the multitudes who daily enlisted themselves under the banners of the Cross, and the priests and pagan philo sophers must have perceived that, if a systematic plan were not then formed and vigorously acted upon for the destruction of Christianity, their cause must be for ever hopeless. It is certain, as we will imme diately see, that the persecution was conducted so as to shew that it was not under the guidance of a fury that was blind as well as bigoted, but that it was di rected by those who had studied the nature and genius of Christianity, and who knew well what was most likely to deprive it of support. And as the method of the persecution was under the priesthood, we may be warranted in the conjecture that the persecution itself originated with them. Accordingly, they ad dressed themselves, in the first instance, to Diocle sian, and endeavoured to engage him in decisive deeds against the Christians; and when he was unmoved by their arts, they sought access to the mind of Galerius for accomplishing their purposes. Galerius had already shewn his hostility to Chris tianity. The general laws of the empire prevented him from having recourse to sanguinary proceedings in the general administration of the provinces ; but in his own camp he had dismissed from his service all the officers who had refused to sacrifice.1 Mr Gibbon remarks, that the imprudent zeal of the Christians sometimes offered a specious pretext for the severities he exercised ; and he refers to Maximilianus,2 a legal recruit, publicly ' Some were even punished with death. Euseb. H. E. viii. 4. 3 Ruinart, Acta Sincera, p. 299. 348 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PART I. refusing to embrace the profession of arms, because his conscience could not allow him ; and also to Mar cellus,1 a centurion, who, on the day of a public fes tival, threw away his belt and arms, and the ensigns of his office, and exclaimed with a loud voice, That he would obey none but Jesus Christ the eternal king; from which he draws the conclusion, that it was by examples like these that the minds of the emperors were alienated from the Christians, and that the opinion was authorised, that a sect of enthu siasts which avowed principles so repugnant to the public safety, must either remain useless, or must soon become dangerous subjects of the empire. But admitting that there were occasional enthusiasts to be found, and that the accounts of Maximilianus and Mar cellus are true, there is no evidence whatever that such instances were at this time frequent, or that the Chris tians were viewed either as useless or dangerous mem bers of society. And the conduct of Galerius must be ascribed, therefore, to his own superstition, and to his violent temper ; and his savage disposition being wrought upon by his bigoted mother, and by an art ful and cruel priesthood, instigated him to seek for a general measure by which the bloodhounds of Pagan ism might be let loose against the Christians. We have seen how reluctant Dioclesian was to allow the sword to be drawn. What arguments at length moved him, we are not informed. But he did not give his consent without consulting for his own dignity, in the manner in which he yielded to the instances of his colleague. He, in the first place, proposed the ques tion for the opinion of a council of the chief men of ' lluinart, Acta Sincera, p. 302. CHAP. I. S 4. ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 349 the state ; for such, says Lactantius, was his custom, not to consult any one when about to do what was good, that the undivided fame might be his own ; but when he meditated any thing that was evil, he advised with others that he might impute to them whatever measures might be unpopular. In the present in stance, many of those who were called upon for their opinion were personally hostile to Christianity, and gave it as their judgment, that the enemies of religion and of the gods ought to be removed. Others, whose sentiments were different, were afraid to express them selves in a way that would displease Galerius, and joined, therefore, their voices to the former. Still Dioclesian refused to give his consent, till counsel was taken of the gods. The soothsayer who was sent to Apollo of Miletus, reported that from the depth of his dark cave, the voice of the god was heard declaring that the righteous who were upon the earth prevented him from speaking truth, and that this was the reason why a false answer was often given from his tripod ; and that the priestess, having her hair dishevelled and bewailing the unhappy state of mankind, united in the same response.1 Upon this, the Emperor yielded to the voices of his friends, of Ceesar, of Apollo, only stipulating, in the first instance at least, that blood should not be shed. The attack was begun upon the 23d of February, the clay of the festival of the terminalia, as if then an end was to be made of the religion of Jesus. Early in the morning when it was scarcely light, a pre fect, with generals, tribunes, and officers, approached the church of Nicomedia, forced open the doors, and 1 Euseb. Vit. Const, ii. 50. 350 ELEMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. PARTI. effected an immediate entry. After seeking in vain for an idol, or any visible object of worship, they burnt whatever sacred books they found, and gave up every thing to be plundered. The two Emperors, from the windows of the palace, marked these proceedings in anxious consultation, keeping their eyes upon the church, which was situated within their view, upon an eminence, in a populous part of the city. It was a question between them whether it should not be set on fire. Dioclesian justly dreaded the consequences of a conflagration in so crowded a part of the city ; and his opinion prevailed. A party of guards were then detached, who, marching in battle array with the in struments of destruction in their hands, surrounded the building, and in a few hours, levelled the lofty structure with the ground. The destruction of the church of Nicomedia proved the signal for a general attack ; and next day an edict1 was issued, by which it was ordained, that the churches throughout all the provinces should be totally de stroyed, that all who were in possession of copies of the Scriptures should deliver them up, that they might be committed to the flames in a public and solemn manner, 1 Euseb. H. E. viii. 2, and Lact. de M. P. c. 13. rjitXwro itavraybge /3agiXixa ypafifLara, rag fi'sv IxxXrjglag elg sbafog (p'speiv, rag 8'e ypa of his shades and rivers, vales and grottoes, which a more northern poet would have omitted for the description of a sunny hill and fire side." In like manner, our imagination must convey us amidst the summer heats of an unbreathing Galilean noon, ere we can enter into such strains as this : " Awake, O north wind, and come, thou south : blow upon ray garden, that the spices thereof may flow out." The previous habits and occupations of an author often give a colouring to his dic tion and sentiments. Thus David, in many of his Psalms, gives a re cord of his feelings in the earlier passages of his life. And in the prophecies of Amos, there are some touching accents, which afford evi dence that utterance is given to the inspiration of the Spirit by the voice of one who had been amonar the herdmen of Tekoa. In like manner, the native country and present residence of an author, must lie taken into account when we study his writings. This circumstance is calculated to throw much light upon several of the inspired books. The remarks of Mr Milman upon the character of Ezekiel are well worthy of attention in this respect. History of the Jews, vol. ii. p. 4. If we turn from the Scriptures to ecclesiastical history, we will find equal use for the study of geography. The following remarks by Mr Taylor are well worthy of being quoted : — " Persia and India were the native soils of the contemplative phi losophy, as Greece was the source of the ratiocinative. The immense difference between the Asiatic and the European turn of mind, if the familiar phrase may be used, becomes conspicuous, if some pages of either the Logic or Ethics of Aristotle are compared with what re mains of the sentiments of the Gnostics. The influence of Christianity upon the Moderns has been to temper the severity of the ratiocinative taste with a taste for contemplation; contemplation by so much the better than that of the oriental sages, as it takes its range in the heart, not in the imagination. " The Asiatic character is in no inconsiderable degree affected by the habit resulting from that insufferable fervour of the sun at noon, which compels a suspension of active employments during the broad light of day. The period of repose easily extends itself through all the hours of sultry heat, if necessity does not exact labour. Then the quiescence in which the day has been passed, lends an elasticity of mind to the hours of night, when the effulgent magnificence of the skies kindles the imagination, and enhances meditation to ecstacy. How little, beneath the lowering, and chilly, and misty skies of Bri- 420 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. tain, can we appreciate the power of these natural excitements of mental abstraction ! " In an enumeration of the natural causes of the anchoretic life, the influence of scenery should not be overlooked. As the gay and mul tiform beauties of a broken surface, teeming with vegetation, (when seconded by favouring circumstances,) generate the soul of poetry ; so (with similar aids) the habit of musing in vacuity of thought, is che rished by the aspect of boundless wastes, and arid plains, or of enor mous piles of naked mountain : and to the spirit that has turned with sickening or melancholy aversion from the haunts of men, such scenes are not less grateful or less fascinating than are the most delicious landscapes to the frolic eye of joyous youth. The wilderness of the Jordan, the stony tracts of Arabia, the precincts of Sinai, and the dead solitudes of sand, traversed, but not enlivened by the Nile, offered themselves, therefore, as the natural birthplaces of monachism ; and skirting as they did the focus of religion, long continued (indeed they have never wholly ceased) to invite numerous desertions from the ranks of common life." Natural History of Enthusiasm, pp. 202-204. Or the observations by Mr Scott, who is in no degree chargeable with giving way to fanciful theories, may be considered by some as more in point : — " The Swiss, it is well known, are a peculiar and highly interesting people, who derive much of their character from the country in which their lot is cast. The inhabitants of an abrupt and mountainous dis trict are likely, from the very necessity of the case, to be a hardy and industrious race, long retaining the original simplicity of their manners. Among them, also, the natural love of liberty will be encouraced to exhibit itself, by the facility which their country presents for even a very small number of persons successfully maintaining their indepen dence against the most numerous and powerful assailants." '* It is obvious that, in such a country as this, the Reformation might proceed without encountering any such powerful opponents as it had to contend with in Germany. Shut up within their own moun tains, and each state free and independent within itself, the people had little to fear from either the Pope or the Emperor, or from any one but the members of their own Union, whose powers were so equally balanced or duly checked, as to excite in them little apprehension of danger." Scott's Continuation of Milner, vol. ii. pp. 326, 328. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 421 NOTE [I.] Page 16. Of the remark in the text many illustrations might be given. I shall limit myself to one. Towards the close of the eleventh century, we cease to read in the history of England of the inroads of the Danes and other northern nations, an account of whose invasions fills so many of the precedmg pages of our annals. The last attempt, according to Mr Hume, was made by Magnus, King of Norway, on the Isle of Anglesea ; but he was repulsed by Hugh, Earl of Shrewsbury, in the eleventh year of William Rufus. " That restless people," continues Mr Hume, " seem about this time to have learned the use of tillage, which thenceforth kept them at home, and freed the other nations of Europe from the devastations spread over them by those piratical in vaders. This proved one great cause of the subsequent settlement and improvement of the southern nations." Mr Milner, who quotes this pas sage, very properly remarks, that it may be doubtful, whether, admitting the fact that these people had learned the use of tillage, it is sufficient to account for the effect. " But, besides that he has no historical evi dence and supports it by mere conjecture, it is fair," continues Mr M., " to ask how they came to be so docile and tractable as to submit to the arts of agriculture ? Does a nation habituated to arms and to idleness easily give itself up to industry and the arts of peace ?" And he goes on to shew, that the real cause was to be discovered in the conversion about this period of the Danes and Swedes and Norwegians to the cause of Christianity. In a passage from Adam of Bremen, who wrote concerning the situation of Denmark in 1080, in a passage which is quoted by Gibbon, and admitted by him to be true, we have an account of the effects of Christianity among the Danes. " Look,'' says he, ': at that very ferocious nation of the Danes. For a long time they have been accustomed in the praises of God to resound Alleluia. Look at that piratical people. They are now content with the fruits of their own country. Look at that horrid region, formerly inacessible on account of idolatry. They now eagerly hear the preaching of the word." We have here, then, in the first place, a remarkable improve ment in the situation of the Danes themselves — their barbarous cha racter humanized, and their piratical habits changed for the peaceful arts, and this account, upon the authority of Gibbon, is strictly correct. We have further the authority of Hume for ascribing the settlement and improvement of the southern nations to their being now freed from the devastations spread over them by the northern invaders. And all 422 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. these most important results can be directly traced to the influence of Christianity. NOTE |K]. Page 18. The end which history proposes, is not the ascertaining of the ulti mate facts in the constitution of our being. This end is peculiar to the philosophy of man, or the science of mind, — a science upon which history sheds many interesting lights, hut a science which, in its lead ing principles, ought to precede the systematic study of history. To understand aright an aggregate, we ought to attend to the particulars of which it is composed ; and in studying what relates to a community, some previous consideration should be devoted to the circumstances of resemblance in the individuals who compose it. Hence the de sirableness of acquainting ourselves with the principles of the consti tution of our being, before proceeding with the study of church his tory. A knowledge of the religious systems in the nations that did not enjoy the benefit of revelation, is equally necessary, as may be seen in tracing the christianization of every state. NOTE [L]. Page 19. The following are the works recommended by Gieseler : — " Bes. von Martyreren und Heiligen in grosser Anzahl vorhanden, aber nur mit behutsamer Critik zu gebrauchen : — " Acta Sanctorum, quotquot toto orbe coluntur. Antverp. 