YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE

LIFE AND EPISTLES

ST. PAUL.

THE REV. W. J. CONYBEARE, M.A.
LA.TH FELLOW OP TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,

THE REV. J. S. HOWSON M.A.
PRINCIPAL OF THE COLLEGIATE INSTITUTION, LIVEKPOOL.

41 It is very meet, rifrht, and our bounden duty that we should at all times and in hll places give
th-inks unto Thee, 0 Lord, Holy Father, Almighty, Everlasting God, through Jesus Christ our Lord,
according to whose most true promise the Holy Ghost came down from heaven, lighting upon the
iLt oslles. to teach them, and to lead them to all truth ; giving them boldness with fervent zeal con
stantly to preach the Gospel to all nations ; whereby we have been brought out of darkness and error,
into the clear light and true knowledge of thee, and of thy Son Jesus Christ." — Proper Preface to the
TrUagivm for Whitsunday.
" 'A^lvTEf ToOf aXkov( UnavTor, Hav2.ov irpoaT^au/ieda fidvov tov "Kbyov ovviaTopa,
kuv rovTij) ^Seopijao/iev olov iart ijwx^" b^tfiekua. 'Bf 0.v 6i fipoTa tovto yvoii)/icv, rl
IIoiJAof airdf 7reol XlavTiov <j>nalv ixovaa/iev. . . . No/io8eTeZ SoOXoir nal Sionoraic,
ipxovai nal dpxo/ievoic, avSodai koX yvvail-lv, aofyiq. xal a/iaBiff tzuvtuv iirep/iaxet,
kuxtuv iirepevxeTat . . . Kijpi/f iBvuv, 'lovSaiav irpooTUTTir." — GREO. Naz. Oratia
fipologetica.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
vol. n.
SEVENTH EDITION.

NEW YORK.
PUBLISHED B"S CHARLES SORIBNER & 00,
1866.

MP/ 9
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LIST OF MAPS

THE SECOND VOLUME.

HAP OF THE THIRD JOURNEY  To face past 9
POSIDONIUM AT THE ISTHMUS  [96
CHART OF THE VOYAGE FROM CiESAREA TO PUTEOLI  299
SOUNDINGS, ETC., OF LUTRO  322
CHART OF S. COAST OF CRETE  323
CHART OF MALTA  342
HAP OF "7HE JOURNEY FROM PUTEOLI TO ROME  354
PLAN OF ROME  365

LIST OF ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD.

THE SECOND VOLUME

Coin of Ephesus ....
Ditto. -
Ditto. -
VjEw of the Site of Ephesus from
the North -
Coin of Ephesus - - - -
Ditto. - -
Corinthian Coin representing Cen-
chre^e -
Ruins at Thessalonica
Gateway of Assos ...
CuIN OF MlTYLENE - - - -
Com of Miletus - - -
Coin of Cos -----
Com of Rhodes -
Com of Patara -
View of Tyre -
Com of Herod Aorippa II. -

PAGE PAGI
17 Com of CjESArea - - - - 279
25 Cesarea .... 298
69 Compass - - - - 304
Coin of Commodus (Corn-Ship) 308
72 Com of Sidon - 311
76 Com of Myra - - - - 315
89 Fair Havens - - - - 320
Ancient Shd? (anchored by the
195 Stern) - - - - 336
202 St. Paul's Bay - 344
209 Com of Syracuse - - - 348
210 Com of Rhegium - - - - 349
214 CoinofMeltta - 353
220 The Palace of the Caesars - 41 3
223 Com of Nero (with Harbour of
226 Ostia) ¦ - - - 442
228 Basilica - - - 472
273

CONTENTS

OF

THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER XIV.

I'aus

Departure from Antioch. — 3 ourney through Phrygia and Galatia. — Apollcs
at Ephesus and Corinth. — Arrival of St. Paul at Ephesus. — Disciples of
John the Baptist. — The Synagogue. — The School of Tyrannus. — Miracles.
— Ephesian Magic. — The Exorcists. — Burning of the Books - 0
CHAPTER XV.
St. Paul pays a short Visit to Corinth. — Returns to Ephesus. — Writes a Let
ter to the Corinthians, which is now lost. — They reply, desiring farther
Explanations. — State of the Corinthian Church. — St. Paul writes The
First, Epistle to the Corinthians ........ 26
CHAPTER XVI.
Description of Ephesus. — Temple of Diana. — Her Image and "Worship. — Po
litical Constitution of Ephesus. — The Asiarchs. — Demetrius and the Silver
smiths. — Tumult in the Theatre. — Speech of the Town-Clerk. — St. Paul's
Departure  69
CHAPTER XVH.
St. Paul at Troas. — He passes over to Macedonia. — Causes of his Dejec
tion. — He meets Titus at Philippi.- -Writes The Second Epistle to the Cor
inthians. — Collection for the poor Chkistiansin Judaea. — Journey by Ulyri-
cum to Greece --  -90
CHAPTER XVIH.
St. Paul's Feelings on approaching Corinth. — Contrast with his first Visit. —
Bad News from Galatia. — He writes The Epistle to the Galatians • - 130

VI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIX.
St. Paul at Corinth.— Punishment of contumacious Offenders.— Subsequent
Character of the Corinthian Church.— Completion of the Collection. _
Phcebe's Journey to Rome—She bears The Epistle to the Romans

¦ J 96
Note on tlie Isthmian Stadium ------

CHAPTER XX.
Corinth.— Isthmian Games.— Voyage from Philippi.— Sunday at Troas.
Assos.— Voyage by Mitylene and Trogyllium to Miletus.— Speech to the
Ephesian Presbyters.— Voyage by Cos and Rhods to Patara.— Thence to
Phoenicia.— Christians at Tyre.— Ptolemais.— Events at Caesarea.— Arri
val at Jerusalem - ... - -- - 19"

CHAPTER XXI.
Reception at Jerusalem.— Assembling of the Presbyters.— Advice given U>
St. Paul.— The four Nazarites.— St. Paul seized at the Festival.— The Tem
ple and the Garrison. — Hebrew Speech on the Stairs.— The Centurion and
the chief Captain. — St. Paul before the Sanhedrin.— The Pharisees and
Sadducees— Vision in the Castle. — Conspiracy. — St. Paul's Nephew. — Let
ter of Claudius Lysias to Felix. — Night Journey to Antipatris. — Cassarea 23i

CHAPTER XXH.
History of Judaea resumed. — Roman Governors. — Felix. — Troops quartered in
Palestine. — Description of Caesarea. — St. Paul accused there. — Speechbefore
Felix. — Continued Imprisonment. — Accession of Festus. — Appeal to the
Emperor. — Speech before Agrippa ------- 272

CHAPTER XXIH.
Ships and JN avigation of the Ancients. — Roman Commerce in the Mediter
ranean. — Corn Trade between Alexandria and Puteoli. — Travellers by Sea
— S^ Paul's Voyage from Caasarea, by Sidon, to Myra. — From Myra by
Cni'lus and Cape Salmone, to Fair Havens. — Phcenice. — The Storm.  Sea
manship during the Gale. — St. Paul's Vision. — Anchoring in the Nio-ht.—
Shipwreck. — Proof that it took place in Malta. — Winter in the Island —
Objections considered. — Voyage, by Syracuse and Rhcgium, to Puteoli 299

CONTENTS. vil
CHAPTER XXIV.

Pjgh

The Appian Way.— Appii Forum and the Three Taverns.— Entrance it to
Rome.— The Praetorian Prefect— Description of the City.— Its Population.
—The Jews in Rome.— The Roman Church.— St. Paul's Interview with
the Jews. — His Residence in Rome.  . 354

CHAPTER XXV.

Delay of St. Paul's Trial. — His Occupations and Companions during his Im
prisonment.— He writes The Epistle to Philemon, Tlie Epistle to the Colon-
sians, and The Epistle to the Ephesians, (so called) - - - - 375

CHAPTER XXVI.
The Praetorium and the Palatine. — Arrival of Epaphroditus. — Political
Events at Rome. — Octavia and Poppaea. — St. Paul writes T/ie Epistle to
the Philippians — He makes Converts in the Imperial Household - -4.5

CHAPTER XXVII.
Authorities for St. Paul's subsequent History. — His Appeal is heard. — His
Acquittal. — He goes from Rome to Asia Minor. — Thence to Spain, where
he resides two Years. — He returns to Asia Minor and Macedonia. — Writes
The First Epistle to Timotheus. — His Visit to Crete. — He writes The Epistle
to Titus. — He winters at Nicopolis. — He is again imprisoned at Rome. —
Progress of his Trial. — He writes The Second Epistle to Timotheus. — His
Condemnation and Death ......... 43f,
Note on certain legends connected with St. Paul's death ..... 488

CHAPTER XXVIII.
Tlie Epistle to the Hebrews. — Its Inspiration not affected by the Doubts con
cerning its Authorship. — Its original Readers. — Conflicting Testimony of
the Primitive Church concerning its Author. — His Object in writing it. —
Translation of the Epistle  491
Appendix I. (On the Date of the Pastoral Epistles)  533
Appendix II. (Chronological Table, with Notes) ---.-. 542
Lvnrar  549

tot:

LIFE AND EPISTLES

ST. PAUL.

CHAPTEE XIV.
" And the magicians did so with their enchantments ; but they could not : then tlw
magicians said, ' This is the finger of God.' " — Exod. viii. 18, 19.
DEPARTURE PROM ANTIOCH.  JOURNEY THROUGH PHRYGIA AND GALATIA. —
APOLLOS AT EPHESUS AND CORINTH.  ARRIVAL OF ST. PAUL AT EPHESUS. 
DISCIPLES OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.  THE SYNAGOGUE.  THE SCHOOL OF
TYRANNUS.  MIRACLES.  EPHESIAN MAGIC.  THE EXORCISTS.  BURNING OF
THE BOOKS.
The next period of St. Paul's life opens with a third journey through the
interior of Asia Minor.1 In the short stay which he had made at Ephesus
on his return from his second journey, he had promised to come again to that
city, if the providence of God should allow it.3 This promise he was en
abled to fulfil, after a hasty visit to the metropolis of the Jewish nation,
and a longer sojourn in the first metropolis of the Gentile Church.3
It would lead us into long and useless discussions, if we were to specu
late on the time spent at Antioch, and the details of the Apostle's occu
pation in the scene of his early labours. We have already stated our rea
sons for believing that the discussions which led to the Council at Jerusa
lem, took place at an earlier period/ as well as the quarrel between St.
Peter and St. Paul concerning the propriety of concession to the Juda-
» Acts xviii. 23. 3 Acts xviii. 21. See Vol. I. p. 423.
» See the end of Ch. HE.
* See rote at the end of Ch. VII. for the answers to "Wieseler's arguments on tbis
rabject

10 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
izers.1 But without knowing the particular form of the controversieB
brought before him, or the names of those Christian teachers with whom
he conferred, we have seen enough to make us aware that imminent dan
gers from the Judaizing party surrounded the Church, and that Antioch
was a favourable place for meeting the machinations of this party, as well
as a convenient starting-point for a journey undertaken to strengthen
those communities that were likely to be invaded by false teachers from
Judsea. It is evident that it was not St. Paul's only object to proceed with all
haste to Ephesus : nor indeed is it credible that he could pass through
the regions of Cilicia and Lycaonia, Phrygia and Galatia, without remain
ing to confirm those Churches which he had founded himself, and some of
which he had visited twice. We are plainly told that his journey was
occupied in this work, and the few words which refer to this subject imply
a systematic visitation.2 He would be the more anxious to establish them
in the true principles of the Gospel, in proportion as he was aware of the
widely spreading influence of the Judaizers. Another specific object, not
unconnected with the healing of divisions, was before him during the
whole of this missionary journey, — a collection for the relief of the poor
Christians in Judsea.3 It had been agreed at the meeting of the Apos
tolic Council (Gal. ii. 9, 10) that while some should go to the Heathen,
and others to the Circumcision, the former should carefully " remember
the poor ;" and this we see St. Paul, on the present journey among the
Gentile Churches, "forward to do." We even know the "order which he
gave to the Churches of Galatia" (1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2). He directed that
each person should lay by in store, on the first day of the week, according
as God had prospered him, that the collection should be deliberately
made, and prepared for an opportunity of being taken to Jerusalem.
We are not able to state either the exact route which St. Paul fol
lowed, or the names of the companions by whom he was attended. As
regards the latter subject, however, two points may be taken for granted,
that Silas ceased to be, and that Timotheus continued to be, an associate
of the Apostle. It is most probable that Silas remained behind in Jeru
salem, whence he had first accompanied Barnabas with the Apostolic let
ter," and where, on the first mention of his name, he is said to have held a
i Neander is inclined to assign the misunderstanding of the two Apostles to tfaia
time. So Olshausen. See Vol. I. p. 222.
» 'EmonVfuv ndvrac roic paflr,Tur. Acts xviii. 23. Notice the word Ka6e&ic.
a The steady pursuance of this object in the whole course of this journey may be
traced through the following passages :— 1 Cor. xvi. 1-4. 2 Cor. viii. ix. Rom *v
25, 26. Acts xxiv. 17.
« See Vol. I. p. 222 and p. 253.

DEPAP.TUKE FROM ANTIOCH. 11
leading position in the Church.1 He is not again mentioned in connection
with the Apostle of the Gentiles." The next place in Scripture where his
name occurs, is in the letter of the Apostle of the Circumcision (1 Pet. v.
12), which is addressed to the strangers scattered throughout Pontus,
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia. There, " Silvanus " is spoken
of as one not unknown to the persons addressed, but as " a faithful bro
ther unto them ; " — by him the letter was sent which " exhorted " the
Christians in the north and west of Asia Minor, and " testified that that
was the true grace of God wherein they stood ; " — and the same disciple
is seen, on the last mention of his name, as on the first, to be cooperating
for the welfare of the Church, both with St. Peter and St. Paul.3
It may be considered, on the other hand, probable, if not certain, that
Timotheus was with the Apostle through the whole of this journey. Abun
dant mention of him is made, both in the Acts and the Epistles, in con
nection with St. Paul's stay at Ephesus, and his subsequent movements.'1
Of the other companions who were undoubtedly with him at Ephesus, we
cannot say with confidence whether they attended him from Antioch, or
joined him afterwards at some other point. But Erastus (Acts xix. 22)
may have remained with him since the time of his first visit to Corinth,
and Caius and Aristarchus (Acts xix. 29) since the still earlier period
of his journey through Macedonia.5 Perhaps we have stronger reasons
for concluding that Titus, who, though not mentioned in the Acts,6 was
certainly of great service in the second missionary journey, travelled with
Paul and Timotheus through the earlier part of it. In the frequent men
tion which is made of him in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, he ap
pears as the Apostle's laborious minister, and as a source of his consola
tion and support, hardly less strikingly, than the disciple whom he had
taken on the previous journey from Lystra and Iconium.
Whatever might be the exact route which the Apostle followed from
Antioch to Ephesus, he would certainly revisit those Churches, which
twice ' before had known him as their teacher. He would pass over the
Cilician plain on the warm southern shore,8 and the high table-land of Ly-
i 'Hyoi/ievoc. Acts xv. 22. See Tate's Horse Paulinse, p. 54, and the Index, p. 1 98 ;
also pp. 238, 272.
* His name is in the Salutation in the Epistles to the Thessalonians, but not ia any
subsequent letters. Compare 2 Cor. i. 19.
3 Compare again the account of the Council of Jerusalem and the mission of Silas
and Barnabas.
< See Acts xix. 22. 1 Cor. iv. 17. xvi. 10. 2 Cor. i. 1. Rom. xvi. 21. Actsxx.4.
» See Tate, pp. 52, 53.
" Wieseler, indeed, identifies him with Justus, who is mentioned xviii. 7. See the
note on this subject, Vol. I. p. 211.
i He had been in Lycaonia on the first and second missionary journeys, in CilicU oil
the second ; but he had also been there at least once since his conversion.
« Sco Vol T. li. 21 and the allusions to the climate in Ch. VI. and VIII.

Ii* THE LIKU AND EPISTLES O* at. PAl'L.
caouia on the other side of the Pass of Taurus.1 He would see once more
his own early home on the banks of the Cydnus ; * and Timothy would be
once more in the scenes of his childhood at the base of the Kara-Dagh.3
After leaving Tarsus, the cities of Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium, possibly
also Antioch in Pisidia,4 would be the primary objects in the Apostle's
progress. Then we come to Phrygia and Galatia, both vague and indeter
minate districts, which he had visited once,5 and through which, as before,
we cannot venture to lay down a route." Though the visitation of the
Churches was systematic, we need not conclude that the same exact course
was followed. Since the order in which the two districts are mentioned is
different from that in the former instance,7 we are at liberty to suppose
that he travelled first from Lycaonia through Cappadocia 8 into Galatia,
and then by Western Phrygia to the coast of ^Egean. ' In this last part
of his progress we are in still greater doubt as to the route, and one ques
tion of interest is involved in our opinion poncerning it. The great road
from Ephesus by Iconium to the Euphrates, passed along the valley of the
Mseander, and near the cities of Laodicea, Colossae, and Hierapolis ; and
we should naturally suppose that the Apostle would approach the capital
of Asia along this well-travelled line.9 But the arguments are so strong
for believing that St. Paul was never personally at Colossae,10 that it is
safer to imagine him following some road further to the north, such as
that, for instance, which, after passing near Thyatira, entered the valley
of the Hermiis at Sardis.11
Thus, then, we may conceive the Apostle arrived at that region, where
he was formerly in hesitation concerning his future progress,1' — the frontier
1 See again Ch. VL and Ch. VIII. for Lycaonia and Mount Taurus.
a See Vol. I. p. 22 and 49.
3 See Ch. VI. and Ch. VHI., with the map on p. 189.
* See Vol. I. p. 270. a Acts xvi. 6. e See Ch. VLU.
' Compare Acts xvi. 6 with xviii. 23. In both cases we should observe that the
phrase v TaXanKr) x^pa is used. See what is said on the expression " churches ol
Galatia," p. 272.
s This is Wleseler's view. For the province of Cappadocia, see Vol. I. p. 249
The district is mentioned Acts ii. 9 and 1 Pet. i. 1.
s See Vol. I. pp. 269-271, and 272.
"> From Col. ii. 1 we should naturally infer that St. Paul had never been personally
among the Colossians. See Wieseler on this subject, and on the question whether the
Apostle visited Colosste from Ephesus, p. 51 and p. 440, note. For a full discussion
on the other side, where all Lardner's arguments are considered, see Dr. Davidson's
Introduction. 'i See Leake's map. The characteristic scenery of the Bfceander and Hermus is
described in several parts of Hamilton's travels. See especially ch. viii.— x. xxviii.—
xl. ; also li., lii., and especially Vol. I. pp. 124, 136. We may observe that, on one
of his journeys, nearly in the direction in which St. Paul was moving, he crossed the
mountains from near Afium Kara Hissar (Synnada) to visit Yalobatch (Antioch in Pi«i-
ilia). The Apostle might easily do the sams.
'" Acts xvi. C-8.

APOLLOS. 13
district of Asia and Phrygia,1 the mountains which contain the upper
waters" of the Hermus and Mseander. And now our attention is sud
denly called away to another preacher of the Gospel, whose name, next to
that of the Apostles, is perhaps the most important in the early history of
the Church. There came at this time to Ephesus, either directly from
Egypt by sea, as Aquila or Priscilla from Corinth, or by some route
through the intermediate countries, like that of St. Paul himself,3 a
"disciple" named A polios,4 a native of Alexandria. This visit occurred
at a critical time, and led to grave consequences in reference to the esta
blishment of Christian truth, and the growth of parties in the Church ;
while the religious community (if so it may be called) to which he
belonged at the time of his arrival, furnishes us with one of the most
interesting links between the Gospels and the Acts.5
Apollos, along with twelve others,6 who are soon afterwards mentioned
at Ephesus, was acquainted with Christianity only so far as it had been
made known by John the Baptist. They "knew only the baptism of
John.'" From the great part which was acted by the forerunner of
Christ in the first announcement of the Gospel, and from the effect pro
duced on the Jewish nation by his appearance, and the number of disciples
who came to receive at his hands the baptism of repentance, we should
expect some traces of his influence to appear in the subsequent period,
during which the Gospel was spreading beyond Judaea. Many Jews from
other countries received from the Baptist their knowledge of the Messiah,
and carried with them this knowledge on their return from Palestine.
We read of a heretical sect, at a much later period, who held John the
Baptist to have been himself the Messiah.8 But in a position intermedi
ate between this deluded party, and those who were travelling as teachers
of the fuH and perfect Gospel, there were doubtless many, among the
floating Jewish population of the empire, whose knowledge of Christ ex
tended only to that which had been preached on the banks of the Jordan.
i Some description of this district is given, p. 278.
* This part of the table-land of the interior is what is meant by t& uvurepiid pepr),
Acts xix. 1. It is needless to say that the word " coasts " in the Authorised Version
has no reference to the sea. So Herodotus uses the expression ra uvu ttiq 'koiac, i. 177.
3 KaTijvTTioev.
* Winer remarks that this abbreviated form of the name Apollonius is found in
Sozomen. It is, however, very rare ; and it is worth observing that among the terra
cottas found at Tarsus (described Vol. I. p. 256, note) is a circular disc which has the
name AIIOAAQC inscribed on it in incursive Greek.
5 See the excellent remark of Olshausen on the whole narrative concerning Apolka
and the other disciples of John the Baptist.
s See Acts xix. 1-7. » Acts xviii. 25. Compare xix. 3.
" The Zabeans. See Olshausen. So in the Clementine Recognitions are mentioned
some " ex discipulis Johannis, qui magistrum suum veluti Christum praxUcavunt''
(T 54, 60.)

L4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
That such persons should be found at Ephesus, the natural meet ng-i luce
of all religious sects and opinions, is what we might have supposed a
priori. Their own connection with Judsea, or the connection of their
teachers with Judsea, had been broken before the day of Pentecost. Thus
their Christianity was at the same point at which it had stood at the com
mencement of our Lord's ministry. They were ignorant of the full mean-
ing of the death of Christ ; possibly they did not even know the fact of
His resurrection ; and they were certainly ignorant of the mission of the
Comforter.1 But they knew that the times of the Messiah were come,
and that one had appeared" in whom the prophecies were fulfilled. That
voice had reached them, which cried, " Prepare ye the way of. the Lord"
(Is. xl. 3). They felt that the axe was laid to the root of the tree, that
" the kingdom of Heaven was at hand," that " the knowledge of Salvation
was come to those that sit in darkness" (Luke i. 11), and that the chil
dren of Israel were everywhere called to " repent." Such as were in
this religious condition were evidently prepared for the full reception of
Christianity, so soon as it was presented to them ; and we see that they
were welcomed by St. Paul and the Christians at Ephesus as fellow
disciples 3 of the same Lord and Master.
In some respects Apollos was distinguished from the other disciples of
John the Baptist, who are alluded to at the same place, and nearly at the
same time. There is much significance in the first fact that is stated, that
he was " born at Alexandria." Something has been said by us already
concerning the Jews of Alexandria, and their theological influence in the
age of the Apostles.4 In the establishment of a religion, which was
intended to be the complete fulfilment of Judaism, and to be universally
supreme in the Gentile world, we should expect Alexandria to bear her
part, as well as Jerusalem. The Hellenistic learning fostered by the
foundations of the Ptolemies might be made the handmaid of the truth,.
no less than the older learning of Judaea and the schools of the Hebrews.
As regards Apollos, he was not only an Alexandrian Jew by birth, but
he had a high reputation for an eloquent and forcible power of speaking,
and had probably been well trained in the rhetorical schools on the banks
of the Nile.5 But though he was endued with the eloquence of a Greek
orator, the subject of his study and teaching were the Scriptures of his
forefathers. The character which he bore in the synagogues was that of
a man " mighty in the Scriptures.'" In addition to these advantages 01
¦ Acts xix. 2.
8 Kuinoel thinks they were not even aware of Christ's appearance.
5 Note the word paBqTTJs, xix. 1.
* See pp. 35-37. Also pp, 9, 10-18, and 105.
5 Aoywc is probably "eloquent" rather than "learned," inasmuch »= • ..
t- • n j t s i -™muuu da in thp NA1D0
rerse he is called wiiiri; hi Ta<f ypatyalc.

APOLLOS AT EPHESUS. 15
birth and education, he seems to have had the fullest and n.ost systematic
instruction in the Gospel, which a disciple of John could possibly receive.'
Whether from the Baptist himself, or from some of those who travelled
into other lands with his teaching as their possession, Apollos had received
full and accurate instruction in the " way of the Lord." We are further
told that his character was marked by a fervent zeal * for spreading the
truth. Thus we may conceive of him as travelling, like a second Baptist,
beyond the frontiers of Judsea, — expounding the prophecies of the Old
Testament, announcing that the times of the Messiah were come, and call
ing the Jews to repentance in the spirit of Elias.3 Hence he was>, like his
great teacher, diligently "preparing the way of the Lord."4 Though
ignorant of the momentous facts which had succeeded the Resurrection
and Ascension, he was turning the hearts of the "disobedient to the
wisdom of the just," and "making ready a people for the Lord,"5 whom
he was soon to know " more perfectly." Himself " a burning and shining
light," he bore witness to "that Light which lighteth every man that
cometh into the world," 6 — as, on the other hand, he was a " swift witness"
against those Israelites whose lives were unholy, and came among them
" to purify the sons of Levi, that they might offer unto the Lord an offer
ing in righteousness," ' and to proclaim that, if they were unfaithful, God
was still able " to raise up children unto Abraham." 8
Thus, burning with zeal, and confident of the truth of what he had
learnt, he spoke out boldly in the synagogue.9 An intense interest must
have been excited about this time concerning the Messiah in the synagogue
at Ephesus. Paul had recently been there, and departed with the promise
of return. Aquila and Priscilla, though taking no forward part as public
teachers, would diligently keep the subject of the Apostle's teaching before
the minds of the Israelites. And now an Alexandrian Jew presented him
self among them, bearing testimony to the same Messiah with singular
eloquence, and with great power in the interpretation of Scripture. Thus
an unconscious preparation was made for the arrival of the Apostle, who
was even now travelling towards Ephesus through the uplands of Asia
Minor. The teaching of Apollos, though eloquent, learned, and zealous, was
' "Hi) Karrixypevos rfv 6Sov rov Kvpiov. * Ziav r$ irvcv/ian.
3 He was probably able to go further in Christian teaching than John the Baptist
could do, by giving an account of the life of Jesus Christ. So far his knowledge was
accurate (dxpiByg). Further instructions from Aquila and Priscilla made it more ac
curate (dxpiGcaTepov).
4 The phrase ? dddrrov Kvpiov should be carefully compared with the passages in
the Gospels and Prophets, where it occurs in reference to John the Baptist, Matt. iii.
S. Mark i. 3. Luke iii. 4. John i. 23. Isa. xl. 3. (lxx.) Compare Mai. iii. 1. (ux.)
- Luke i. 16, 17. « John v. 3, 5. i. 9. ' Mai. iii. 3-5.
* Matt. iii. 9. ' 'Hpiaro Trap'p'naid&aBai hi ry cuvayuyy. xviii. 26.

16 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
seriously defective. But God had provided among his listeners those who
could instruct him more perfectly. Aquila and Priscilla felt that he was
proclaiming the same truth in which they had been instructed at Corinth.
They could inform Win that they had met with one who had taught with
authority far more concerning Christ than had been known even to John
the Baptist ; and they could recount to him the miraculous, gifts, which
attested the outpouring of the Holy Ghost. Thus they attached them-
selves closely to Apollos,1 and gave him complete instruction in that "way
of the Lord," which he had already taught accurately,2 though imperfectly ;
and the learned Alexandrian obtained from the tentrmakers a knowledge
of that "mystery" which the ancient Scriptures had only partially
revealed. This providential meeting with Aquila and Priscilla in Asia became
the means of promoting the spread of the Gospel in Achaia. Now that
Apollos was made fully acquainted with the Christian doctrine, his zeal
urged him to go where it had been firmly established by an Apostle.3 It
is possible, too, that some news received from Corinth might lead him to
suppose that he could be of active service there in the cause of truth. The
Christians of Ephesus encouraged4 him in this intention, and gave him
"letters of commendation"5 to their brethren across the JDgean. On his
arrival at Corinth, he threw himself at once among those Jews who had
rejected St. Paul, and argued with them publicly and zealously on the
ground of their Scriptures,6 and thus 7 became " a valuable support to those
who had already believed through the grace of God ;" for he proved with
power that that Jesus who had been crucified at Jerusalem, and whom
Paul was proclaiming throughout the world, was indeed the Christ.8 Thus
he watered where Paul had planted, and God gave an abundant increase.
(1 Cor. iii. 6.) And yet e\12 trrew up side by side with the good. For
while he was a valuable aid to the Christians, and a formidable antagonist
to the Jews, and while he was honestly co-operating in Paul's great work
of evangelizing the world, he became the occasion of fostering pai ty-spirit
' TipooeXuiovTo airov. " They took him to themselves," v. 26.
a Compare dapifus, v. 25 ; and dicpideoTepov, v. 26.
3 v. 27. * UpoTpeTJidftevoi, v. 27.
s 01 aiekifioi, lypaipav tolq padnrats, v. 27. Compare ovoTaTucal imoTohai, 2 Cor.
Iii. 1, where the reference is to commendatory letters addressed to or from the very
same Church of Corinth.
« Compare eirovar (v. 28) with Jewv rep nvev/ian (v. 25) ; 6*np,oma with wafifaoti-
CfioBai (v. 26) ; and ImdeiKvii; cStu tuv ypa<j>du with dvvaroi £v rale ypa<j>alg (v. 24).
i The word yap should be noticed. His coming was a valuable assistance to the
Christians against the Jews, in the controversies which had doubtless been going on
Bince St. Paul's departure.
s •EmfciKvic elvai rdv Xptordv 'Irjaovv, v. 28. The phrase is much more definite
. than those which are used above (tt)v 66av too Kvpiov, and t<2 nepl tov X. v. 25) of the
; time when he was not fullv instructed.