1643- 1794. 58 Bde. fol. ein Werk der Antwerpischen Jesuiten Jo. Bollandus (von diesem angefangen, daher die Herausgeber Bollandisten) God. Henschenius, Dan Papebrochius etc. nach den Monatstagen geordnet. Der 53ste Bd. ist der 6te des Octobers. Der zur Bearbeitung dieses Werkes gesammelte, lange vermisste Apparat, zu welchem allein gegen 700 Handschriften gehoren, ist 1827 auf einem Schlosse der Provinz Antwerpen wieder entdeckt worden (Hall. A. L. Z. Nov. 1827, S. 608). " Literarische Sammlungen fiber die kirchlichen Schriftsteller : Nou- velle bibliotheque des auteurs ecclesiastiques — par L. Ellies du Pin. Paris 1686-1714, gr. 8, mit den Fortsetzungen : bibliotheque des au teurs separes de la communion de l'Eglise Romaine du 16 et 17 siecle, par Ell. du Pin. Paris 1718-19. 2 Bde. : und die bibliotheque des aut. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 423 eccles. du 18 siecle par Claude Pierre Goujet. Paris 1736-37. 3 Bde. gr. 8, Vgl. Remarques sur la bibliotheque de M. du Pin. par Mat- thieu Petitdidier. Paris 1691 ss. 3 Tom. 8. und Critique de la bib- lioth. de M. du Pin. par Rich. Simm. Paris 1730. 4 Tom. 8. " Histoire des auteurs sacres et ecclesiastiques, par R, Ceillier. Paris 1729 ff. 23 Theile. 4 (geht bis ins 13te Jahrhundert). W. Cave scriptorum ecclesiasticorum historia literaria. Oxon. 1740. Basil 1741. 2 Voll. fol. (bis zur Reformation) — Casp. Oudini commentarius de scriptoribus ecclesiast. antiquis. Lips. 1722. 3 Voll. fol. (bis zum Jahr. 1460.) " J. A. Fabricii bibliotheea ecclesiastica. Hamb. 1718. fol. Ejusd. bibl. latina mediae et infimas setatis. Hamb. 1734-46. 6 Bde. 8. (vermehrt von Mansi. Patav. 1754. 3 Bde. 4). Auch in Fabricii biblioth. grseca (Hamb. 1705. ss. Voll. xiv. 4 ed. nova variorum curis emendatior curante G. Ch. Harless. Hamb. 1790-1809. Voll. xii. 4. unvollendet) und Biblioth. latina (ed 4. Hamb. 1722. 3 Tomi 8. auct. ed. J. A. Ernesti. Lips. 1733-74. 3 Tom. 8.) finden sich Nachrichten fiber Kirch enschriftsteller. Eine Erganzung der letzten ist C. T. G. Schonemanni Biblioth. hist, literaria Patrum Latin, a Ter- tulliano usque ad Gregor. M. Tomi ii. Lips. 1792-94. 8. " Sammlungen von Werken kirchlicher Schriftsteller : Magna Bib liotheea vett. Patrum. Paris 1654. 17 Tomi fol. Maxima Biblio theea vett. Pat. Lugd. 1677. 27 Tomi fol. Andr. Gallandii Biblioth. vett. Patr. Venetiis 1765. ss. 14 Tomi fol." Gieseler, K. G. vol. i. p. 14. NOTE [M\. Page 21. " Seit dem Anfange des Religionskriegs in Deutschland bis zum Miinsterischen Frieden ist in der politischen Welt Europens kaum etwas Grosses und Merkwiirdiges geschechen, woran die Reformation nicht den vornehmsten Antheil gehabt hatte. Alle Weltbegebenheiten, welche sich in diesem Zeitraume ereignen, schliessen sich an die Glau- bensverbesserung an, wo sie nicht ursprunglich daraus herflossen, und jeder noch so grosse und noch so kleine Staat hat mehr oder weniger, mittelbarer oder unmittelbarer, den Einfluss derselben empfunden. " Beinahe der ganze Gebrauch, den das spanische Haus von seinen ungeheuren politischen Kraften machte, war gegen die neuen Meinun- gen oder ihre Bekenner gerichtet. Durch die Reformation wurde der Biirgerkrieg entziindet, welcher Frankreich unter vier stiirmischen 424 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Regierungen in seinen Grundfesten erschiitterte auslandische Waffen in das Herz dieses Konigreichs zog, und es ein halbes Jahrhundert lang zu einem Schauplatze der traurigsten Zeriittung machte. Die Reformation machte denNiederlandern das spanische Joch unertraglich, und weckte bei diesem Volke das Verlangen und den Muth, dieses Joch zu zerbrechen, so wie sie ihm grosstentheils, auch die Krafte dazu gab. Alles Bose, welches Philipp der Zweite gegen die Konigin Elisabeth von England beschloss, war Rache, die er dafiir nahm, dass sie seine protestantischen Unterthanen gegen ihn in Schutz genommen, und sich an die Spitze einer Religionspartei gestellt hatte, die er zu vertilgen strebte. Die Trennung in der Kirche hatte in Deutschland eine fortdauernde politische Trennung zur Folge, welche dieses Land zwar langer als ein Jahrhundert der Werwirrung dahingab, aber auch zugleich gegen politische Unterdriickung einen bleibenden Damm aufthiirmte. Die Reformation war es grossentheils, was die nordischen Machte, Danemark und Schweden, zuerst in das Staatssystem von Europa zog, weil sich der protestantische Staatenbund durch ihren Beitritt verstarkte, und weil dieser Bund ihnen selbst unentbehrlich ward. Staaten, die vorher kaum fiir einander vorhanden gewesen, fingen an, durch die Reformation einen wichtigen Beriihrungspunkt zu erhalten, und sich in einer neuen politischen Sympathie an einander zu schliessen. So wie Burger gegen Biirger, Herrscher gegen ihre Un terthanen durch die Reformation in andere Verhaltnisse kamen, ruckten durch sie auch ganze Staaten in neue Stellungen gegen einan der. Und so musste es durch einen seltsamen Gang der Dinge die Kirchentrennung seyn, was die Staaten unter sich zu einer engern Vereinigung fuhrte." Schiller's Geschichte des dreissigjahrigen Krieas. NOTE [N], Page 24. Some have been disposed to question the position that an analogous re lation subsists between civil history and the science of ethics, and eccle siastical history and theology. In morals, it is maintained, considered as a human science, our rules of conduct are wholly derived from a con sideration of the principles of our nature taken in connection with the lessons of experience ; but if a divine revelation in the Scriptures is cranted, we are in possession of a complete system of rules which have an obligation upon us, independently of any considerations of a histori cal or metaphysical nature. Accordingly, many look upon the greater NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 425 part of the details of ecclesiastical history as utterly useless ; while it is conceived, that even in its best pages nothing more is gained than a pleasing or pious exercise, from which the theologian can learn no truth in his sacred science which he might not have attained by other means. In opposition to this idea, I conceive that there are many truths which nothing but the history of the Church can teach us, and that however great a man's powers may be, however sincere his piety, however intense his application to other departments of professional learning, if he is unacquainted with church history, he must be ill in structed in systematic theology ; and that, in polemical divinity, he cannot be prepared for taking the field against the new forms of error that continually present themselves, or for contending for the faith once delivered to the saints. The principle on which this error is founded, is the same with that which was first proposed by sincere, though mistaken piety, viz., that the reading of the Scriptures may supersede all other study. Now the word of the Lord is perfect, and contains all that is necessary to make us wise unto salvation. But though we have revelation as a perfect guide, it is far from following that the benefits of experience are su perseded. If this were the case, it would present an anomaly in the methods of Divine procedure, in which a harmony is to be marked in different systems, and all are rendered mutually subservient to the respective ends of each. If no advantage, therefore, were to be derived under the Christian dispensation from that condition of our being by which continuity of existence is kept up by the links of successive generations, there would, in this respect, be a want of adaptation in the economy of grace to the economy of nature. In reality, however, the two, when rightly considered, will be discovered to be fitly framed to each other. This may be established by a few remarks. The law of the Lord is unquestionably perfect, and the Scriptures, like their great Author, contain all the treasures of wisdom and know ledge. But then, though perfect in themselves, they are addressed to frail and fallible creatures, who are liable to misinterpret their meaning, and little qualified to appreciate all their excellence. To preserve us from error, and to lead us into the knowledge of all the truth, the influences of the Spirit are promised. But it must be remem bered, that the Spirit operates through the instrumentality of means, and where these means are neglected, we cannot reasonably look for a blessing. Among these means, one of the most important is pre sented by the constitution of the Church as a spiritual community, where each individual is employed about the same subject, so that the errors 426 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. into which one falls, may be corrected by the juster perceptions of another, and where the discoveries that are made by the more enlarged experience, or in answer to the more earnest prayers, of one, are ren dered available for the good of all. While, therefore, it is readily conceded, that the humblest Christian who has no other guide but the word of God itself, which he studies in dependence upon divine teaching, will be preserved from all damnable heresy, and will be in structed in the substantial particulars of his duty, it will not surely be maintained that his views might not be corrected and expanded by the means referred to. To suppose that it might be otherwise, would be to afford the most dangerous aliment to the pride and presumption of the individual, establishing for each, in his own estimation, a species of in fallibility. Not that we can learn from others any thing that is not con tained in the revelation that has been made to us, or that mere human teaching can in any particular supersede that which is divine. All that we receive from other sources is to be brought to the test of the Scrip tures, and is valuable only in so far as it leads our attention to what had been formerly unnoticed by us, or discloses to our conviction some misconception into which we had fallen. The position, then, that all essential truth is contained in the Scripture, and this other position, that the whole of this truth must be equally perceived by those who attend to it, are wholly different. It is with mental as with corporeal vision. An object may be before us in all its parts, and yet many of these parts may be unnoticed by us. The heavens in their whole ex panse may be open to our view, and yet many of the stars that adorn the face of night may elude our glance^ till the finger of one with a clearer vision points out their place in the sky. Or another view may be taken of the subject. It will be allowed that as the powers of the individual are matured, and his experience is varied, he arrives at more enlarged views of Scriptural truth. These views may be communicated to others, and in the mutual interchange among the members of the spiritual household of Christ of the results of their experience, consists one of the benefits of the bonds which unite believers into one community — a benefit which may be conveyed with ever-increasing fulness from age to age. It is obvious also, that ad vantages similar to those derived from the varied circumstances in which individuals are placed, must arise from the varied aspect that the whole Christian community exhibits generation after generation. It is the office of the church historian to exhibit the results of the experiments performed on this extensive scale, which are calculated to afford ad vantages which cannot be otherwise obtained. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 427 NOTE [0]. Page 30. A full account of the literature of church history would claim a larger portion of literary history than might be at first sight sup posed ; and a survey of the character of the works which have been produced, even upon general ecclesiastical history, is calculated to shed light upon all the departments of theological science. Such a work, conducted upon right principles, with correct general views and impar tial criticism of individual works, would be a valuable contribution to ecclesiastical history. The following works may be consulted upon this subject : — " Caspar Sagittarius. Introductio in Historiam Ecclesiasticam. Jena 1718." With additions by J. A. Schmidt. " Ch. H. F. Walch's Grundsatse der zur Kirchenhistorie de N. T. nbthigen Vorbereitungslehren und Bucherkentniss." Gottingen 1773. In the third volume of the Bibliotheca Theologica Selecta, by J. G. Walch, there is an enumeration of works upon ecclesiastical history, De Scriptis Historise Ecclesiasticse, which is very convenient. There is a valuable chapter in Schroekh, entitled, Quellen und Hiilfsmittel der Christlichen Kirchengeschichte, containing many sound positions and various literary notices, of which free use has been made in the text. Dowling's list is convenient, though deficient in regard to recent German works. C. F. Staiidlin's Geschichteu. Litteratur der Kirchengeschichte. Hanover 1827- In the works on ecclesiastical writers, as Dupin, Cave, Ceillier, Fa bricius, Oudin, many notices are to be found of Church historians. NOTE [PI- Page 35. " Doch die Kirchengeschichte konnte in keiner von beyden Kirchen lange auf eine lehrreiche Art bearbeitet werden. Der Aberglaube ein Feind aller griindlichen Geschichte, erhob sich selbst in der morgen- landischen Kirche schon zu derjenigen Zeit, da sie kaum die Friichte von dem Fleisse des Eusebius einerndtete. Weder er, noch seine Nachfolger, sind von derselben unbefleckt geblieben. Die unreine, 428 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. durch Einbildungskraft, falschen Eifer und menschliche Erfindungen verdorbeue Gotseeligkeit, wurde fast allein in der Kirche bewundert. Aus ihr flossen die meisten Handlungen, welche zur Ehre und zum Vortheil der Religion vorgenommen seyn sollten, und eine freye Beurtheilung derselben, wurde straflich. Die Geistlichen und die Monche insonderheit, welche ein Beyspiel von dieser Gottseeligkeit abgaben, und sie bey den iibrigen Christen zu vielen thbrichten Aus- bruchen befbrderten, bekamen auch den grossten Antheil an dem Ruhm, welcher mit derselben verkniipft war. Sie wurden die Helden der christlichen Geschichte, auf welche alles in derselben zuriickge- fiihrt wurde, von denen alles seine Bewegung und Leitung erhielt. Man gewbhnte sich nach und nach daran, alles zu glauben, was sie erzahlten, weil man ihnen weder aus Ehrfurcht widersprechen wollte; noch wegen der Unwissenheit, in welcher die sogenannten Layen steckten, wider sprechen konnte. Und sie erzahlten der Welt nur solche Dinge, welche sie in den angenommeuen Begriffen von Andacht starkten, ihre Herrschaft uber dieselben befestigten, ihre Einkunfte vergrbsserten. Wenn wurkliche Begebenheiten, in einem aberglaubischen Schimmer vorgestellt, nicht zureichten, urn diese Absichten zu erreichen : so wurden auch sogenannte heilige Betrilgereyen, und dreiste Unwahr- heiten, durch welche aber der Religion, das ist, den Geistlichen, ein Dienst geleistet werden sollte, zu Hiilfe gerufen. Durch alle diese Absichten und Bemiihungen wurde die Kirchengeschichte unter den Christen, bald nach den Zeiten Constantins des Grossen, nur eine Sammlung von Nachrichten, welche der Geistlichkeit riihmlich, und den von ihnen eingefiihrten Religionsmeinungen und Anstalten zu- traglich waren. Das Wahre verlor sich in derselben durch in unzah- liche Fabeln, an welchen sich niemand zu zweifeln unterstand. Zu ihrem niitzlichen und unterrichtendem Inhalte wurden hauptsachlich die Lebensbeschreibungen der neuen Heiligen, Martyrer, Asceten, Einsiedler, und Monche, die