APOLLOS AT COEINTH.

17

among the Corinthians, and was unwillingly held up as a rival of the
Apostle himself. In this city of rhetoricians and sophists, the erudition
and eloquent speaking of Apollos were coutiasted with the unlearned
simplicity with which St. Paul had studiously presented the Gospel to his
Corinthian hearers.1 Thus many attached themselves to the new teacher,
and called themselves by the name of Apollos, while others ranged them
selves as the party of Paul (1 Cor. i. 12),— forgetting that Christ could
not be "divided," and that Paul and Apollos were merely "ministers by
whom they had believed." (1 Cor. iii. 5.) We have no reason to imagine
that Apollos himself encouraged or tolerated such unchristian divisions.
A proof of his strong feeling to the contrary, and of his close attachment
to St. Paul, is furnished by that letter to the Corinthians, which will soon
be brought under our notice," when, after vehement rebukes of the schisma
tic spirit prevailing among the Corinthians, it is said, "touching our
brother Apollos," that he was unwilling to return to them at that parti
cular time, though St. Paul himself had " greatly desired it."
But now the Apostle himself is about to arrive in Ephesus. His resi
dence in this place, like his residence in Antioch and Corinth, is a subject
to which our attention is particularly called. Therefore, all the features
of the city — its appearance, its history, the character of its population,
its political and mercantile relations — possess the utmost interest for us.
We shall defer such description to a future chapter, and limit ourselves
here to what may set before the reader the geographical position of Ephe
sus, as the point in which St. Paul's journey from Antioch terminated for
(.he present.
We imagined him 3 about the frontier of Asia and Phrygia, on his ap
proach from the interior to the sea. Prom this region of volcanic nunu-
tains, a tract of country extends to the JSgean, which is watered by 1 o
2f the long western rivers, the Hermus and the Maeander, and which s
celebrated through an extended period of classical history, and is saci 1

COIN OF EPHESUS.

See the remarks on the Corinthian parties in Vol. I. p. 446.
1 1 Cor. xvi. 12. 3 Above, p. 13.
4 Due to the kindness of Mr. Akerman. The abbreviation of the word veiixopa
[Acts xix. 35) will be observed here. The image, however, of Diana is not the form
jnder which she was worshipped at Ephesus.
vol. II. — 2

18 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ib us as the scene of the Churches of the Apocalypse.1 Near the mouth
of one of these rivers is Smyrna ; near that of the other is Miletus. The
islands of Samos and Chios are respectively opposite the projecting por
tion of coast, where the rivers flow by these cities to the sea.2 Between
the Hermus and the Maeander is a smaller river, named the Cayster, separ
ated from the latter by the ridge of Messogis, and from the former by
Mount Tmolus. Here, in the level valley of the Cayster, is the early
cradle of the Asiatic name,— the district of primeval " Asia,"— not as
understood in its political or ecclesiastical sense, but the Asia of old poetic
legend.3 And here, in a situation preeminent among the excellent posi
tions which the Ionians chose for their cities,4 Ephesus was built, on some
hills near the sea. For some time after its foundation by Androclus the
Athenian, it was inferior to Miletus ; 5 >ut with the decay of the latter
city, in the Macedonian and Roman periods, it rose to greater eminence,
and in the time of St. Paul it was the greatest city of Asia Minor, as
well as the metropolis of the province of Asia. Though Greek in its
origin, it was half-oriental in the prevalent worship, and in the character
of its inhabitants ; and being constantly visited by ships from all parts of
the Mediterranean, and united by great roads with the markets of the
interior, it was the common meeting-place of various characters and
classes of men.
Among those whom St. Paul met on his arrival, was the small com
pany of Jews above alluded to,6 who professed the imperfect Christianity
of John the Baptist. By this time Apollos had departed to Corinth.
Those "disciples" who were now at Ephesus were in the same religious
condition in which he had been, when Aquila and Priscilla first spoke to
1 Rev. i. ii. iii. Laodicea is in the basin of the Meander ; Smyrna, Thyatira, Sardis,
and Philadelphia are in that of the Hermus ; Pergamus is further to the north on the
Caicus. For a description of this district, see Arundell's Visit to the Seven Churches,
and Fellows' ABia Minor.
3 In the account of St. Paul's return we shall have to take particular notice of this
coast. He sailed between these islands and the mainland, touching at Miletus.
Acts xx.
3 For the early history of the word Asia, see Vol. I. pp. 237, 238.
4 Herodotus says of the cities of the Ionians generally : 0/ 'luvec iv rip «a/U;flr«i
Myxavov idpvadpevoi noTnag nuvriov uvBpdmuv tuv rttuslg Idpev. i. 142 ; and Strabo
says of Ephesus : 'H ¦koIic t?) 7rpdf t& uXka ebicaipia tuv tokuv av&rai naff hdoTijr
fylpav tp-K'opiov oiod piyimov tuv Kard Tr/v 'Kaiav tt/v evroc Tavpov. xiv. An ac
count of the early history of Ephesus to the time of Alexander, will be found in a trea
tise "De rebus Ephesiorum," by W. C. Perry (Gottingen,' 1837). A much more
copious work is Guhl's " Ephesiaca » (Berlin, 1843), of which we shall make abundant
use. See also a paper by Mr. Akennan, containing " Remarks on the Coins of Ephesus
struck during the Roman Dominion » (read before the Numismatic Society Ma^ 20.'
1841)., ' ¦" *
» See Guhl, p. 27 ; Perry, p. II. In legend its origin is referred to the Amazons
6 Above, p. 13. See Acts xix. 1-7.

DISCIPLES OF JOHN THE BAPTIST. 19
aim, though doubtless they were inferior to him both in learning and zeal.1
St. Paul found, on inquiry, that they had only received John's baptism,
and that they were ignorant of the great outpouring of the Holy Ghost,
in which the life and energy of the Church consisted.2 They were even
perplexed by his question.3 He then pointed out, in conformity with
what had been said by John the Baptist himself, that that propliet only
preached repentance to prepare men's minds for Christ, who is the true
object of faith. On this they received Christian baptism ; 4 and after they
were baptized, the laying on of the Apostle's hands resulted, as in all
other Churches, in the miraculous gifts of Tongues and of Prophecy.5
After this occurrence has been mentioned as an isolated fact, our at
tention is called to the great teacher's labours in the synagogue. Doubt
less, Aquila and Priscilla were there. Though they are not mentioned
here in connection with St. Paul, we have seen them so lately (Acts xviii.)
instructing Apollos, and we shall find them so soon again sending saluta
tions to Corinth in the Apostle's letter from Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi.) that
we cannot but believe he met his old associates, and again experienced
the benefit of their aid. It is even probable that he again worked with
them at the same trade : for in the address to the Ephesian elders at
Miletus (Acts xx. 34) he stated that " his own hands had ministered to
his necessities, and to those who were with him ; " and in writing to the
Corinthians he says (1 Cor. iv. 11, 12) that such toil had continued
" even to that hour." There is no doubt that he "reasoned" in the Syna
gogue at Ephesus with the same zeal and energy with which his spiritual
labours had been begun at Corinth.6 He had been anxiously expected,
and at first he was heartily welcomed. A preparation for his teaching
had been made by Apollos and those who instructed him. "For three
months" Paul continued to speak boldly in the synagogue, " arguing and
endeavouring to convince his hearers of all that related to the kingdom
of God." ' The hearts of some were hardened, while others repented and
believed ; and in the end the Apostle's doctrine was publicly calumniated
1 It is impossible to know whether these men were connected with Apollos. The
¦vhole narrative seems to imply that they were in a lower state of religious knowledge
than he was.
* See the last chap, in Vol. I.
3 The English version, " We have not so much as heard whether there be any Holy
Ghost," is a literal translation of the Greek, dXk' ovdi el Hvevpa uytcv toriv r/Koica-
ficv. Some commentators supply dodsv, or some equivalent word. If taken thus, the
passage will be a close parallel to John vii. 39, ovnu yup nv Hvci/ia uytov — -'the
Holy Spirit is not yet [given]."
4 On the inference derivable from this passage, that the name of the Holy GhoBt was
ised in the baptismal formula, see p. 439.
4 See again the last chap, in Vol. I., and the note below on 1 Cor.
' Acts xviii. 4.
' A:is xix. 8.

•J(J 'HIE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
by the Jews before the people.1 On this he openly separated himself,
and withdrew the disciples from the Synagogue ; and the Chris lan
Church at Ephesus became a distinct body, separated both from the Jews
and the Gentiles. • „
As the house of Justus at Corinth2 had afforded St. Paul a retuge
from calumny, and an opportunity of continuing his public instruction, so
here he had recourse to « the school of Tyrannus," who was probably a
teacher of philosophy or rhetoric, converted by the Apostle to Christi
anity.3 His labours in spreading the Gospel were here continued for two
whole years. For the incidents which occurred during this residence, for
the persons with whom the Apostle became acquainted, and for the pre
cise subjects of his teaching, we have no letters to give us information
supplementary to the Acts, as in the cases of Thessaloniea and Corinth : 4
inasmuch as that which is called the " Epistle to the Ephesians," enters
hito no personal or incidental details.5 But we have, in the address to
the Ephesian elders at Miletus, an affecting picture of an Apostle's la
bours for the salvation of those whom his Master came to redeem. From
that address we learn, that his voice had not been heard within the school
of Tyrannus alone, but that he had gone about among his converts, in
structing them " from house to house," and warning " each one" of them
affectionately " with tears." ° The subject of his teaching was ever the
same, both for Jews and Greeks, "repentance towards God, and faith
towards our Lord Jesus Christ." 7 Labours so incessant, so disinterested,
and continued through so long a time, could not fail to produce a great
result at Ephesus. A large Church was formed, over which many pres
byters were called to preside.8 Nor were the results confined to the city.
Throughout the province of " Asia " the name of Christ became generally
known, both to the Jews and Gentiles ; 9 and doubtless, many daughter-
churches were founded, whether in the course of journeys undertaken by
the Apostle himseif,10 or by means of those with whom he became
1 'Evamov tov n^Bovg, v. 9. * Acts xviii. 7. See Vol. I. p. 398.
3 Those who are apt to see a Jewish or Talmudical reference almost everywhere (as
Lightfoot, Vitringa, and Schottgen), think that Tyrannus may have been a Jew, and
his " school " a place for theological teaching (ia"na tp:i)> su°h as those mentioned,
Vol. I. p. 60.
4 See in the first volume the chapter containing the two Epistles to the Thessalonians,
and in the present volume those which contain the two Epistles to the Corinthians.
* The peculiarities of this Epistle will be considered hereafter.
e Acts xx. 20, 31 Compare v. 19. i lb. 21.
8 lb. 17. Tovq npeoljvTlpovc t% inKkriaias, below (v. 28) called imaKonovr. See
what is said on this subject, Vol. I. p. 434.
o 'Hare ndvTa<; rove KaToiKovvra; rrjv 'Aoiav dicovaai rdv Xoyov roi Kvpiov 'Ir/cov,
'\ov6aiovc ts ical 'EXTajvag. Acts xix. 10. There must have been many Jews is
various parts of the province.
"> What is said of his continued residence at Ephesus by no means implies thai h«
did not make journeys in tht province.

EPHESIAN MAGIC. 2l
Acquainted, — as for instance by Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon, in con
nection with Colossas, and its neighbour cities Hierapolis and Laodicea.1
It is during this interval, that one of the two characteristics of
the people of Ephesus comes prominently into view. This city was re
nowned throughout the world for the worship of Diana, and the practice
of magic. Though it was a Greek city, like Athens or Corinth, the manners
of its inhabitants were half oriental. The image of the tutelary goddess
resembled an Indian idol 2 rather than the beautiful forms which crowded
the Acropolis of Athens : 3 and the enemy which St. Paul had to oppose
was not a vaunting philosophy, as at Corinth,4 but a dark and Asiatic su
perstition. The worship of Diana and the practice of magic were closely
connected together. Eustathius says, that the mysterious symbols, called
" Ephesian Letters," were engraved on the crown, the girdle, and the feet
of the goddess.5 These Ephesian letters or monograms have been com
pared to the Runic characters of the north.6 When pronounced, they
were regarded as a charm ; 7 and were directed to be used, especially by
those who were in the power of evil spirits.8 Wheu written, they were
carried about as amulets.9 Curious stories are told of their influence.
Crcesus is related to have repeated the mystic syllables when on his fune
ral pile ; 10 and an Ephesian wrestler is said to have always struggled suc
cessfully against an antagonist from Miletus until he lost the scroll, which
before had been like a talisman.11 The study of these symbols was an ela
borate science : and books, both numerous and costly, were compiled by
its professors.12
1 See above for the arguments against supposing that St. Paul travelled to Ephesxis
by Colossae and the valley of the Maeander. The same arguments tend to prove that
he never visited this district from Ephesus. It is thought by many that Epaphras
was converted by St. Paul at Ephesus, and founded the church of Colossse. See CoL
i. 7. iv. 12-17. Philem. 23.
2 See1 the Coins in the next chapter but one. We shall return to the subject hereaftei
a See Vol. I. p. 355, &c. 4 See Vol. I. p. 446.
5 4>tjva£ tcvec 7jaav kizl Trig orEtfidvjjc ndi Trig ^divijc Kal tCiv irodCiv rijg 'Eyeoiaf
AorepiSog alviyparadag yeypajijiivai. Eustath. Od. xiv. p. 1864.
6 By a Swedish writer, Beeth. De Templo Dianse Ephesia; : TJpsal, 1700. See Guhl'»
Ephesiaca, c. iii. § 6.
7 'EnuSal, uc ol Qavovvreg h/iituv tv izavTi, among the quotations in Guhl.
• 'Ol pdyoi, rovg Saipavifrpfoovg K&evovai tu 'Efeota ypdppara naraljyeiv icai
&vofid&iv. Plut. Symp.
9 'Ev o/cvrapioig fiaizrolai </>epav 'E^eaijia ypduuara na\d. Anaxilas in Atheuajua.
xii. 584, c.
10 See the Etymologicum Magnum.
" Suidas and Eustathius, referred to by Guhl.
>• For further information on Ephesian magic, see Wetstein and Grotius. The lift
of Alexander of Tralles in Smith's Biography, and in the biography of the TJ. K. Socie
ty, contains 60me important illustrations. Olshausen quotes some of the mystic syi
lables from Hesychius.

22 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF \l't. PAUL.
This statement throws some light on the peculiar charactei of the mir
acles wrought by St. Paul at Ephesus. We are not to suppose that the
Apostles were always able to work miracles at will. An influx of super
natural power was given to them, at the time, and according to the cir
cumstances that required it. And the character of the miracles was not
always the same. They were accommodated to the peculiar forms of sin,
superstition, and ignorance they were required to oppose.1 Here, at
Ephesus, St. Paul was in the face of magicians, like Moses and Aaron be
fore Pharaoh ; and it is distinctly said that his miracles were " not ordi
nary wonders ;" ' from which we may infer that they were different from
those which he usually performed. We kuow, in the case of our Blessed
Lord's miracles, that though the change was usually accomplished on the
speaking of a word, intermediate agency was sometimes employed ; as
when the blind man was healed at the pool of Siloam.3 A miracle
which has a closer reference to our present subject, is that in which
the hem of Christ's garment was made effectual to the healing of a
poor sufferer, and the conviction of the bystanders.4 So on this occasion gar
ments s were made the means of communicating a healing power to those
who were at a distance, whether they were possessed with evil spirits, or
afflicted with ordinary diaeases.6 Such effects, thus publicly manifested,
must have been a signal refutation of the charms and amulets and mystic
letters of Ephesus. Yet was this no encouragement to blind superstition.
When the suffering woman was healed by touching the hem of the gar
ment, the Saviour turned round and said, " Virtue is gone out of me." '
And here at Ephesus we are reminded that it was God who " wrought
miracles by the hands of Paul" (v. 11), and that " the name," not of Paul,
but " of the Lord Jesus, was magnified." (v. 11.)
These miracles must have produced a great effect upon the minds of
those who practised curious arts in Ephesus. Among the magicians who
' The narrative of what was done by St. Paul at Ephesus should be compared willl
St. Peter's miracles at Jerusalem, when "many signs and wonders were wrought
among the people .... insomuch that they brought forth the sick into the streets,
and laid them on beds and couches, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by
might overshadow some of them." Acts v. 12-16.
a Avvdpeig oil Tag Tvxovaag. xix. 11.
3 " He spat on the ground, and made clay of the spittle, and anointed the eyes of the
blind man with the clay, and said unto him : Gn. wash in the pool of Siloam." John
ix. 6, 7.
" Matt. ix. 20. See Trench on the Miracles, p. 189, &c.
s Both the words used here are Latin. The former, sudarium, is that which occurs
Luke xix. 20. John xi. 44. xx. 7, and is translated " napkin." The latter serm-
smeiium, denotes some such article of dress— shawl, handkerchief, or apron— as is
easily laid aside.
« Kal imMidaaeaBai air' uvtuv rac voaavc, ri re nvevpara rd ncvripd ifipxteOat
iif airuv. v. 12.
7 Luke viii. 46. Compare vi. 19.

THE EXOEOISTS. 23
were then in this city, in the course of their wanderings through the East,
were several Jf.wish exorcists.1 This is a circumstance which need not
surprise us. The stern severity with which sorcery was forbidden in the
Old Testament2 attests the early tendency of the Israelites to such prac
tices : the Talmud bears witness to the continuance of these practices at
a later period ; 3 and we have already had occasion, in the course of this
history, to notice the spread of Jewish magicians through various parts of
the Roman Empire.4 It was an age of superstition and imposture— an
age also in which the powers of evil manifested themselves with peculiar
force. Hence we find St. Paul classing " witchcraft " among the works of
the flesh (Gal. v. 20), and solemnly warning the Galatians, both in words5
and by his letters, that they who practise it cannot inherit the king
dom of God ; and it is of such that he writes to Timothy (2 Tim. iii. 13),
— that " evil men and seducers" shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and
being deceived." This passage in St. Paul's latest letter had probably re
ference to that very city in which we see him now brought into opposition
with Jewish sorcerers. These men, believing that the name of Jesus acted
as a charm, and recognising the Apostle as a Jew like themselves, at
tempted his method of casting out evil spirits.7 But He to whom the
demons were subject, and who had given to His servant " power and au
thority" over them (Luke ix. 1), had shame and terror in store for those
who presumed thus to take His Holy Name in vain.
One specific instance is recorded, which produced disastrous conse
quences to those who made the attempt, and led to wide results among
the general population. In the number of those who attempted to cast
out evil spirits by the " name of Jesus," were seven brothers, sons of Sceva,
who is called a high-priest,8 either because he had really held this cjice at
Jerusalem, or because he was chief of one of the twenty-four courses of
1 Acts xix. 13.
2 See Exod. xxii. 18. Lev. xx. 27. Deut. xviii. 10, 11. 1 Sam. xxviii. 3, 9.
3 See Lightfoot in Biscoe on the Acts, p. 265. A knowledge of magic was a requi
site qualification of a member of the Sanhedrin, that he might be able to try those who
were accused of such practices. Josephus (Ant. xx. 7, 2) speaks of a Cyprian Jew, a
sorcerer, who was a friend and companion of Felix, and who is identified by some with
Simon Magus. Again (Ant. viii. 2, 5) he mentions certain forms of incantation used
by Jewish magicians which they attributed to King Solomon.
4 See Vol. L 145, &c.
5 Observe the phrase in v. 21, "as I told you in time past" (npoelirov), perhaps on
the very journey through Galatia which we have just had occasion to mention. See
again Rev. ix. 21. xviii. 33.
6 The word is yofjreg, the customary term for these wandering magicians. See Nean-
der, i. 41, &c., Eng. Trans.
i See v. 13.
8 Olshausen's version, that he was merely the chief rabbi of the Ephesian Jews (einer
Oberrabbi, der vermuthlich das Haupt der Ephesinischen Judenschaf* war) can hard!)
¦>> a correct rendering of doxiepevc,

24 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
priests. But the Demons, who were subject to Jesus, and by His wih
subject to those who preached His Gospel, treated with scorn those who
used His Name without being converted to His truth. " Jesus I know,
and Paul I know ; but who are ye ?" was the answer of the evil spirit.
And straightway the man who was possessed sprang upon them, with
frantic violence, so that they were utterly discomfitted, and " fled out of
the house naked and wounded." '
This fearful result of the profane use of that Holy Name which was
proclaimed by the Apostles for the salvation of all men, soon became no
torious, both among the Greeks and the Jews." Consternation and alarm
took possession of the minds of many ; and in pioportion to this alarm the
name of the Lord Jesus began to be reverenced and honoured.3 Even
among those who had given their faith to St. Paul's preaching,4 some ap
pear to have retained their attachment to the practice of magical arts.
Their conscience was moved by what had recently occurred, and they
came and made a full confession to the Apostle, and publicly acknowl
edged and forsook their deeds of darkness.5
The fear and conviction seems to have extended beyond those who
made a profession of Christianity. A large number of the sorcerers them
selves 6 openly renounced the practice which had been so signally con
demned by a, higher power ; and they brought together the books ' that
contained the mystic formularies, and burnt them before all the people.
When the volumes were consumed,8 they proceeded to reckon up the price
at which these manuals of enchantment would be valued.' Such books,
from their very nature, would be costly ; and all books in that age bore a
value, which is far above any standard with which we are familiar.
Hence we must not be surprised that the whole cost thus sacrificed and
surrendered amounted to as much as two thousand pounds of English mo
ney.9 This scene must have been long remembered at Ephesus. It was
a strong proof of honest conviction on the part of the sorcerers, and a
striking attestation of the triumph of Jesus Christ over the powers of dark-
1 v. 16. * v. 17. 3 'EpeyaMvero.
4 It seems unnatural to take the perfect participle tuv nemaTevitbTuv in any other
sense than " those who had previously believed."
5 Tug npdgeig avruv, which must surely refer to the particular practices in question.
The word s^opoXoyelodai denotes " to make a full confession," as in Matt. iii. 6. Jam.
v. 16.
6 v. 19. 7 Tar pitlovc, " their books."
« The imperfect Karcnaim should be noticed, as imparting a graphic character to the
whole narrative. The burning and blazing of the books went on for some consider
able time. Compare the instances of the burning of magical books recorded in Liv. xl
29. Suet. Aug. 31 : also Tac. Ann. xiii. 50. Agr. 2.
9 The "piece of silver" mentioned here was doubtless the drachma, the current
Greek coin of the Levant : the value was about- ten-pence. There can be no reason
to suppose with Grotius that the shekel is meant.

BURNING OF TUE BOOKS.

25

ness. The workers of evil were put to scorn, like the priests of Baal by
Elijah on Mount Carmel ; 1 and the teaching of the doctrine of Christ
" increased mightily and grew strong." 2
With this narrative of the burning of the books, we have nearly
reached the term of St. Paul's three years' residence at Ephesus.3 Before
his departure, however, two important subjects demand our attention,
each of which may be treated in a separate chapter : — the First Epistle
to the Corinthians, with the circumstances in Achaia which led to the
writing of it, — and the uproar in the Ephesian Theatre, which will be
considered in connection with a description of the city, and some notice of
the worship of Diana.

Ml

COIN OF EPHKBDS.

1 Kings xviii.
Of-TU Hard npdrog 6 "kbyoc tov K. rrv^ave xal laxvev. v. 20.
8ee v. 21. which immediately follows. * See above, p. 17, n. 4-

26 THE LIFE AND I-.l'IS'l I.I-.S <>F ST. PAUL.

CHAPTEE XV.
" Ai juh< fmffTo^a? (0^04) /3opeiai /cat loxvpal- i] Oe irapovola -ov oaparoe ietevh
Kat 6 Xoyog itjovBevri/ievor.'.' — 2 Cor. X. 10.
ST PAUL PAYS A SHORT VISIT TO COEINTH.— RETURNS TO EPHESUS.— WRITES A LETTEB
TO THE CORINTHIANS, WHICH IS NOW LOST.— THEY REPLY, ' DESIRING FARTHER EX
PLANATIONS.— STATE OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH.— ST. PAUL WRITES THE IIBST
EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.
We have hitherto derived such information as we possess, concerning the
proceedings of St. Paul at Ephesus, from the narrative in the Acts ; but
we must now record an occurrence which St. Luke has passed over in
silence, and which we know only from a few incidental allusions in the let
ters 'of the Apostle himself. This occurrence, which probably took place
not later than the beginning of the second year of St. Paul's residence at
Ephesus, was a short visit which he paid to the Church at Corinth.1
4 The occurrence of this visit is proved by the following passages :
(1) 2 Cor. xii. 14. rpirov tovto irolpug !,yu O&uv irpbr i/idr.
(2) 2 Cor. xiii. 1. rpirov tovto Ipxopai irpog vpug.
If the visit after leaving Ephesus was the third, there must have been a stzom
before it.
(3) 2 Cor. xii. 21. pr) ndXtv k?.86vTa pe ra-nuvuai) 6 Qebg, Kal TrevBjjaa noWtovg
tuv ¦KpiTipapTTjuoTuv. He fears lest he should again be humbled on visiting them,
and again have to mourn their sins. Hence there must have been a former visit, in
which he was thus humbled and made to mourn.
Paley in the Horse Paulinas, and other commentators since, have shown that these
passages (though they acknowledge their most natural meaning to be in favour of an
intermediate visit) may be explained away ; in the first two St. Paul might perhaps
only have meant " this is the third time J have intended to come to you ;" and in the
thiril passage we may take nd2.iv with IWovra, in the sense of " on my return." But
we think that nothing but the hypothesis of an intermediate visit can explain the fol
lowing passages :
(4) 2 Cor. ii. 1. tupiva pi) iruliv ev Xinij irpbg ipdg llBetv (which is the reading
of every one of the Uncial manuscripts). Here it would be exceedingly unnatural to
join -irdliv with eWeiv ; and the feeling of this probably led to the error of the Texfciu
Receptus. (5) 2 Cor. xiii. 2. npoeipnica Kal npoUya, uc napuv rb devrepov, Kal diruv viv
lypdfo in the Textus Receptus is not found in the best MSS.] r0?c rponpapTyKoot. Kal
rolr Xoiwolg iruaiv, on idv VMu etc rb ndXiv, ov feiaouai. I have warned you
formerly, and I now forewarn you. an when I was present the second timt s, now

st. Paul's visit to coeinth. 27
If we had not possessed any direct information that such a visit had
been made, yet in itself it would have seemed highly probable that St.
Paul would not have remained three years at Ephesus without revisiting
his Corinthian converts. We have already remarked " on the facility of
communication which existed between these two great cities, which were
united by a continual reciprocity of commerce, and were the capitals of
two peaceful provinces. And we have seen examples of the intercourse
which actually took place between the Christians of the two Churches,
both in the case of Aquila and Priscilla, who had migrated from the one
to the other, and in that of Apollos, concerning whom, " when he was dis
posed to pass into Achaia," " the brethren [at Ephesus] wrote, exhorting
the disciples [at Corinth] to receive him" (Acts xviii. 27). We have
seen, in the last chapter, some of the results of this visit of Apollos to
Corinth ; he was now probably returned to Ephesus, where we know i
that he was remaining (and, it would seem, stationary) during the third
year of St. Paul's residence in that capital. No doubt, on his return, he
had much to tell of the Corinthian converts to their father in the faith, —
much of joy and hope, but also much of pain, to communicate ; for there
can be little doubt that those tares among the wheat, which we shall pre
sently see in their maturer growth, had already begun to germinate, al
though neither Paul had planted, nor Apollos watered them. One evil at
least, we know, prevailed extensively, and threatened to corrupt the whole
Church of Corinth. This was nothing less than the addiction of many
Corinthian Christians to those sins of impurity which they had practised
in the days of their heathenism, and which disgraced their native city,
even among the heathen. We have before mentioned the peculiar
licentiousness of manners which prevailed at Corinth. So notorious was
this, that it had actually passed into the vocabulary of the Greek tongue ;
and the very word "to Corinthianise," meant "to play the wanton;"3
tehile I am absent, saying to those who had sinned before that time, and to all the
rest, " If I come again, I will not spare."
Against these arguments Paley sets (1st) St. Luke's silence, which, however, is ac
knowledged by all to be inconclusive, considering that so very many of St. Paul's
travels and adventures are left confessedly unrecorded in the Acts (see note ou 2 Cor.
xi. 23, &c.). (2ndly) The passage, 2 Cor. i. 15, 16, in which St. Paul tells the Corin
thians he did not wish now to give them a "second benefit," devripav x"Piv; whence
he argues that the visit then approaching would be his second visit. But a more
careful examination of the passage shows that St. Paul is speaking of his original
intention of paying them a double visit, on his way to Macedonia, and on his return
from Macedonia.
The whole argument on both sides is very ably stated by Wieseler, Chronologie, p
232-241. ¦ Vol. I. p. 423. ' 1 Cor. xvi. 12.
1 KopwBidfypai, used by Aristophanes in a lost play (quoted tySI-eph. Byz.). Com
pore id?o Aristoph. Pint. 149.

28 THE life and epistles OF ST. PAUL.
nay, the bad reputation of the city had become proverbial, even iu foreign
languages, and is immortalised by the Latin poets Such being the
habits in which many of the Corinthian converts had been educated, we
cannot wonder if it proved most difficult to root out immorality from the
rising Church. The offenders against Christian chastity were exceedingly
numerous ' at this period ; and it was especially with the object of at
tempting to reform them, and to check the growing mischief, that St.
Paul now determined to visit Corinth. ^
He has himself described this visit as a painful one ; 3 he went in sor-
low at the tidings he had received, and when he arrived, he found the
state of things even worse than he had expected ; he tells us that it was
a time of personal humiliation" to himself, occasioned by the flagrant sins
of so many of his own converts ; he reminds the Corinthians, afterwards,
how he had " mourned " over those who had dishonoured the name of
Christ by " the uncleanness and fornication and wantonness which they
had committed."5
But in the midst of his grief he showed the greatest tenderness for the
individual offenders ; he warned them of the heinous guilt which they'
were incurring ; he showed them its inconsistency with their Christian
calling ; 6 he reminded them how, at their baptism, they had died to sin,
and risen again unto righteousness ; but he did not at once exclude them
from the Church which they had defiled. Yet he was compelled to
threaten them with this penalty, if they persevered in the sins which had
now called forth his rebuke. He has recorded the very words which he
used. " If I come again," he said, " I will not spare." 7
It appears probable that, on this occasion, St. Paul remained but a
very short time at Corinth. When afterwards, in writing to them, he
says, that he does not wish " now to pay them a passing visit," he seems8
to imply, that his last visit had deserved that epithet. Moreover, had it
occupied a large portion of the " space of three years," which he describes
himself to have spent at Ephesus (Acts xx. 31), he would probably have
expressed himself differently in that part of his address to the Ephesian
' Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum. (Hor. Ep. i. 17.) See Vol. L p.
415, note 2.
* Only a part of them who remained unrepentant after rebuke and warning are
sailed wo?Aoig. 2 Cor. xii. 21.
3 >Ev Xvny (2 Cor. ii. 1). « Tancivuav (2 Cor. xii. 21).
s 2 Cor. xii. 21.
e There can be no doubt that he urged upon them the same arguments which he wan
afterwards obliged to repeat at 1 Cor. vi. 15.
' 2 Cor. xiii. 2.
• 1 Cor. xvi. 7. Yet this admits of another explanation ; for perhaps he only meant
to say, "I will not now (at once) come to you (by the direct route) on mv wav to
Macedonia, for a passing visit." &c ' '

ST. PAUL EETUENS TO EPHESUS. 29
presbyters ; ¦ and a long visit could scarcely have failed to furnish more
allusions in the Epistles so soon after written to Corinth. The silence of
St. Luke also, which is easily explained on the supposition of a shorl
visit, would be less natural had St. Paul been long absent from Ephesus,
where he appears, from the narrative in the Acts, to be stationary during
all this period.
On these grounds, we suppose that the Apostle, availing himself of
the constant maritime intercourse between the two cities, had gone by sea
to Corinth ; and that he now returned to Ephesus by the same route
(which was very much shorter than that by land), after spending a few
days or weeks at Corinth.
But his censures and Earnings had produced too little effect upon his
converts ; his mildness had- been mistaken for weakness ; his hesitation
in punishing had been ascribed to a fear of the offenders ; and it was not
long before he received new intelligence that the profligacy which had
infected the community was still increasing. Then it was that he felt him-
seif compelled to resort to harsher measures ; he wrote an Epistle (which
has not been preserved to us) 2 in which, as we learn from himself, he
ordered the Christians of Corinth, by virtue of his Apostolic authority,
" to cease from all intercourse with fornicators." By this he meant, as
he subsequently explained his injunctions, to direct the exclusion of all
profligates from the Church. The Corinthians, however, either did not
understand this, or (to excuse themselves) they affected not to do so ,
for they asked, how it was possible for them to abstain from all intercourse
with the profligate, unless they entirely secluded themselves from all' the
business of life, which they had to transact with their heathen neighbours.
Whether the lost Epistle contained any other topics, we cannot know with
certainty ; but we may conclude with some probability, that it was very
short, and directed to this one subject ; 3 otherwise it is not easy to under
stand why it should not have been preserved together with the two sub
sequent Epistles.
Soon after this short letter had been dispatched, Timotheus, accom
panied by Erastus,4 left Ephesus for Macedonia. St. Paul desired him,
1 Wieseler, however, gets over this, by supposing that when St. Paul mentions three
years spent among his hearers, he means to address not only the Ephesian presbyters
whom he had summoned, but also the companions of his voyage (Acts xx. 4) who had
been with him in Macedonia and Achaia.
* See 1 Cor. v. 9-12. This lost Epistle must have been written after his second
visit ; otherwise he need not have explained it in the passage referred to.
3 Probably it was in this lost letter that he gave them notice of his intention to
visit them on his way to Macedonia ; for altering which he was so much blamed by his
opponents. 4 Erastus was probably the treasurer (olicovopog) of the city of Corinth mentioned
Rom. xvi. 23 and 2 Tim. iv. 20 ; and therefore was most likely proceeding at any rate
!•/) Corinth.

30 THE LIFE AND EPISTIES OF ST. PAUL,
if possible, to continue his journey to Corinth ; but did not feel certain
that it would be possible for him to do so1 consistently with, the other
objects .of his journey, which probably had reference to the great collec
tion now going on for the poor Hebrew Christians at Jerusalem.
Meantime, some members of the household of Chloe, a distinguished
Christian family at Corinth, arrived at Ephesus ; and from them St. Paul
received fuller information than he before possessed of the condition of
the Corinthian- Church. The spirit of party had seized upon its members,
and well nigh destroyed Christian love. We have already seen, in our
general view of the divisions of the Apostolic Church, that the great par
ties which then divided the Christian world had ranked .themselves under
' the names of different Apostles, whom they attempted to set up against
each other as rival leaders. At Corinth, as in other places, emissaries
had arrived from the Judaizers of Palestine, who boasted of their " letters
of commendation" from the metropolis of the faith ; they did not, how
ever, attempt, as yet, to insist upon circumcision, as we shall find them
doing successfully among the simpler population of Galatia. This would
have been hopeless in a great and civilised community like that of Corinth,
imbued with Greek feelings of contempt for what they would have deemed
a barbarous superstition. Here, therefore, the Judaizers confined them
selves, in the first instance, to personal attacks against St. Paul, whose
apostleship they denied, whose motives they calumniated, and whose
authority they persuaded the Corinthians to repudiate. Some of them
declared themselves the folldwers of Cephas, whom the Lord himself had
selected to be the chief Apostle ; others (probably the more extreme
members of the party2) boasted of their own immediate connection with
Christ himself, and their intimacy with " the brethren of the Lord ; " and
especially with James, the head of the Church at Jerusalem. The endea
vours of these agitators to undermine the influence of the Apostle of the
Gentiles met with undeserved success ; and they gained over a strong
party to their side. Meanwhile, those who were still stedfast to the doc
trines of St. Paul, yet were not all unshaken in their attachment to his
person : a portion of them preferred the Alexandrian learning with which
Apollos had enforced his preaching, to the simple style of their first
teacher, who had designedly abstained, at Corinth, from anything like
philosophical argumentation.3 This party then, who sought to form for
themselves a philosophical Christianity, called themselves the followers of
Apollos ; although the latter, for his part, evidently disclaimed the rivalry
with St. Paul which was thus implied, and even refused to revisit Corinth,4
lest he should seem to countenance the factious spirit of his adherents.
¦ Timotheus apparently did not reach Corinth on this occasion, or the fact would
have been mentioned 2 Cor. xii. 18.
' See above, Vol. I. pp. 444, 445. 3 i Cor. ii. 1-5. 4 i Cor xv; 12

STATE OF THE CORINTHIAN OHUECH. 31
It is not impossible that the Antinomian Free-thinkers, whom we have
already seen to form so dangerous a portion of the Primitive Church,
attached themselves to this last-named party ; at any rate, they were, at
this time, one of the worst elements of evil at Corinth : they put forward
a theoretic defence of the practical immorality in which they lived ; and
some of them had so lost the very foundation of Christian faith as to
deny the resurrection of the dead, and thus to adopt the belief as well as
the sensuality of their Epicurean neighbours, whose motto was " Let us
eat and drink, for to-morrow we die."
A crime, recently committed by one of these pretended Christians,
was now reported to St. Paul, and excited his utmost abhorrence : a mem
ber of the Corinthian Church was openly living in incestuous intercourse
with his step-mother, and that, during his father's life ; yet this audacious
offender was not excluded from the Church.
Nor were these the only evils : some Christians were showing their
total want of brotherly love by bringing vexatious actions against their
brethren in the heathen courts of law ; others were turning even the
spiritual gifts which they had received from tte Holy Ghost into occasions
of vanity and display, not unaccompanied by fanatical delusion ; the decent
order of Christian worship was disturbed by the tumultuary claims of rival
ministrations ; women had forgotten the modesty of their sex, and came
forward, unveiled (contrary to the habit of their country), to address the
public assembly ; and even the sanctity of the Holy Communion itself
was profaned by scenes of revelling and debauch.
About the same time that all this disastrous intelligence was brought
to St. Paul by the household of Chloe, other messengers arrived from
Corinth, bearing the answer of the Church to his previous letter, of which
(as we have mentioned above) they requested an explanation ; *nd at the
same time referring to his decision several questions which caused dispute
and difficulty. These questions related — 1st, To the controversies respect
ing meat which had been offered to idols ; 2ndly, To the disputes regard
ing celibacy and matrimony ; the right of divorce ; and the perplexities
which arose in the case of mixed marriages, where one of the parties was
an unbeliever ; 3dly, to the exercise of the spiritual gifts in the public
assemblies of the Church.
St. Paul hastened to reply to these questions, and at the same time to
denounce the sins which had polluted the Corinthian Church, and almost
annulled its right to the name of Christian. The letter which he was
thus led to write is addressed, not only to this metropolitan Church, but
also to the Christian communities established in other places in the same
nrovince ¦ which might be regarded as dependencies of that in the capita?
' .See the translation of 1 Cor. ii. 2, and the note. Also Vol. I. p. 406.

32 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
city ; hence we must infer that these Churches also had been infected by
some of the errors or vices which had prevailed at Corinth. This e ei
is, in its contents, the most diversified of all St. Paul's Epistles ; and in
proportion to the variety of its topics, is the depth of its interest for our
selves. For by it we are introduced, as it were, behind the scenes of the
Apostolic Church, and its minutest features are revealed to us under the
light of daily life. We see the picture of a Christian congregation as it
met for worship in some upper chamber, such as the house of Aquila, or
of Gaius, could furnish. We see that these seasons of pure uevotion were
not unalloyed by human vanity and excitement ; yet, on the oiner hand,
we behold the heathen auditor pierced to the heart by the inspired
eloquence of the Christian prophets, the secrets of his conscience laid bare
to him, and himself constrained to fall down on his face and worship God;
we hear the fervent thanksgiving echoed by the unanimous Amen ; we see
the administration of the Holy Communion terminating the feast of love.
Again we become familiar with the perplexities of domestic life, the cor
rupting proximity of heathen immorality, the lingering superstition, the
rash speculation, the lawless perversion of Christian liberty ; we witness
the strife of theological factions, the party names, the sectarian animosi
ties. We perceive the difficulty of the task imposed upon the Apostle,
who must guard from so many perils, and guide through so many difficul
ties, his children in the faith, whom else he had begotten in vain ; and we
learn to appreciate more fully the magnitude of that laborious responsi
bility under which he describes himself as almost ready to sink, " the care
of all the Churches."
But while we rejoice that so many details of the deepest historical
interest have been preserved to Us by this Epistle, let us not forget to
thank God who so inspired His Apostle, that in his answers to questions of
transitory interest he has laid down principles of eternal obligation.1 Let
us trace with gratitude the providence of Him, who " out of darkness
calls up light ;" by whose mercy it was provided that the unchastity of
the Corinthians should occasion the sacred laws of moral purity to he
established for ever through the Christian world ; — that their denial of
the resurrection should cause those words to be recorded whereon reposes,1
as upon a rock that cannot be shaken, our sure and certain hope of in*-
mortality. The following is a translation of the Epistle, which was written at
Easter, in the third year of St. Paul's residence at Ephesus : —
i The contrast between the short-lived interest of the questions referred to him for
solution, and the eternal principles by which they must bo solved, was brought pro
minently before the mind of the Apostle himself by the Holy Spirit, under whose gui
dance he wrote ; and he has expressed it in those sublime words which might serve a»
a motW frr the whole Epistle (1 Cor. vii. 29-31}.

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS, 33
FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.1
1.
I. Paul, a called Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will Mutation.
2 of God, and Sosthenes * the Brother, greet the church of God at
Corinth, who have been hallowed in Christ Jesus, and called
to be His holy people,3 together with all who worship Jesus
Christ our Lord in every place which is their home — and our
home also.4
3 Grace be unto you and peace, from God onr father and
from our Lord Jesus Christ.
4 1 5 thank my God continually on your behalf, for introductory
thanksgiving
' The date of this Epistle can be fixed with more precision than that of any other.
It gives us the means of ascertaining, not merely the year, but even the month and
week, in which it was written.
(1) Apollos had been working at Corinth, and was now with St. Paul at Ephesus
(1 Cor. i. 12. iii. 4, 22. iv. 6. xvi. 12). This was the case during St. Paul's resi
dence at Ephesus (Acts xix. 1).
(2) He wrote during the days of unleavened bread, i. e. at Easter (1 Cor. v. 7) and
intended to remain at Ephesus till Pentecost (xvi. 8. cf. xv. 32). After leaving Ephe
sus, he purposed to come by Macedonia to Achaia (xvi. 5-7). This was the route he
took (Acts xx. 1, 2) on leaving Ephesus after the tumult in the theatre.
(3) Aquila and Priscilla were with him at Ephesus (xvi. 19). They had taken up
their residence at Ephesus before the visit of St. Paul (Acts xviii. 26).
(4) The Great Collection was going on in Achaia (xvi. 1-3). When he wrote to the
Romans from Corinth during his three months' visit there (Acts xx. 3), the collection
was completed in Macedonia and Achaia (Rom.iKV. 26).
(5). He hopes to go by Corinth to Jerusalem, and thence to Rome (xvi. 4 and xvL
25-28). Now the time when he entertained this very purpose was towards the conclu
sion of his long Ephesian residence (Acts xix. 21).
(6) He had sent Timothy towards Corinth (iv. 17), but not direct (xvi. 10). Now it
was at the close of his Ephesian residence (Acts xix. 22) that he sent Timothy with
Erastus (the Corinthian) from Ephesus to Macedonia, which was one way to Corinth.
but not the shortest.
* Sosthenes is, perhaps, the same mentioned Acts xviii. 17. See Vol. I. p. 419
3 The sense of uyiot in the New Testament is nearly equivalent to the modern
" Christians ;" but it would be an anachronism so to translate it here, since (in the
time of St. Paul) the word " Christian " was only used as a term of reproach. The
cbjecfion to translating it "saints" is, that the idea now conveyed by that term is quite
different from the meaning of ol dyioi as used by St. Paul.
« The Authorised Version here appears scarcely reconcileable with the order of the
Greek, though it is defended by the opinions of Chrysostom, Billroth, Olshausen, &c,
The translation of Meyer, " in every place under their and our dominion," seems
more like a Papal than an Apostolic rescript ; and that of De Wette, " in every place
both of their and our abode," is frigid, and adds nothing to the idea of navrl to-ku.
St. Paul means to say that he feels the home of his converts to be also his own.
Both sentiment and expression are the same as in Rom. xvi. 13 : tt)v pqripa avrov Kal
ipoii. * Observe how evxapiaru and pov follow immediately after JlavXog <al SuoBcvik,
vol. II. — 3

34 niK I.IEE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tbrtiMicon- the grace which He save you Tat the first] in Christ
version . ° © 1/ u , .
Jesus. Because, in Him, you were every-wise en- ,.
riched with all the gifts of speech and knowledge (for thus <>
my testimony to Christ was confirmed among you), so that 7
you came behind no other church in any spiritual gift; looking
earnestly for the time when our Lord Jesus Christ uhall be
revealed to our sight.'
And He also will confirm * yon unto the end, that you may y
be without reproach at the day of His coming. For God is 9
faithful, by whom you were called into fellowship with His Son,
Jesus Christ, our Lord and Master.
Rebuke of their Nevertheless, brethren, I exhort you, by thelo
and special name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to shun disputes,
censure of the _ . ,
pseudo-phiio- and suffer no divisions anions: yew, but to be knit
sophical party. o v ^
together in the same mind, and. the same judgment/1
For tidings have been brought to me concerning you, my 11
brethren, by the members of Chloe's household, whereby 1
have learnt that there are contentions among you. I mean, 12
that one of you says, " I am a follower of Paul ;" another, "I
of Apollos;" another, "I of Cephas;" 4 another, "I of Christ." 13
Is Christ divided ? Was Paul crucified for you ? or were you
baptized unto the name of Paul ? I thank God that I bap- 14
tized none of you except Crispus andGaius5 (lest any one 15
should say that I baptized unto my own name); and I bap- 16
tized also the household of Stephanas ; besides these I know not
that I baptized any other. For Christ sent me forth as His 17
apostle,6 not to baptize, but to publish His Glad-tidings ; and
that, not with the wisdom of argument, lest thereby the cross
of Christ should lose its mark of shame.7 For the tidings of the Hi
showing that, though the salutation runs in the name of both, the author of the Epistle
was St. Paul alone. Compare the remarks on 1 Thess. p. 391, note 1.
1 See note on Rom. ii. 5.
' i. e. He will do His part to confirm you unto the end. If you fall, it will not be
for want of His help.
3 Nov; refers to the view taken by the understanding ; yvupn to the practical deoi
sion arrived at.
4 Cephas is the name by which St. Peter is called throughout this Epistle. lit wan
the actual word used by our Lord himself, and remained the Apostle's usual appellation
among the Jewish Christians up to this time. It is strange that it should afterwards
have been so entirely supplanted by its Greek equivalent, "Peter," even among the
Jewish Christians. See note on Gal. i. 18. For an explanation of the parties here
alluded to, see Vol. I. pp. 442-447.
» Or Caius, if we use the Roman spelling ; see Vol. I. p. 400.
"¦ 'knioTiiXe. ~ KevoBy, literally be emptied of its contents'

VfKST EPISTLE TO THE COEINTHIANS. 35
cross,1 to those in the way of perdition, are folly ; but to us in
(9 the way of salvation,5 they are the power of God. And so it is
written,3 " IwiU destroy the wisdom of the wise, and Iring to
20 nothing the, understanding of the prudent.''' Where is the
Philosopher? Where is the Rabbi? Where is the reasoner
of this passing4 world? Has not God turned this world's
21 wisdom into folly ? For when the world had failed to gain by
its wisdom the knowledge of the wisdom of God, it pleased
God, by the folly of our preaching, to save those who have °
22 faith therein. For the Jews ask for a sign from heaven, and
the Greeks demand a system of philosophy ; but we c pro-
23 claim a Messiah crucified, to the Jews a stumbling-block, and
24 to the Greeks a folly ; but to the called 7 themselves, whether
they be Jews or Greeks, Christ the power of God, and the
25 wisdom of God. For the folly which is of God, is wiser than
man's wisdom, and the weakness which is of God, is stronger
26 than man's strength. For you see, brethren, how God has
called you ; how few of you are wise in earthly wisdom, how
21 few are powerful, how few are noble. But what the world
thinks folly, God has chosen, to confound its wisdom; and
what it holds for weakness He has chosen, to confound its
28 strength ; and what the world counts base and scorns as worth
less, nay, what it deems to have no being, God has chosen, to
29 bring to nought the things that be ; that no flesh should glory
30 in His presence. But you He owns for His children 3 in Christ
Jesus, who has become to us God's wisdom, and righteousness,
and sanctification, and redemption ; that the Scripture might
31 be fulfilled which saith,9 " He that glorieth, let him glory in the
Lord:'
H. I. So, brethren, when I myself first came to declare in uia own
ii <* teaching be
1 i. e. the tidings of a crucified Messiah.
* For the translation of outpptvoi, see Winer, Gram. § 46, 5.
J Is. xxix. 14 ; not quite literally quoted from LXX.
* '0 aluv ovrog distinguished from nbopor by involving the notion of transitory
duration. 6 Observe iriaTevovrag, not mcTevoavTag.
e « -y^e," including St. Paul and the other preachers of Christianity.
r KXt/toIc. AH who make an outward profession of Christianity are, in St. Paul's
language, " the called." They have received a message from God, which has called
l-hem to enter into His church.
'v.f avrov. v 9 Jerem. ix. 23, from the LXX., but not literally.

36 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Sf«^b£* among you the testimony of God, I came not with
philosophy" fr any surpassing skill of eloquence, or philosophy.
hLTSM For it was no earthly knowledge which I deter- 2
£? ££?¦££ mined to display among you, but the knowledge of
^n"hhe Jesus Christ alone, and Him '—crucified. And in 3
spmtofGoa. my intercourse with you, I was weighed down by a
feeling of my weakness, and was filled with anxiety, and self
distrust.2 And when I proclaimed my message, I used not the 4
persuasive arguments of human wisdom, but showed forth by
sure proofs the might of the Holy Spirit, that your faith might- 5
have its foundation not in the wisdom of men, but in the power
of God. Nevertheless, among those who are ripe in knowledge 3 I 6
speak wisdom ; albeit not the wisdom of this passing world, nor.
of those who rule it, whose greatness will soon be nothing.4
But it is God's wisdom that I speak; whereof the secret is 1
made known to his people,5 even the hidden wisdom which
God ordained before the ages, that we might be glorified there
by. But the rulers of this world knew it not ; for had they 8
known it, they would not have crucified the Lord of Glory.
But as it is written,6 "Jfye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither 9
have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath
prepared for them that love Him." Yet to us 7 God has re- 10
vealed them by His Spirit, for the Spirit fathoms all tiling^,
even the deepest counsels of God. For who can know what is 11
in a man but the spirit of the man which is within him ? even so
none can know what is in God, but the Spirit of God alone.
Now to us has been granted, not the spirit of this world, but 12
1 i. e. Him, not exalted on the earthly throne of David, but condemned to the death
of the vilest malefactor.
* Compare 2 Cor. vii. 15 and Eph. vi. 5. St. Paul appears, on his first coming to
Corinth, to have been suffering under great depression, perhaps caused by the bodily
malady to which he was subject (cf. 2 Cor. xii. 8 ; see Vol. I. p. 274), perhaps by the
ill-success of his efforts at Athens. See Vol. I. p. 389.
3 0/ reXeioi is St. Paul's expression for those who had attained the maturity of
Christian wisdom. Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 20 and Phil. iii. 15. Such men could under
stand that his teaching was in truth the highest philosophy.
4 Karapyovpevoi, literally " passing away into nothingness."
6 Zofiav iv pvorripiu is a wisdom revealed to the pvnai, or initiated, 1. e. (in this
case) to Christians ; but bidden from the rest of the world.
-- Isaiah lxiv. 4 is the nearest passage to thie in the Old Testament. The quotation
is not to be found anywhere exactly.

Us, including all fie inspired Christian teachers, and the rest of the Tele

 Keici.

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 37.,
the Spirit which is of God ; that we might understand those
good things which have been freely given us by God.
13 These are the things w hereof we speak, in words not taught
by man's wisdom, but by the Holy Spirit; explaining spirii-
I4ual things to spiritual1 men. But the natural2 man rejects
tlie teaching of God's Spirit, for to him it is folly ; and it
must needs be beyond his knowledge, for the spiritual mind
15 alone can judge thereof. But the spiritual man judges all
things truly, yet cannot himself be truly judged by others.
16 For " Who hath known the mind of the Lord that he may in
struct him / " 3 but we have the mind of the Lord 4 within us.
IIL 1 And I, brethren, could not speak to you as spir- The party
itual men, but as carnal, and in the first infancy of to be "the
* spiritual"
2 your growth in Christ. I fed you with milk and (irvevpanKol)
not with meat ; for you were not able to bear the he cSTi by
_ _ , 1 _ their dissen-
stronger food, nay you are not yet able, tor you are sions.
3 still carnal. For while you are divided amongst
yourselves by jealousy, and strife, and factious parties, is it not
evident that you are carnal, and walking in the common ways
4 of men ? When one says, " I follow Paul," and another " I
follow Apollos," can you deny that you are carnal ?
5 Who then is Paul, or who is Apollos ? what are it is a contra-
_ ~. . -. , . . . . dictionin terms
they but servants [of Christ, by whose ministration to make airis-
L ' , tian teachers
you believed ? and was it not the Lord who gave to a'e leaders ot
* ° opposing par
ti each of them the measure of his success ? I planted, "??,- . Nat"re
' r i of their work.
Apollos watered ; but it was God who made the
7 seed to grow. So that he who plants is nothing, nor he who
B waters, but God alone who gives the growth. But the planter
and the waterer are one together ; 5 and each will receive the
9 wages due to him, according to his work. For we are God's
10 fellow-labourers,6 and yon are God's husbandry. You are
God's building ; God gave me the gift of grace whereby like a
skilful architect I have laid a foundation; and on this founda-
1 TJvevpartKd nvevpariKolg. Compare. iii. 1.
1 ivx'Kdg, properly man considered as endowed with the anima (the living prin
ciple), as distinguished from the spiritual principle. See Juv. Sat. xv. 148,
» Isaiah xl. 13 (LXX.).
d The best MSS. are divided between the readings of Xpiarov and Kvnlov here.
' '• And therefore cannot be set against each other " is implied.
* This remarkable expression is used by St. Paul repeatedly. Compare 2 Cor. vi. 1
tad the note on 1 Thess. iii. 2.

3b THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tion another builds ; but let each take heed what that is which
he builds thereon— ["thereon," I say,] for other foundation can I]
no man lay, than that already laid, which is " Jesus the
Christ." " But on this foundation one man may raise a ternple 12
of gold, and silver, and precious marbles; another, a building
of wood, hav, and stubble. But in due time each man's work 13
will be made manifest; for the day [of the Lord's coming] will
show of what sort it is ; because that day will be revealed with
lire, and the fire will test each builder's work. He whose 14
building stands unharmed, shall receive payment for his la
bour ; but he whose work is burned down, shall forfeit his re- 15
ward: yet he shall not himself be destroyed; but shall be
saved as one who scarcely escapes through the flames.
The chnrch is Know " ye not yourselves that you are God's is
God's tempie. temple> and that you fol.m a g^rine wherein God's
Spirit dwells. If any man shall do hurt to the temple of God, 17
God shall do hurt3 to him ; for the temple of God is holy; and
holy 4 therefore are ye.
intellectual Let none of you deceive himself; if any man is
6pMtaarepau^ among you is held wise in the wisdom of this pass
ing world,8 let him make himself a fool [in the
world's judgment], that so he may become truly wise. For 19
the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God, as it is writ
ten,6 "He tdketh the wise in their own craftiness." And 20
again,7 " The Lord hnoweth the thoughts of the wise that they
are vain." Therefore let none of you make his boast in men ; s 21
for all things are yours ; both Paul and Apollos, and Cephas, 22
and the whole world itself; both life and death, things', present 23
' The Textus Receptus, 'lr/aavc 6 Xpioroc, rests on very little MS. authority ; the
best MSS. being divided between Xpiarbg 'lrjaoic and 'Ir/aovg Xptc-rbg. Yet as the
Textus Receptus gives more distinctly the sense which must virtually be involved in
all three readings, we have retained it here.
* The connection with what precedes is "In calling you God's building, I tell yea
no new thing ; you know already that you are God's temple."
> Observe <j>Bepel, answering to </>8eipit.
* Olnvee not "which temple" (A. V.).
» Tu a'cuvi tovtu. The notion of transitory duration is always conveyed by tSis
expression. See note on ii. 6.
e Job v. 13. (LXX.) ' Ps. xciv. 11. (LXX.)
s The meaning is, " Boast not of having this man or that as your leadfir ; for all th«
Apostles, nay, all things in the universe, are ordained by God to co-operate for yoia
good."