von ihnen verrichteten Wunder, oder andere eben so unerwiesene Wunderwerke ; Erscheinungen, Ent- deckungen von Ueberbleibsalen der Heiligen ; Erbauungen von Kirchen und Clbstern ; alle Verrichtungen der Geistlichgeit bis auf die nichtswiirdigsten Umstande ; alle Ausschweifungen der selbst erwahlten Heiligkeit; Verfolgungen von Ketzern, und die Siege, welche die herrschende Parthey unter den Christen, auf den Kirchen- versammlungen davon trug, dieses insgesammt aber in einem lobred- nerischen und fanatischen Tone vorgetragen, gerechnet. Die Geist lichkeit besass allein das Recht, diese falschlich genanute Kirchen geschichte zu beschreiben. Bloss dieser Abriss von dem Zustande, in NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 429 welchem sich diese Geschichte so viele Jahrhunderte befunden hat, macht es uns weniger befremdlich, dass sich die Geistlichen so unge- heure Rechte fiber den Verstand und das Gewissen der Christen erworben haben. Sie grundeten dieselben auf die Geschichte : wer konnte oder durfte ihnen beweisen, das dasjenige, was sie Geschichte nannten, Traume und Lfigen waren ? " Vom f iinften bis zum sechszehnten Jahrhunderte, gebiihrte ihr in der That dieser Nahme grosstentheils : und diejenigen Erzahlungen, welche in keine von diesen benden Classen gehbrten, bestanden, so wahr sie auch seyn mochten, aus abgeschmackten und unnutzen Um- standen. In diesem Zeitraum wurde der unerschbpfliche Vorrath von Heiligen-Geschichten und mannichfaltigen Legenden hauptsachlich zusammengetragen, aus welchem die rbmische Kirche ihre Andacht, unter immer neuen Abwechselungen, bis ans Ende der Welt versorgen kann, und welchen die Antwerpischen Jesuiten bereits zu einem Commentario uber den Calender, von einigen vierzig Foliobanden, geniitzt haben. Palladius, Gregor von Tours, und Gregor der Grosse, Simeon der Metaphrast, und so viele andere, haben an diesen elenden Sammlungen gearbeitet, und der wahren Frbmmigkeit dadurch so sehr als der Geschichte, einen empfindlichen Schaden zugefiigt. " Wir finden allerdings auch in diesen mittlern Zeiten Beytrage zur Kirchengeschichte, die wir nicht ganz verwerfen kbnnen ; allein die besten unter denselben sind nur mittelmassig. In den allermeisten regt sich doch die schwachste Leichtglaubigkeit, und die alberne Frommigkeit der Monche. Ihre Urheber raffen alles ohne Wahl zusammen, was sie erfahren kbnnen ; sie machen es uns unbeschreib- lich schwer, ihre hauchbaren Seiten zu finden. Es sind Geistliche, welche die politische Geschichte theologisch beschrieben haben, und gleichwohl in derselben oft glaubwiirdiger sind, als in ihren Nachrichten fiber die Kirchenhistorie ; Chronikenschreiber, welche den Anfang ihrer Werke mit der Schbpfung der Welt machen, und uns ihre eigene Zeiten wenig kennen lernen ; Verfasser von ertraglichen Ausziigen aus den altern Geschichtschreibern ; mit einem Worte, Schriftsteller, denen man meistentheils nur so lange trauen darf, als sie von ihrem Vaterlande und Jahrhunderte reden. Die Byzantinischen oder Con- stantinopolitanischen Geschichtschreiber, welche eine lange Reihe vom siebenten bis zum funfzehnten Jahrhunderte ausmachen, verdienen noch die meiste Achtung, und erlautern die Morgenlandische Kirchen geschichte vielfaltig. Im neunten Jahrhunderte schrieb ein Patriarch zu Alexanrdien Eutychius. Jarhbiicher vom Anfange der Welt bis auf seine Zeiten, in Arabischer Sprache. Man muss sie in der Kir- 430 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. chengeschichte gebrauchen, weil sie sich durch viele Nachrichten von andern Werken unterscheiden ; aber ihrem Verfasser hatte man doch mehr Behutsamkeit gegen fabelhafte Erzahlungen wfinschen mbgen. Noch mehr ware derselben Nicephorus Callisti, ein Geistlicher des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts zu Constantinopel, bendthigt gewesen. Er hat aus dem Eusebius, den iibrigen Geschichtschreibern, und den alten Kirchenlehrern, eine Geschichte der Kirche in drey und zwanzig Biichern verfertigt, von denen noch achtzehn fibrig sind, welche sich bis aufs Jahr 610 erstrecken. Seine eigene Zusatze haben alles Gute, was er den Alten schuldig ist, durch ungereimte Fabeln verdorben. Ueberhaupt gilt sein Zeugniss, allein genommen, nichts ; unter dessen hat er doch das Verdienst, manche Stellen aus Schriften, welche nachher untergegangen sind, aufbehalten zu haben. In der Abend- landischen Kirche gab Beda, mit dem zunahmen der Ehrwiirdige, nicht allein ein grosses Werk fiber die sechs Weltalter, oder eine Chronik vom Anfange der Welt bis zum Jahr 724 heraus ; sondern eben dieser Englandische Geistliche schrieb auch eine Kirchen geschichte von England, die bis aufs Jahr 731 geht, und die erste Stelle in dieser Art der Historie verdienet. Im neuntem Jahrhun derte setzte ein Halberstadtischer Bischoff Haymo, hauptsachlich aus dem Rufinus, einen so wohlgerathenen Auszug der Kirchengeschichte in zehn Biichern auf, als man zu seiner Zeit kaum hatte erwarten sollen. In eben diesem Jahrhunderte trug der Rbmische Abt Anastasius aus den grieschischen Chronikenschreibern eine sogenannte Kirchen geschichte zusammen. Doch die Nahmen unbetrachtlicher Schrift- steller sollen hier keinen Platz finden ; einige wenige derselben bestatigen schon dasjenige, was ich von den historischen Arbeiten dieser Zeiten gesagt habe. Auch sehr viele in der burgerlichen Geschichte nicht unbrauchbare Chronikenschreiber und Sammlerlasse ich jetzt ungestbrt ruhen, weil diejenigen unter ihnen sehr selten sind, welche, frey wie ein Luitprand, oder Sigbert von Gemblours, auch die Laster der Pabste aufgedeckt hatten." Schroekh's Christliche Kir chengeschichte, vol. i, pp. 153-157. NOTE [Q]. Page 56. " Cicero (de Legibus, c. ii. s. 8) gives us the following extract from the most ancient laws of Rome. ' Let no one have any separate wor ship, nor hold any new gods ; neither to strange gods, unless they have been publicly adopted, let any private worship be offered.; men should NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 431 attend the temples erected by their ancestors,' &c. From Livy (b. iv. c. 30), we learn that, about 430 years before Christ, orders were given to the iEdiles to see ' that none except Roman gods were worshipped, nor in any other than the established forms.' Somewhat more than 200 years after this edict, to crush certain external rites which were becoming common in the city, the following edict was published : ' That whoever possesses books of oracle, or prayer, or any written act of sacrifice, deliver all such books and writings to the Prsetor before the Calends of April ; and that no one sacrifice on public or sacred ground after new or foreign rites.' But it may seem needless to pro duce separate instances, when, from the same historian (b. xxxix. c. 16), we learn, that it had been customary in all the early stages of the Republic, to empower the magistrates ' to prevent all foreign worship ; to expel its ministers from the forum, the circus, and the city ; to search for and burn the religious books (vaticinos libros), and to abolish every form of worship except the national and established form. " The authority of Livy is confirmed by that of Valerius Maximus, who wrote under the Emperor Tiberius, and bears testimony to the jealousy with which all foreign religions were prohibited by the Ro man Republic (b. i. c. 3). That the same principle which had been consecrated by the practice of seven hundred years was" not discon tinued by the Emperors, is clearly attested by the historian Dio Cassius.1 (p. 490-2). It appears that Meceenas, in the most earnest terms, exhorted Augustus ' to hate and punish' all foreign religions, and to compel all men to conform to the national worship ; and we are assured that the scheme of government thus proposed was pursued by Augustus, and adopted by his successors. " Now, from the first of the passages before us, it appears that all richt of private judgment in matters of religion was expressly forbid den by an original law of Rome, which never was repealed. We know not what stronger proof it would be possible to adduce of the in herent intolerance of Roman polytheism. The four next references prove to us, that the ancient law, subversive of the most obvious right of human nature, was strictly acted upon during the long continuance of the commonwealth. The established form of Paganism might not be violated by individual schism or dissent ; the gods, whom the go vernment created, the people wore compelled to worship according to the forms imposed by the government. Under the early Emperors, i In the year U. C. 701, the temples of Isis and Osiris were destroyed by order of the Senate. 432 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. the same was still the maxim of state ; and if the influx of idolaters from every nation under heaven, made it difficult to preserve the pu rity of the Roman religion, that religion became more domestic, and (let us add) more Roman, by the successive and easy deification of some of the most vicious of mankind." Waddington's History of the Church, vol. i. p. 410. NOTE |R]. Page 56. There have been sceptical philosophers, both ancient and modern, who have endeavoured to account for the various religious appearances which are presented to us in the history of the world, in an empirical manner, ascribing every act of homage rendered to the gods to fear or ignorance, or to the arts of politicians. The great majority, however, of those who have speculated upon the subject have taken juster views, and have represented man as formed for rehgion, and as prompted by the constitution of his nature to the worship of the Deity. But among theistical philosophers themselves, very different opinions have pre vailed as to the principles to which the idea of divinity is to be refer red. Among the ancients, there was no attempt made towards the analysis of the mental phenomena, and philosophers contented them selves with the statement of the fact, accompanied sometimes with vague conjectures, or in language involving fanciful analogies. In mo dern times, some have contended that the idea of God is literally in nate ; others more reasonably consider, that we are endowed with faculties which infallibly lead to the recognition of our dependence on some superior power. Some have maintained, that the idea of God is to be ascribed to a peculiar internal sense, as our ideas of beauty or of virtue are to be traced to other internal senses. Others have con ceived that they have given a surer basis to our religious convictions, by connecting the idea of God exclusively with the discursive facul ties. While some German philosophers maintain, that our belief of the Deity precedes, or at least is independent of any process of reason- in o\ and arises spontaneously, like the belief of our own existence, by a species of consciousness. There is a portion of truth in most of these theories, while each of them also excludes some portion of the truth. The doctrine of an internal sense of religion, or of a consciousness of the Deity, expresses the certainty with which religious feelings arise, but then it does not account for the variety that subsists among men in their religious belief. The exercise of reason is essential to all true NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 433 religion ; but the reasoning faculties themselves could never lead to the idea of a supernatural power, — the feeling of the supernatural belong ing to the emotional part of our nature. On the other hand, the feel ing referred to, though its object is the invisible or supernatural, could not give the idea of power or intelligence, ideas which originate in our intellectual part. This feeling, instead of operating in har mony with our reflective powers, may along with them move in subor dinate to our passions, our hopes, our fears, our resentments, in which combination we have superstition instead of religion. NOTE [S]. Page 67. Dr Leland devotes Part II. almost exclusively to this subject. One or two extracts will be sufficient. " But if we should grant, that they had all which they taught in re lation to religion and morals, purely by their own reason, it is far from being true, that there is not any one evangelical precept, or point of moral duty, taught and enforced in the gospel, that was not taught by the heathen philosophers. I shall at present only instance in one, which is of very great importance : it is that precept mentioned by our Saviour, ' Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve.' Matt. iv. 10. The philosophers were universally wrong, both in conforming themselves, and urging it as a duty upon the people to conform in their religious worship to the rites and laws of their several countries, by which polytheism was established, and the public worship was directed to a multiplicity of deities. This was a grand defect, and spread confusion and error through that part of duty which relates to the exercise of piety towards God, which some of the philosophers themselves acknowledged to be an essential branch of morality." Leland's Advantage and Necessity of Revelation, vol. ii. 68. " Some of the philosophers were wrong in the very fundamental principles of morals. And since the foundation was wrong, they could not build upon it a proper system, nor be depended upon for leading mankind into right notions of their duty. Such were those, who main tained that nothing is just or unjust by nature, but only by law and custom. This was the.opinion, as Laertius informs us, of Theodoras, Archelaus, Aristippus, and others. This way also went Pyrrho, and all the Sceptics, who denied that any thing is in itself, and by its own nature, honest or dishonest, base or honourable, but only by virtue of the laws and customs which have obtained among men : for which they E e 434 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. are deservedly exposed by Epictetus. Plato represents it as a fashion able opinion, which very much prevailed in his time, and was main tained and propagated by many that were esteemed wise men and philosophers, ' That the things which are accounted just, are not so by nature : for that men are always differing about them, and making new constitutions : and as often as they are thus constituted, they ob tain authority, being made just by art and by the laws, not by any natural force or virtue.'1 " Thus did many of the philosophers resolve all moral obligations into merely human laws and constitutions, making them the only mea sure of right and wrong,' of good and evil. So that if the people had a mind to be instructed what they should do or forbear, they sent them to the laws of then; several countries, and allowed them to do whatso ever was not forbidden by those laws." Ibid. p. 73. '' None of the philosophers was more admired than the divine Plato, as he was usually called, and who, Cicero says, was a kind of god among the philosophers : and yet his doctrine in the Fifth Book of his Republic, where he proposes to give a perfect model of a well- ordered commonwealth, is such as can scarce be reconciled to the rules of common modesty and decency. He would have the women appear naked, as well as the men, at the public exercises, and apologises for it, under pretence that they will be clothed with virtue instead of garments. In the same book he appoints the community of women in his commonwealth ; that the wives of those whom he calls (puXaxeg, the guardians of the city and commonwealth, should be common to them all, and that the children should be so too ; so that the father should not know his son, nor the son his father ; but all should be the children of the commonwealth. He farther proposes, that those young men, who had distinguished themselves in war, or were eminent in other respects, should be rewarded by allowing them a larger liberty of accompanying with the women ; that more children might be had from them for the commonwealth than from others.2 * * * * There is another passage in the same book, which I had occasion to hint at before, and which admits of no excuse, that when men and women have passed * * * the age of forty for the women, and fifty-five for the men, they should be at liberty (both men and women) to accompany with whom they pleased, only excepting their parents and children, or those in a direct line above or below either of these. And that in the case of children, care should be taken either to i Plato de Leg. lib. x. Oper. p. 666. C. edit. Lugd. 3 Plato Republ. lib. v. Oper. p. 460 ; edit. Lugd. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 435 prevent their coming to the birth, or to expose them afterwards without nourishment.1 I am sorry that I am obliged to mention these and other things of the like kind, which may shock the delicacy of the reader ; but the subject I am upon makes it necessary to take notice of them, as they furnish striking instances, that men of the greatest abilities and genius, when left to themselves, may fall into the most gross mistakes in matters of great importance in morals. For who might seem more to be depended on than Plato, whose writings have been admired in all ages by the best judges, as containing some of the noblest efforts of human genius, and who is particularly cele brated for his moral sentiments, which, in many respects, were un doubtedly very just as well as sublime. This great man has observed in this Fifth Book of his Republic, from whence I have extracted the passages here referred to, that except philosophers were to have the rule over cities and kingdoms, or kings and rulers were to be instructed in philosophy, and both united in one, and not separated as now, nei ther cities nor human kind would have any rest from evil.2 But I beheve it will be allowed, that Plato has given a specimen in this book, that if philosophers were to have the making of laws and the govern ment of cities and kingdoms committed to them, they might make very wrong regulations with regard to the morals of their subjects.'' Ibid. pp. 114-116. " The evangelical precept, therefore, which forbids fornication as a sin, and contrary to the divine law, is not without reason produced by some judicious authors as an instance of a moral precept not to be found in the writings of the ancient Pagan philosophers. The learned Dr Sykes, indeed, will not allow this. But all that he offers to the con trary only shews, that it was looked upon as having a turpitude in it for women to prostitute themselves : but he has produced no testimony to prove, that it was accounted a sin in the men to make use of such prostitutes ; or that the philosophers, before the coming of our Saviour, prohibited or condemned it as a vicious practice, and contrary to good morals, except when it was carried to an excess. It is not, therefore, so much to be wondered at, that all manner of impurity abounded so much in the Pagan world, since even their wisest men were so loose in their notions as well as in their practice. To convince men of the evil of that impurity, which so greatly prevailed, was one noble design of the gospel, as St Paul signifies to the Christian converts, in that ex cellent passage, 1 Thess. iv. 3-5, ' This is the will of God, even your . Plato Republ. lib. v. Oper. p. 461. » Ibid. p. 46G. B. edit. Lugd. 436 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. sanctification, that ye should abstain from fornication : that every one of you should possess his vessel in sanctification and honour ; not in the lust of concupiscence, even as the Gentiles, which know not God.'" Ibid. p. 121. NOTE [T"|. Page 95. "1. And it came to pass in those days, that there went out a decree from Caesar Augustus, that all the world should be taxed. 2. (And this taxing was first made when Cyrenius was governor of Syria.) 3. And all went to be taxed, every one into his own city." Luke ii. 1-3. There is a difficulty here from Cyrenius not being governor of Syria till several years after the birth of Christ. I had at one time intended to bring together the various solutions that have been offered of the text ; but I shall satisfy myself with referring to Lardner, vol. i. pp. 311, &c, and Tholuck's Glaubwiirdigkeit, pp. 168, &c. Milman refers to Elsley's Annotations on the Gospels for a brief and satisfactory summary. NOTE [U]. Page 95. The New Testament commences with the genealogy of our Saviour. The Evangelist Matthew undertakes to trace the descent of Jesus Christ from David and Abraham, as being the two most remarkable and distinguished individuals to whom the promise of a Messias was made, or at least the two individuals who were considered by the Jews as most illustrious. They looked upon themselves as the children of Abraham, and it was in his seed that all the families of the earth were to be blessed. And to David, God promised that in his seed he would establish the throne of his kingdom for ever. It was, therefore, in dispensably necessary to trace the descent of Christ from David ; because if he was not lineally sprung from him, then however great his miracles might have been, or however excellent his character, the miracles and prophecies would not have corresponded, and one or other of them must have been deceitful. In the genealogy of our Saviour, it is not to be denied that there are several difficulties to be met with ; this, however, is not to be wondered at, considering how distant the period and how scanty the records. Nothing almost is more puzzling than to trace a man's ancestry for a few hundred years even in our own NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 437 days. In what difficulties then must we lay our account with being involved, when the nearest link is removed from us nearly 2000 years, and when we have to follow back the chain thousands of years farther ? It is to be observed also, that these ancient genealogies have been handed down to us in an imperfect state, and there is a diversity in the MSS., both as to the names and order of some of the generations. Those who take an interest in such subjects will find ample discussions in the Commentaries on Matthew and Luke. We are not called upon at present to enter into a discussion, which, to be useful, would require more minute examination than our limits will allow. i I cannot, however, but remark, that the mere list of names by which Matthew connects our Saviour with Abraham, and by which Luke con nects him with Adam, has always appeared to me inexpressibly sublime, and calculated to inspire us with a deep sense of the superintending pro vidence of God. We are carried through a period of many thousand years, and amidst the revolutions of the mightiest empires, and the rise and fall of many kingdoms, and the convulsions of external nature, and a long succession of the generations of men, — amidst all these we see the hand of God continually exercised in bringing to pass his eternal decrees. We have, as it were, the fountain of a stream, scarcely discernible in its first beginning, in danger of being dried up in a scorching desert, then of being confounded amidst kindred floods, then of being lost amidst the interminable swamps of a new re gion, and finally, swallowed up in an opening of the earth and lost apparently to human vision for ever ; and after having traced it through so many different and distant climes to such a termination,, it rushes forth again revealed to view with matchless beauty and grandeur. The imagination of man is bewildered in attempting to form an idea of the long succession of many nations, and of the changes that took place in society from the times of Adam, and Abraham, and David, to that of Christ. But amidst the infinite diversity of human character, and the fearful ebuUitions of human passions, and the wide varieties of human situation, and amidst the many millions of human beings that came into the world and fulfilled their little part, and then passed away and were forgotten, amidst all this endless diversity of human beings, and human passions, and human plans, the purpose of the Almighty is in variably the same, and it he effects alike by the consent, the co-opera tion, the indifference, the ignorance, the opposition of man. In the king and in the slave, in the palace and in the cottage, in the city and in the fields, in the mountain and in the valley, in the righteous and in the wicked, we find the operations of Providence towards the same bene- 438 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. ficent, the same God-like end. The faith of Abraham, the idolatry of Amaziah, the lowliness of Joseph, and the glory of Solomon, are all made to work together to one event. In the sheep-cotes of Mamre, in the prison-houses of Egypt, in the corn-fields of Boaz, on the throne of Judah, among the willows by the rivers of Babylon, in the temple of Jerusalem, in the work-shops of Galilee, in the manger of Bethlehem, — in all these we see the impress of the finger of God. And I cannot but think that in this commencement of the history of the New Tes tament Church, we have, in the reference that is made to the former dispensation, and in the fact that God never for a moment forgot the word which he spoke to a thousand generations, a pledge that in his own time God will not fail to accomplish all that he has spoken respecting his kingdom. In contemplating the gloomiest periods of the Christian Church, we also may derive encouragement in the belief that the Almighty has never wholly deserted the earth. And when the circumstances of the Church appear most desperate, it should be re membered that it was when the cause of Israel and of mankind seemed lost for ever, when the throne of David was levelled in the dust, when the royal blood was almost lost amongst the meanest of the people, it was then that God raised up a Horn of salvation in the house of his servant David. NOTE [W|. Page 122. According to the opinion of the sounder theologians, the history of the Temptation is considered as containing the account of an actual occurrence ; and Satan is viewed as presenting himself to Jesus, and subjecting him to different temptations. Others have conjectured that Satan did not personally appear to our Lord, but suggested thoughts of evil to him in a vision ; others have conceived that the Temptation took place without the intervention of Satan, and that the thoughts occurred to our Saviour's own mind in a sort of mental trial ; others have believed that we have in the Temptation a parabolic de scription of an actual event ; and some consider it a myth or fable. It is not necessary that we should expose the mythic or fabulous ex planation ; and the idea of the Temptation being a parable, in which the High Priest, delegated by the Jewish Sanhedrim, assayed the vir tue of Jesus, scarcely will require more examination. It is so foreign from the style of the Evangelists, and so contrary to the policy of the Jewish authorities, that it will find few, in this country at least, who will go into it. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 439 The notion that the series of temptations was wholly internal, has found an able advocate in Ullmann.1 Rejecting the idea that it was a dream or vision, he argues that it consisted in tempting thoughts during a time of mental clearness and possession. He conceives that the " design was to exhibit the whole scene as a proving of the Mes siah ; to exhibit Jesus as tempted by the prevaihng but false ideas about the Messiah which were presented to his mind, but over which his true Messianic spirit triumphed, completely and for ever. The first temptation consisted in this, that he should perform a miracle for his own advantage, and the relief of his animal wants ; the second, that he should make a miraculous display, so as to convince men of his Messiahship, by overpowering their senses, as it were ; the third, that he should found a political Messianic kingdom, and maintain his in fluence over minds by power and authority. All this the contempo raries of Jesus might expect from the Messiah, and did actually ex pect. They supposed that he would be invested with extraordinary powers ; and, in accordance with their secular views, they could not avoid the belief that he would employ these powers immediately for his own advantage, relieving his necessities and exalting himself. They demanded of him the most surprising miracles ; wonders from heaven, as they are so often called in the Gospel. They hoped to see in him the founder of a temporal kingdom ; and to see the visible theo cracy re-established by him in splendour and power. This was doubt less the idea which Christ's contemporaries had of the Messiah ; and the chief elements of it were expressed in the individual acts of the temptation, in a manner true to the life. But the holy spirit of a Messiah, which Christ possessed in all its fulness, and which in all its power operated within him, especially after he was solemnly conse crated in baptism to his office, now triumphed victoriously over all his temptations. Even in the most urgent necessities, he would perform no miracle for his own advantage, but with unlimited confidence re ferred it to the Father, to determine the means which Omnipotence should provide for his succour. From the time of his temptation it continued to be the inviolable principle of his life, never to employ for his own benefit the extraordinary powers which were at his command, but to employ them for the benefit of others only. He was equally unwilling to make any miraculous display ; and though often and ur gently entreated to do so, by his degraded and wonder-loving con temporaries, he never suffered himself to be persuaded. Finally, he would, least of all, establish a temporal kingdom, however alluring . On the Sinless Character of Jesus, p. 55. 440 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. may have been the prospect of the magnificent results of this course.1 By such an enterprise he would become unfaithful to the holy God, would walk in communion with evil, and in subjection to it. In this way, then, did the divine idea of a perfectly spiritual Redeemer, labouring for the good of others, and denying himself in all things, going about in unostentatious simplicity, and in the form of a servant, triumph over the false idea of a Messiah, which, at his entrance upon his official course, was suggested temptingly to Jesus, and which gave him an opportunity, before he subdued other minds by the word of truth and by the power of love, to achieve the noblest spiritual victory within his own soul." He then goes on to consider the objection of Schleiermacher, that such an idea is inconsistent with the sinless character of Christ, and succeeds, I think, in proving that these thoughts of the Messias were entertained by a large proportion of his countrymen, and that thus the idea was an objective reahty. But while he makes it consistent with our Saviour's character for purity, I do not see that he frees the Evan gelists from the charge of deceiving, or of being themselves deceived. This extends to all the passages that relate to demoniacal possession. There is, on the part of many, great difficulty in admitting the reahty of the existence of evil spirits, or of their exerting such power as is spoken of in the New Testament. But to such objections we can op pose the unequivocal declarations of Scripture. Upon this subject Dr Jortin remarks : — " Amongst the miracles recorded in the Acts of the Apostles is the casting out of evil spirits. In the New Testament, where any cir cumstances are added concerning the demoniacs, they are generally such as shew that there was something preternatural in the distemper ; for these disordered persons agreed in one story, and paid homage to Christ and to his apostles ; which is not to be expected from madmen, of whom some would have worshipped and others would have reviled Christ, according to the various humour and behaviour observable in such persons. One reason for which the Divine Providence should suffer evil spirits to exert their malignant powers so much at that time, might be to give a check to Sadduceism amongst the Jews, and to Epicurean atheism amongst the Gentiles, and to remove in some measure these two great impediments to the reception of the Gospel." Jortin's Remarks on Eccl. Hist. vol. i. p. 199. i John vi. 15. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 441 NOTE [X]. Page 139. T'mrai be xard, rouron rov xgovov 'irjgoug, eotpbg dvrjg, \_i1ye b\vbpa aurbv Xeynv ¦yrgrj- jjv y&g] itapabb^wv egywv itoirjrrjg, \818dgxaX0g dv8giwitwv rwv eiiv rjbovfj rdXrj^rj beyofj/evwv]. xa) itoXXoug fih 'loubalwv, voXXoug be xal aitb rov 'JZXXrjVixov iitrjyayero. ['0 X^igrbg oZrog jjv]. Kal aurbv ivbei^ei rwv itg&rwv dvbpwv itag rjfi/fv grauoiji iitireriftrjxbrog THiXdrou oux l^eitau- eavro oi rb itpwrov aurbv dyaitrjgavreg \_'E< ra aydXfkara itpogxuvouvrwv rwv rS> Mwg'ewg vbfhw itpogribefLevwv, xal rr)v lit) Davdrw be itpbg rip ;j.igeTgt)ai xivbvv eubvrwv rwn rbv rou 'Ijjffou Xgigrou Xoyov itapabe^afi/evwv. Kal lav iitigrr)- gwfhsv itwg iv gtfbbpa bXlyoig eregi, rojn bfLoXoyouvrwv rbv ygignavigfhbv litiftouXsuofi/evwv, xal nvwv bid rouro dvaigoufievwv, er'epwv be ditoXXuvrwv rag xrrjgeig, 8e8uvrirai 6 Xbyog, xalroiye ou8e r£ii bibagxdXwv itXsovaZbvrwv itavrayiae xrjpuy^rjvai rrjg olxoufi/evrjg, wgre "TZXXrjvag xal f3ag/3dgovg, eo&. Jh. .A. --&. .»&. .*T*. j&. Jk. j$- A .A j&_ j&- ^. ji. jSc J^- § CLAllK'S LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS— EDINBD BGH, 38. GEORGE STREET. | Interpretation of the Old Testament. ^PRINCIPLES of the INTERPRETATION of the OLD TESTAMENT, translated |j from the original of J. H. Pareau, Professor pf Oriental Languages in the Univer sity of Utrecht. By Patrick Forbes, D.D., Professor of Humanity, &c. King's College, Aberdeen. 2 vols. J 2s." , " We have Garcfully perused this volume, and can confidently recommend it to our readers. It must be remarked, however,, that it is designed for Biblical students alone, who are acquainted with the Scrip- Si tnres in their original' languages, Pareau is one of the soundest and safest of the continental divines, a and, like most of his Dutch countrymen, is free from what is thought by many, though not by us, to be S irrational rationalism, with which their German neighbours are so deeply tinctured. The present work IjS is a valuable additipn to our Bildical knowledge, and must form an admirable auxiliary to all whose bu- p8 siness it is to expound and illustrate the sacred volume. |j " It is the production of a mind manifestly deeply impressed with the value and importance of reve- || lation, and imbued with profound reverence for the word of God. But while completely satisfied him- §g self, both of the authenticity and integrity of the Scriptures, he is ready calmly and deliberately to in- §S vestigate the doubts and objections of others, to remove their scruples, and, by the known and acknow ledged principles of criticism and logic, to give the most satisfactory reasons, for relying implicitly and =? confidently on the declarations of Scripture, The English translation is every way worthy of the origi- 8 nal, and is suclj as might have been expected from the accurate acquirements and judgment of Dr. For- H bes."— Caledonian wfercury. gj " Tfe have not, for a long time, read any work wit.h so deep and intense Interest, nor from which we gj have derived so much gratification, and received, in so limited a space, so much instruction. We recommend gUii the.warme»t manner, to our clerical readers, the several precepts inculcated in it.'' — Stirling Journal. g " In the volumenow before us, the reader is presented with aconcisehistory of the interpretation of the % Old Testament, and the difficulties connected with it; an account ofthe qualifications which will render gg one a good interpreter pf the Old Testament, at the present age ; the necessary endowments of mind : §J trie subsidiary studies which are necessary; and the true manner of interpreting the Old TestameHt. On S2 eaqh of these subjects, divided iuto various branches, the reader will find a mass of information, both; ^pleasing and profitable. We wish the author had laid more stress upon the necessity of seeking divine a assistance, in biblical studies. The work' is invaluable,, and is adapted to prove a severe test of the pre- ?9 t.inu.nc .it" mam; If fliaro T10 a 11 ini.mattnff . In* 1 Ti. t... •] ... Katt.p ...„iiai„ta.t ...I.t. .1. .-. I!,.-?*.. 1 tensions of many. ed in the Church ay. If there be an increasing desire to'be better acquainted with the Scriptures awaken- eh. of Christ, 'this work wi)l be in great demand." — Christian Advocate. Interpretation of the New Testament. ERNESTI'S PRINCIPLES ofthe INTERPRETATION ofthe NEW TESTA-! MENT, Translated by the Rev. C. H. Terrot. 2 vols. 12s. j " We highly approve of the plan of this work; it could not begin better than wilhErnesti's Institutes ! a most 'sound treatise on the art of Interpretation."- — Brit. Mag. "If the reader should be desirous of seeing the style of the New Testament fully and satisfactorily i handled, I refer him to Ernesti." — Archbishop Magee. I '• The Institutes of Ernesti is indeed a ndij'le work — imposing on account of the very nakedness of its ! strength, and the unadorned simplicity and stability of its intellectual proportions. The translation of' Mr. Terrot is executed with faithfulness and ability." — Presbyterian Review. j " The Institutio Interpretis of Ernesti requires no recommendation from any one. Its merits have Ion? I'been known, and fully appreciated. The translation is uniformly correct, perspicuous, and forcible.' The notes of Mr. Terrot are always' sensible and judicious, and are creditable to hrm as a proof of his j scholarship, the extent of his reading, and the soundness of his views." — Edinburgh Theological Mag. j " Of the excellence of Ernesti's Institutio Interpretis it is unnecessary for us to say erne word. It is ¦perhaps the most valuable manual on Hermeneutics in existence, and has long been used as a text-book in the universities of Europe. Mr. Terrot has given a translation of Amnion's notes on the Institutio in the present volume; but has, as was necessary, supplied a thorough corrective to the Neologism of! that learned critic. 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Commentary on the Sermon on tne Mount. EXPOSITION, Doctrinal and Philological, of CHRIST'S SER'MON on the MOUNT; intended likewise as a Help towards the Formation of a, pure Biblical System of Faith and Morals. Translated from the original German of Dr A. Tholuck, by the Rev. R. Men zies, of Hotldam. 2 vols, price 1 2s. bd. in cloth.' C7'itical Notice from the Biblicax Repertory. " By the friends ofthe gospel in Germany, the Professor is thought here to have surpassed all his former efforts ; and iv'e have gbod reason to suppose, that, in, the view of the author'himself, it is the capital production of his pen. We do not hesitate to say, that, so far as our knowledge reaches, no work of equal value has ever appeared on the same subject." From the Christian Advocate. " The volumes before us have furnished a fine specimen of sanctified learning and talent. On .. those great truths which form the substratum of , the theology of all genuine Christians, he is clear (f and explicit, and will be read by the most pious characters with pleasure and satisfaction.*' Commentary on the EpislBe to the ffiomans. EXPOSITION of ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE to the ROMANS, with Extracts || from the Exegetical Works of t-lie Fathers and Reformers. Translated from the German of Dr A. Tholuck, by the Rev. R.Menztes. 2 vols, price 12s. bd.in cloth. From the Christian Instructor. '¦' Of its kind it is the best Commentary we know. Tholuck has been the Magnus Apollo of Mo ses Stuart, who often refers to him, and has been still more indebted to him than his references show. This is of itself sufficient to establish the value of this Commentary. Its principal excellence consists in the accurate philological knowledge of the author. The translator seems to have done his duty faithfully and ably." From the Congregational Magazine. " Tholuck on the Romans is a work of very great merit." From the Evangelical Magazine. " Confessedly the ablest exposition of the Scriptures in any language." From the Athenaeum. " The author is well known to Europe as a sound theologian and learned orientalist, and his qua lifications are eminently shown in this, Commentary.- He has elucidated many of the difficulties in this Epistle from the Rabbinical writings and peculiar Jewish customs, — a source of explanation much neglected by former commentators." Commentary on the Hebrews. A COMMENTARY on the EPISTLE to the HEBREWS, by Dr Tholuck. Translated from the German by Professor Hamilton, of Durham. With two Dissertations: — 1st, On the Citations from the Old Testament contained in the New. 2d, On the Ideas of Sacrifice and Priest, in the Old and New Testament. i By J. E. Ryland, Esq. 2 vols, price 12s. bd. in cloth. From the Eclectic Review. : " This Commentary is distinguished by the prominent excellencies of the author. 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( f ¦y From the Church or England Quarterly Review. , - 1(C ¦§ " A book which ought to be in every clergyman's library." - p A ThoSucS&'s Sermons, &c. p || SKETCH of the LIFE and CHARACTER of Dr Tholuck, by Professor Park, [j- £J — Professor Tholuck's Remarks on the Life, Character, and Style of the' Apostle |§- *SI Paul. — Sermons on various occasions. — The Nature and Moral Influence of Hea-jgt thenism, especially among the Greeks and Romans, viewed in the light of Chris- |g» tianity. In one volume, price 6s. bd. in cloth &• From the Scottish Guardian. ¦£+ ,,j " His remarks on the Life, &c. of Paul, afford abundant evidence ofthe proficiency he has at VI tained,. and his thorough .acquaintance with the chief of the Rabbinical writings, His Treatise on (he "' Nature &c. of Heathenism ranks very high in Germany, and has been pronounced by Gesekius tp be ' the ablest which he had ever seen on the subject." " h clark's list of new publications — Edinburgh, 38 georgk street. CALVIN STORR, WITSXUS. Calvin on the Qalatians and Ephesians. COMMENTARIES on the EPISTLES of PAUL to the GALATIANS andj EPHESIANS. By John Calvin. Translated from the Original by the Rev. William Pringlb, Auchterarder. Price 6s. bd. in cloth. From Bishop Horsley. " I hold the memory of Calvin in high veneration ; his works have a place in my library ; and in J the study of the Holy Scriptures, he is one of the commentators whom I most frequently consult.' Critical Notice from the Evangelical Magazine. " Calvin's insight into the meaning of God's word was equally penetrating and profound. Though ! he flourished at a period when Hermeneutical science was but little cultivated, such was his prophe tic sagacity, that he well nigh anticipated the best results of modern criticism, while he eschewed < most of its errors and mistakes. The translator has done himself great honour by his forcible and . scholarly rendering of a work which must live while sound theology is appreciated in our country. ' Those who wish thoroughly to understand the general drift of Paul's reasoning with the Galatians, as c well as to grasp the meaning of its minute parts, cannot find a safer human guide than the cheap vol- ' ume now placed within the reach of persons in almost every walk of life." From the Church of England Quarterly Review. " Calvin's writings can never be studied without benefit. The Commentary on the Ephesians and j Galatians abounds with practical matter of a very valuable character, and is most efficiently translated < by Mr Pringle." } From the Christian Journal. ( •' The splendour of Calvin's genius, and his extraordinary merits as a commentator, have been free ly acknowledged by divines of all parties The volume before us exhibits the model of the ' Scottish lecture, and will be highly prized by young ministers who are fond of that most useful mode ' of communicating scriptural knowledge to their congregations." From the Secession Magazine. " With regard to Mr Pringle's part ofthe work before us, we doubt not that all who are acquaint ed with the competency of his scholarship, and the accuracy of his habits of thought and expression, j will be prepared to believe that his task has been ably and satisfactorily executed.'' Sjj Calvin and (Storr on the Philippians and Colossians, jl EXPOSITIONS of the EPISTLES of PAUL to the PHILIPPIANS andr COLOSSIANS. Translated by Robert Johnston. Price 7s. bd. in cloth. From the Methodist Magazine. " A very useful and singularly constructed volume. 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" Considerable aid in the interpretation of those Apostolic documents, may be derived from the i volume before us. It is deserving of its place in that valuable series of translations from the works , of foreign theology, — the Biblical Cabinet." Witsius on Prayer. SACRED DISSERTATIONS on the LORD'S PRAYER. Translated from' the Latin of Witsius. With Notes by the Rev. W. Pringle, Auchterarder. Price 7s. cloth. From the Rev. David Duncan's "Pattern of Prayer." " The admirable dissertations of Witsius have been rendered accessible to the English reader, by i one who has proved himself well qualified for the task he undertook, and who has a claim on all the J friends of genuine religion." From the Evangelical Magazine. " This is one of the ablest pieces on the subject of prayer, in any language. It has long been re- ' garded by those who were acquainted with it, as containing in itself a system of theology. We can I most cordially recommend it to students of divinity, and others wishing to obtain enlarged views off revealed truth." ( From the Orthodox Presbyterian. ' " The exposition is replete with learning, and at the same time intelligible and, perspicuous. ' Nothing is omitted at all connected with the subject, and nothing is superficially or unsatisfactorily! discussed. In short, we know of no treatise on the Lord's Prayer altogether equal to it in merit. The translator seems to have executed his task in a manner highly creditable to his classical know ledge, his judgment, and his theological attainments." ^^tascfeefeafoffogfe^^tfe^ets^^efe^iite^^cts^^cfei^^ clark's list of new publications — Edinburgh, 38 george street. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Meander's Church History. HISTORY of the Planting and Training of the CHRISTIAN CHURCH by the APOSTLES. By Dr Augustus Neander, Ordinary Professor of Theology in the University of Berlin, &c. Translated from the Third Edition of the original German, by J. E. Ryland, Esq. 2 vols. 14s. bound in cloth. Critical Notice from the Eclectic Review. " It is a work expressly intended to aid the diligent, well-instructed, earnest student of Christianity and the word of God, in ontering into the very spirit of the Christian life and doctrine. In every re spect Mr Ryland may be said to have well discharged his office ; what is done is well done, and we are truly glad the translation was made by so competent a hand. The meaning has not only been accurately seized, but well expressed. The style ofthe translation is as good as that of such an original can well be." Critical Noticefrom the American Biblical Repository. " These volumes will doubtless be welcomed- by the scholars of Great Britain and the United States. They refer to an interesting period of the world's history, and come from the pen of Neander, than whom there is probably no better, no more impartial ecclesiastical historian living ; the work will unques tionably commend itself to public attention." Critical Noticefrom the Methsdist Magazine. " They are every way worthy of the connexion in which they are placed. As an illustration of the ! Acts of the Apostles, and of many passages of the Apostolical Epistles, they are very valuable, as well as a general introduction to the study of ecclesiastical history ; their appearance at this time, in. an English dress, is peculiarly seasonable. " Critical Notice from the Secession Magazine. " The book is distinguished by earnest piety and research. No difficulty is passed over. It is alto gether suggestive in its examinations. No one can read it without falling into many trains of thought ) both novel and entertaining. It is the production of a very fertile mind, so disciplined at the same time as to pursue every object of thought to its first principles. One can have no conception from the title ofthe book, of the mass of matter contained in it." iiife of the Early Christians. The LIFE ofthe EARLY CHRISTIANS during the first Three Centuries of the Church ; a Series of Sermons on Church History. By Dr Chr. J. Couard. Trans lated from the German by Leopold J. Bernays. Price 5s. bound in cloth. Critical Notice from the Baptist Magazine. " This volume will be acceptable to many readers, and especially to ministers, who may derive from it hints which will be useful in directing their thoughts to a class of subjects and illustrations not very commonly employed in their sermons. We are indebted to this volume for some excellent views which the early Christians entertained of their vocation." Critical Noticefrom the Watchman. " It is a volume which the Christian minister may read with advantage. Its principles are sound, - its spirit good, and it furnishes an example of a somewhat new subject of pulpit delivery. Circumstances 5^ have latterly compelled a more than ordinary degree of attention to the human infirmity of the early & church : a practical view of its Christian piety will not be an unuseful accompaniment." Critical Noticefrom the Eclectic Review. " Highly proper it is that Christian congregations should be better informed than they are upon the snbject of ecclesiastical history ; and we therefore wholly recommend the plan of Dr Couard to the at tention of pastors in our own country." Iiife of Justin Martyr. JUSTIN MARTYR ; his Life, Writings, and Opinions. By the Rev. Charles Semisch, of Trebnitz, Silesia. Translated by J. E. Ryland, Esq. 2 vols. 15s. cloth. Critical Noticefrom the Scottish Guardian. " The Life and Writings of Justin Martyr present a fine field for the theological critic and historian. The nearness of the age in which he lived to the Apostles, although no guarantee for absolute and una dulterated truth in the writings of this good but uninspired man, gives his works and opinions a special claim to be considered. For attaining a clear, comprehensive, and. accurate acquaintance with the life and writings of this interesting Father of the Church, we know of no work at all equal to that of Mr Semisch \. and to the English student we recommend the translation of Mr Ryland, by his publication of which Mr Clark has laid the theological public under a new obligation. The work is distinguished to a remark able degree by learning, acuteness, and candour. It is calculated both to excite and to gratify a taste for such investigations as those of which it is so admirable a monument." Critical Notice from the Baptist Magazine. " It is a valuable contribution to our Ecclesiastical History, illustrating not the personal opinions and intellectual habits of the ancient Apologist alone, but also the prevalent modes of thinking among the Christians and Pagans in the second century. To the more learned portion of our readers, we recom mend it cordially." Critical Noticefrom the Methodist Magazine. " Two more valuable volumes the publisher of this useful series has not given. This Father was one of those who strongly illustrated his period. The knowledge, therefore, of his history and writings, is of real importance to the student of Church history ; and this knowledge the reader may, to a very great ex tent, obtain from these volumes." & V-Wi CLARK'S LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS — EDIN3UHQH, 3j3 GEORGE STREET. SACRED GEOGRAPHY, &c, Palestine. A HI8TORICO-GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT of PALESTINE, in thej Time of CHRIST: or, The Bible Student's Help to a thorough Knowledge bfsfj the Scripture. By D. John F. R5hb. Translated by the Rev. David EsDAiLE'.fj To which is added, RESEARCHES IN PALESTINE, by Rev. Messrs Smith^ and Wolcott ; edited by Edward Robinson, D. D. One vol. 6s. bd. in cloth. Critical Notice-frm. the Church^ or England Quabtiblt Review. ,lltis a Work of very great interest to the Biblical Student, indeed to all who are anxious to be', made acquainted with ths history, the former and present condition, of the inhabitants ofthe Land of* Promise. , A vast body of materials is collected in the notes, on a great variety of subjects-. The ( book is popular in its style, and the translator has our best thanks for supplying us with a volume on j Palestine, which we caa put into the hands of our children, and also into those of the upper classes j in our various schools." From the Methodist Magazine. " It is generally haowc that the most popular work containing a description of Palestine is that < of Rohr, Principal Chaplain at the Court of Weimar. It has been so well received in Germany as ! to pass through seven editions. It is a valuable addition to that series of whijch it forms a part," The BIBLICAL GEOGRAPHY of CENTRAL ASIA; with a General Intro- 1 duction to the Study of Sacred Geography, including the Antediluvian period, j By the late E. F. C. Rosenmuller, D. D. Translated by the Rev. N. Morren ; j with Notes by the Translator. 2 vols. 12s. bd. in cloth. Contents : — Chap. I. Of the Earth generally ; II. Antediluvian Geography ; III. The Genealogr- 1 cal Table of Nations; IV. The Region of the North; V. Media? VI. Elam ; VII. Persia j ) VIII. Bahylonia and Chaldea ; IX. Assyria; X. Mesopotamia; XI. Syria. Critical Noticefrom the Baptist Magazine. " This work is the result of much literary labour, and we consider it destined to become a stand ard work of reference to the Biblical Student. We have no doubt it will pass through many editions, | and we wish it every success." From the Church Review. " We know of few books that throw more light on many passages of the sacred writings, that is i more necessary for understanding severalpoints connected with the history of ancient nations, their { modes of thinking and speaking,' and the countries which the'y originally -inhabited, and the disper- c sions which they underwent. A great variety, also, of useful notes and illustrations have been added r by the Translator." ' , "^From the Presbyterian Review. * " We trust we have now given some idea of the extent and variety of the information compre- c hended in the work, which we regard as one of the most useful, we might indeed say, the most use- f t'ul, of the series of which it forms a part." r Asia Minor, &c. . < The BIBLICAL GEOGRAPHY of Asia Minor, Phoenicia, and Arabia. By E-i F. C. Rosenmuller, D. D. By the Rev. N. Morren. 6s. bd. in cloth. G Critical Noticefrom the Methodist Magazine. , " An .accurate and useful compendium of the subject on which it treats, and an indispensable ar- ' tide in the Biblical Student's Library. " From the Eclectic Review, " In the volume before us the same excellencies on the part of the Translator are apparent which < distinguished its predecessors, — fidelity to his author withput the sacrifice of his vernacular idiom, and , an ever watchful care to supply to the student such additional information as may be gleaned* from sources not accessible to the author, or not extant at the time he wrote. For the Biblical' Geography of Asia there is no work in our language which can he placed in competition with the i volumes wliich Mr Morren has, as translator of Rosenmuller, produced ; and we most cordially re commend them, therefore, to all who are engaged in the study of the sacred text." ISiblicaS Mineralogy and Botany. £§ The MINERALOGY and BOTANY ofthe BIBLE. By E.F. C. Rosenmuller,! D. D. Translated from the German by T. G. Repp, and the Rev, N. Morren. M Critical Noticefrom the Church op England Quarterly Rfview. ^ " One of th? most important and interesting works of modern times is Dr Rosenmiiller's Natural *$ History ofthe Bible. The learning which he has brought to bear upon his favourite study is im- Sif menae ; and ho has done what few men so ponderously learned have done before him, has made his m i work both intelligible and acceptable to general readers." rig From the Eclectic Review. p? " The subjects here treated of are not less interesting and important than his Sacred. Geography ; ;S W to ourselves, we must confess, they possess even a higher charm. The care and research which Mr OS 3i§ Mcrren bas displayted in translating the present work, and illustrating it with copious additional mat- £M ajh ter, deserves our highest commendation." G& SiC.53W^.<^;<^.a3vC».G£W^Jm£»» rdk ran. ran Si S* clark's list op new publications. — Edinburgh, 38. george street. •$» BIBLICAL CRITICISM AND EXPOSITION. Interpretation of N- Testament, Ernesti's Principles of Biblical Interpretation, translated by the Rev. H. Terrot, A, Bf. ' 2, vols. 12s. bound in cloth. "•If the reader should be desirous of seeing the style of the New Testament fully and satisfactorily handled, 1 refer biro to Ernesti. — Archbishop Magee. Philological TractS- Philological Tracts, illustrative, ofthe Old and New Testaments ; by, 1 . Dr. Pfannkouche ; 2 Prof. Planck; 3. Dr. Tholuck; 4. Dr. Beck- haus ; 5. 6. and 7- Prof. Storr ; 8. Prof. Heng- s ten berg, 2 vols. 12s. bd. in cloth. " There is in the tracts which compose these. volumes, a mass of sacred erudition, a depth, of judg ment, a comprehensive and reach of understanding;, which, we regret to he obliged to say, are contri buted by a society of men, amongst whom, in vain we look for an Englishman." — Monthly Review. Greek Synonyms of N Testament Tittmann's Synonyms of the New Test., tran slated by the Rev, E. Craig, M. A. 2 vols. 12s. " A truly valuable work, and well -worthy of a place in the " Cabinet," and in the library of every Biblical Student ; we beg very strongly to recom mend it." — Christian Instructor. Epistle to the Romans- Tholuck's Exposition of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, translated by the Rev. It. JMenzies. 2 vols. 12s. "Of the kind it is the best Commentary that we know." — Christian Instructor. *• Confessedly the ablest exposition of the Scriptures in any language."— Ewr^eHeat Magazine. Sermon on the Mount Tholuck's Exposition, Doctrinal and Philolo gical, of Christ's Sermon on the Mount, trans lated by the Rev. R. Meniies. 2 vols. 12s. in cl. " We do not hesitate to say that no wort of equal value to the interpreter has ever appeared on the same subject. "—Bit'lieal Repository. Planck's Sacred Philology- Planck's Introduction to Sacred Philology and Intrepretation, translated by H. Turner, D.D., 6s. bound in cloth. " An excellent work, with many judicious notes by the learned translator .—BloomfielcVs New Test. Preface. Interpretation of Old Testament Pareau's Principles of Interpretation of the Old Testament, translated by the Rev. Dr. Forbes, A berdeen. 2 rols. 1 2s. bd. in cloth. " We have rarely met, in so small a compass, more extenive learning, without ostentatious display, and so much common sense." — Athenaeum.- Syntax of New TestamentDialect Stewart's (Moses) Treatise on the Syntax of the New Testament Dialect, with an Appendix containing a Dissertation on the Greek Article. J6s. bd. in cloth. " One ofthe most valuable publications which has yet been placed within the reach of theological Stu dents." — Athenaeum. " This work is of the first importance to all students of the Sacred Scriptures. I rejoice in the republication of it."— Rev. Dr. Pye Smith. Biblical Geography- Rosenmueller's Biblical Geography of Central Asia, translated by the Rev. N. Morren, 2 rols. 12s. bd. in cl. "We consider it destined to become a standard work of reference to the Biblical Student."— flop*. Mag. 1st Epistle of St Peter- Steiger's Exposition ofthe 1st Epistle of St, Peter, considered in reference to the whole sys tem of Divine truth ; translated by the Rev. P. Fairbairn. 2 rols, 12s. bd. inploth. «' It is worthy of standing on the same'shelf, (and this is no mean praise) - with Ernesti, Tholuck, and others- — it is highly deserving public attention and patronage,','— Methodist MagaslHd. Epistles of St- John. Lucke's (Dr.) Commentary on the Epistles of St. John, translated by T.G. Repp. 6s.bd. in cl. ¦• A commentary ofthe right kind, we earnestly recomr, mend .it to all that are concerned of interested in trie right interpretation of the New Testament Scriptures."— > Book of Job- TJmbreit's (Prof.) New Version of the Book of Job, with Expository Notes, and an Intro duction on the spirit, composition, and Author ofthe Book translated by the Rev. J. H. Gray, M. A. 2 rols. 12s. bd. in cloth. "We reckon the work au admirable key to the pecu liarities of the Book of Job in its-poetical -structure and phraseology." — Secession Magazine. Epistle to the Corinthians Billroth's Commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul to the Corinthians, translated by the Rer. W. Sj. Alexander, A. M. 2 rols. 12s. bd. in cl. " The .author is a worthyassociate of Tholuck, Steigor, and others who have laboured to stem' the current of infidel theology, and forming a new school of biblical exegesis on the continent." — Cong. Mag. Cornelius the Centurion, and St- John tlie Evangelist- Krummacher's Lires and Characters of Cor nelius the Centurion, and St. John the Eran- gelist, with Notes, &c, by the Rer. J. W. Fer guson, A. M. 6s. bound in cloth. " A. fine specimen of Scriptural Exposition of a very interesting portion of revealed truth; it is, .indeed, a heart stirring composition."- Evangelical Maqazine. " Eminently adapted to the cultivation of the heart, —we commend this work to the attention of all who would worship God in spirit and in truth "^(jhristian Advocate. \* These Lires may be had separately. Witsius on Prayer. Witsius! Sacred Dissertations on the Lord's Prayer, translated, liy the Rev. W. Pringle. 7s. " The subject is treated with a degree of learning, piety, precision and accuracy quite unrivalled, it will Soon, we trust, be in the' h'andsof everv minister of the gospel, and student of divinity. There are sbrofi very judi cious notes by the translator." — Christian Journal. Claris Symbolica. A Key to the Symbolical Language of Scripture, from Daubuz, Ewaldus, Vitringa, 4c., by T. Wemyss, Author of Biblical Gleanings, 7s..fld. " A very valuable work, highly creditable to the" au thor."— Christian Instructor. Biblical Mineralogy and Botany. Rosenmiiller's H istorical and Philological Trea tise on Biblical Mineralogy and Botany. Trans lated by T. G. Repp, 6s. bd. in cloth. •' One of the most important works of modern times. The leavm'ng which he has brought to bear upon hisfa. vourite ttudy is immense. We know of few moTe valu able accessions to the student's library than this."— Church of England Quarterly Revleto, Tholuck's Sermons, £kc. Tholuck's Sermons.— Life, Character, and Style of the Apostle Paul ; — Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism, &c, translated by Prof. Park, with a life of Tholuck. Hs. ,r This treatise has been pronounced by his opponent. Gesenius, as the ablest he had ever seen on the subject." —Scottish Guardian. -* **** * ** * * ** * * * * * *** * * * * * ** * ** * * j." i Jt JL a. A A. .A. A J,..AJl^. A j&.j&. j& jfAiRSijj&.AA Aj^i.^.Aj3(.Aj&. A j& .A .A a * *** ^^^f^!jf^f^f^f^tttTTT?fVTr'T,?TTTV'!l',»'*$" - clark's list op new publications Edinburgh, 88. oeorge street. v * BIBLICAL CRITICISM AND EXPOSITION. The Parables of Christ. .$. Lisco's Expositiou of the Parables of .*. Christ, translated by the Rev. P, Fair- ,*. bairn. Bd. in cloth, 7s. • "This exposition of the Parables displays great *tt" ingenuity, regulated by a reverential and devo- •$• tional spirit.'' — Atkerueum. A, " This is one of the best Commentaries on T tQe Parables we hare ha'd the opportunity of "J* consulting." — Evangelical Magazine. "?* Epistles to the Galatians and jr Ephesians. V Calvin's Commentary on the Epistles •$• of St. Paul to the Ephesians and Gala- •$• tians, translated by Rev. W. Pringle. 6s. •jj. " Professor Tholuck has described Calriu's ,*. Commentaries on the New Testament, as cha- "*£ racterized by doctrinal Impartiality, exegetical •(?• tact, rarious learning, and Seep Christian piety. .&» " The translator has done himself great ho- a nour by this forcible and scholar-like rendering "•** of a work which must live while sound theology •y is appreciated in our country.'' — Evang. Mag, I Revelation of God in His "Word. X Gess on the Revelation of God in his *j Word, shown in a graphic delineation of *** Holy Scripture for its' friends and ene- *¥* mies, translated by the Rev. W. Brown, •$• Tobermore. Bd. in cloth, 5s. •jj. " This is an interesting and valuable rolume. j. It combines theinculcationof religious and moral "?_ sentiment with the imparting of sound know- *v" ledge." — Church of England Quarterly Review. «&. " Just the thing to aid Sunday school teachers ,*. as a key to open the treasury of Scripture." — X Sunday School Teacher's Magazine. Jj, Rosenmuller on the Psalms* Annotations on some of the Messianic * menf s. The views exhibited, are just, and we •&¦ worthy the attention of Christians in. our day' jt. The translation is good, and the book such as we V can safely recommend."— American Bib. Rep. *y* Biblical Geography, Vol. 3. '$' Rosenmuu-er's Biblical Geography of •$• Asia Minor, Phoenicia and Arabia, trans- «sj» lated by the Rev. N. Morren, A.M. 6s. •$• " An accurate and useful Compendium upon .A, the subject of which it treats, and an indispen- . sable article in the Biblical Student's Library." — v" Methodist Magazine. •$!• " It throws a light and lustre over the Bible A, Narrative, which the unlearned reader cannot "X* fully perceive." — Christian Journal. t* Neander's Church History. "$* Neandek's History of the Planting and *¥*. Training of the Christian Church, trans- •»$• lated by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols. 14s. •$• " It is a work expressly intended to aid the * diligent and earnest student of Christianity, and ^. ofthe word of God, in entering into theveryspirit X ofthe Christian Life and Doctrine." — Eclee.Rev. v* " These volumes will doubtless be welcomed * by Biblical scholars, they refer to an interesting a portion of the world's history, and come from the jT pen of Neander, than whom there is probably no "** better, no more impartial historian living ; the * work will unquestionably commend itself to ,*, public attention." — American Bib. Repository. jT Philological Tracts, Vol- 3- * Ulxmann on the Sinless Character of j' Jesus — Riickert and Lange on the Itesur- v" rection — Moses Stuart's Essays on Fu- *9* ture Punishments. Bd. in cloth 6s. "$* " Ullmann's Treatise is a masterly production, •$» and decidedly the best we have met with on the Jh, subject ; it is written in a dignified and dispas- X sionate style. In Riickert's Tract the meaning *v* of the Apostle is accurately exhibited, and his •$• argument developed with great acuteness and ,*, independence of thought.". — Ed. Evening Post. X Epistle to the Hebrews. T Tholuck's Commentary on the Epistle X to the Hebrews, translated by Professor "** Hamilton. 2 vols. bd. in cloth, 12s. *$* " They exhibit vast stores of critical know- •$• ledge, in the interpretation of a most important -A. portion of the word of God." — Evang. Mag. ~T" " It should be in every clergyman's library." *** — Church of England Quarterly Review. •$» * X Psalms, from the Commentary of Rosen- X muller, with the Latin Version and Notes X of Dathe, translated by Robert Johnston. j To which is added, an Introduction by V Dr. Hengstenberg. 7s >6d. •$• " One of the best rolumes of the Cabinet that ,&, hare appeared. We have great pleasure in recom- X mending it as a highly valuable accession to the Tr* critical apparatus of the English student. -/>n/r;»<. *$• " To the illustration of these Psalms the au- A, thor brings Immense learning and critical skill." ji —Baptist Magazine. X " We again recommend this volume as a va- * hiablc aid to all who have' a taste for Biblical A, criticism." — Scottish Guardian. $» Life of the Early Christians- $• Couard's Sermons on the Life of Chris- iji» tians during the three first Centuries of $. the Church, translated by L- Bemays, 6s. A. " It is equally interesting to know that ser- f* mons of so holy a tendency are preached from \T the pulpits of Germany, and issued from its $!• presses. In this volume there will be found , &, many admirable thoughts and delightful state- &•&.•&•&•&• «&****************** $^-&.*&lJ&LJ&^&.&.^Jt, Epistles to Philippians a-ad Colossians- * * Calvin and Storr on the Epistles to the •$• Philippians and Colossians, translated by * Robert Johnston. Bd. in cloth 7s. jk. " This is the 40th rolume of the Biblical Ca- X binet, and a precious volume it is. The idea of X giving this double commentary was very felici- •$? tous, and the'result is rery satisfactory. Calrin's &, expositions are admirably supplemented by the j" Notes of Storr. These Notes are characterized *** by remarkable precision of thought, and great * scriptural erudition."— Scottish Guardian. X t. clabk's list of new publications, — Edinburgh, 38 george street. THE CABINET LIBRARY i. OF SCARCE, CELEBRATED,^ USEFUL TRACTS. Dr. Reynold's Hints on the Preserration of the Eyes, Is. j. " Contains numerous and valuable practical sugges- [ tioni for the preservation of sight, as well as directions !• for those afflicted with weakness of eyes."— Chester Chron. L 2. Prof. Hitchcock on the Connection between \ Geology and Natural Religion, 6d. f> "We would warmly, recommend this treatise to the ^' perusal of all kinds of readers."— Glasgow Constitutional. 3. Dr. Charming on the Importance and Means of a National Literature, 6d. '* Of this number we cannot speak in terms of suffi cient praise." —Aberdeen Herald. .4. Negris' Literary H istory of Modern Greece, 6d " To the classical student this treatise cannot fail in interest."— Stirling Journal. 5. Prof. Robinson's Concise View of Educa tion in the Universities of Germany, Is. 6d. f ' An important tract, and ought to be in the hands of every reader." — Christian Advocate. 6. Dr. Reynolds on the Necessity of Physical Culture to Literary Men, 6d. '« To one and all we would say it is a work of deep and abiding interest, the subject is handled in a masterly manner." — Constitutional. 7.Ewards' State of Slavery in Ancient Greece, 6d. " A learned and able essay."— Sheffield Independent. 8. Prof. J. G. Eichhorn's Account of the Life and Writings of J. D. Michaelis, 9d. «• The life of this illustrious biblical critic will be read with intense interest by the theological student." 9. Prof. Staeudlin's History of Theological Knowledge and Literature, fid. " Full of comprehensive views, joined with minute and accurate information." — Glasgow Courier. 10. The Hon. C. G. Verplanck's Discourse on the Right Moral Influence and Use of Li beral Studies, 6d. " One of the most eloquent appeals ever written in be half of learning and science."— Alierdc en Observer. II. Dr. Ware on the Character and Duties of a Physician, 6d. Sensible, judicious, and sound, it well deserves the attention of young medical practitioners." — Scott. Guard. 12. The Hon. J. Story's First Discourse on the Progress of Science and Literature, 6d. «* The views of the author are enforced in a nervous i. and rhetorical style, well adapted to captivate those per sons to whom they are addressed."— Kilmarnock Journ. >• 13. Life of Niebuhr, by his Son, Is. Biog. Se. !• ries. No.\. " Valuable as a memoir of an intelligent, industrious, and faithful eastern traveller."— Aberdeen Observer. . 14. Life of Kant, by Prof. Stapfer, Is. B. S.No. 2. "A more comprehensive view may be obtained from thisshilling number than from many larger volumes."— 15. Life of Madame de Stael, by Mrs. Child, Is. 6d. Biographical Series, No. 3. " Replete with important -matter relative to the litera ture of her age." — Bath Journal. IB. The Hon. J. Story's Second, Third, and Fourth Discourses on Science, Literature, Government, Is. " Clear and comprehensive in statement, varied and interesting in illustrations, and nervous and animated in style." — Greenock Advertiser. 17. Prof. Sawyer's Popular Treatise on the Elements of Biblical Interpretation, Is. " We never saw the subject made more plain, nor brought within so small a compass."— Christian Advocate jf 18. Mr. Edwards' Inquiry into the State of Slarery inthe Early and Middle Ages of the Christian Era, 9d. j. "Displays extensive erudition, and laborious re search."— Scottish Guardian. ^ 19. Hitchcock on the Connection between Geo- !• logy and the Mosaic Account of the Crea tion, Is. 6d. Scientific Series, No. I - *' To all who take an interest in an inquiry inferior to few in novelty or attraction, we recommend Prof. Hitchcock's tract, it is written in a calm and philoso phical spirit, and the reader will meet with a variety of accute and ingenious remarks."— Saturday Post. 20. Prof. Moses Stuart's Philological View of the Modern Doctrines of Geology, Is. S.g.No.2. " The production of men of talent, who are' in full possession of every fact and statement bearing upon the subject."— Elgin Courant. 21. Life of Lady Russell, by Mrs. Child, la. od. Biographical Series, No. 4. " A more interesting piece of biography la rarely to be met with." — Paisley Advertiser. 22. Channing's Dissertation on Slarery, Is. fid. " The calm and temperate, yet firm views of the writer, will ensure to his work a degree of attention that would not have been given to it if Written with passionate violence." — Paisley Advertiser .^ .' - 23. Prof. Ware on Extemporaneous, Preaching, .,*, Is. Scientific Series, No. 3. jt " A most acceptable book to young men whose *v* Views are towards the ministry.'1 — Paisley Advertiser. .*» 24. Dr. 'Channing on the Character and Writ- . ings of Archbishop Fenelon, 6d. " Abounds with soul stirring remarks. — Bath Jour. '* Fenelon, in his writings, exhibits more of the qua lities which predispose to religious feelings than any other equally conspicuous person, a mind so pure as steadily to contemplate supreme excellence, a gentle and modest spirit, not elated by the privilege, but seeing its own want of worth as it came nearer to such brightness. ** * ****** * ** 4- * ** and disposed to treat with compassionate forbearance •&« those errors in others of which it felt a humbling con- y sciou-ness."— Sir Jas. mackintosh. •fa 25. Dr. Channing on the Life and Character ju of Napoleon Bonaparte, Is. 3d. f" " On such a subject, the essay of Dr. Channing is * very valuable."— Sheffield Independent. ji 20. Hon. E. Everett's Discourses ou the Im- X portance of Scientific Knowledge, Is 6d. **§!• _ " The production of a strong, highly cultivated, and .&. richly stored mind ; exhibiting a clear and elaborate X^ review of the progress and present state of science." .{&• 27. & 28. Sir Jos. Reynolds' Discourses to the JC Students ofthe Royal Academy, Part I. and *** II. Is. 9d. each. * 29. & 30. Prof. Hitchcock's Historical and .&, Geological Deluges compared, Is. 3d. and a Is. 6d. Scientific Series, No. 4 and 5. *** " A great body of information on these points has *• been brought together, it contains almost every thing ^» that can be said on the question.''— iftjemngr Post. **§*• 31,34, &35. Jouffroy's Philosophical Essays, 2s., * Is. 3d., 2s. I 11 Full of original and important matter."— Dugald ™ Stewart. .&, 32, & 33. Cousin's Philosophical Essays, 1 s. & 3s. X " One ofthe most distinguished of French Eclectics, *¥* and one of the ablest men ofthe age."— Christian Ex. Jfc, 36. Channing on Self-Culture, Immortality, aud *?" a Future Life, Is. 3d. "v* 37. Biographical Sketch of Dr. Tholuck, Pro- •$• fessor of Theology in the University of Halle. ,&, ' * The above may be had, neatly done up in cloth, arranged as follows .- — Vol. I.& II Miscellaneous: Science and Lite rature, 5s. each. Ill Biography, Niebuhr, Kant, De Stael, Lady Russell, 5s. IV.— Geology, 6s. (ByStuartandHitchcock.) V Science. (Reynolds and Everett), 5s. VI Jouffroy's Philosophical Essays, 5s. VII.— Channing's Select Works, 5s. VIII. Cousin's Philosophical Essays, 5s, * ** * **** [a &**************************•#••$*•$••$• CLARK'S LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS— 38. GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH. KANT'S ETHICAL SYSTEM. Tn one Volume 8ro. price 16s. bds. The METAPHYSIC of ETHICS. By IMMANUEL.KANT, Professor of. Logic and Me- taphysic in the University of Kb'nigsberg, &c. Translated oat of the original German, with ] an Introduction and Appendix, by J. W. SEMPLE, Advocate. 1 ) n xhe most able and energetic, and at same time, most honest translator that the Konigsberg Philosopher has yet found in this country, Ma. Semplk."— Foreign Quarterly. Review, No. XLII. KANT'S THEORY OF RELIGION. In one Volume, 8ro, price 10s. cloth. RELIGION within the BOUNDARY of PURE REASON. By IMMANUEL KANT, Professor of Logic and Metaphysic in the University of Konigsberg, &c. &c. &c. Translated out of the original German; by J. W. SEMPLE, Adrocate. ••We shall merely say this, that since the appearance of David Hume's Essay on'Mu-acles, and Principal Campbell's j Answer, a more important work on the subject of religion has not been published in this country." — Mercury. •• Kant's writings form an admirable preparation for philosophy, which reconciles the holiest instincts of man with the rigid precision of science." — Introduction to Cousin's Philosophical M ssays. STAPFER'S (Professor) Life of KANT. Price Is. J Cousin's Philosophical Essays. PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS. By M. Victor Cousin. Translated from the French; 'With Introductory and Critical Notices, by George Ripley. ' : Jouffroy's Philosophical Essays. PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS. By M. Theodsre Jourrsoy. Translated from the French^ with Introductory and Critical Notices, by George Riplet. •• Full of original and important matter.