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 3lJ
and things to come — all are yours — but ' you are Christ's ; and
Christ is God's.
IY. 1 Look therefore on us as servants of Christ, and Christ's aPo«.
stewards charged to dispense the knowledge of the steward! ; tuVI
. n , ,r ... .... which they ad-
2 mysteries 01 (jrod. Moreover, it is but required m minister u not
their own.
a steward faithfully to administer his master's wealth.
3 Yet to me it matters nothing how I may be judged by you, or
4 by the doom of man ; nay, I judge not even myself. For al
though I know not that I am guilty of unfaithfulness, yet my
own sentence will not suffice to justify me ; but I must be tried
5 by the judgment of my Lord. Therefore judge nothing hastily,
until the coming of our Lord and Master ; for He shall bring to
light the darkest counsels, and make manifest the inmost se
crets of men's hearts ; and then God shall give to each the '¦'
praise which he deserves.
6 But these things, brethren, I have represented contrast be
under the persons of myself and Apollos, for your exaltation E of"
-, -, -, i . -, p the pseudo-
sakes ; that so you may learn not to think oi your- philosophical
-i • -i i-ii i ¦ -i J""^ and the
selves above that which has now been written, and abasement oi
Christ's .Apos-
that you may cease to puff yourselves up in the Ues-
7 cause " of one against another. For who makes thee to dif
fer from another ? what hast thou that thou didst not receive ?
and how then canst thou boast of it, as if thou hadst won it foi
8 thyself? But ye forsooth have eaten to the full [of spiritual
food], ye are rich [in knowledge], ye have seated yourselves
upon your throne, and have no longer need 5 of me. Would
that you were indeed enthroned, that I too might reign with
9 you. For,6 as to us the Apostles, I think that God has set us
forth last of all, like criminals condemned to die, to be gazed
at in a theatre 7 by the whole world, both men and angels.
1 All things work together for the good of Christians ; all things conspire to do
them service ; but their work is to do Christ's service, even as He Himself came to do
the will of His Father.
' Mysteries are secrets revealed to the initiated, i. e. to all Christians. See note
an ii. 7.
3 'O tiraivog. The error in A. V. was caused by not observing the article.
4 St. Paul means " in the cause of your party-leaders ;" but speaks with intentional
indistinctness. 5 Xuplg r/pav.
6 The connection is, " The lot of an Apostle is no kingly lot."
7 The spectacle to which St. Paul here alludes was common in those times. Crirai-
snls condemned to death were exhibited for the amusement of the populace on fh«

4:0 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
We for Christ's sake are fools, while you join faith in Christie
with worldly wisdom ; we are weak, while you are strong ;
you are honourable, while we are outcasts ; even to the present ll
hour we bear hunger and thirst, and nakedness and stripes,
and have no certain dwelling-place, and toil with our o%yn hands 12
for daily bread ; curses we answer with blessings, persecution
with patience, railings with good words. We are counted the 13
refuse of the earth, the very off-scouring of all things, unto this
day. I write not thus to reproach you, but as a father I chide 14
the children whom I love. For though you may have ten 15
thousand guardians ' to lead you towards the school of Christ,
you can have but one father ; and I it was who begat you in
Christ Jesus, by the Glad-tidings which I brought. _ I beseech 16
you, therefore, become followers of me.
Mission of For this cause I have sent to you Timotheus, my 17
warning to' the beloved son, who has been found faithful in the ser-
disobedient
faction at vice 0f our Lord, and he shall put vou in remem- ,
Corinth. ' * "
brance of the path wherein I walked in fellowship
with Christ, as I still teach everywhere in all the churches.
Now some of you have been filled with arrogance, and imagine 18
that I am not coming to visit you. But I shall be with you 19
shortly, if the Lord will; and then I shall meet these arrogant
boasters, and shall leam their power, not by their words, but
by their deeds. For mighty deeds, not empty words, are the 20.
tokens of God's kingdom. What is your desire ? Must I come 21
to you with the rod of punishment, or in the spirit of love and
gentleness ? V.
the^cestuous11 """* is C0mm0I% reported that there is fornication 1
person. among you, and such fornication, as is not so much
as named even among the Heathen, that a man should have
his father's wife. And you forsooth have been puffed up with 2
arrogance, when you ought rather to have been filled with
shame and sorrow, and so to have put out from among you the:
man who has done this deed. For me—being present with 3
arena of the amphitheatre, and forced to fight with wild beasts, or to slay one another
as gladiators. These criminals were exhibited at the end of the spectacle as an exciting ,
termination to the entertainment (ft*,™ u^Selx8Voav). So Tertullian paraphrase!
the passage "Ms Deus Apostolos novissimos elegit velut bestiarios." (TertuL d«
Pudicitia, cap. xiv.) ' v
> Uat&ayuybg, the guardian slave who led the child to school. See note on
Gal. iii. 24

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 41
you in spirit, although absent in body, — I have already passed
sentence as if I were present with you, upon him who has thus
4 sinned ; and I decree in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ,
that you convene an assembly, and when you, and my spiril
with you, are gathered together, with the power of our Lord
5 Jesus Christ, that you deliver over to Satan ' the inan who has
thus sinned, for the destruction of his fleshly lusts, that his
6 spirit may be saved in the day of our Lord Jesus. Truly you
have no ground for boasting ; know ye not that " a little leaven
7 leaveneth the whole lump." 2 Cast out therefore the old leaven
that your body may be renewed throughout, even as now [at
this Paschal season] 3 you are without taint of leaven ; for
Christ Himself is our Paschal Lamb, who has been slain for
8 us ; therefore let us keep the feast, not with the old leaven, the
leaven of vice and wickedness, but with the unleavened bread
of purity and truth.
9 I enjoined you in my letter4 not to keep company open and flag!
J J £. ¦ r , . i tious offenders
in with fornicators ; yet I meant not altogether to bid must be «-
' •* t ° eluded from
you forego intercourse with the men of this world the church.
who may be fornicators, or lascivious, or extortioners, or idola
ters ; for so you would be forced to go utterly out of the world.
11 But 5 my meaning was, that you should not keep company
with any man who, bearing the name of a Brother, is either a
fornicator,' or lascivious,6 or an idolater, or a railer, or a
' This expression appears used as equivalent to casting out of the Church ; from
the following words there seems also a reference to the doctrine that Satan is the
author of bodily disease. Compare 2 Cor. xii. 7.
* The same proverb is quoted Gal. v. 9.
3 In spite of the opinion of Chrysostom and some eminent modern commentators
we must adhere to this interpretation ; for if we take KaBug tore ufypoi in a metapho-
rieal sense, it is inconsistent with the previous iKicaBupare t^i> jr. t$pip> ; for the passage
would then amouat to saying, " Be free from taint as you are free from taint." More
over, if so taken, the connection with what follows seems unnatural. There seems no
difficulty in supposing that the Gentile Christians joined with the Jewish Christians in
celebrating the Paschal feast after the Jewish manner, at least to this extent. And we
see that St. Paul still observed the qpepat tuv d&puv at this period of his life, from
Acts xx. 6. Also, from what follows, we perceive how naturally this greatest of Jewish
feasts changed into the greatest of Christian festivals.
4 The letter here referred to has not come down to us. See p. 29.
* Hvvl here seems not to be a particle of time (see De Wette in loco).
6 nXeove/crjif has undoubtedly this meaning in St. Paul's writings. Compare Eph.
v. 5 (where it is coupled with dxdBaprog). So n-Acovelia, in St. Paul, almost invariably
means impurity. See Eph. iv. 19. v. 3. Col. iii. 5. The only places where the word
is used by St. Paul in the sense covetousness are 2 Cor. ix. 5 and 1 Tbess. ii. 5, in the
latter of which passages the other meaning would not bo inadmissible. How the word

42 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUi
drunkard, or an extortioner ; with such a man, I say, you must
not so much as eat. For what need have I to judge those who »
are without the Church? Is it not your part to judge those
who are within it? But those who are without are for God's] a
judgment. And for yourselves, " Ye shall cast out the evil
(me from the midst of you." ' VI.
Litigation be- Can there be any of you who dare to bring their ]
ians" mustrnot private differences into the courts of law, to be judged
be brought x , -i ¦•
into Heathen ^y the wicked, and not rather submit tnem to the
courts ; and J -i -rr i
its existence is arbitration" of Christ's people. Know ye not that 2
a proof of evil. J x
Christ's people shall judge the world? and if you
are .called to sit in judgment on the universe, are you unfit to
decide even the most trifling matters ? Know ye not that we 3
shall judge angels? how much more then the affairs of this
life? If, therefore, you have disputes to settle which concern 4
the affairs of this life, give the arbitration of them to the very
least esteemed in your Church ? I speak to your shame. Can 5
it be that in your whole body, there is not so much as one
man wise enough to arbitrate between his brethren, but must
brother go to law with brother, and that in the courts of the 6
unbelievers? Nay, farther, you are in fault, throughout, in 7
having such disputes at all. Why do you not rather submit
to wrong ? Why not rather suffer yourselves to be defrauded <
Nay, you are yourselves wronging and defrauding others, and 8
No immorality that too your brethren. Know ye not that wrong a
can consist J ~
Christianity oers sna11 llot inherit the kingdom of Ge/I ? Be not
deceived — neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor
adulterers, nor self-defilers, nor sodomites, nor robbers, none
wantons, nor drunkards, nor railers, nor extortion ere, shall in
herit the kingdom of God. And such were some of you ; but 11
yon have washed away your stains,'— you have been hallowed,
you have been justified by your fellowship with the Lord ','
contracted its Pauline meaning may be inferred from the similar use of concupiscent,
in English.
1 Dent. xxiv. 7. (LXX.)
« It shouldbe remembered that the law gave its sanction to the decision pronounce
ma htigated case by arb.trators privately chosen ; so that the Christians might obt*
.just dec^on o their mutual d.flerences without resorting to the heathen trWu.
3 Observe that anetovoooBe is middle, not passive, as in A V.

DTEST EPISTLE TO THE COKLNTHIANS. 4b
Jesus, whose name you bear, and by the indwelling Spirit of
our God.1
12 [But some of you say] — " all things are lawful Antinomian
f 11 r-r» • -i i -i "- n i . -, defence of im-
lor me. [Be it so ;J but not all things are good morality «-
for me ; though all things are in my power, they
i3 shall not bring me under their power. " Meat is for the belly,
and the belly for meat," though death will soon, by God's ordi
nance, put an end to both ; but the body is not for fornication,
14 but for tlie Lord Jesus ; and the Lord Jesus for the body ; 3 and
as God raised our Lord Jesus from the grave, so He will raise
15 us also by His mighty power.'' Know ye not that your bodies
are the members of Christ's body ? Shall I then take the mem
bers of Christ, and make them the members of an harlot ? God
16 forbid. Know ye not, that he who joins himself to an harlot
becomes one body with her ? As it is written, " they twain
17 shall l>e one flesh." 5 But he who joins himself to Christ, be-
18 comes one with Christ in spirit. Flee fornication. [It is true,
indeed,6 that] all sin springs, not from the body, but from the
19 soul ; yet the fornicator sins against his own body. Know ye
not that your bodies are temples of the Holy Spirit which
dwells within you, which ye have received from God ? And
20 you are not your own, for you were bought with a price.'
Glorify God, therefore, not in your spirit only, but in your body
also, since both are His.8
i For the translation of iv in this verse, see Winer, Gram. cap. v. § 52.
' See the explanation of this in Vol. I. p. 447 ; and compare (for the true side of
irdvTa i&ariv) Gal. v. 23, Kara tuv toiovtuv ovk tori vopog. Also see chap. viii. 1,
below. From what follows it is evident that these Corinthian free-thinkers argued
that the existence of bodily appetites proved the lawfulness of their gratification.
s The body is for the Lord Jesus, to be consecrated by His indwelling to His ser
vice ; and the Lord Jesus is for the body, to consecrate it by dwelling therein in Ihe
person of His Spirit.
•> St. Paul's argument here is, that sins of unchastity, though bodily acts, yet injure
a part of our nature which will not be destroyed by death, and which is closely con
nected with our moral well-being. And it is a fact no less certain than mysterious,
that moral and spiritual ruin is caused by such sins ; which human wisdom (when un
taught by Revelation) held to be actions as blameless as eating and drinking.
•> Gen. ii. 24. (LXX.), quoted by our Lord, Matt. xix. 5.
6 Literally, " every sin which a man commits is without (eKrbg, external to) the
body." The Corinthian freethinkers probably used this argument also ; and perhaps
availed themselves of our Lord's words, Mark vii. 18 : " Do ye not perceive that what
soever thing from without entereth into the man, it cannot defile him, because it
entereth not into his heart," &.C. (See the Whole passage.)
¦ The price is the blood of Christ. Compare Acts xx. 28 and Col. i. 14.
3 The latter part of this verse, from Kal to Qeov, though not in the best TJSS., yet it
imolied in the sense.

44 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Answers to As to the questions which you have asked me in l
SS£T -": your letter, this is my answer. It is good for a man 2
2&.TU to remain unmarried. Nevertheless, to avoid form-
SSft. retes cation, let every man have his own wife, and every 3
rlgTed mar- woraan her own husband. Let the husband live in 4
the intercourse of affection with his wife, and likewise the wife -
with her husband. The wife has not dominion over her own ,
body, but the husband ; and so also the husband has not do
minion over his own body, but the wife. Do not separate one 5
from the other, unless it be with mutual consent for a time, that
you may give yourselves without disturbance to fasting and
prayer, with the intent of shortly living- again together, lest,
through your fleshly passions, Satan should tempt you to sin.
But in speaking thus, I mean not to command marriage, but 6
only to permit it. For I would that all men were as I am ; 7
but men have different gifts from God, one this, another that,
But to the unmarried and to the widoAvs, I say that it would 8
be good for them if they should remain in the state wherein I
myself also am : yet if their desires do not allow them to re- 9
main contented in this state, let them marry ; for it is better
to mari-y than to be tempted by sinful desires. To the married, 10
not I, but the Lord Jesus Himself gives commandment," that
the wife leave not her husband ; (but if she have already lefl'u
him, let her remain single, or else be reconciled with him;)
likewise also, that the husband put not away his wife. But 12
for the cases which follow, my decisions are given not by the
Lord Jesus, but by myself. If any of the Brethren be married
to an unbelieving wife, let him not put her away, if she be
content to remain with him ; neither let a believing wife leave 13
an unbelieving husband who is willing to remain with her ;
for the unbelieving husband is hallowed by union with his 14
believing wife, and the unbelieving wife by union with her
believing husband; for otherwise your children would be un
clean,8 but now they are holy. But if the unbelieving hus-15
band or wife seeks for a divorce, let it nof be hindered ; for in
¦ Compare Mark x. 12 : Whosoever shall put away his wife, and marry another,
committeth adultery against her. And if a woman shall put away her husbariti)
and be married to another, she committeth adultery. ' ¦
» 'kKdBaprog, literally " unclean," the term being used in its Jewish sense, to denote
that which is beyond the hallowed pale of God's people; the antithesis to iym
Which was applied to all within the consecrated limits.

FIEST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 45
such cases, the believing husband or wife is not bound to re
main under the yoke. But the call whereby God called l us,
is a call of peace [and should not lead to household strife],
L6 For thou who art the wife of an unbeliever, how knowest thou
whether thou mayest save thy husband? or thou who art the
husband, whether thou mayest save thy wife ?
17 Only let no man seek to quit that condition which General -uie,
God had allotted to him when he was called by the verts should
Lord Jesus. This rule I give in all the churches, state of im
mi ii wherein they
18 lhus, if any man, at the time when he was called,8 were a* ««ir
-i conversion. '
bore the mark of circumcision, let him not efface it ;
and again, if he was uncircumcised at the time of his calling,
19 let him not receive circumcision. It matters nothing whether
we be circumcised or uncircumcised, but only whether we keep
20 the commands of God. Let each abide in the condition which
21 he held when he was first called. Wast thou in slavery at the
time of thy calling ? Care not for it. Nay, though thou have
power to gain thy freedom,3 seek rather to remain content.
22 For the - slave who has been called into fellowship with Christ,
is Christ's freedman ; and so also, the freeman who has been
23 called, is Christ's slave ; for He has paid a price for you all ; 4
beware lest you bind upon yourselves the yoke of slavery to
1^ man.5 Brethren, let each of you continue in the state wherein 4
he was called, and therein abide with God.
25 Concerning your virgin daughters0 I have no Answer to
questions
On the inferences from this verse, with respect to infant baptism, see Vol. I. pp. 438,
439. 1 KaXelv, in St. Paul's writings, means " to call into fellowship with Christ ;'' " to
call from the unbelieving World into the Church."
1 It is needless to remark that tKlrjBri is mis-translated " is called " in A. V. through-
oat this chapter.
3 The Greek here is ambiguous, and might be so rendered as to give directly oppo
site precepts ; but the version given in the text (which is that advocated by Chrysos-
tom, Meyer, and De Wette) agrees best with the .position of the Kal, and also with the
context. * Observe the change in the Greek from singular to plural.
• Alluding to their servile adherence to party leaders. Compare 2 Cor. xi. 20
(ittTaSovloi). " We cannot help remarking, that the manner in which a recent infidel writer has
spoken of this passage is one of the most striking proofs how far a candid and acute
mind may be warped by a strong bias. In this case the desire of the writer is to prove
that the moral teaching of Christianity is worthless ; and he brings forward this passage
to prove his charge, and blames St. Paul because he assumes these Corinthian daugh
ters to be disposable in marriage at the will of their father. We must suppose thai
this writer would (on the same grounds) require a modern missions;, y to Persia t«.

46 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
"osai* o?6 d's" command to give you from the Lord Jesus, but 1
daughters in give my judgment, as one who has been called by
our Lord's mercy, to be His faithful servant.^ 1 26
think, then, that it is best, by reason of the trials which are nigh
at hand, for all to be unmarried ; [so that I would say to each]
" If thou art bound to a wife, seek not separation ; but if thou 27
art free, seek not marriage; yet if thou wilt marry, thou 2*
mayest do so without sin." So likewise if your virgin daugh
ters marry, it is no sin ; but they who will, marry will have
earthly sorrows to endure, and these I would spare you. But 29
this I say, brethren, the time is short ; meanwhile it behoves
them that have wives to be as though they had none ; and them 30
that weep as though they wept not, and them that rejoice as
though they rejoiced not, and them that buy as though they 31
possessed not, and them that use this world as not abusing ' it ;
for the world, with all its outward show, is passing away.2 But 32
I would have you free from earthly care. The desires of the
unmarried man are fixed upon the Lord Jesus, and he strives
to please the Lord. But the desires of the husband are fixed 33
upon worldly things, striving to please his wife. Likewise 31
also the wife has this difference from the virgin ; the cares of
the virgin are fixed upon the Lord, that she may become holy
both in body and in spirit ; but the cares of the wife are fixed
upon worldly things, striving to please her husband. Now 35
this I say for your own profit ; not that I may entangle you in
a snare ; but that I may help you to serve the Lord Jesus with
% seemly and undivided service. But if any man thinks that 36
ne is treating his virgin daughter in an unseemly manner, by
leaving her unmarried beyond the flower of her age, and if
need so require, let him act according to his will ; he may do
so without sin ; let them3 marry. But he who is firm in his id1
resolve, and is not constrained to marry his daughter, but has
the power of carrying out his will, and has determined to keep
her unmarried, does well. Thus he who gives his daughter in 38
preach the absolute incompatibility of despotic government with sound morality. A
similar ignoratio elenchi runs through all his remarks upon this chapter.
i KaraxpricBai appears to be distinguished from xpnoBai, as to use up from to use.
Compare 1 Cor. ix. 18. It thus acquired the sense of to abuse, in which it is some
times employed by Demosthenes, and by the grammarians.
" Uapdyei, literally "passing by," flitting past, like the shadows in Plata's Cav«Hi
(Repub. vii. 1), or the figures in some moving phantasmagoria.
a " Them,'' viz. the daughter and the suitor.

¦ FIKST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 47
marriage does well, but he who gives her not in marriage dj>es
better.
69 The wife is bound by the law of wedlock so long Marriage oi
as her husband lives; but after his death she is free
to marry whom she will, provided that she choose one of the
40 brethren > in Christ. Yet she is happier if she remain a widow,
in my judgment ; and I think that I, no less3 than others, have
the spirit of God.
VIII. 1 As to the question concerning meats which have Answer to
been sacrificed to idols, we know — (for " we all have cemin^me™.
knowledge," 3 but knowledge puffs up, while love idols.
2 builds ; and if any man prides himself on his knowledge, he
3 knows nothing yet as he ought to know ; but whosoever loves
4 God, of him God hath knowledge)— we know (I say) that an
idol has not any true being, and that there is no other God but
5 one. For though there be some who are called gods, either
celestial or terrestrial, and though we see men worship many
6 gods and many lords, yet to us there is but one God, the Fa
ther, from whom are all things, and unto whom we live ; and one
Lord, Jesus Christ, by whom the life of all things, and our
1 life also, is sustained. But it is not true that " all have know
ledge " [in this matter] ; on the contrary, there are some who
still have a conscientious fear of the idol, and who think that
the meat sacrificed belongs to a false god, so that, if they eat it,
8 their conscience being weak, is defiled. It is true that our food
cannot change our place in God's sight ; with Him we gain
9 nothing by eating, nor loose by not eating. But beware lest,
perchance, by this exercise of your rights 4 you should cast a
' Literally, provided it be in the Lord.
* The Kal in Kayu has this meaning.
J It is necessary for the understanding of this Epistle, that we should remember that
it is an answer to a letter received from the Corinthian Church, and therefore con
stantly alludes to topics in that letter. It seems probable, from the way in which
they are introduced, that these words, ¦advTig yvuaiv exoptv, are quoted from that
letter. * 'E^ovaia avrq. Observe again the reference to the language of the self-styled
Paulino party at Corinth. Compare irdvra pot, efranv (vi. 12). The decrees of the
" Council of Jerusalem " might seem to have a direct bearing on the question discussed
by St Paul in this passage ; but he does not refer to them as deciding the points in
dispute, either here or elsewhere. Probably the reason of this is, that the decrees were
meant only to be of temporary application ; and in their terms they applied originally
"fily to the churches of Syria and Cilicia (see Acts xv. 23 ; also Vol. I. p. 231).

48 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES O* ST. PAUL.
stumbling-block in the path of your weaker brethren. For if IC
one of them see thee, who boastest of thy knowledge, feasting
in an idol's temple, will not he be encouraged to eat the meat
which has been offered in sacrifice, although the weakness of
his conscience condemns the deed ? And thus, through the ll
knowledge whereof thou boastest, will thy weaker brother per
ish, for whom Christ died. Nay, when you sin thus against 12
your brethren, and wound their weaker conscience, you sin
against Christ. Wherefore, if my eating cast a stumbling- 13
block in my brother's path, I will eat no flesh while the world
stands, lest thereby I cause my brother's fall. IX
He vindicates Am I indeed "no true apostle?" Am I indeed ]
his claim to ,, a tt t •
the- Apostolic "subiect to man's authority ? ' Have 1 indeed
office against ° **
his judaizing " never seen Jesus Christ our Lord?" Can it be
h"sd renSnda9- denied that you are the fruits of my labour in the
«?en °Apo7oiic Lord? If to others I am no true apostle, yet at 2
pnvileges. \eaal j &m guc^ ^ yQU . ^QJ. y.QU ftre y0urselves the
seal which stamps the reality of my apostleship, by the will of
Christ ; this is my answer to those who question my authority. 3
Do they deny my right to be maintained 2 [by my converts] ? 4
Do they deny my right to carry a believing wife with me on 5 '
my journeys, like the rest of the apostles, and the brethren of
the Lord,3 and Cephas ? Or do they think that I and Barnabas 6
alone have no right to be maintained, except by the labour of
our own hands ? What soldier4 ever serves at his private cost ? 7
What husbandman plants a vineyard without sharing in its
fruit ? What shepherd tends a flock without partaking of their 8
milk ? And is this the rule of man only, or is not also com
manded in the law of God ? Yea, in the book of Moses' Law 9
it is written, " Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out
the corn."1' Are oxen the objects of God's care, or is it not 10
1 Ovk •EXevBepog. Compare verse 19 and Gal. i. 1, dnwroAo? ovk drf dvOpumiv.
* This was a point much insisted on by the Judaizers (see 2 Cor. xii. 13-16). They
wgued that St. Paul, by not availing himself of this undoubted apostolic right, be
trayed his own consciousness that he was no true Apostle.
> " The brethren of the Lord." It is a very doubtful question whether these were
the sons of our Lord's mother's sister, viz. the Apostles James and Judas, the sons of
A.phseus (Luke vi. 15) for cousins were called ideh.oi). or whether they were sons
of Joseph by a former marriage, or actually sons of the mother of our Lord. See a
itatement of the difficulties of the question in Neander (P. und L. 654)
< He means to say that, to have this right of maintenance, a man need be no Anostle,
5 Deut. xxv. 4. (LXX.) '

FIKST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 49
altogether for man's sake that He so speaks ? For our sake,
doubtless, it was written ; declaring that the ploughman ought
to plough, and the thresher to thresh, with hope to share in
11 tlie produce of his toil. If, then, I have sown for you the
seed of spiritual gifts, it would be no great thing if I were to
12 reap some harvest from your earthly gifts. If others share
this right over you, how much more should I ? Yet I have not
used my right, but forbear from every claim, lest I should by
13 any means hinder the course of Christ's Glad-tidings. Know
ye not that they ' who perform the service of the temple, live
upon the revenues of the temple, and they who minister at the
14 altar share with it in the sacrifices thereon offered? So also
the Lord Jesus ordained2 that they whom he sent forth
to publish His Glad-tidings, should be maintained thereby
15 But I have not exercised any of these rights, nor do I write
this that I myself may profit by it. For I had rather die than
1 6 suffer the ground of my boasting to be taken from me. For,
although I proclaim Christ's Glad-tidings, yet this gives me no
ground of boasting ; for I am compelled to do so by order of my
17 master. Yea, woe is me if I proclaim it not. For were my
service given of my own free choice, I might claim wages to
reward my labour ; but since I serve by compulsion, I am [a
slave with no claim to wages] a steward whose post obliges
him to dispense4 his master's bread to his fellow-servants.
18 What then is my wage ? It is to bear the Glad-tidings of Christ,
and to bring it free of cost to those who hear me, without
19 using the " full right which belongs to my ministration. There
fore, although free from the authority of all men, I made my-
20 self the slave of all, that I might gain the most. To the Jews
I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews ; to those
under the law as though I were under the law, that I might
21 gain those under the law ; with those who were free from the
law, I lived as one who is free from the law (not that I was
without law before God, but under the law of Christ), that I
22 might gain those, who were free from the law. With those
> Numbers vii. and Deut. xviii.
3 (Matt. x. 9, 10.) Provide neither gold nor silver nor brass in your purses, nor
„np for your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves ; for the
tenrkman is worthy of his meat.
' kvaytvn is properly the compulsion exercised by a master over a slave.
« This is the full meaning of ohovouiav. See 1 Cor. iv. 1, 2.
» ULaraxpyaaoBai, to use fully. See note on VII. 31.
VOL. II — 4

50 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
who were weak, 1 lived as if I were weak myself, that I might
gain the weak. I have become all things to all mea, that by
all means I might save some. And this I do to spread the 23
Glad-tidings of Christ, that I myself may share therein with
those who hear me. For you know that in the races of the 24
stadium, though all may run, yet but one can gain the prize ;
—(so run that you may win.)— And every man who strives in 25
the matches, trains himself by all manner of self-restraint ; yet
they do it to win a crown of fading leaves,1 — we, a crown that
cannot fade. I, therefore, run not like the racer who is uncer- 26
tain of his goal ; I fight, not as the pugilist who strikes out
against the air; but I bring my body into bondage, crushing 27
it with heavy > blows " lest, perchance, having called others to
the contest, I should myself fail shamefully of the prize. X.
He again wam? But you, brethren, I call to remember our fore- 1
•gainst immo- fathers ; how they all were guarded by the pillar of
rality, by ex-
*mpies of the the cloud, and all passed safely through the sea.
punishment of -, /-i,
¦sod's ancient And [as you were baptized unto Christ] they all, 2
through the cloud, and through the sea, were bap
tized unto Moses. And all of them alike ate the same spiritual 3
food ; and all drank of the same spiritual stream ; for they 4
drank from the spiritual rock, whose waters followed them ; 3
but that rock was Christ. Yet [though all received these 5
gifts], few only continued in God's favour, and the rest were
struck down, and perished in the wilderness. Now these 6
things were shadows of our own case, that we might learn not to
lust after sinful pleasures, as they lusted.4 Nor be ye idolaters, 1
as were some of them ; as it is written,—" The people sat dovm
to eat and drink, and rose up to play." 3 Neither let us com- 8
mit fornication, as some of them committed, and fell in one
i This was the crown made of the leaves of the pine, groves of which surrounded.
the Isthmian Stadium : the same tree still grows plentifully on the Isthmus of Corinth.
It was the prize of the great Isthmian games. Throughout the passage St Paul al
ludes to these contests, which were so dear to the pride and patriotism of the Corinth
ians. Compare also 2 Tim. ii. 5.
* This is the literal meaning of the pugilistic term inamdfa.
a St. Paul's meaning is, that, under the allegorical representation of the Manna, Ita
Water, and the Rock, are shadowed forth spiritual realities ; for the Rock is Christ, the
only source of living water (John iy.), and the Manna also is Christ, the true bread
from Heaven (John vi.). ,.
* Viz. after the flesh-pots of Egypt s Exod. xxxii 6 -Ljx.) "

FIEST EPISTLE TO THE COELXTHIANS. 51
9 day three and twenty thousand.' Neither let us try the long-
suffering of Christ, as did some of them, who were destroyed
LO by the fiery serpents. Nor murmur against those who are set
over you, as some of them murmured, and were slain by the
11 destroying angel. Now all these things befel them as shadows
of that which was to come ; and they were written for our
12 warning, who live in the end of the ages.2 Wherefore, let him
who thinks that he stands firm, watch heedfully lest he fall.
13 No trial has come upon you beyond man's power to bear; and
God is faithful to his promises, and will not suffer you to be
tried beyond your strength, but will with every trial provide
the way of escape, that you may be able to sustain it.
14 Wherefore, my beloved children, have no fellow- They must r«-
• i ¦ -i i t i i i nounce aU fel-
15 snip with idolatry. 1 speak as to reasonable men ; lowsiup with
. i i i - i T idolatry.
use your own judgment upon that which 1 say.
16 When we drink the cup of blessing, which we bless, are we
not all partakers in the blood of Christ? When we break
17 the bread, are we not all partakers in the body of Christ ? For
as the bread is one, so Ave, the many, are one body ; for of that
18 one bread we all partake. Or again, if you look to the carnal
Israel, do you not see that those who eat of the sacrifices are in
partnership with the altar, [and identified with the worship ?]
19 What would I say then ? that an idol has any real being? or
20 that meat offered to an idol is really changed thereby ? Not
so ; but I say, that when the heathen offer their sacrifices, they
are sacrificing to demons, and not to God ; and I would not
21 have you become partners3 with the demons. You cannot
drink the cup of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the cup which has
22 poured libation to demons ; you cannot eat at the table of the
Lord, and at the table of demons. Or would we provoke our
Lord to jealousy? Are we stronger than He ?
23 [But some one will say again] * " all things are ™%,™ss^ees
lawful for me." Nay, but not all things are good f£g£*£
1 Numbers xxv. 9, where twenty-four thousand is the number given. See the re
marks in Vol. L p. 176, note 1.
* The coming of Christ was " the end of the ages," i. e. the commencement of a new
period of the world's existence. So the phrase awTe'keia tuv aiuvuv is used Heb. ix.
26. The same expression (with aiuvog) occurs five times in St. Matthew, signifying
the coming of Christ to judgment.
3 This i3 addressed to those who were in the habit of accepting invitations to feasts
Celebrated in the temples of the heathen gods hi elSuteiu KaraKelpevov, viii. 10).
« See vi. 12, and note.