— .Dugald Stewart. •' Jouffroy one of the most distinguished of the French Eclectics, and one of the ablest men of the age." Chris- tian Examiner, May 1837. DOCTRINE OF CHANGES. MY OLD HOUSE ; or The Doctrine of Changes. Price tfflBsff. bound in cloth-. 7/& •• A treatise full of the truest philosophy, and well worthy of general attention in these times fi—Btaekiceed'l Magazine. GEOLOGY. HITCHCOCK (Professor) on the CONNECTION between GEOLOGY and the MOSAIC ACCOUNT of the CREATION. Price Is. 6d HITCHCOCK (Professor) on the CONNECTION pf GEOLOGY and NATURAL RE LIGION. Foolscap 8ro. price 6d. HITCHCOCK (Prof.) HISTORICAL and GEOLOGICAL DELUGES compared. 2s. 9d STUART'S (Moses) PHILOLOGICAL VIEW of the MODERN DOCTRINES of GEO- LOGY, in replr to Professor Hitchcock. Price Is. SILLIMAN'S (Professor) CONSISTENCY of the DISCOVERIES of MODERN GEO LOGY with the SACRED HISTORY of the CREATION and the DELUGE, price Is. 6d. GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. An Inquiry into the State of Slavery amongst the Romans, from the earliest Period, till the entrance of the Lombards into Italy. By W. Blair, Esq. Advocate, now one of the Judges of the Ionian Islands. Price 6s. bd. in cloth. " This valuable little treatise belongs to a class, of no common occurrence in our recent literature. Itisan ex tremely sensible and scholar-like inquiry into a subject of great interest in Classical Antiquity,— or ratherin the general history of mankind. " We recommend this little work to the reader who may be desirous of useful and dispassionate information on a most curious subject."— Quarterly Review, No. C. Edwards' Inquiry into the State of Slavery in Ancient Greece- 6d. EDWARDS' SLAVERY in the Early and Middle Ages of the Christian Era. Price 9d CHANNING'S (Dr.) DISCOURSE on SLAVERY. Price Is. 6d. Compendium of the Literary History of Italy, until the formation of the ": Modern Italian Language ; translated from the Italian of Count F. V. BarbacovI. In one vol. l^mo. price 4s. od. bds. " The translator of this compend deserve: our hearty thanks for opening up to the English reader one of the ablest ¦nd finest sketches ever published, of the literature of Italy from its earliest period down to the formation of its nib dern language in the 11th century. The profound knowledge and skill of the author, united with high literary acouire- si ments, have enabled him, while he avoided a history of a fatiguing length, to bring its riches into a convenient and A brief form, without exhibiting that repulsive dryness which usually belongs to compendium!. We think we sav not i* too much when adding— that the translation is not unworthy of the original. The work must become a standard- in: academical education, and a book of reference to every man who desires to have a full and fresh conception of the lite •* rary history and glory of unrivalled Italy."— Monthly Review. . ¦¦ This is a very good translation, of a useful little Italian work. It will serve as a synopsis to the young scholar, who v may afterwards take up the great work of Tiraboschi with more advantage."— Printing Machine. ' " ¦ ' ** Negris' Outline of the Literary History of Modern Greece- Price 6d. '" LATIN ANTHOLOGY. !• In one volume 8ro, price 6s. cloth, i- SELECTIONS from the LATIN ANTHOI-QGY. Translated into English Verse. By ;,, JOHN DUNLOP, Author of History of Roman Literature, and Memoirs of Spain, Ac. Ac, " London, sold by Hamilton and Co.,,Simpkin arid Co. -• Dublin, Curry and Co. i.******^****4**'#4^^***** _ CX.ARK-. i.,.T 0F NEW PUBLICATION— EDINBURGH, 38. GEORGE* STREET. In one very large Volume 8io., price 15s. handsomely bound in cloth, A GREEK AND ENGLISH LEXICON or THE NEW TESTAMENT. f BY ! EDWARD ROBINSON, D.D., LATE nor. HIMOin. OF sac. LIT. ik THE theol. sem. ANDOVER. A NEW and IMPROVED EDITION, Revised bv AI FY A lvni?R VE-nore 8, ^I'fl m r I? , V 1V6 °£ Gre6Ce' and alr*ady well known in the classical world bv his labour,^ | the field of Greek Literature, more especially bv his editions of p;„*J?y T Y i Jaoouis m £S£^?^r#:3£Ss^s==S f The HI3 hS Ka" ^^ ^S'Jm th,S editi0n of K»WnTon'.-Qreek Lexicon, been secured: ' I J Du^cIn oT M'U ru^ r?d corrected,' w[th m°" "gid and scrupulous attention, by the Rev * valuable nddiHo . V£ v- VTK ' ,Wh.°' besid£8 0ther increments, has also iAserted many I matter he^ha.Tr ,1 °", . """ **??*«>* *«"*». » distinguish them from the orS | matter, he has, for the most part, inserted between brackets [] >"'S"iai v." ed Z nfTv V* thek lab-Ul;S'- Several Thousand Errors hare been detected and correct- | ed, many of which were of vital importance? and the Publisher most anxiously hopes that afw f the searching examination which this edition has undergone, it has been brought as Tear u nerfec | accuracy a, the extent of the work and the nature of the ease will reasonably admit P f Edinburgh, 38. George Street, 1838. ) _ ' ' - GRAMMAR OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DIALECT 1 S TAmSV™7 W^ ™EAJISE °" the SYNTAX ofthe NEW.TES- . « Thi. »„ t ¦ J^ j > • an.Appendix containing a Dissertation on the Greek Article. 6s ' repuStfonof I^rIv^. TpytsZl aU ^d—f ^ -red scripture,. I rejoice in 1 . > , appel^o^"^^ » «* ^ *• — — *a< *« ¦ I «^'.5^n ', " con8ld?fd.h,' unl0IdmS tne Pe ' TW^" \ T? TiC W!ll 6nd,it % be,0fJt.he Krea'est use !n elucidating the scriptures of the New i » Ltlrt*",8' *! Gr«* "«om of the New Testament consists of Hebrew thoughts | invested with Greek eostume; it enumerates many of these Hebraisms, and shows how their intro- j auction in a new system of theology was unavoidable."— CArisiSmTj Advocate. ' ! HwmS Z™ H^\ of BIBLICAL CRITICISM in SCOTLAND. Br < j W. M. GUNN, of the Edinburgh Southern Academy. i ANSWER to MR. ROBERT HALDANE'S STRICTURES on DR t ^^SSEL10*1* ^ EPISTLE -^ROMANS, by the REV. ROBERT Sc^efodb^bcfeiftwfeg^^ clark's list op new publications, — Edinburgh, 38, geobqe street. The Doctrine of Changes. MY OLD HOUSE ; OR, THE DOCTRINE OF CHANGES. Price MGetoT. bound in cloth. /#£? " The title of this book is somewhat quaint, and scarcely gives us any clear notion of the subjects which it treats of. On opening it, we hardly knew what to expect : certainly we were very far from expecting any thing like the talent, the eloquence, the just views, and the beautiful language, by which almost every page of it is distinguished. On perusing it, however, we have no hesitation in ^ saying, that it is a work of great power ; and, in these days, when the spirit of change prevails over &. all, much wanted and fitted to do no little amount of good. The author, however, is no enemy to - changes. On the contrary, he Is eloquent in behalf of every kind of improvement, and for the re moval of all useless restraints. And he looks forward to a period when man, under the guidance ot experience and observation, shall reach a point approaching to perfection. But this he supposes is to be gained only in that slow and gradual progress by which the plans of Providence are conducted ; and, of course, he is strongly opposed to those sudden and violent changes wliich are so much the rage of the present day. From them he supposes that no good can ever arise. In fact, those who press them on so keenly, he considers to be a set of needy adventurers — men of no character, name, or fortune, who see in commotions the only probability of their own rising to wealth or notoriety. Such are the O'Connells — the Humes — the Roebucks, " et hoc genus omne " of political quacks who keep aU the respectability and learning of the country in thraldom. At the same time, it is to be recollected that this is not a political work. It is a philosophical treatise on a subject which has ne ver been so well or so fully discussed ; and it abounds in the loftiest view of the Divine power and wisdom, and of the arrangements which the Author of nature has ordained for carrying on the plans of his government. In giving this testimony, we must be perfectly disinterested, as we have never heard the slightest hint who the writer of it is." — Evening Post. " It is quite impossible in a Newspaper critique to do any thing hke justice to a volume such as the present. The author, who, unless we are greatly mistaken, is a distinguished member of the Church of Scotland, has taken a comprehensive and just view of the changes, both moral and phy sical, which are constantly occurring in the natural world, as well as in the social and political state of man ; and it has been his leading object ' to ascertain as far as possible, the laws to which those great changes which occasionally vary the scene of human life seem to be subject ; and to point out the rules which ought to be applied to all such events, with the view of determining whether they are in accordance with the progressive tendencies of nature, or are to be regarded as merely occa sional irregularities or retardations of her course.' In discussing these complicated points, it seems to be his main design to show by a comparison of times past, present, and to come, that the course of Society like that of Nature, is not only progressive, and in harmony with the plans of Providence, but that it is advancing by sure, though slow, degrees to a state of greater perfectability. The se veral steps by which this conclusion is obtained, it would surpass our limits to enumerate ; we can only state, that of the Three Parts into which the Volume is divided, the First treats of Past Times — the Laws of Great Changes — how men best co-operate with the plans of Providence, and the Beautiful Wisdom in that Arrangement of Nature by wliich man is made incapable of any distinct or extensive view of future events. The Second Part discusses the subject of Actual Changes, the Errors relating to them — the different kinds of changes, and those which are desirable, with the tes timonies of experience respecting them. The Third Part refers to Future Changes relative to the entire condition of the Earth. The different heads illustrated in this division are — That the World is yet but in its Infancy — Prospects of the Human Race conformably with the preceding views So lution of some important questions connected with the subject, viz. 1. Relation of Man to Nature. 2. Human Perfectability. 3. Explaining the Mystery, or solving the Riddle of the Universe. 4. Time, what is it? The work concludes with a short recapitulation on the Perpetuity of the Present Order of Things, and some excellent reflections on the whole subject. We need not re- |Gf commend this book to the shallow-minded, or the lovers of light reading, for all such it can have '" no attractions whatever, and to them it must be absolutely unintelligible. But to men of thought and education, capable of comprehending and appreciating abstruse discussions, its merits will re quire no journalising trumpeter to proclaim them. The philosopher will admire it for its profound reasoning, the Statesman ought to study it for its sound political principles, and the Divine will find in it the great truths of religion reinforced by beautiful illustrations from the operations of Provi dence, and the phenomena of the moral as well as the natural world.1' — Edinburgh Advertiser. k & && & Edinburgh — Thomas Clark. LoNDoN—Hamilton, Adams & Co. Dublin — Curry & Co. and Milliken & Son. jfrqpq^^ycycp^.ycyq^^ TO PROFESSORS & STUDENTS OF GREEK LITERATURE. Edinburgh, 38 George Street, 1818. Mr. Clark begs leave respectfully to invite the attention of Masters of Grammar Schools and others, to the following New and Cheap Editions of Herodotus, &c, which, in point of accuracy, he does not hesitate to affirm, excel all existing editions, British or Foreign. CHEAP EDITION OF NEGRIS' HEESOBOTUS, In Two Volumes, neatly Bound in Cloth, Without Notes, 8s. *With English Notes by Negris, 10s. With English Notes by C. S. Wheeler, A. M., Tutor in Greek in Harvard University, 12s. " This New Edition of the Father of History — by a Greek — is very neatly printed, and also exceedingly correct." — Quarterly Journal of Education. " This Edition by Mr. Negris, does credit to his taste and erudition. He has brought the spirit of the philosopher, as well as the learning of the grammarian to his task ; and has done much ser vice to the author whom he has published. The Volumes are neatly and accurately printed." THE CLIO OF HERODOTUS, (Text separately), Is. 6d. With English Notes by Negris, 2s. With English Notes by Wheeler, 2s. 6d. NEGRIS' PINDAR. '* In One Volume, foolscap 8vo, price 7s. 6d. bound in cloth, THE WORKS OF PINDAR, with various Readings, English Notes, and Emendations. By Alexander Negris. " Pindar is one of those Poets who is more often boasted of than in reality enjoyed. Perhaps this may have proceeded from the peculiar difficulties besetting the readers of this poet ; an obscure and corrupt text, dark and indistinct allusions, are some of these obstacles. Mr. Negris has confer red a lasting obligation on literature, by producing his present very excellent edition, in which he has combined the purest text with a number of highly useful and instructive notes. The editor is already advantageously known by his editions of Herodotus and Xenophon's Anabasis, and his present production will- in nowise tend to diminish his reputation." — Literary Gazette. " We have been much pleased with this edition. The critical labours of Mr. Negris have im proved the purity of the- text; and the introduction ofthe metrical schemes enables junior .students to understand the comphcated structure of Pindar's verse." — Athenamm. NEGRIS' XENOPHON'S ANABASIS. XENOPHON'S EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, in Seven Books; with various Readings, English Notes, and Index. By A. Negris. 4s. sd., 4s. 6d. bd. in cloth. \* The Text and various Readings may be had separately, price 3s. sevoed, or 3s. 6d. bd. in cloth, " An excellent edition, neatly printed, with a good text, and critical and useful notes." — Gent.Mag. " Mr. Negris is already advantageously known by his edition of Herodotus, and his very curious little volume of Greek Proverbs. Of his present production, we can say that it fully maintains his reputation. He has selected the best text, and bis notes are useful and instructive." — Lit.Gazette. " A very useful little edition. The notes, which, in compliance with common sense, are English, not Latin, are well composed and compiled. Altogether, from its accuracy, neatness and portability, it is a work deserving recommendation/* — Brighton Gazette, " This is a cheap and very neat edition of this celebrated work for the use of schools, to the notice of the conductors of which we can very confidently recommend it. Besides the body of English notes, there is also a copious index." — Sheffield Independent* In One Volume, royal 1 8mo, price 3s. bound in cloth, A DICTIONARY OF MODERN GREEK PROVERBS, with an Eng lish Translation, Explanatory Remarks, and Philological Illustrations. By Alexander Negris, Professor of Greek Literature. " Mr. Negris, a modern Greek, has printed a charming little book of Greek Proverbs. They are well selected, well translated, and pleasantly commented upon." — Spectator, NEGRIS' LITERARY HISTORY OF MODERN GREECE. 6d. " To the classical student this treatise cannot fail in interest." — Stirling Journal. EDINBURGH: PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CLARK. London: Hamilton & Co., Simpkin & Co. Oxford: Parked, Wheeleb. Cambridge: Deighton, Stevenson, Grant.