52 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. EAUL.
ther than in- for me ; though all things are lawful, not all things
ESeHrE' build up the church. Let no man seek his own, u
™°- " '" but every man his neighbour's good. Whatever is 2.1
sold in market, you may eat, nor need you ask for conscience
Bake whence it came: "For the earth is the Lord's, and the 26
fulness thereof"* And if any unbeliever invites you to a 2V
feast, and you are disposed to go, eat of all that is set before
you, asking no questions for conscience sake ; but if one ot the 28
guests should say to you concerning any dish, "This has been
offered to an idol," do not eat of that dish, for the sake of him
who pointed it out, and for the sake of conscience.2 Thy neigh- 29
hour's conscience, I say, not thine own ; for [thou mayest truly
eay] " why is my freedom condemned by the conscience of an
other? and if I thankfully partake, why am I called a sinner 30
for that which I eat with thanksgiving? "3
Therefore, whether you eat or drink, or whatsoever you do, 31
do all so that God may be praised and His glory manifested.4
Let no act of yours give cause of stumbling, either to Jews or 32
Gentiles, or to the Church of God. For so I also strive to 33
please all men in all things, not seeking my own good, but theXI
good of all,5 that they may be saved. I beseech you, therefore^ l
to follow my example, as I follow the example of Christ..
censure on the My brethren, whereas 6 " you are always mind- 2
men appearing ful of my teaching, and that you keep unchanged
unveiled in the i i • i t i i- • •
assemblies for the rules which I delivered to you," in this I praise
public wors'^iy. ^ i i
you. But I would have you know that as Christ is 3
the head of every man, and God the head of Christ, so the man
is the head of the woman. If a man were to stand up in the con- 4
gregation to pray or to prophecy with a veil over his head, he
would bring shame upon his head [by wearing the token of
subjection]. But if a woman stands forth to pray or to pro- 5
phecy, with her head unveiled, she brings shame upon her own
head, as much as if she were shaven. I say, if she cast off her 6
i Psalm xxiv. 1. (LXX.)
1 The repeated quotation is omitted in the best MSS.
3 Compare Rom. xiv. 16 : pi) pXaa^rjpelaBu ipuv to dyadbv. Her« again the hypo
thesis that St. Paul is quoting from the letter of the Corinthians removes all difficulty
* Such seems the full meaning of elg ib%av Oeov.
» Tuv ttoXXuv, not many, but the many, the whole mass of mankind.
« This statement was probably made in the letter sent by the Corinthian Church to
8t. Paul

riE6T EPISTLE TO THE COErNTHIANS. 53
veil, let her shave her head at once ; but if it is shameful for a
woman to be shorn or shaven, let her keep a veil upon her
7 head. For a man ought not to veil his head, since he is the
likeness of God, and the manifestation of God's glory. But
8 the woman's part is to manifest her husband's glory. For the
man was not made from the woman, but the woman from the
9 man. Nor was the man created for the sake of the woman,
10 but the woman for the sake of the man. Therefore, the wo
man ought to wear a sign ¦ of subjection upon her head, be
ll cause of the angels.3 Nevertheless, in their fellowship with the
Lord Jesus, man and woman may not be separated the one from
12 the other.3 For as woman is sprung from man, so is man also
born of woman ; and both alike, together with all things else,
13 are sprung from God. But I beseech you to judge of this
matter by your own feeling. Is it seemly for a woman with
14 her head unveiled to offer prayers to God ? Or does not even
nature itself teach you that long hair is a disgrace to a man,
15 but a glory to a woman ; for her hair has been given her for a
16 veil. But if any one thinks to be contentious in defence of
such a custom, let him know that it is disallowed by me,' and
by all the Churches of God.
17 [I said that I praised you for keeping the rules thJrnsu^fan°°
which were delivered to you;] but I praise you not j™nd,8°fu ¦£*
for this which I now declare to you, that your
(8 solemn assemblies are for evil rather than good. For first, I
hear that there are divisions among you, which show them-
19 selves when your congregation is met together; and this I
partly believe. For there must needs be not divisions only,5
but also adverse sects among you, that so the good may be
i 'Efyva'in. is often used for the dominion exercised by those in lawful authority
tver their subordinates (see Luke vii. 8). Here it is used to signify the sign of that
dominion * The meaning of this very difficult expression seems to be as follows : — The angels
are sent as ministering servants to attend upon Christians, and are especially present
when Mio church assembles for public worship ; and they would be offended by any
piolatiou of decency or order. It need scarcely be remarked, that to translate did
roic dyyehtvg, "by the hands of angels" (as has been sometimes proposed"!, would
be a gross Grammatical error.
a In their relation to Christ, man and woman are not to be severed ( xuoir ) the one
from the oilier. Compare Gal. iii. 28. St. Paul means to say that the distinction
btiween the sexes is one which only belongs to this life.
* Literally, that neither I, nor the churches of God, admit of such a custom.
• Kal.

54 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tested and made known. Moreover,' those among you Avho2fl
meet [peaceably] together, are not really met to eat the l.or
Supper; for each begins to eat what he has brought for Ens j
own supper, before anything2 has been given to other*,
so that while some are hungry, others are drunken. Have 22
you then no houses for your feasts? or do you come to show
contempt for the congregation of God's people, and to shame
the poor? What can I say to you? Shall I praise you m
this ? I praise you not. For I myself received from the Lord 23
that which I delivered to you, how that the Lord Jesus m the
night when He was betrayed, took bread, and when He had 24
given thanks, He brake it, and said-" Take, eat; this is my
lody, which is broken for you : this do in remembrance of me."
In the same manner also He took the cup, after supper, saying, 2n
" This cup is the new covenant in my Mood : this do ye, as often
as ye drink it, in remembrance of me." For as often as you eat 2fi
this bread, and drink this cup, you openly show forth the
Lord's death until He shall come again. Therefore, whoso- 27
ever shall eat this bread, or drink this cup of the Lord un
worthily, shall be guilty of profaning the body and blood
of the Lord. But let a man examine himself, and so 28
let him eat of this bread and drink of this cup. For he 29
who eats and drinks of it unworthily, eats and drinks
a judgment against himself, since he makes no difference
between the Lord's body and common food. For this cause 30
many of you are weak and sickly, and some sleep the sleep of
death. For if we would rightly judge ourselves, we should 31
not be judged by God. But when we are judged, we are 32
chastened by the Lord Jesus, that we may not be condemned
together with the world. Therefore, my brethren, when you 33
meet for the Lord's Supper, let none begin to eat by himself
while he leaves others unprovided ; and if any one is hungry, 34
i The second subject of rebuke is introduced by ovv instead of by iTeira de (wbJ6h
would naturally have answered the npurov piv), because the cvnepxopinuv, k. t, 'K., in
taken up again from verse 18.
a IlpoXapBdvei..
3 For the explanation of ihis, see Vol. I. p. 440. It should be observed that a o*m-
mon meal, to which each of the guests contributed his own share of the provisions,
was a form of entertainment of frequent occurrence among the Greeks, and known fcj
the name of ipavog.
* Observe the- emphatic iyii.

• FTBST EPISTLE TO THE COEINTHIANS. OD
lot hhn cafe at home, lest your meetings should bring judgment
upon you. The other matters I will set in order when I come.
XII. 1 Concerning those who exercise Spiritual Gifts, onthesPwtuai
°, . Gifts generally.
2 brethren, I desire to remove your ignorance. 1 ou
know that in the days of your heathenism you were blindly led
astray to worship dumb and senseless idols [by those who pre-
3 tended to gifts from heaven]. This test therefore I give you, to
guide your judgment; no man who is inspired by the Spirit of
God can call Jesus accursed ; and no man can say that Jesua
4 is the Lord, unless he be inspired by the Holy Spirit.1 More
over, there are varieties of Spiritual Gifts, but the same Spirit
5 gives them all ; and they are given for various ministrations,
6 but all to serve the same Lord Jesus ; and the inward work
ing whereby they are wrought is various, but they are all
wrought in' every one of those who receive them, by the work-
7 ing of the same God.a But the gift whereby the Spirit be-
8 comes manifest, is given to each for the profit of all. To one 3
is given by the Spirit the utterance of Wisdom, to another the
utterance of Knowledge4 according to the working of the
9 same Spirit. To another the power of Faith 5 through the same
Spirit. To another gifts of Healing through the same Spirit]
10 To another the powers which work Miracles ; to another the
gift of Prophecy ; to another the discernment of Spirits ; 6 to
another varieties of Tongues ; 7 to another the Interpretation of
11 Tongues. But all these gifts are wrought by the working of
that one and the same Spirit, who distributes them to each ac-
12 cording to His will. For as the body is one, and has many
i i. e. the mere outward profession of Christianity is (so far as it goes) a proof of the
Holy Spirit's guidance. Therefore the extraordinary spiritual gifts which followed
Christian baptism in that age proceeded in all cases from the Spirit of God, and not
from the Spirit of Evil. This is St. Paul's answer to a difficulty apparently felt by the
Corinthians (and mentioned in their letter to him), whether some of these gifts might
not be given by the Author of Evil to confuse the Church.
* It should be observed that the 4th, 5th, and 6th verses imply the doctrine of the
Trinity. 3 On this classification of spiritual gifts, see Vol. I. p. 427, n. 2.
* Tvuotr is the term used throughout this Epistle for a deep insight into the divine
truth; aofia is a more general term, but here (as being opposed to yvuair) probably
means practical wisdom.
* See V«l. I. p. 429. ' See Vol. I. p. 430.
' See Vol. L pp. 428-431 for remarks on this and the other gifts mentioned in this
passage

56 . THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
members, and as all the members, though many,1 are- one body :
so also is Christ. For in the communion of one Spirit we all 13
were2 baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or Gentiles,1
whether slaves or freemen, and were all made to drink ot the
same Spirit. For the body is not one member, but many. 14
If4 the foot should say, "I am not the hand, therefore I belong 15
not to the body," does it thereby sever itself from the body ?
Or if the ear should say, "I am not the eye, therefore I belong j 5
not to the body," does it thereby sever itself from the body?
If the whole body were an eye, where would be the hearing? 17
If the whole body were an ear, where would be the smelling ?
But now God has placed the members severally in the body 18
according to His will. If all were one member, where would 19
be the body ? But now, though the members are many, yet'20
tlie body is one. And the eye cannot say to the hand, " I have 21
no need of thee ;" nor again the head to the feet, " I have no
need of you-" Nay, those parts of the body which are reckon- 22
ed the feeblest are the most necessary, and those parts which 23
we hold the least honourable, we clothe with the more abun
dant honour, so that the less beautiful parts are clad with the
greater beauty ; and those which are beautiful need not our 24
adornment. But God has tempered the body together, and
given to the lowlier parts the higher honour, that there should
be no division in the body, but that all its parts should feel, 25
one for the other, a common sympathy. And thus, if one
member suffer, every member suffers with it ; or if one mem- 26
ber be honoured, every member rejoices with it. Now ye are.27
together the body of Christ, and each one of you a separate
member. And God has set the members in the Church, some 28
in one place, and some in another : first,5 Apostles ; secondly,
Prophets ; thirdly, Teachers ; afterwards Miracles ; then Gifts
of Healing ; Serviceable Ministrations ; Gifts of Government ;
varieties of Tongues. Can all be Apostles ? Can all be Pro- 29
1 The tov iv6g of the Received Text is omitted by the best MSS. ; so also is the tic
before ev itvevpa in verse 13.
1 The past tense is mistranslated in A. V. as present.
3 See note on Rom. i. 16.
* The resemblance between this passage and the well-known fable of Menenius
Agrippa (Liv. 11. 32) can scarcely be accidental ; and may therefore be considered
another proof that St. Paul was not unacquainted with classical literature
6 On this classification, see Vol. I. p. 427, note 2 ; on the particular chariems aud
offices mentioned in it see pp. 428-434.

FIEST EPISTLE TO THE COELNTHIANS. 57
30 phets ? Can all be Teachers? Can all work Miracles ? Have
all the Gifts of Healing ? Do all speak with Tongues ? Can
all interpret the Tongues ? But I would have you delight1 in
31 the best gifts ; and moreover, beyond them all,2 I will show
you a path wherein to walk.
XIII. 1 Though it were given me to speak in all the superiority ot
» -, , . „ T , ' . , ,. Love to all the
tongues ot men and angels, it 1 have not love, I am extraordinary
r i t i -ii- ii Gifts of th»
no better than sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal, spwt.
2 And although I have the gift of prophecy, and understand all
the mysteries, and all the depths of knowledge ; and though I
have the fulness of faith,3 so that I could remove mountains ; if 1
3 have not love, I am nothing. And though I sell all my goods
to feed the poor, and though I give my body to be burned, if I
4 have not love, it profits me nothing. Love is long suffering ;
love is kind; love envies not; love speaks4 no vaunts ; love
5 shows no vanity ; love is never uncourteous ; love is never
selfish ; love is not easily provoked ; love bears no malice ; s
6 love rejoices not in the punishment6 of wickedness, but re-
7 joices in the victory of truth; forbears in all things,7 believes
' 8 all things, hopes all things, endures all things. Love shall
never pass away ; though the gift of Prophecy shall vanish,
and the gift of Tongues shall cease, and the gift of Knowledge
9 shall come to nought. For our knowledge is imperfect, and
10 our prophecying is imperfect. But when the fulness of perfec-
11 tion is come, then all that is imperfect shall pass away. When
I was a child, my words were childish, my desires were child
ish, my judgments were childish ; but being grown a man, I
12 have done away with the thoughts of childhood. So now we
' %r(kovv means originally to feel intense eagerness about a person or thing : hence
Its different senses of love, jealousy, &c, are derived. Here the wish expressed is, that
the Corinthians should take that delight in the exercise of the more useful gifts, which
hitherto they had taken in the more wonderful, not that individuals should " covet
earnestly " for themselves gifts which God had not given them. Compare xiv. 39.
* This seems the meaning of Kaff vneptoliiv , which can scarcely be taken as an ad
jective with b&ov, as in A. V.
» i. e. the charism of wonder-working faith. See Vol. I. p. 429. The "removal of
mountains " alludes to the words of our Lord, recorded Matt. xvii. 20.
* Tlepirepevopat, jacto me verbis (Wahl).
» The Authorised Version here, " thinketh no evil," is so beautiful that we cannot
but wish it had been a correct translation. The same disposition, however, is implied
}j the nuvra Tnarevei belbw.
3 'Emxaipa is tj rejoice in the misfortune of another.
' For the meaning of oreyei, see ix. 12 : v'"iTa nrlyopev.

58 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
see darkly, by the reflection of a mirror,1 but then face to face ,
now I know in part, but then shall I know God, even as now
I am ' known by Him. Yet while other gifts shall pass away, IS
these three, Faith, Hope, and Love, abide for ever ; and the
greatest of these is Love. XIV.
Directions for I beseech you to follow earnestly after Love ; l
the gifTofpro- yet I would have you delight in the spiritual gifts,
giftdfTongues! but especially in the gift of Prophecy. For he 2
who speaks in a Tongue, speaks not to men but to God ; for
no man understands him, but with his spirit he utters mys
teries. But he who prophecies speaks to men, and builds them 3
up, with exhortation and with comfort. He who speaks in a 4
Tongue builds up himself alone ; but he who prophecies builds
up the Church. I wish that you all had the gift of Tongues, 5
but rather that you had the gift of Prophecy ; for he who pro
phecies is above him who speaks in Tongues, unless he interpret
the sounds he utters, that the Church may be built up there
by. Now, brethren, if when I came to you I were to speak in 6
Tongues, what should I profit you, unless I should also speak
either in Eevelation or in Knowledge, either in Prophecying
or in Teaching ? Even if the lifeless instruments of sound, the 7
flute or the harp, give no distinctness to their notes, how can
we understand their music ? If the trumpet utter an uncertain 8
note, how shall the soldier prepare himself for the battle ? So 9
also if yon utter unintelligible words with your tongue, how-
can your speech be understood ? you will but be speaking to
the air. It may be that the Tongues in which you speak are 10
among the many languages spoken in the world, and of these
languages none is without meaning. Now if I know not the 11
meaning of the language, I shall be as a foreigner to him that
speaks it, and he will be accounted a foreigner by me. Where- 12
fore, I beseech you (since you delight in spiritual gifts) to
strive that your abundant possession of them may build up the
Church. Therefore, let him who speaks in a Tongue, pray that 13
he may' be able to interpret ' what he utters. For if I utter 14
i Ai' Icvm-pav, not " through a glass," but by means of a mirror.
. * 'EneyvucBw, literally « I was known," i. e. when in this world. ' The tense used
retrospectively ; unless it may be better to take it as the aorist used in a pwfect sense,
which is not uncommon in St. Paul's style.
3 This vera) distinctly proves that the gift of Tongues was not a knowledge of
foreign languages, as is often supposed. See Vol. I. 429-430.

FIEST EPISTLE TO THE COELNTHIANS. 59
prayers in a Tongue, my spirit indeed, prays, but my under
standing bears no fruit. What follows, then? I will pray in
deed with my spirit, but I will pray with my understanding
also ; I will sing praises with my spirit, but I will sing with my
16 understanding also. For if thou, with thy spirit, offerest
thanks and praise, how shall the Amen be said to thy thanks
giving by those worshippers who take no part ] in the ministra
tions, while they are ignorant of the meaning of thy words ?
17 Thou indeed fitly offerest thanksgiving, but they who hear
18 thee are not built up. I offer thanksgivings to God in private,*
19 speaking in Tongues to Him, more than any of you. Yet in*
the congregation I would rather speak five words with my un
derstanding so as to instruct others, than ten thousand words in
20 a Tongue. Brethren, be not children in understanding ; but
21 in malice be children, and in understanding be men. It is
written in the book of the Law,3 " With men of other tongues
and ot/ier lips will L speak unto this people ; and yet for all
22 that they will not liear me, saith the Lord." So that the gift
of Tongues is a sign4 given to men in a state of anbelief;
23 whereas the gift of Prophecy belongs to believorfl. When,
therefore, the whole congregation is assembled in its place of
meeting, if all the brethren speak in Tongues, an/A if any who
take no part in your ministrations, or who aro unbelievers,
should enter your assembly, will they not say that you are
24 mad ? 5 But if all exercise the gift of Prophecy, then if any
man who is an unbeliever, or who takes no part in your minis
trations, should enter the place of meeting, he is convicted in
25 conscience by every speaker, he feels himself judged by all,
and6 the secret depths of his heart are laid open; and so he
will fall upon his face and worship God, declaring to all men
that God is in you of a truth. What follows then, brethren ?
1 Tov Wiutov, not the unlearned (A. V.), but him who takes no part in the parti
cular matter in hand.
' This is evidently the meaning of the verse. Compare verse 2, 6 ?.aXuv yXoaag
ovk dvBputroig "KaXel dXkd tu 8e£>, and verse 28, iavrp XaXeiru Kal 7<p 8eu.
3 Is. xxviii. 11. Not exactly according to the Hebrew or LXX.
< That is, a condemnatory sign.
" We must not be led, from any apparent analogy, to confound the exercise of the
gift of Tongues in the primitive Church with modern exhibitions of fanaticism, which
bear a superficial resemblance to it. We must remember that such modern pretensions
to this gift must of course resemble the manifestations of the original gift in external
features, because these very features have been the objects of intentional imitation.
6 Ov-ru is omitted in best MSS.

60 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
If, when you are met together, one is prepared to sing a hymn 2C
of praise, another to exercise his gift of Teaching, another his
gift of Tongues, another to deliver a Eevelation,' another an In
terpretation ; let all be so done as to build up the Church. If 27
there be any who speak in Tongues, let not more than two, or at
the most three, speak [in the same assembly]; and let them speak
in turn ; and let tlie same interpreter explain the words of all.
But if there be no interpreter, let him who speaks in Tongues 28
keep silence in the congregation, and speak in private to him
self and God alone. Of those who have the gift of Prophecy, 29
let two or three speak [in each assembly], and let the rest2
judge ; but if another of them, while sitting as hearer, receives 30
a revelation calling him to prophecy, let the first end his dis
course. For so every one of you [who have received the gift] 31
can prophecy, that all in turn may receive teaching and exhor
tation ; (and the gift of Prophecy does not take from the pro- 32
phets 3 the control over their own spirits'). For God is not the 33
author of confusion, but of peace.
The women -In your congregation, as in all the congre-
must not oflici- J . ° ° °
ate pnbiieiy in nations of Christ s people, the women must keep
the congrega- ^ L L
Uon- silence ; for they are not permitted to speak in pub- 34
lie, but to show submission, as it is said also in the Book of the
Law.* And if they wish to ask any question, let them ask it 35
of their own husbands at home ; for it is disgraceful to women
to speak publicly in the congregation. [Whence is your claim 36
to change the rules delivered to you ?] Was it from you that
the word of God was first sent forth ? or, are you the only church
which it has reached ? Nay, if any think that he has the gift 37
of Prophecy, or that he is a spiritual 6 man, let him acknow
ledge the words which I write for commands of the Lord Jesus.
But if any man refuse this acknowledgment, let him refuse it 38
at his own peril.
Therefore, brethren, I would have you delight in the gift of 39
1 This would be an exercise of the gift of npoifinTeia.
" i. e. let the rest of the prophets judge whether those who stand up to exercise tha
gift have really received it. This is parallel to the direction in 1 Thess. v. 21.
a Literally, "the spirits of the prophets are under the control of the prophets?'
this is a reason why the rule given above can easily be observed.
* This translation places a full-stop at elpf/vrig, and a comma at dylov.
» Gen. iii. 16 : " Thy husband shall have the dominion over thee."
« UvevpariKog, the epithet on which the party of Apollos (the ultra-Pauline party)
especially prided themselves. See chap. iii. 1-3, and Gal. vi. 1, ipelg ol xvevpanico).

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE COKINTHIANS. 61
40 Prophecy, and not hinder the gift of Tongues. And let all bo
done with decency and order.
XV.
1 Moreover, brethren, I call to your remembrance The doctrine
' ' J of Ihe Resur-
that which I declared to you as the Glad-tidings of recti<m °f, th0
•i ° Dead estabhsh-
Christ, which you then received, and wherein you ?d asa»ist "«
' J . i *' impugners.
2 now stand firm ; by which- also you are saved ' if
3 you still hold it fast, unless indeed you believed in vain. For
the first thing which I taught you was that which I had my
self been taught, that Christ died for our sins as the Scriptures
4 had foretold,2 and that He was buried, and that He rose 3 the
5 third day from the dead, according to the Scriptures ; « and
6 that He was seen by Cephas, and then by The Twelve ; after
that he was seen by above five hundred brethren at once, of
whom the greater part are living at this present time, but
7 some are fallen asleep.5 Next He was seen by James, and then
8 by all the Apostles ; and last of all He was seen by me also,
who am placed among the rest as it were by an untimely
9 birth ; for I am the least of the Apostles, and am not worthy
to be called an Apostle, because I persecuted the Church ol
10 God. But by the grace of God, I am what I am ; and His
grace, which was bestowed upon me, was not fruitless ; but 1
laboured more abundantly than all the rest; yet not I, but the
11 grace of God which was with me. So then, whether pro
claimed by me, or by them, this is the truth which we declare.
and this is the truth which you believed.
12 If then this be our tidings, that Christ is risen from the
dead, how is it that some among you say, there is no resurrec-
l3tion of the dead? But if the dead rise not, then Christ is not
14 risen ; and if Christ be not risen, vain is the Glad-tidings which
i Xu&cBe, literally you are in the way of salvation. The words which follow (rivi
Uy<t> ev.) we join with tveyytXiadpriv in the preceding verse.
* So our Lord quotes Is. liii. 12, in Luke xxii. 37.
3 In the original it is tyvyeprat, not hyepBn : " He is risen," I ',t " He rose ; " because
Christ, being once risen, dieth no more.
* Among the " Scriptures " here referred to by St. Paul, one is the prophecy which
he himself quoted in the speech at Antioch from Pe. xvi. 10.
s Can we imagine it possible that St. Paul should have said this without knowing it
to be true? or without himself having seen some of these " five hundred brethren," of
whcm " the greater part " were alive when he wrote these words ? The sceptical (but
Bandid and honest) De Wette acknowledges this testimoi.y as conclusive : " Das Zeug-
biss des Apostels entscheidet fur die Richtigkeit des Factums." (De V. in ioco.)

62 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
we proclaim, and vain the faith with which you heard it.
Moreover, we are found guilty of false witness against bod; 15
because we bore witness of God that He raised Christ from
the dead, whom He did not raise, if indeed the dead rise not
For if there be no resurrection of the dead, Christ himself is 16
not risen. And if Christ be not risen, your faith is vain, you 17
are still in' your sins. Moreover, if this be so, they who have 18
fallen asleep in Christ, perished when they died. Yea, if in 19
this life only we have hope in Christ, we are of all men most
miserable. But now, Christ is risen from the dead ; and He 20
rose to be the first-fruits3 of all who sleep. For since by 21
man came death, by man came also the resurrection of the
dead. For as, in Adam, all men die, so, in Christ, shall all be 22
raised to life. But each in his own order ; as the first-fruits of 23
all Christ is already risen ; afterwards they who are Christ's shall
rise, at His appearing ; finally, the end shall come, when He 24
shall give up His kingdom to God His Father, having destroyed
all other powers which claim rule and sway." For His king- 25
dom must last " till He hath put all enemies under His feet." s
And last of His enemies, Death also shall be destroyed. For 6 26
" God hath put all things under His feet." But in that saying, 27
" all things are put under Him," it is manifest that God is
excepted, who put all things under Him. And when all things 28
are made subject to Him, then shall the Son also subject Him
self to Him who made them subject, that God may be all
in all. Again, what will become of those who cause themselves to 29
1 This argument is founded on the union between Christ and His members : they so
share His life, that because He lives for ever, they must live also ; and conversely, if
we deny their immortality, we deny Hie.
' Because we " are saved " from our sins " by His life." (Rom. v. 10.)
» 'Airapxv- On the second day of the feast of Passover a sheaf of ripe corn was
offered upon the altar as a consecration of the whole harvest. Till this was done it
was considered unlawful to begin reaping. See Levit. xxiii. 10, 11, and Josephui
Antiq., iii. 10. The metaphor, therefore, is, " As the single sheaf of first-fruits repre
sents and consecrates all the harvest, so Christ's resurrection represents and involvei
that of all who sleep in Him." It should be observed that iyhiero is not present (ai
in A. V.), but past.
* 'Apxi)v Kal tljovoiav Kal Svvapiv. Compare Col. ii. 15 : dncKivodpevoc rag ap%M
Kal t&c Hovoiag. Compare also Eph. i. 21.
s Ps. ex. 1. (LXX.) Quoted, and similarly applied, by our Lord himself, Ifatt
xxii. 44.
6 Pa. viii. 6, nearly after LXX.

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE COEINTHIAlfS. 63
be baptized for the dead,1' if the dead never rise again ? Why
then do they submit to baptism for the dead ?
30 And I too, why do I expose my life every hour to deadly
31 peril ? I am daily at the point of death, I protest by my * very
boasting thereof, which I make [not in myself, but] in Christ
32 Jesus our Lord and Master. If I have fought (so to speak) with
beasts at Ephesus,3 what am I profited if the dead rise not ?
" Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." 4 Beware lest
you be led astray ; " Converse with evil men corrupts good man-
33ners."° Change your drunken revellings0 into the sobriety
34 of righteousness, and live no more in sin ; for some of you
know not God ; I speak this to your shame.
35 But some disputer will say, " How are the dead raised up ?
36 and with what body do they rise ? " Thou fool, the seed which
thou sowest is not quickened into life till it hath partaken of
37 death. And that seed which thou sowest has not the same
body with the plant which will spring from it, but it is mere
38 grain, of wheat, or whatever else it may chance to be. But
God gives it a body according to His will ; and to every seed
the body of its own proper plant. For all flesh is not the same
39 flesh [but each body is fitted to the place it fills] ; the bodies
1 The only meaning which the Greek seems to admit here is a reference to the prac
tice of submitting to baptism instead of some person who had died u'nbaptized. Yet
this explanation is liable to very great difficulties. (1) How strange that St. Paul
should refer to such a superstition without rebuking it ! (2) If such a practice did
exist in the Apostolic Church, how can we account for its being discontinued in the
period which followed, when a magical efficacy was more and more ascribed to the
material act of baptism. Yet the practice was never adopted except by some obscure
sects of Gnostics, who seem to have founded their custom on this very passage.
The explanations which have been adopted to avoid the difficulty, such us " over the
graves of the dead," or " in the name of the dead (meaning Christ)," &c., are all inad
missible, as being contrary to the analogy of the language. On the whole, therefore,
the passage must be considered to admit of no satisfactory explanation. It alludes to
Rome practice of the Corinthians, which has not been recorded elsewhere, and of which
every other trace has perished.
* We road r/perepav with Griesbach, on the authority of the Codex Alexandrinus.
3 This is metaphorical, as appears by the qualifying expression ko? dvBpuircv. It
must refer to some very violent opposition which St. Paul had met with at Ephesus,
the particulars of which are not recorded
* Is. xxii. 13. (LXX.).
* St. Paul here quotes a line from the Thais, a comedy of Menander's : the line had
probably passed into a proverbial expression. We see, from this passage, that the
free-thinking party at Corinth joined immoral practice with their licentious doctrine;
»r.d that they were corrupted by the evil example of their heathen neighbours.
8 'F.Kvi}ipare, not awake (A. V.), but cease to be drunken.

64: THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
of men, and of beasts, of birds, and of fishes, differ the
one from the other. And there are bodies which belong 40
to heaven, and bodies which belong to earth ; but in bright
ness and in beauty the heavenly differ from the earthly. The 41
sun is more glorious than the moon, and the moon is more
glorious than the stars, and one star excels another in the glory
of its brightness. So will it be in the resurrection of the dead ;
[they will be clothed with a body fitted to their lot] ; it is sown 42
in corruption, it is raised in incorruption ; it is sown in dis- 43
honour, it is raised in glory ; it is sown in weakness, it is raised
in power ; it is sown a natural ' body, it is raised a spiritual 44
body ; for as there are natural bodies, so there are also spirit
ual bodies. And so it is written,2 " The first man Adam wasi5
made a living soul" whereas, the last Adam was made a life-
giving spirit. But the spiritual comes not till after the natu- 46
ral. The first man was made of earthly clay, the second man 47
was the Lord from heaven. As is the earthly, such are they 48
also that are earthly ; and as is the heavenly, such are they
also that are heavenly ; and as we have borne the image of the 49
earthly, we shall also bear the image of the heavenly. But 50
this I say, brethren, that flesh and blood 3 cannot inherit the

1 For the translation of tjjvxikoc, see note on ii. 14. The reference to this of the fol
lowing ipvxi/v (in the quotation) should be observed, though it cannot be retained in
English. * Gen. ii. 7, slightly altered from LXX.
3 The importance of the subject justifies our quoting at some length the admirable
remarks of Dr. Burton (formerly Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford) on this pas
sage, in the hope that his high reputation for learning and for unblemished orthodoxy
may lead some persons to reconsider the loose and unscriptural language which they
are in the habit cf using : — After regretting that some of the early Fathers have (when
treating of the Resurrection of the Body) appeared to contradict these words of St.
Paul, Dr. Burton continues as follows : —
" It is nowhere asserted in the New Testament that we shall rise again with our
bodies. Unless a man will say that the stalk, the blade, and the ear of corn are ac
tually the same thing with the single grain which is put into the ground, he cannot
quote St. Paul as saying that we shall rise again with the same bodies ; or at least he
must allow that the future body may only be like to the present one, inasmuch aa
both come under the same genus; i. e. we speak of human bodies, and we speak of
heavenly bodies. But St. Paul's words do not warrant us in saying that the resem
blawce between the present and future body will be greater than between a man and a
stai, or between a bird and a fish. Nothing can be plainer than the expression which
he uses in the first of these two analogies, Thou sowest not that body that shall be
(xv. 37.) He says also, with equal plainness, of the body, It is sown a natural body
it is raised a spiritual body : there is a natural body, and there is a spiritual body
(v. 44.) These wordR require to be -examined closely, and involve remotely a dce-p

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE' COEINTHIAHS. 65
kingdom of God, neither -can corruption inherit incorruption.
61 Behold, I declare to you a mystery ; we shall not all sleep, but
52 we shall all be changed, iii a moment, in the twinkling of -an
eye, at the sound of the last trumpet; for the trumpet shall
sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall
53 be changed. For this corruptible must put on incorruption,
and this mortal must put on immortality.
54 But when this corruptible is clothed with incorruption, and
this mortal is clothed with immortality, then shall be brought
to pass the saying which is written,1 "Death is swallowed up
55 in victory" a " 0 death, where is thy sting ?" " 0 grave, where
56 is thy victory ?" The sting of death is sin, and the strength of
57 sin is the law ; 3 but thanks be to God, who gives to us the
victory, through our Lord Jesus Christ.
58 Therefore, my beloved brethren, be ye stedfast, immovable,
always abounding in the work of the Lord ; knowing that your
labour is not in vain, in the Lord.
XVI. 1 Concerning the collection for Christ's people [at Directions con-
-r i i nn i i cerning the col-
Jerusalem! I would have you follow the same plan, lection for th.
J < ii i /-! • Judean Christ-
which I have enjoined upon the churches of Galatia. ^^
2 Upon the first day of the week, let each of you set apart what
ever his gains may enable him to spare ; that there may be no
metaphysical question. In common language, the terms Body and Spirit are accus
tomed to be opposed, and are used to represent two things which are totally distinct.
But St. Paul here brings the two expressions together, and speaks of a spiritual body.
Si. Paul therefore did not oppose Body to Spirit: and though the looseness of mod
em language may allow us to do so, and yet to be correct in our ideas, it may save
some confusion if we consider Spirit as opposed to Matter, and if we take Body to be
a generic term, which comprises both. A body, therefore, in the language of St. Paul,
is something which has a distinct individual existence.
" St. Paul tells us that every individual, when he rises again, will have a spiritual
body : but the remarks which I have made may show how different is the idea con
veyed by these words from the notions which some persons entertain, that we shall
rise again with the same identical body. St. Paul appears effectually to preclude this
notion, when he says, Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God." (ver.
50.)— Burton's Lectures, pp. 429-431.
' Is. xxv. 8. Not quoted from the LXX., but apparently from the Hebrew, with
some alteration.
' Hosea xiii. 14. Quoted, but not exactly, from LXX.
3 Why is the Law called " the strength of Sin?" Because the Law of Duty, being
acknowledged, gives to sin its power to wound the conscience ; in fact, a moral law
of precepts and penalties announces the fatal consequences of sin, without giving ua
any power of conquering sin.
vol. II. — 5

66 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUX.
need to make collections when I come. And when 1 am with 3
you, whomsoever you shall judge to be fitted for the trust, 1
will furnish with letters, and send them to carry your benevo
lence to Jerusalem ; or if there shall seem sufficient reason for 4
me also to go thither, they shall go with me. But I will 5
st. Paul's visit you after I have passed through Macedonia.^
future plans. ^ though Macedonia I shall pass) ; and perhaps o
I shall remain with you, or even winter with you, that you may
forward me on my farther journey, whithersoever I go. For I 7
do not wish to see you now for a passing ' visit ; but I hope to
stay some time with you, if the Lord permit. But I shall re- 8
main at Ephesus until Pentecost, for a door is opened to me 9
both great and effectual; and there are many adversaries
Timotheus. [against whom I must contend]. If Timotheus come 10
to you, be careful to give him no cause of fear,2 for he is labour
ing, as I am, in the Lord's work. Therefore, let no inanii
despise him, but forward him on his way in peace, that he
may come hither to me ; for I expect him, and the brethren
with him.
Apouos. As regards the brother Apollos, I urged Him 12
much to visit you with the brethren [who bear this letter] ;
nevertheless, he was resolved not to come to you at this time,
but he will visit you at a more convenient season.
Exhortations. Be watchful, stand firm in faith, be manful and 13
stout-hearted.3 Let all you do be done in love. 14
Stephanas, You know, brethren, that the house of Stepha- 15
Fortunatus, L
and Acnaicns. nas * were the first-fruits of Achaia, and that they
have taken on themselves the task of ministering to Christ's
people. I exhort you, therefore, to show submission towards 16
men like these, and towards all who work laboriously with
them. I rejoice in the coming of Stephanas and Fortunatus, 17
and Achaicus, for they 5 have supplied all which you needed ; 18
' i. e. St. Paul had altered his original intention, which was to go from Ephesus, by
sea, to Corinth, and thence to Macedonia. For this change of purpose he was re
proached by the Judaizing party at Corinth, who insinuated that he was afraid to
come, and that he dared not support the loftiness of his pretensions by corresponding
deeds (see 2 Cor. i. 17 and x. 1-12). He explains his reason for postponing his visit
in 2 Cor. i. 23. It was an anxiety to give the Corinthians time for repentance, that h«
might not be forced to use severity with them.
* The youth of Timotheus accounts for this request. Compare 1 Tim. iv. 12.
3 i. e. under persecution. * See Vol. I. 399, 400.
« Compare 2 Cor, xi. 9

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE COEINTHTANS. 67
6ince they have lightened my spirit and yours.1 Eender, there
fore, to such men the acknowledgment of their worth.
19 The Churches of Asia salute you. Aquila and salutations
Priscilla send their loving salutation in the Lord vlnceofAsia.
Jesus, together with the Church which assembles at their house.
20 All the brethren here salute you. Salute one another with the
kiss of holiness."
21 I, Paul, add this my salutation with my own Autograph
22 hand. Let him who loves not the Lord Jesus Christ
be accursed. The Lord cometh?
23, 24 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. My
love be with you all in Christ Jesus.4
In the concluding part of this letter we have some indication of the
Apostle's plans for the future. He is looking forward to a journey
through Macedonia (xvi. 5), to be succeeded by a visit to Corinth (ib.
2-7), and after this he thinks it probable he may proceed to Jerusalem
ib. 3, 4). In the Acts of the Apostles the same intentions5 are ex
pressed, with a stronger purpose of going to Jerusalem (xix. 21), and
with the additional conviction that after passing through Macedonia and
Achaia, and visiting Palestine, he " must also see Rome" (ib.). He had
won many of the inhabitants of Asia Minor and Ephesus to the faith :
and now, after the prospect of completing his charitable exertions for the
poor Christians of Judasa, his spirit turns towards the accomplishment of
remoter conquests.6 Far from being content with his past achievements,
or resting from his incessant labours, he felt that he was under a debt of
perpetual obligation to all the Gentile world.7 Thus he expresses himself,
¦ Viz. by supplying the means of our intercourse.
* See note on 1 Thess. v. 25.
s Maian-Atha (^ns -rtfa) means " The Lord cometh," and is used apparently by St.
Paul as a kind of motto ; compare 6 Kvpiog eyyvg (Phil. iv. 5). Billroth thinks that he
wrote it in Hebrew characters, as a part of the autograph by which he authenticated this
letter. Buxtorf (Lex. Chald. 827) says it was part of a Jewish cursing formula, from
tte "Prophecy of Enoch" (Jude 14) ; but this view appears to be without foundation.
In fact, it would have been most incongruous to have blended together a Greek word
(ANATHEMA) with a Hebrew phrase (MAEAN ATHA), and to use the compound
an a formula of execration. This was not done till (in later ages of the Church) the
moaning of the terms themselves was lost.
• The " Amen " is not found in the best MSS.
s The important application made in the Horse Paulinse of those coincidences
between the Acts and Corinthians, and again those referred to below between the Aot*
and Romans, need only be alluded to.
8 See Menken's Blicke in das Leben, u. s. w.
' •V.ikvai t: Kal Bap6doiog b^eiKeTK Spi. Rom. i. 14.

68 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
soon after this time, in the Epistle to the Roman Christian*, ¦vrawfi h*
had long ago desired to see (Rom. i. 10-15), and whom he hopes at
length to visit, now that he is on his way to Jerusalem, and looka forward
to a still more distant and hazardous journey to Spain (ib. xv. 22-29).
The path thus dimly traced before him, as he thought of the future at
Ephesus, and made more clearly visible, when he wrote the letter at
Corinth, was .made still more evident1 as he proceeded on his course.
Yet not without forebodings of evil,' and much discouragement,3 and
mysterious delays,4 did the Apostle advance on his courageous career.
But we are anticipating many subjects which will give a touching in
terest to subsequent passages of this history. Important events still
detain us in Ephesus. Though St. Paul's companions had been sent be
fore in the direction of his contemplated journey (Acts xix. 22), he still
resolved to stay till Pentecost (1 Cor. xvi. 8). A " great door" was open
to him, and there were " many adversaries," against whom he had yet to
contend. 1 By the visions at Jerusalem (Acts xxiii. 11), and on board the ship (xxvii. 23, 24).
* Compare what he wrote to the Romans (Rom. xv. 30, 31) with what be said at
Miletus (Acts xx. 22, 23), and with the scene at Ptolemais (Ib. xxi. 10-14).
£ The arrest at Jerusalem. %
* The two years' imprisonment at Caesarea, and the shipwreck

DESCRIPTION OF EPHESUS.

69

CHAPTER XVI.
" But I shall remain at Ephesus until Pentecost ; for a door is opened to me both
great and effectual, and there are many adversaries against whom I must contend." —
1 Cor. xvi. 8, 9.
" Great is Diana of the Ephesians." — Acts xix. 28.
DESCRIPTION OP EPHESUS.  TEMPLE OF DIANA.  HER IMAGE AND WORSHIP. 
POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF EPHESUS.  THE ASIARCHS. — DEMETRIUS AND
THE SILVERSMITHS.  TUMULT IN THE THEATRE.  SPEECH OF THE TOWN-
CLERK. — st. Paul's departure.

The boundaries of the province of Asia," and the position of its chief city
Ephesus,3 have already been placed before the reader. It is now time
that we should give some description of the city itself, with a notice ot
its characteristic religious institutions, and its political arrangements under
the Empire.
No cities were ever more favourably placed for prosperity and growth
than those of the colonial Greeks in Asia Minor. They had the advan
tage of a coast-line full of convenient harbours, and of a sea which was
favourable to the navigation of that day ; and, by the long approaches
formed by the plains of the great western rivers, they had access to the
inland trade of the East. Two of these rivers have been more than once
alluded to, — the Hermus and the Maeander.4 The valley of the first was
bounded on the south by the ridge of Tmolus ; that of the second was
bounded on the north by Messogis. In the interval between these two
mountain ranges was the shorter course of the river Cayster. A few
1 From Ak. Num. 111. p. 49. For the form under which Diana is represented, sea
b2low, p. 76. Compare p. 18.
s Ch. viii. Vol. I. p. 237. 3 Ch. xiv. Vol. H. p. 18,
« Seo above, Vol. H. pp. 12 18.

70 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
miles from the sea a narrow gorge is formed by Mount Pactyas on the
south, which is the western termination of Messogis,1 and by the preci
pices of Gallesus on the north, the pine-clad summits2 of which are more
remotely connected with the heights of Tmolus. This gorge separates the
Upper "Caystrian meadows"3 from a small alluvial plain4 by the sea.
Partly on the long ridge of Coressus, which is the southern boundary of
this plain,— partly on the detached circular eminence of Mount Prion,—
and partly on the plain itself, near the windings of the Cayster, and about
the edge of the harbour,— were the buildings of the city.5 Ephesus was
not so distinguished in early times as several of her Ionian sisters,6 and
some of them outlived her glory. But, though Phocaea and Miletus sent
out more colonies, and Smyrna has ever remained a flourishing city, yet
Ephesus had great natural advantages, which were duly developed in the
age, of which we are writing. Having easy access through the defiles of
Mount Tmolus to Sardis, and thence up the valley of the Hermus far
into Phrygia,7 and again, by a similar pass through Messogis to the
Maeander, being connected with the great road through Iconium to the
Euphrates,8 it became the metropolis of the province of Asia under the
1 See Strabo xiv. 1.
* " Our road lay at the foot of Gallesus, beneath precipices of a stupendous height,
abrupt and inaccessible. In the rock are many holes inhabited by eagles ; of which
several were soaring high in the air, with crows clamouring about them, so far above
ns as hardly to be discernible." Chandler, p. 111. Of another journey he says : " We
rode among the roots of Gallesus, or the Aleman, through pleasant thickets abounding
with goldfinches. The aerial summits of this immense mountain towered above us,
clad with pines. Steep succeeded steep, as we advanced, and the path became more
narrow, slippery, and uneven  the known sureness of foot of our horses being our
confidence and security by fearful precipices and giddy heights." p. 103. For the
Cayster and the site of Ephesus, see p. 107. The approach from Sardis, by which we
suppose St. Paul to have come (see above, p. 10), was on this side : and part of the
pavement of the road still remains.
3 For the "Aaiog 'keipuv, see above, Vol. I. p. 238.
4 The plain is said by Mr. Arundell (p. 25) to be about five miles long ; and the
morass has advanced considerably into the sea since the flourishing times of Ephesus.
See Plin. H. N. v. 31.
s The only maps which can be referred to for the topography of Ephesus are the
Admiralty chart, and the plans given in Guhl and Kiepert.
« The Ephesian Diana, however, was the patroness of the Phocean navigators, even
when the city of Ephesus was unimportant. See Grote's Greece, vol. m. p. 375, and
compare pp. 235-243.
' In this direction we imagine St. Paul to have travelled. See above.
« We have frequently had occasion to mention this great road. See Vol. I. pp. 269-
272. II. p. 12. It was the principal line of communication with the eastern provinces :
but we have conjectured that St. Paul did not travel by it, because it seems probable
that he never was at Colossae. See Vol. II. p. 12. A description of the route by Colos-
ke and Laodicea will be found in Arundell's Asia Minor. The view he gives of the
cliffs of Colossal (vol. n. p. 164) should be noticed. Though St. Paul may never have
seen them, they are interesting as connected with Epiphras and his other converts.

DESCRIPTION OF EPHESUS. 71
Romans, and the chief emporium of trade on the nearer side of Taurus.
The city built by Androclus and his Athenian followers was on the slope
of Coressus ; but gradually -it descended into the plain, in the direction of
the Temple of Diana. The Alexandrian" age produced a marked altera
tion in Ephesus, as in most of the great towns in the East ; and Lysima-
chus extended his new city over the summit of Prion as well as the
heights of Coressus.1 The Roman age saw, doubtless, a still further in
crease both of the size and magnificence of the place. To attempt to
reconstruct it from the materials which remain, would be a difficult task,2
— far more difficult than in the case of Athens, or even Antioch ; but
some of the more interesting sites are easily identified. Those who walk
over the desolate site of the Asiatic metropolis, see piles of ruined edifices
on the rocky sides, and among the thickets of Mount Prion : 3 they look
out from its summit over the confused morass which once was the har
bour,4 where Aquila and Priscilla landed ; and they visit in its deep
recesses the dripping marble-quarries, where the marks of the tools are
visible still.5 On the outer edge of the same hill they trace the enclosure
of the Stadium,6 which may have suggested to St. Paul many of those
images with which he enforces Christian duty, in the first letter written
from Ephesus to Corinth.7 Farther on, and nearer Coressus, the remains
of the vast theatre s (the outline of the enclosure is still distinct, though
1 The changes are mentioned by Strabo, xiv. See Steph. Byz.
¦ A plan of the entire city, with a, descriptive memoir, has been prepared by E.
Falkener, Esq., architect, but remains unpublished.
a Hamilton's Researches in Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 23. Compare Chandler .
4 " Even the sea has retired from the scene of desolation, and a pestilential morass,
covered with mud and rushes, has succeeded to the waters which brought up the ships
laden with merchandize from every country." Arundell's Seven Churches, p. 27.
Another occasion will occur for mentioning the harbour, which was very indifferent.
Some attempts to improve it were made about this time.
5 Chandler. A curious story is told of the discovery of this marble. A shepherd
named Pixodorus was feeding his flock on the hill : two of his rams fighting, one of
them missed his antagonist, and with his horn broke a crust of the whitest marble.
The Ephesians were at this time in search of stone for the building of their temple.
The Bhepherd ran to his fellow-citizens with the specimen, and was received with joy.
His name was changed into Evangelus (the giver of glad-tidings), and divine honours
were afterwards paid to him. Vitruv. x. 7.
6 See Chandler, who measured the area and found it 687 feet in length. The sida
next the plain is raised on vaults, and faced with a strong wall.
i 1 Cor. ix. 24-27.
8 " Of the site of the theatre, the scene of the tumult raised by Demetrius, there can
be no doubt, its ruins being a wreck of immense grandeur. I think it must have been
larger than the one at Miletus, and that exceeds any I have elsewhere seen in scale,
although not in ornament. Its form alone can now be spoken of, for every seat is
removed, and the proscenium is a hill of ruins." Fellows' Asia Minor, p. 274. The
theatre of Ephesus is said to be the largest known of any that have remained to iv
from antiquity.

VlttW OF TUB SITS 07 UPHESUa, FROM THE NORTH.
From a drawing made by Mr. Falkener in 1845. The following notes will be a sufficient guide to the view :— A. Village of Ayasaluk. B. Magnesiau
defile. C. Mount Coressus. D. Mount Prion. E. Cave of the Seven Sleepers. F. Ruin.. G. Turkish Bath. H. Aqueduct. I. Line of walls. J. End wall
of Stadium. K. Gymnasium of the Stadium. L. St. Paul's Prison. M. River Cayster. N. Sea. 0. Turkislr Mosque. It must be borne in mind that the
walls and the aqueduct ore much exaggerated in the woodcut '

DEWCKITTI0JS OF EPHESUS. 73
the marble seats are removed) show the place where the multitude, roused
by Demetrius, shouted, out, for two hours, in honour of Diana.1 Below
is the Agora,2 through which the mob rushed up to the well-known place
of meeting. And in the valley between Prion and Coressus is one of the
gymnasia,3 where the athletes were trained for transient honours and a
perishable garland. Surrounding and crowning the scene, are the long
Hellenic walls of Lysimachus, following the ridge of Coressus.4 On a.
spur of the hill, they descend to an ancient tower, which is still called the
prison of St. Paul6 The name is doubtless legendary ; but St. Paul may
have stood here, and looked over the city and the plain, and seen the
Cayster winding towards him from the base of Gallesus.6 Within his view
was another eminence, detached from the city of that day, but which be
came the Mahomedan town when ancient Ephesus was destroyed, and
nevertheless preserves in its name a record of another apostle, the " disci
ple" St John.7
But one building at Ephesus surpassed all the rest in magnificence and
in fame. This was the Temple of Artemis or Diana,8 which glittered iu
brilliant beauty at the head of the harbour, and was reckoned by the
ancients as one of the wonders of die world. The sun, it was said, saw
nothing in his course more magnificent than Diana's Temple. Its honour
dated from remote antiquity. Leaving out of consideration the earliest
temple, which was cotemporaneous with the Athenian colony under Au-
droclus, or even yet more ancient,9 we find the great edifice, which was
1 Acts xix.
* The Agora, with its public buildings, would naturally be between the hill-side on
which the theatre and stadium stood, and the harbour. For the general notion of a
Greek Agora, see the description of Athens.
3 See an engraving of fliese ruins in the second volume of Ionian Antiaiiiiies, pub
lished by the Dilettanti .Society.
4 "An interesting feature in tmese rains is the HeJIenie wall of Lysimachus, ranging
along the heights rf Caressus. It extends for nearly a mile and three-quarters, in a
6. E. and N. W. direction, from the heights immediately to tiie S. of ihe gymnasium to
the tower called fee Prison of St. Paul, but which is in fact one of the towers ef the
ancient wall  It is defended and strengthened by numerous square towers of the
eame character at unequal distances." Hamilton's Researches, vol. ii. p. 26. An
engraving of one of the gateways is given, jb. 27. 5 Hamilton, as above.
« " This eminence (a root of Coressus running out towards the plain) commands 4
lovely prospect of the river Cayster, whieh there crosses the plain from near Gallesus,
with a small but full stream, and with many luxuriant meanders." Chandler.
7 Ayasaluk, which is a round hill like Prion, but smaller. This is the eminence
Which forms a conspicuous <sbject in our engraved view. See Vol. L Its name is said
to be a corruption of 6 dyiac Beo&oyor.
8 One of the chief works on this temple is that of Hirt (Ueber den Tempel dar
Diana von Ephesus : Berlin, 1809). We foave not been able to consult it, though we
tave used the extracts given by Guhl. See also Mfiller's Archaologie. New ligh4
may be expected on the subject in Mr. Falkener's work. See above.
• For All that is known on this subject, .see Guhl, pp. 78 and 16Q.

74 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
anterior to the Macedonian period, begun and continued in the unJsi of
ihe attention and admiration both of Greeks and Asiatics. The founda
tions were carefully laid, with immense substructions, in the marshy
ground.1 Architects of the highest distinction were employed.2 The
quarries of Mount Prion supplied the marble.0 All the Greek cities of
Asia contributed to the structure ; and Croesus, the king of Lydia, himself
lent his aid.4 The work thus begun before the Persian war, was slowly
continued even through the Peloponnesian war ; and its dedication was
celebrated by a poet contemporary with Euripides.5 But the building,
which had been thus rising through the space of many years, was not des
tined to remain long in the beauty of its perfection. The fanatic Heros-
tratus set fire to it on the same night in which Alexander was born.0 This
is one of the coincidences of history, on which the ancient world was fond
of dwelling : and it enables us, with more distinctness, to pursue the
annals of " Diana of the Ephesians." The temple was rebuilt with new
and more sumptuous magnificence. The ladies of Ephesus contributed
their jewellery to the expense of the restoration.7 The national pride in
the sanctuary was so great, that, when Alexander offered the spoils of his
eastern campaign if he might inscribe his name on the building, the honour
was declined.8 The Ephesians never ceased to embellish the shrine of
their goddess, continually adding new decorations and subsidiary buildings,
with statues and pictures by the most famous artists. This was the temple
that kindled the enthusiasm of St. Paul's opponents (Acts xix.), and was
still the rallying-point of heathenism in the days of St. John and Polycarp.
In the second century we read that it was united to the city by a long
colonnade. But soon after it was plundered and laid waste by the Goths,
who came from beyond the Danube in the reign of Gallienus.9 It sunk
entirely into decay in the age when Christianity was overspreading the
1 'O Texv'iTvg ru j3d6ij tuv bpvyparuv Kara6i6doag elg uneipov eddXhero rrjv Kajupvya
¦SepeTuuatv. Philo Byz. de Septem Orbis Miraculis, in the eighth volume of Grono-
vius, 2682. Ne in lubrico atque instabili fundamenta tantse molis locarentur, calcatis
ea substuere carbonibus, dein velleribus lame. Plin. xxxvi. 21. He says that it was
built in marshy ground, lest it should be injured by earthquakes. See Diog.
Laert. ii. 8, 19.
* The first architect was Theodore of Samos. He was succeeded by Chersiphon of
Gnossus, then by his son Metagenes. The building was completed by Demetrius and
Pseonius. 3 See above, p. 71.
4 Communiter a civitatibus Asise factum. Liv. i. 45. Tota Asia extruente, P2ia
xvi. 79. Factum a tota Asia, Plin. xxxvi. 21.
s Timotheus. See Miiller's History of Greek Literature.
« Strabo, xiv. 1.
' "A/Uov dpelvu KareaKevaoav aweveyKavreg tov tuv ywaiKun Koauov, it. i. \
Strabo. 8 Strabo, as above. See Arrian, i. 17.
9 Arundell's Seven Churches, p. 46. i

TEMPLE OF DIANA. 75
empire ; and its remains are to be sought for in mediaeval buildings, in the
columns of green jasper which support the dome of St. Sophia, or even in
the naves of Italian cathedrals.1
Thus the Temple of Diana of Ephesus saw all the changes of Asia
Minor, trom Croesus to Constantine. Though nothing now remains on the
spot to show us what or even where it was,2 there is enough in its written
memorials to give us some notions of its appearance and splendour. The
reader will bear in mind the characteristic style which was assumed by
Greek architecture, and which has suggested many of the images of the
New Testament.3 It was quite different from the lofty and ascending
form of those buildings which have since arisen in all parts of Christian
Europe, and essentially consisted in horizontal entablatures resting on
vertical columns. In another respect, also, the temples of the ancients
may be contrasted with our churches and cathedrals. They were not
roofed over for the reception of a large company of worshippers, but were
iu fact colonnades erected as subsidiary decorations, round the cell which
contained the idol,4 and were, through a great part of their space, open to
the sky. The colonnades of ihe Ephesian Diana really constituted an
epoch in the history of Art, for in them was first matured that graceful
Ionic style, the feminine beauty d of which' was more suited to the genius of
the Asiatic Greek, than the sterner and plainer Doric, in which the Par
thenon and Propyleea were built.6 The scale on which the Temple was
erected was magnificently extensive. It was 425 feet in length and 220
in breadth, and the columns were 60 feet high.7 The number of columns
was 127, each of them the gift of a king j and 36 of them were enriched
1 Arundell's Seven Churches, p. 47.
2 Its actual site is a matter of dispute. Discussions on this subject will be found in
Chandler, Arundell, &c. One conjectural position may be seen in Guhl's map, also in
that of Kiepert. Mr. Falkener's opinion is that it lay more to the west, and nearer
the sea.
3 See, for instance, Gal. ii. 9. Rev. iii. 12, also 1 Tim. iii. 15 ; comparing what has
been said above, Vol. I. p. 219.
4 See on this subject, Hermann's Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen Alterthiimer, n. l.
§§ 18, 19. [While this is passing through the press, a friend suggests one parallel in
Christian architecture, viz. the Atrium, or western court of St. Ambrogio at Milan,
which is a colonnade west of the Church, itself enclosing a large oblong space not
roofed over.] /
5 " Iones Diana; constituere sedem quasrentes, novi generis speciem ad muliebrem
transtulerunt gracilitatem." Vitruv. iv. 1, Hirt remarks here, p. 5, "Der Tempel
der Diana von Ephesus bezeichnet eine wesentliche Epochs- in dieser Kunst. Et
weckte in derselben einen ganz neuen Geist, und bewirkte den kiihnen Umschwung,
vermoge dessen es vielleicht allein moglich ward die architektonische Kunst der Grie-
chen auf jene Hohe zu fiihren, wodurch sie das vollendete Vorbild fur slle gebilde;e>
Volker und Zeiten ward."
* See Vol. I. ch. x. 7 Plin. xxxvi. 21.

76

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

with ornament and colour.' The folding doors were of cypress-wood ;'
the part which was not open to the sky was roofed over with cedar ;3 and
the staircase was formed of the wood of one single vine from the island of
Cyprus.4 The value and fame of the Temple were enhanced by its being
the treasury, in which a large portion of the wealth of Western Asia was
storrd up.5 It is probable that there was no religious building in the
world, in which was concentrated a greater amount of admiration, enthu
siasm, and superstition.

COM OF EPHESUS. 6

If the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was magnificent, the image en
shrined within the sumptuous enclosure was primitive and rude. We
usually conceive of this goddess, when represented in art, as the tall hun
tress, eager in pursuit, like the statue in the Louvre. Such was not the
form of the Ephesian Diana, though she was identified by the Greeks with
their own mountain-goddess, whose figure we often see represented on the
coins of this city.7 What amount of fusion took place in the case of this
1 Ibid. This " Ccelatura " seems to have denoted an enrichment with colour and
metal, which was intended to elucidate the mouldings and to relieve the perspective.
See Plin. xxxiv. 7. Or perhaps the word denotes bas-reliefs. The word " Cselavere"
is applied by Pliny to the decoration of the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, which we
know to have been bas-reliefs, v
2 Plin. xvi. 79. He adds that they lasted 400 years: so Theophrastus, Toimv
tooviurara SokcI rd Kiwimp'iTTiva elvtu, rd yovv hi 'Eqy&aip hi; uv al dipai roi vei
reBavpiapevai, Terrapag IksIvto yevear. Hist. Plant, v. 5.
3 Plin. xvi. 79. Vitruv. ii. 3.
i This too seems to have been one of the wonders of the vegetable world. "Etiam
nunc scalis tectum Ephesise Dianae scanditur una e vite Cypria, ut ferunt, quoniam ibi
ad praxipuam magnitudinem exeunt." Plin. xiv. 2.
s A German writer says that the temple of the Ephesian Diana was what the Bank
of England is in the modern world. See Guhl, p. Ill, n. 71.
« From Ak. Num. 111. p. 55. This coin is peculiarly interesting for many reasons.
it has a representation of the temple, and the portrait and name of Nero, who wm
bow reigning; and it exhibits the words veuKopog (Acts xix.), and avBimarog (lb.).
The name .of the Proconsul is Aviola. It is far from impossible that he might hold
that office while St. Paul was at Ephesus (t. e. from the autumn of 54 to the spring of
57). We learn from Seneca, Tacitus, and Suetonius, that a member of the same
family was consul in the year 54, when Claudius died and Nero became emperor.
See Clinton's Fasti Romani.
7 Hence She is frequently represented as the Greek Diana on coins of Ephesus. See
those which are given in the last chapter but-one.

IMAGE OF DIANA. 77
worship between Greek and Oriental nptions, we need not enquire.1 The
image may have been intended to represent Diana in one of her customary
characters, as the deity of fountains ; * but it reminds us rather of the
idols of the far East, and of the religions which love to represent the life
of all animated beings as fed and supported by the many breasts of na
ture.3 The figure which assumed this emblematic form above, was termi
nated below in a shapeless block. The material was wood.4 A bar of
metal was in each hand. The dress was covered with mystic devices, and
the small shrine, where it stood within the temple, was concealed by a cur
tain in front. Yet, rude as the image was, it was the object of the utmost
veneration. Like the Palladium of Troy,6 — like the most ancient Minerva
of the Athenian Acropolis,6 — like the Paphian Venus 7 or Cybele of Pessi-
nus,8 to which allusion has been made, — like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned
by Cicero,3 — it was believed to have "fallen down from the sky" I0 (Acts
xix. 35). Thus it was the object of the greater veneration from the con
trast of its primitive simplicity with the modern and earthly splendour
which surrounded it ; and it was the model on which the images of Diana
were formed for worship in other cities."
One of the idolatrous customs of the ancient world was the use of por
table images or shrines, which were little models of the more celebrated
1 Miiller says : " Alles, was vom Kultus dieser Gottin erzahlt wird, 1st singular und
dem Hellenischen fremd." See Guhl (p. 86), who takes the contrary view.
2 This is Guhl's opinion.
3 The form of the image is described by Jerome : " Scribebat Paulus ad Ephesios
Dianam colentes, non hanc venatricem, quaj arcum tenet atque succincta est, sed illam
multimammiam, quam Grseci irokvpaaTijv vocant." Procem. ad Eph. See Min. Felix
in Octav. Representations in ancient sculpture are very frequent. See for instance
one engraved in the Museo Borbonico. The coin at the head of this chapter gives a
general notion of the form of the image.
• What kind of Wood, seems to be doubtful. Pliny says : " Convenit tectum ejus e
cedrinus trabibus : de ipso simulacra Dese ambigitur. Cajteri ex ebeno esse tradunt.
Mucianus ter consul ex his, qui proxime vero conscripsere, vitigineum, et nuDquam
mutatum, septies restituto templo." xvi. 79. See Vitruv. ii. 9.
* Apollod. iii. 12, 3.
6 Td ii dyiurarov- . . . iariv 'k8i\vdg uyaXpa iv ry vvv uKpoKokti . . . rrfpn 6' eg airb
Ixei ireaeiv £k rov obpavov. Pausan. Att. 26. This was the Minerva Polias. See
almve in the description of Athens, Vol. I. p. 358.
7 See the description of Paphos above, Vol. I. p. 156.
8 See Herodian, as referred to above, Vol. I. p. 273.
8 Alterum simulacrum erat tale, ut homines, cum viderent aut ipsam videre sa
Cererem, aut effigiem Cereris, non humana manu factam, sed coelo delapsam, arbitra-
rentur. Cic. in Verr. v. 187.
10 ToO Awaerovc. So it is said of the Tauric image of the same goddess :
'Evff 'Aprepig ai) cvyyovog (lapovr- ixei
Aa6elv r" dya'Kpa ¦dedg, 6 Qaolv kvBide
Elg TOvaSe vaoig oipavov ireaeiv cnro.
Iph. in Taur. 86.
'' See Strabo iii. and iv., quoted by Biscoe, p. 282.

78 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
objects of devotion. They were carried in processions,1 on journeys' and
military expeditions,3 and sometimes set up as household gods in private
houses.4 Pliny says that this was the case with the Temple of the Cnidian
Venus ; <• and other heathen writers make allusion to the " shrines" of the
Ephesian Diana,6 which are mentioned in the Acts (xix. 24). The mate
rial might be wood,' or gold,8 or "silver."3 The latter material was
that which employed the hands of the workmen of Demetrius. From the
expressions used by St. Luke, it is evident that an extensive and lucrative
trade grew up at Ephesus, from the manufacture and sale of these shrines.10
Few of those who came to Ephesus would willingly go away without a
memorial of the goddess, and a model of her temple ; " and from the wide
circulation of these works of art over the shores of the Mediterranean, and
far into the interior, it might be said, with little exaggeration, tnat her
worship was recognised by the " whole world" '2 (Acts xix. 27).
The ceremonies of the actual worship at Ephesus were conducted by
the members of a two-fold hierarchy. And here again we see the traces
of Oriental rather than Greek influences. The Megabyzi,13 the priests of
Diana, were eunuchs from the interior, under one at their head, who bore
the title of high priest,14 and ranked among the leading and most influen
tial personages of the city. Along with these priests were associated a
1 Herod, ii. 63.
2 Asclepiades philosophuS deas coslestis argentcum breve figmentum, quocunque ibat,
secum solitus efierre. Amm. Marc. xxii. 13.
3 Dio (xl. 18) says of the Roman legionary eagle : ion <!£ ve'dg piKpbg, Kal hi dvrQ
derbg xpvaovg iviSpvrai. Compare Cicero's "aquila ilia argentea, cui domi tuas sacra-
rium scelerum tuorum constitutum fuit." Cat. i. 9.
4 'SatSia — KaSdioKoi, amvai, elg d rd lepd irtBeaav. Hesych. See the passage from
Petronius below.
6 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5.
6 Td Trig 'Eijiealag 'Aprepidog dfiSpvpara. Dion. Hal. ii. 22. See Strabo iv., and
Died. Sic. xv. 49, referred to by Hemsea, p. 227.
" Herod, as above.
* Naciig xPva°i>C °"v°. Diod. Sic. in Hemsen, p. 227.
» With this passage of the Acts compare Petron. 29 : " Pneterea grande armarium
in angulo vidi, in cujus axlicula erant lares argentei positi."
"> 'Epyaoiav oiiK bXiyqv, v. 24. 'E/c ravrrig Trig ipyaaiag # evKopia rjpuv Ian, v. 25.
n We cannot be sure, in this case, whether by vdog or ia;3iov is meant the whole
temple or the small shrine which contained the image. Perhaps its form is that repre
sented on the first coin engraved in Mr. Akerman's paper in the Num. Chr.
i* We find the image of the Ephesian Diana on the coins of a great number of other
cities and communities, c. g. Hierapolis, Mitylene, Perga, Samos, Marseilles, &a. See
Guhl, p. 104. There is an important inscription in Chandler (Boeckh, 2954), bearing
testimony to" the notoriety of her worship. See part of it quoted below.
« Tepiag eivovxovg elxov, ovg imZovv Meya^oSv^ovg, Kal dXlaxoBev peTiovreg uet
Ttvag ui'iovg Trig roiavrrig ¦Kpoaraaiag. Kal yyov iv ripy peydlg. . Strabo, xiv. 1. Guhl
believes that these priests were generally brought from Persia.
" He was also called Essen and Rex. See Hesych., and the Et. Magn. On inscrip
tions anl coins he is called upxiipemg. See Eckhel, Mionnet, and Boeckh.

WORSHD? OF DIANA. 79
iswarm l of virgin priestesses consecrated, under the name of Melissse, to
the service2 of the deity, and divided into three classes,3 and serving,
like the priest.), under one head.4 And with the priests and priestesses
would be associated (as in all the great temples of antiquity) a .great
number of slaves,8 who attended to the various duties connected with the
worship, down to the care of sweeping and cleaning the Temple. This
last phrase leads us to notice an expression used in the Acts of the
Apostles, concerning the connection of Ephesus with the Temple. of
Diana. The term " Neocoros," or "Temple-sweeper" (veuKopog, xix. 35),
originally an expression of humility, and applied to the lowest menials
engaged in the care of the sacred edifice,6 became afterwards a title of the
highest honour, and was eagerly appropriated by the most famous cities.7
This was the case with Ephesus in reference to her national goddess.
The city was personified as Diana's devotee. The title " Neocoros " was
boastfully exhibited on the current coins.9 Even the free people of Ephe
sus was sometimes named " Neocoros." a Thus, the town-clerk could with
good reason begin his speech by the question, — " What man is there that
'- Literally they may be termed a swarm, for their name was Melissa;, " bees," per
haps with some reference to Essen. Hermann thinks the word came from pfkeadai.
2 These priestesses belonged to the class of lepodov'koi, " sacred slaves." For this
class of devotees, which was common in the great temples of the Greeks, see Hermann's
Gottesdienstliche Alterthiimer, § 20, 14^16, &c. : also § 3, 9. Different opinions have
been expressed on the character or these priestesses. An Italian writer says : " Pel
quanto casta fosse Diana, e da credersi, che le sue ierodule in Efeso ed altre citta
Greche ballerine, piutosto erano, che Vestali." Boeckh says : " Es ist mit der Hiero-
dulie nur der Begriff jungfraulicher Zuchtigkeit zu vereinen mit mannlichen Helden-
muthe." See Guhl, who adds : " ita ut eundem fere in cultu vim habuisse censeam
hierodulas, quam in mythis nymphas habent, perpetuae Diana; et servse et comites,"
p. 109.
3 See the references in Guhl.
4 In Boeckh, 3004, is a complimentary inscription to one EvoSia, iepeia tt/i
Aprepidog. 5 On the whole subject of the hieratic establishments of the Greeks, see Herm. Gott.
Alt. n. iii. § 34r-36. The following inscription, containing the names and titles of
some of these ministers at Ephesus, is interesting. 'ErnKparng lepoKijpvij, 'Ovrjaipog
imBvpiarpog, Wr/rpoSupog aizov6av"krig, A. Koaiwioc Taiavbg lepoaaXmKTrig, bT^vpixio-
ve'tKtjg. Boeckh, 2983.
« The term properly denotes " sweeper of the temple," and is nearly synonymous
with the Latin " aedituus," or the French " sacristan."
7 Primarily the term was applicable to persons, but afterwards it was applied to
communities, and more especially in the Roman period. A city -might be JVeocoros
with respect to several divinities, and frequently the title had regard to the deified
emperor. For the whole subject of the Ephesian JVeocoratus, see Guhl, pp. 114, 115.
8 See, for instance, that engraved above, p. 76. A great number of these coins are
described in Mr. Akerman's paper, in the Num. Chr.
8 It is worth our while to quote all the following words from one of the inscriptions
in Boeckh, No. 2966. H 0IAO2EBASTOS E<J>E2IQN BOTAH KAI O NEQKOPOS
AHMOS KA6IEPQSAN Em ANGYIIATOY TIEAOYKAIOY nPEISKEINOl
?HMSAMENOT TIB. KA. ITAAIKOT TOY TPAMMATEQS TOY AHMOY.

&V THE LD7E AND EPISTLES <«F ST. PAUL.
kncws not that the city of the Ephesians is neocoros of the great goddess
Diana, and of the image which came down from heaven ? "
The Temple and the Temple-services remained under the Komaaus as
tbey had been since the period of Alexander. If any change had taken
place, greater honour was paid to the goddess, and richer magnificence
added to her nanctuary, in proportion to the wider extent to which her
fame had been spread. Asia was always a favoured province,1 and
Ephesus must be classed among those cities of the Greeks, to which the
conquerors were willing to pay distinguished respect.2 Her liberties and
her municipal constitution were left untouched, when the province was
governed by an officer from Rome. To the general remarks which have
been made before in reference to Thessalonica,3 concerning the position of
free or autonomous cities under the Empire, something more may be added
here, inasmuch as some of the political characters of Ephesus appear on .
the scene which is described in the sacred narrative.
We have said, in the passage above alluded to, that free cities under
the Empire had frequently their senate and assembly. There is abundant
proof that this was the case at Ephesus. Its old constitution was demo
cratic, as we should expect in a city of the Ionians, and as we are dis
tinctly told by Xenophon : 4 and this constitution continued to subsist
under the Romans. The senate, of which Josephus speaks,5 still met in
the senate-house, which is alluded to by another writer,6 and the position
of. which was probably in the Agora below the Theatre.7 We have still
more frequent notices of the demus or people, and its assembly? Wher
ever its customary place of meeting might be when legally and regularly
convoked (ivvopu ink^i/ofy. Acts xix. 39), the theatre" would be an obvious
place of meeting, in the case of a tumultuary gathering, like that which
will presently be brought before our notice.
Again, like other free cities, Ephesus had its magistrates, as Thessalo
nica had its politarchs (Vol. I. pp. 334-336), and Athens its archons.
Among those which our sources of information bring before us, are several
1 The circumstances under which this province came under the Roman power were
euch as to provoke no hostility. See Vol. I. pp. 239, 240.
3 See Vol. I. p. 333. 3 Ibid. 333-335, and compare p. 292.
4 Xen. Hell. iii. 4, 7. s Ant. xiv. 10, 12, also 2, 5, and xvi. 6, 4, 7.
6 Ach. Tat. viii. 7 See the allusion to the Agora above, p. 73.
8 In Josephus xiv. xvi. (as above) the senate and assembly are combined. We find
Sfipoc in inscriptions, as in that just quoted, as well as 2954, mentioned above, and on
coins (Mionnet, Supp. vi. n. 447), also iKKXyoia (Boeckh, 2987). Compare Cic. Tusc.
Qu. v. 36. The senate is sometimes called /3ov'Ai), as in the inscription last quoted,
sometimes yepovala, as in another inscription. Boeckh, 2987, b.
8 For illustrations of the habit of Greek assemblies to meet in theatres, see Cic. pro
Flacc. vii. Corn. Nep. Timol. 4, 2. Tacitus says of Vespasian: •• Antiochensium
theatrum ingressus, ubi illis consultare mos est, concurrentes et in adulaticnem effnsoa
alloquitur." Hist. ii. 80. Compare Josephus B. J. vii. 3.

POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF EPHESUS. 81
with the same titles and functions as in Athens.1 One of these was that
officer who is described as " town-clerk " in the authorized version of the
Bible (ypauparevg, Acts xix. 35). Without being able to determine his
exact duties, or to decide whether another term, such as " Chancellor," or
" Recorder," would better describe them to us,2 we may assert, from the
parallel case of Athens,3 and from the Ephesian records themselves,4 that
he was a magistrate of great authority, in a high and very public position.
He had to do with state-papers ; he was keeper of the archives ; he read
what was of public moment before the senate and assembly ; 5 he was pre
sent when money was deposited in the Temple ; " and when letters were
sent to the people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him.7
Thus, we can readily account for his name appearing so often on the coins 8
of Ephesus. He seems sometimes to have given the name to the year,9
like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome. Hence no magis
trate was more before the public at Ephesus. His very aspect was fami
liar to all the citizens ; and no one was so likely to be able to calm and
disperse an angry and excited multitude. (See Acts xix. 35-41.)
If we turn now from the city to the province of which it was the me
tropolis, we are under no perplexity as to its relation to the imperial
government. From coins and from inscriptions,10 from secular writers aud
Scripture itself (Acts xix. 38), we learn that Asia was a proconsular
province." We shall not stay to consider the question which has been
raised concerning the usage of the plural in this passage of the Acts ; for
it is not necessarily implied that more than one proconsul was in Ephesus
at the time.12 But another subject connected with the provincial arrange-
1 For instance, besides the archons, strategi, gymnasiarchs, &c.
3 In Luther's Bible the term " Canzler " is used.
3 There were several ypappareic at Athens. Some of them were state-officers of
high importance.
4 In inscriptions he is called ypappareig tov irjpov and ypapparevg Trig ¦Ko\eug.
o 'O&e vnb tov dqpov aipeBelg ypappareig dvayiyvuaKzi Tip re dijpt/t Kal Ty flovXfi.
Poll. Onom.
6 See Boeckh, Corp. Insc. 2953, b.
7 A letter of Apollonius to the Ephesians is addressed 'Efyeaiuv ypapfiaTevai.
» The first coin described in Mr. Akerman's paper exhibits to us the same man an
ipXiepeig and ypappareig. See note at the end of this chapter.
» 'Eituvvpog.
10 See, for instance, the coin p. 76, and the inscription p. 79.
" See the account of this province in the first volume.
>* Meyer and De Wette are content to say that it is simply the generic plural, as In
Matt. ii. 20. In the Syriac version the word is in the singular. Grotius takes it as
denoting the proconsul and his legatus. Basnage suggested that it refers to Celer
and ^Elius, who governed the province of Asia as " procuratores Asise " after the poi
soning of Silanus the proconsul (Tac. Ann. xiii. 1), and who might have the insignia
of proconsuls, and be flattered by the title. This view is followed by Blscoe, and by
Mr. Lewin in his " Life and Epistles of St. Paul," which has been published during the
progress of the present work. A more probable conjecture is that some of the govern-
VOL. II. — 6

82 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ments requites a few words of explanation. The Roman citizens in a pro
vince were, in all legal matters, under the jurisdiction of the proconsul :
and for the convenient administration of justice, the whole country was
divided into districts, each of which had its own assize town {forum or
nmventus1). The proconsul, at stated seasons, made a circuit through
these districts, attended by his interpreter (for all legal business in the
Empire was conducted in Latin2), and those who had subjects, of liti
gation, or other cases requiring the observance of legal forms, brought
them before him or the judges whom he might appoint. Thus Pliny, after
the true Roman spirit, in his geographical description of the Empire, is
always in the habit of mentioning the assize-towns, and the extent of the
shires which surrounded them. In the province of Asia, he takes especial
notice of Sardis, Smyrna, and Ephesus, and enumerates the various towns
which brought their causes to be tried at these cities.3 The official visit
of the proconsul to Ephesus was necessarily among the most important ;
and the town-clerk, in referring to the presence of the proconsuls, could
remind his fellow-citizens in the same breath that it was the very time of
the assizes {dyopaioi dyovrai, Acts xix. 38 ).4
We have no information as to the time of the year 5 at which the
Ephesian assises were held. If the meeting took place in spring, they :
would then be coincident with the great gathering which took place at the
celebration of the national games. It seems that the ancient festival of
the United Ionians had merged into that which was held in honour of the
Ephesian Diana.6 The whole month of May was consecrated to the glory
ors of the neighbouring provinces, such as Achaia, Ciiicia, Cyprus, Bithynia, Pam-
phylia, might be present at the public games. See Biscoe, pp. 282-285. The governors
of neighbouring provinces were in frequent communication with each other. See
Vol. I. p. 24.
i Conventus was used both for the assize-town and the district to which its juris*
diction extended. It was also used to denote the actual meeting for the assizes. See
Hoeckh's Rom. Gesch. I. ii. p. 193.
2 See Vol. I. pp. 3 and 24.
3 In v. 30 he enumerates the districts which " conveniunt in Sardianam jurisdic-
tionem." In ch. xxxi. he says of Smyrna and Ephesus, " Smyrnaeum conventum magna
pars MoXvz frequentat, &c  Ephesum vero alterum lumen Asise, remotiores con
veniunt C^sarienses, Metropolitae, &c." The term forum is used as equivalent to con
ventus and jurisdictio, e. g. in reference to the assizes of Alabanda, ch. xxix., "lon-
ginquiores eodem disceptant foro."
4 The phrase dyopalovg [f/pipag] dyeiv is equivalent to Caesar's conventus agere, .
and Cicero's/or«OT agere. We find the same Greek phrase in Strabo.
= We find Caisar in Gaul holding the conventus in winter ; but this was probably
because he was occupied with military proceedings in the summer, and need not be
regarded as a precedent for other provinces.
e What the festival of Delos was for the islands, the Panionian festival was for the
mainland. But Ephesus seems ultimately to have absorbed and concentrated this
celebration. See Hermann. § 47, 4. § 66, 4. These games were called Artemisia,
Ej)h3sia, and (Ecumenica.

THE ASIARCHS. 83
of the goddess ; and the month itself received from her the name of Artemi-
aion.1 The Artemisian festival was not simply an Ephesian ceremony, but
was fostered by the sympathy and enthusiasm of all the surrounding neigh
bourhood. As the Temple of Diana was called " the Temple of Asia," so
this gathering was called " the common meeting of Asia." 2 From the
towns on the coast and in the interior, the Ionians came up with their
wives and children to witness the gymnastic and musical contests,3 and to
enjoy the various amusements, which made the days and nights of May
one long scene of revelry.4 . To preside over these games, to provide the
necessary expenses, and to see that due order was maintained, annual
officers were appointed by election from the whole province. About the
time of the vernal equinox each of the principal towns within the district
called Asia, chose one of its wealthiest citizens, and, from the whole
number thus returned, ten were finally selected to discharge the duty of
Asiarchs? We find similar titles in use in the neighbouring provinces,
and read, in books or on inscriptions and coins, of Bithyniardis, Gala-
tarchs, Lydarchs,0 and Syriarchs? But the games of Asia and Ephesus
were pre-eminently famous ; and those who held ¦ there the office of " Pre
sidents of the Games " were men. of high distinction and extensive influ
ence. Receiving no emolument from their office, but being required
1 The important inscription alluded to before (Boeckh, 2954) contains the decree :
"O/W rbv pyva tov iiruvvpov tov fteiov bvoparog elvai lepbv Kal dvaKeioBai ry i?ew,
iyeaBai 6e~ itf axiralg (tov pyvbc ijpipaig) rdg ioprdg Kal ri)v tuv 'Aprepialuv navy
yvptv. And it concludes by saying : Ovn> ydp iizl to upeivov rrjg ¦SpyoKelac yivophy;
y nbXtg iiplv tvio^orepa ri Kal ev6aipuv ele tov ffuvra Siapevel xpbvov. The inscrip
tion has been noticed by a long series of travellers, from Ricaut to Forchammer.
Boeckh's judgment is : " Habes fragmentum decreti Ephesiorum de augenda religione
Dianae suae, factum fortasse turn, quum asylorum examinarentur jura." Tac. Ann. iii.
61. If this is correct, the stone was cut not many years before St. Paul's arrival in
Ephesus. 2 Koivbv 'Aaiag 'Efeoiav on coins. The temple appears as 6 rijg 'Aaiag vdog in ia
scriptions. 3 Thucydides says of these Ephesian games, 'Ayuv koI yvpviKor and uovaucof.
Thuc. iii. 104.
' 'Hv ryg 'AprepiSog lefroptivla, Kal peBvbvruv irdvra peard' uare Kal Si' ih/e
WKrbg rr)v dyopuv UTraaav Karelxe irTiyBoc dvBpuirav. Ach. Tac. vi. p. 363 (ed. 1640).
6 'Aaiapxac, Acts xix., translated " Chief of Asia " in the A. V. Aristides is the
authority for what is here said of the mode of appointment. From what is said in
Eusebius (H. E. iv. 15) of one Asiarch presiding at the martyrdom of Polycarp, it has
been needlessly supposed that in this passage of the Acts we are to consider all but one
to have been assessors of the chief Asiarch, or else those to be meant who had held the
office in the previous years and retained the title, like the High Priest at Jerusalem.
See Winer's Real Wdrterbuch. Among the Ephesian inscriptions in Boeckh we find
the following :— M. I. AYP. AIONYSION TON IEPOKHPYKA KAI B ASIAPXON
EK TON IAI8N T $A MOYNATI02 *IA0SEBA2T02 0 TPAMMATEYS KAI
ASIAPXHSAS. No. 2990. See also 2994. The abbreviation B. ACI. (twice Asiarch)
appears on a coin of Hypressa, represented in Ak. Num. HI. -p. 51.
« Strabo, xiv. 3. 7 Malalas, pp. 285, 289, ed. Bonn.

84 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
rather to expend large sums for the amusement of the people and theil
own credit,1 they were necessarily persons of wealth. Men of consular
rank were often willing to receive the appointment, and it was held to
enhance the honour of any other magistracies with which they migl t be
invested. They held for the time a kind of sacerdotal position ; 2 and,
when robed in mantles of purple and crowned with garlands,3 they assumed
the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and controlling the
tumultuary crowd in the theatre, they might literally be called the " Chief
of Asia" (Acts xix. 31).
These notices of the topography and history of Ephesus, of its religi
ous institutions, and political condition under the Empire, may serve to
clear the way for the narrative which we must now pursue. We resume
the history at the twenty-second verse of the nineteenth chapter of the
Acts, where we are told of a continued stay4 in Asia after the burning of
the books of the magicians.* St. Paul was indeed looking forward to a
journey through Macedonia and Achaia, and ultimately to Jerusalem and
Rome ; e and in anticipation of his departure he had sent two of his com
panions into Macedonia before him.7 The events which had previously
occurred have already shown us the great effects which his preaching had
produced both among the Jews and Gentiles.8 And those which follow
show us still more clearly how wide a "door"9 had been thrown open to
the progress of the Gospel. The idolatrous practices of Ephesus were so
far endangered, that the interests of one of the prevalent trades of the
place were seriously affected ; and meanwhile St. Paul's character had
risen so high, as to obtain influence over some of the wealthiest and most
powerful personages in the province. The scene which follows is entirely
connected with the religious observances of the city of Diana. The Jews10
fall into the background. Both the danger and safety of the Apostle
originate with the Gentiles.
It seems to have been the season of spring when the occurrences took
place which are related by St. Luke at the close of his nineteenth chapter.11
We have already seen that he purposed to stay at Ephesus " till Pente-
> Compare the iase of those who discharged the state-services or liturgies at Athens.
Such was often the position of the Roman a3diles : and the same may be said of the
county sheriffs in England.
* See Hemsen. Compare the presides sacerdotales of Tertullian. De Spect.
3 See Eckhel. In inscriptions they are called aTetyavyfyopoi.
4 'Avrbg imoxe xpbvov c'tg ri)v 'Aaiav.
» Related above, Acts xviii. 18-20. « V. 21. * V. 22.
e See Chap. XIV. s 1 Cor. xvi. 9.
io Yet it seems that the Jews never ceased from their secret machinations. In lbs
address at Miletus (xx. 19), St. Paul speaks especially of the temptations which befel
him by the " lying in wait of the Jews."
» Vv. 21.

UEMETEIUS AND THE SILVERSMITHS. 85
cost ;" ' and it has been stated that May was the " month 01 Diana,1'" m
which the great religious gathering took place to celebrate the games.2
If this also was the season of the provincial assize (which, as we havo
seen, is highly probable), the city would be crowded with various classes
ef^people. Doubtless those who employed themselves in making the por
table shrines of Diana expected to drive a brisk trade at 3uch a time ; and
when they found that the sale of these objects of superstition was seri
ously diminished, and that the preaching of St. Paul was the cause of their
merchandise being depreciated, " no small tumult arose concerning that
way" in which the new teacher was leading his disciples (v. 23). A cer
tain Demetrius, a master-manufacturer in the craft, summoned together
his workmen,3 along with other artizans 4 who were occupied in trades of
the same kind — (among whom we may reckon with great probability
"Alexander the coppersmith" (2 Tim. iv. 14), against whom the Apostle
warned Timothy at a later period), — and addressed to them an inflamma
tory speech. It is evident that St. Paul, though he had made no open
and calumnious attack on the divinities of the place, as was admitted
below (v. 37), had said something like what he had said at Athens, that
we ought not to suppose thal^ the Deity is '' like gold or silver carved
with the art and device of man" (Acts xvii. 29), and that " they are no
gods that are made with hands" (v. 26). Such expressions, added to the
failure in the profits of those who were listening, gave sufficient materials
for an adroit and persuasive speech. Demetrius appealed first to the
interest of his hearers,5 and then to their fanaticism.6 He told them that
their gains were in danger of being lost — and, besides this, that " the
temple of the great goddess Diana " (to which we can imagine him point
ing as he spoke 7) was in danger of being despised, and that the honour of
their national divinity was in jeopardy, whom not only " all Asia," 8 but
" all the civilized world," 9 had hitherto held in the highest veneration.
Such a speech could not be lost, when thrown like fire on such inflamma
tory materials. The infuriated feeling of the crowd of assembled artizans
¦ See the end of the preceding chapter.
' See above. 3 ToOj rexv'nag cvvaBpoiaag, vv. 24, 25.
4 Kal Toiig nepl rd roiavra ipydrac, v. 25.
» See vv. 25, 26.
6 See v. 27. As one of the commentators says : " Sic callidus opifex (et habuit in
tetac parte per omnia sa-cula suos imitatores) causam suam privatam tegit sub larva
religionis." ' See what is said above on the position of the Temple. It would probably be visible
from the neighbourhood of the Agora, where we may suppose Demetrius to have
harangued the workmen.
* "07.y y 'Asia, v. 27. Compare irdoyg ryg Aaiag, v. 26 ; and navra rove kotoit
Kowrag ryv 'Aaiav, v. 10.
3 'H olKovpevy, v. 27. Compare rig ydp ianv dvBpuitog bg ov yivuana, k. t, L, in
the town-clerk's speech, v. 35.

86 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
broke out at once into a cry in honour of the divine patron >l their citj
and fneir craft, — " Great is Diana of *he Ephesians."1
The excitement among this important and influential class of operatives
was not long in spreading through the whole city.2 The infection seized
upon the crowds of citizens and strangers ; and a general rush was made
to the theatre, the most obvious place of assembly.3 On their way, they
seem to have been foiled in the attempt to lay hold of the person of Paul,*
though they hurried with them into the theatre two of the companions of
his travels, Caius and Aristarchus, whose home was in Macedonia.6 A
sense of the danger of his companions, and a fearless zeal for the truth,
urged St. Paul, so soon as this intelligence reached him, to hasten to the
theatre and present himself before the people ; but the Christian disciples
used all their efforts to restrain him. Perhaps their anxious solicitude
might have been unavailing 6 on this occasion, as it was on one occasion
afterwards,7 had not other influential friends interposed to preserve his
safety. And now is seen the advantage which is secured to a righteous
iause by the upright character and unflinching zeal of its leading cham-
oion. Some of the Asiarchs,8 whether converted to Christianity or not,
had a friendly feeling towards the Apostie ; and, well knowing the pas
sions of an Ephesian mob when excited at one of the festivals of Asia,
they sent an urgent message to him to prevent him from venturing into
the scene of disorder and danger.3 Thus he reluctantly consented to re-
1 In an inscription (Boeckh, 2963 c), which contains the words ypapparevg and
ivBvnaTog, we find THE MEIVAAHS BEAS APTEMIAOS UPO nOAE£22. [In
illustration of this latter phrase, compare what has been said of the Lystrian Jupiter,
Vol. I. p. 190.] In Xenophon's Ephesiaca, cited by Rosenmiiller, we have the words,
'O-pmvu ryv ndrptov yplv iJeov, tt)v peyd\%v 'Efeaiuv 'Aprepiv. We read of a similar
cry in honour of JEsculapius at Pergamus, and the same title is given on inscriptions
to the Nemeses at Smyrna.
" V. 29. 3 See above.
4 Something of the same kind seems to have happened as at Thessalonica (Actsxvii.
5, 6) when the Jews sought in vain for Paul and Silas in the house of Jason, and there
fore dragged the host and some of the other Christians before the magistrates. Per
haps the house of Aquila and Priscilla may have been a Christian home to the Apostle
at Ephesus, like Jason's house at Thessalonica. See Acts xviii. 18,26, with 1 Cor. xvi.
19 ; and compare Rom. xvi. 3, 4, where they are said to have "laid down their necks"
for St. Paul's life.
5 ~LwtK&ypovg roi II., v. 29. Compare aweK&r)por ypuv, 2 Cop. viii. 19. See what
is said above of these companions of St. Paul, p. 11.
« Observe the imperfect ovk eiuv, v. 30. t See Acts xxi. 13.
" For the office of the Asiarchs, see above, p. 83.
» lUptpavrtr icpbg airbv, ¦KupeKulow pi) Aaivai iavrav tig rb Qearpw, v. 31. The
danger in which St. Paul was really placed, as well as other points in the sacred nar
rative, is illustrated by the account of Polycarp's martyrdom. " The proconsul, ob
serving Polycarp filled with confidence and joy, and his countenance brightened witt
grace, was astonished, and sent the herald to proclaim, in the middle of the stadium,
'Polycarp confesses that he is a Christian!' When this was declared by the herald

TUMULT IN THE THEATKE. 87
main in privacy, while the mob crowded violently into the theatre, tilling
«.he stone seats, tier above tier, and rendina; the air with their confused and
fanatical cries.1
It was indeed a scene of confusion ; and never perhaps was the
character of a mob more simply and graphically expressed, than wheu it is
said, that " the majority knew not why they were come together," (v. 32).
At length an attempt was made to bring the expression of some articulate
words before the assembly. This attempt came from the Jews,2 who
seem to have been afraid lest they should be implicated in the odium which
jad fallen on the Christians. By no means unwilling to injure the Apos
tle's cause, they were yet anxious to clear themselves, and therefore they
" put Alexander forward " to make an apologetic speech3 to the multi
tude. If this man was really, as we have suggested, " Alexander the
coppersmith," he might naturally be expected to have influence with
Demetrius and Ms fellow-craftsmen. But when he stood up and " raised
his hand"4 to invite silence, he was recognized immediately by the multi
tude as a Jew. It was no time for making distinctions between Jews and
Christians ; and one simultaneous cry arose from every mouth, " Great is
Diana of the Ephesians ; " and this cry continued for two hours.
The excitement of an angry multitude wears out after a time, and a
period of reaction comes, when they are disposed to listen to words of
counsel and reproof. And, whether we consider the official position of the
" Town-Clerk," or the character of the man as indicated by his speech,
we may confidently say that no one in the city was so well suited to
appease this Ephesian mob. The speech is a pattern of candid argument
and judicious tact.5 He first allays the fanatical passions of his listeners
all the multitude, Gentiles and Jews, dwelling at Smyrna, cried out, ' This is that
teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, the destroyer of our gods ; he that teaches
multitudes not to sacrifice, not to worship.' Saying this, they cried out, and asked
Philip the Asiarch to let a lion loose upon Polycarp." Euseb. H. E. iv. 15.
' "AMoi dXXo n iKpaC,ov, v. 32. An allusion has been made (Vol. I. p. 128) to the
peculiar form of Greek theatres, in the account of Herod's death at Cassarea. From
the elevated position of the theatre at Ephesus, we may imagine that many of the
seats must have commanded an extensive view of the city and the plain, including the
Temple of Diana.
2 Xlpu6a%bvTuv dvrbv tuv 'lovSaiuv, v. 33.
3 ' AxoloyeloBaL, v. 33. Our view of the purpose for which Alexander was put for
ward will depend upon whether we consider him to have been a Jew, or a Christian,
or a renegade from Christianity. It is most natural to suppose that he was a Jew,
that the Jews were alarmed by the tumult and anxious to clear themselves from
blame, and to show they had nothing to do with St. Paul. As a Jew, Alexander
would be recognised as an enemy to idolatry, and naturally the crowd would not hear
him. 4 Karaae'iaag ryv %eipd, ibid. The expression used concerning St. Paul's attitude
before speaking (Acts xiii. 16. xxi. 40) is Kardaeiaag (Kariaewe) ry xELpi ¦' so °f St
Peter, xii. 17. See the remarks already made on the former passage.
5 See Menken's good remarks on this speech (Blicke in das Leben, u. s. -vf .).

88 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
by this simple appeal : ' "Is it not notorious everywhere that this city oi
the Ephesians is Neocoros of the great goddess Diana and of the image
that came down from the sky ?" The contradiction of a few insignificant
strangers could not affect what was notorious in all the world. Then he
bids them remember that Paul and his companions had not been guilty of
approaching or profaning the temple,2 or of outraging the feelings of the
Ephesians by calumnious expressions against the goddess.3 And then he
turns from the general subject to the case of Demetrius, and points out
that the remedy for any injustice was amply provided by the assizes which
were then g^ing on, — or by an appeal to the proconsul. And reserving
the most efficacious argument to the last, he reminded them that such an
uproar exposed the city to the displeasure of the Romans : for, however
great were the liberties allowed to an ancient and loyal city, it was well
known to the whole population, that a tumultuous meeting which endan
gered the public peace would never be tolerated. So having rapidly
brought his arguments to a climax, he tranquillised the whole multitude
and pronounced the technical words which declared the assembly dispersed
(Acts xix. 41). The stone seats were gradually emptied. The uproar
ceased (Ib. xx. 1), and the rioters dispersed to their various occupations
and amusements.
Thus God used the eloquence of a Greek magistrate to protect his ser
vant, as before He had used the right of Roman citizenship (Vol. I. p.
311), and the calm justice of a Roman governor (Vol. I. p. 420). And,
as in the cases of Philippi and Corinth,4 the narrative of St. Paul's sojourn
at Ephesus concludes with the notice of a deliberate and affectionate fare
well. The danger was now over. With gratitude to that heavenly mas
ter, who had watched over his life and his works, and with a recognition
of that love of his fellow-Christians and that favour of the " Chief of
Asia," which had been the instruments of his safety, he gathered together
the disciples (Acts xx. 1), and in one last affectionate meeting — most pro
bably in the school of Tyrannus — he gave them his farewell salutations, and
commended them to the grace of God, and parted from them with tears.
This is the last authentic account which we possess, — if we except the
meeting at Miletus (Acts xx.),— of any personal connection of St. Paul
with Ephesus. The other historical associations of Christianity with this city
are connected with a different Apostle and a later period of the Church.
Legend has been busy on this scene of apostolic preaching and suffering.
Without attempting to unravel what is said concerning others who have
lived and died at Ephesus, we are allowed to believe that the robber-
1 Ti( ianv uvBpuKog bg ov yivuoKei, *. t. A., v S5. For the Neocorate of Ephesus
and its notoriety, see above.
2 'lepoavlovg. The rendering in the English version, "robbers of Churches," is uu
fortunate. 3 BlaoQqpovvTar. 4 Acts xvi. 40. xviii. 18.

DEPARTURE OF ST. PAUL. 83
naunts ¦ in the mountains around have witnessed some passages in the life
of St. John,2 that he spent the last year of the first century in this " metro
polis of the Asiatic Churches," 3 and that his body rests among the sepul
chres of Mount Prion.4 Here we may believe that the Gospel and Epis
tles were written, which teach us that "love" is greater than "faith and
hope" (1 Cor. xiii. 13) ; and here, — though the " candlestick" is removed,
according to the prophetic word (Rev. ii. 5),— a monument yet survives,
in the hill strewn with the ruins of many centuries,8 of him who was called
" John the Theologian," because he emphatically wrote of the " Divinity
cf our Lord."

COIX OF EPHESUS. G
¦ Euseb. H. E. iii. 23, which should be compared with 2 Cor. xi. 26. See Vol.X p. 162.
2 It is said that Timothy died at Ephesus, and was buried, like St. John, on Mount
Prion. It has been thought better to leave in reverent silence all that has been tradi
tionally said concerning the Mother of our Blessed Lord.
3 Stanley's Sermons, &c. on the Apostolic Age, p. 250. See the whole sermon, and
the essay which follows it. 4 See Hamilton, ii. 38, 39.
5 Ayasaluk, supposed, as we have said above, to be a corruption of b uyiog Qebfioyog.
For the meaning of this term as applied to St. John, see Stanley's Sermons, p. 271.
There is a curious tradition concerning the destruction of the Temple and Image of
Diana by St. John in the apocryphal work of Abdias. We give it at length from Fa-
bricius. " Dum haec fierent apud Ephesum, et omnes indies magis magisque Asiae pro
vinciae Joannem et excolerent et praedicarent, aceidit ut cultores idolorum excitarenl
seditionem. , Unde factum est, ut Joannem traherent ad templum Dianae, et urgerent
eum, ut ei fceditatem sacrificiorum oflerret. Inter hasc beatus Joannes inquit: Duca-
mus omnes eos ad Ecclesiam Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et cum invocaveritis nomen
ejus, faciam cadere templum hoc, et comminui idolum hoc vestrum. Quod ubi factum
fuerit, justum, nobis videri debet, ut relicta superstitione ejus rei quas a Deo meo victa
est, et confracta, ad id ipsum convertamini. Ad banc vocem conticuit populus : et
licet essent pauci, qui contradicerent huic definitioni, pars tamen maxima consensum
attribuit. Tunc beatus Joannes blandis alloquiis exhortabatur populum, ut a templo
longe se facerent. Cumque universi exteriore parte foras exissent, voce clara clama-
vit : ut sciat haec omnis turba, quia idolum hoc Dianae vestrae daemonium est, et non
Deus, corruat cum omnibus manufactis idolis quae coluntur in eo, ita tamen, ut nulla*™
in hominibus laesionem faciat. Continuo ad hanc vocem Apostoli, omnia simul cum
templo suo idola ita corruerunt, ut efficerenfur, sicut pulvis, quern projecit ventus a
facie terras. Itaque conversa sunt eadem die xii millia gentilium, exceptis parvulis et
mulieribus, et baptizati sunt a beato Joanne, et virtute consecrati." Cod. Apoc. N. T.
it 573. The contrast between this story and the narrative in the canonical Acts of
the Apostles is sufficiently obvious.
6 From the Numismatic Illustrations of Mr. Akerman (p. 53). who considers Cusi-
nius to have been Tpappareig for the fourth time. See his notice of the same coin in
the pages in the Num Chron. p. 13. He adds that the deer is the common type of the.
autonomous coins of Ephesus, and quotes Libanius : 'EQeaioic St Kal rb viuiapa r#»
Paiov iipepev. Orat. xxxii.

J>0 i-HE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

CHAPTER XVH.
" Withe ut were fightings, within were fears."— 2 Cor. vii. 5.
OT. PAUL AT TROAS.— HE PASSES OVER TO MACEDONIA.— CAUSES OF HIS DXJECTION,— HE
MEETS TITUS AT PHILIPPI.— WRITES TEE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.-
COLLECHON FOR THE POOR CHRISTIANS TS JUD.-EA.— JOURNEY BY HLYRICUM TO
GREECE.
After his mention of the affectionate parting between St. Paul and the
Christians of Ephesus, St. Luke tells us very little of the Apostle's pro
ceedings during a period of nine or ten months ; — that is, from the early
summer of the year a. d. 57, to the spring of a. d. 58. ' All the informa
tion which we find in the Acts concerning this period, is comprised in the fol
lowing words : — " He departed to go into Macedonia, and when he had gone.
over those parts, and had given them much exhortation, he came into Greece,
and there abode three months." * Were it not for the information supplied
by the Epistles, this is all we should have known of a period which was,
intellectually at least, the most active and influential of St. Paul's career.
These letters, however, supply us with many additional incidents belonging
to this epoch of his life ; and,- what is more important, they give us a pic
ture drawn by his own hand of his state of mind during an anxious and
critical season ; they bring him before us in his weakness and in his
strength, in his sorrow and in his joy ; they show us the causes of his
dejection, and the source of his consolation.
la the first place, we thus learn, what we should, a priori, have ex
pected, — that he visited Alexandria Troas on his way from Ephesus to
Macedonia. In all probability he travelled from the one city to the other
by sea, as we know he did3 on his return in the following year. Indeed,
in countries in such a stage of civilisation, the safest and most expeditious
route from one point of the coast to another, is generally by water rather
than by land ; 4 for the "perils in the sea," though greater in those times
' The date of the year is according to the calculations of Wieseler (Chronologie,
p. 118), of which we shall say more when we come to the period upon which they are
founded. The season at which he left Ephesus is ascertained by St. Paul's own words
(1 Cor. xvi. 8) compared with Acts xx. 1. The time of his leaving Corinth on his
return appears from Acts xx. 6.
* Acts xx. 1-3.
3 Except the small space from Troas to Assos by land Acts xx 13 14
4 At the same time it should be remembered that this was the most populous purl

ST. PAUL AT TROAS. 91
than in ours, yet did not so frequently impede the voyager, as the " perils
of rivers" and " perils of robbers" which beset the traveller by land.
We are not informed who were St. Paul's companions in this journey ;
but as we find that Tychicus and Trophimus (both Ephesians) were with
"him at Corinth (Acts xx. 4) during the same apostolic progress, and re
turned thence in his company, it seems probable that they accompanied
him at his departure. We find both of them remaining faithful to him
through all the calamities which followed ; both exerting themselves in
his service, and executing his orders to the last ; both mentioned as his
friends and followers,, almost with his dying breath.1
In such company St. Paul came to Alexandria Troas. We have al
ready described the position and character of this city, whence the Apostle
of the Gentiles had set forth when first he left Asia to fulfil his mission,—
the conversion of Europe. At that time, his visit seems to have been very
short, and no results of it are recorded ; but now he remained for a con
siderable time ; he had meant to stay long enough to lay the foundation
of a Church (see 2 Cor. ii. 12), and would have remained still longer than
he did, had it not been for the non-arrival of Titus, whom he had sent to
Corinth from Ephesus soon after the despatch of the first Epistle ; the
object of his mission2 was connected with the great collection now going
on for the Hebrew Christians at Jerusalem, but he was also enjoined to
enforce the admonitions of St. Paul upon the Church of Corinth, and en
deavour to defeat the efforts of their seducers ; and then to return with a
report of their conduct, and especially of the effect upon them of the recent
Epistle. Titus was desired to come through Macedonia, and to rejoin St.
Paul (probably) at Troas, where the latter had intended to arrive shortly
after Pentecost ; but now that he was forced to leave Ephesus prema
turely, he had resolved to wait for Titus at Troas, expecting, however, his
speedy arrival. In this expectation he was disappointed ; week after week
passed, but Titus came not. The tidings which St. Paul expected by him
were of the deepest interest ; it was to be hoped that he would bring
news of the triumph of good over evil at Corinth : yet it might be other-
of one of the most peaceful provinces, and that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna
and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas. The stages are given in the Peutingerian
Table, and the road is laid down in Leake's Map. At Pergamus it meets one of the
roads in the Antonine Itinerary (see Wesseling), and the two lines thence coincide
through Adramyttium and Assos to Troas. See our map of the north of the JJgean,
and compare Vol. I. p. 278. A description of the country will be found in Fellows'
Asia Minor, ch. i. and ii.
' In the 2nd Epistle to Timothy. For Tychicus, see Acts xx. 4. Eph. vi. 21. Col.
iv. 7. 2 Tim. iv. 12. Tit. iii. 12. For Trophimus, see Acts xx. 4. Acts xxi. 29 2
Tim. iv. 20.
' It is not impossible that Titus may have carried another letter to the Corinthians ;
if so, it is referred to in 2 Cor. ii. 3, and 2 Cor. vii. S ; passages which some have
thought too strong for the supposition that they jnly refer to the F:rst Epistfe.

02 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
wise ; the Corinthians might have forsaken the faith of their first teacher,
and rejected his messenger. While waiting in this uncertainty, St.. Paul
appears to have suffered all the sickness of hope deferred. " My spirit
had no rest, because I found not Titus my brother." ¦ Nevertheless, his
personal anxiety did not prevent his labouring earnestly and successfully
in his Master's service. He " published the Glad-tidings of Christ " 2 there
as in other places, probably preaching as usual, in the first instance, to
the Jews in the Synagogue. He met with a ready hearing ; " a door was
opened to him in the Lord."3 And thus was laid the foundation of a
Church which rapidly increased, and which we shall find him revisiting not
. long afterwards. At present, indeed, he was compelled to leave it pre
maturely ; for the necessity of meeting Titus, and learning the state of
things at Corinth, urged him forward. He sailed, therefore, once more
from Troas to Macedonia (a voyage already described4 in our account of
his former journey), and, landing at Neapolis, proceeded immediately to
Philippi.5 We might have supposed that the warmth of affection with which he
was doubtless welcomed by his converts here, would have soothed the
spirit of the Apostle, and restored his serenity. For, of all the Churches
which he founded, the Philippians seem to have been the most free from
fault, and the most attached to "himself. In the Epistle which he wrote
to them, we find no censure, and much praise ; and so zealous was their
love for St. Paul, that they alone (of all the Churches which he founded)
forced him from the very beginning to accept their contributions for his
support. Twice, while he was at Thessalonica,6 immediately after their
own conversion,- they had sent relief to him. Again they did the same
while he was at Corinth,7 working for his daily bread in the manufactory
of Aquila. And we shall find them afterwards cheering his Roman prison,
by similar proofs of their loving remembrance.9 We might suppose from
i 2 Cor. ii. 12. 2 2 Cor. ii. 12. 3 2 Cor. ii. 12. ¦" See Chap. IX.
5 Philippi (of which Neapolis was the port) was the first city of Macedonia which he
would reach from Troas. See Vol. I. pp. 287-391. The importance of the Philippian
Church would, of course, cause St. Paul to halt there for some time, especially as his
object was to make a general collection for the poor Christians of Jerusalem. Hence
the scene of St. Paul's grief and anxiety (recorded, 2 Cor. vii. 5, as occurring when he
came into Macedonia) must have been Philippi ; and the same place seems (from the next
verse) to have witnessed his consolation by the coming of Titus. So (2 Cor. xi. 9) we
find " Macedonia " used as equivalent to Philippi (see note 7, below). We conclude
therefore, that the ancient tradition (embodied in the subscription of 2 Cor.), accord
ing to which the Second Epistle to Corinthians was written from Philippi, is correct.
« Phil. iv. 10.
' 2 Cor. xi. 9. The Macedonian contributions there mentioned must have been
from Philippi, because Philippi was the only Church which at that time contributed til
St. Paul's support (Phil. iv. 9). See Vol. I. p. 369.
¦ Phil. iv. 16.

HE PASSES OVER TO MACEDONIA. 93
this that they were a wealthy Church ; yet such a supposition is contra
dicted by the words of St. Paul, who tells us that " in the heavy trial
which had proved their steadfastness, the fulness of their joy had over
flowed out of the depth of their poverty, in the richness of their liberality." ¦
In fact, they had been exposed to very severe persecution from the first.
" Unto them it was given," so St. Paul reminds them afterwards, — "in the
behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His
sake."2 Perhaps, already their leading members had been prosecuted
under the Roman law3 upon the charge which proved so fatal in after
times, — of propagating a "new and illegal religion" (religio nova et illi
citae ; or, if this had not yet occurred, still it is obvious how severe must
have been the loss inflicted by the alienation of friends and connections ;
and this would be especially the case with the Jewish converts, such as
Lydia,4 who were probably the only wealthy members of the community,
and whose sources of wealth were derived from the commercial relations
which bound together the scattered Jews throughout the empire. What
they gave, therefore, was not out of their abundance, but out of their
penury ; they did not grasp tenaciously at the wealth which was slipping
from their hands, but they seemed eager to get rid of what still remained.
They " remembered the words of the Lord Jesus how He said, it is more
blessed to give than to receive." St. Paul might have addressed them,
as another Apostle addressed some who were like-minded with them : —
" Ye had compassion of me in my5 bonds, and took joyfully the spoiling
of your goods, knowing that ye have in heaven a better and an enduring
substance." Such were the zealous and loving friends who now embraced their
father in the faith ; yet the warmth of their welcome did not dispel the
gloom which hung over his spirit ; although amongst them6 he found
Timotheus also, his "beloved son in the Lord," the most endeared to him
of all his converts and companions. The whole tone of the Second Epistle
i 2 Cor. viii. 2. ¦ Phil. i. 29.
3 It must be remembered that Philippi was a Colonia. See Vol. I. pp. 3, 9, &c.
4 Lydia had been a Jewish proselyte before her conversion.
5 Or " on those in bonds," if we adopt the reading of the best MSS. See«note on
Heb. x. 34.
6 This we infer because Timotheus was with him when he began to write the Second
Epistle to Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1), which (for the reasons mentioned in the preceding
page, n. 5) we believe to have been written at Philippi. Now Timotheus had been
despatched on some commission into Macedonia shortly before Easter, and St. Paul
had then expected (but thought it doubtful) that he would reach Corinth and return
thence to Ephesus ; and that he would reach it after the reception at Corinth of the
First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. xvi. 10, 11). This, however, Timotheus seems
not to have done ; for it was Titus, not Timotheus, who brought to St. Paul the first
tidings of the reception of the First Epistle at Corinth (2 Cor. vii. 6-11). Also had
Timotheus reached Corinth, he would have been mentioned, 2 Cor. xi: 18. Hence it
would appear that Timotheus must have been retained in Macedonia

94 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL*
to Corinth shows the depression under which he was labouring ; and he
expressly tells the Corinthians that this state of feeling lasted, not only at
Troas, but also after he reached Macedonia. " When f.rst I came into
Macedonia," he says, "my flesh had no rest; without were fightings,
within were fears." And this had continued until " God, who comforta
them that are cast down, comforted me by the coming of Titus."
It has been sometimes supposed that this dejection was occasioned by
an increase of the chronic malady under which St. Paul suffered ;l and it
seems not unlikely that this cause may have contributed to the result.
He speaks much, in the Epistle written from Philippi, of the frailty of his
bodily health ; and, in a very affecting passage, he describes the earnest
ness with which he had besought his Lord to take from him this " thorn
in the flesh," — this disease which continually impeded his efforts, and
shackled his energy. We can imagine how severe a trial to a man of his
ardent temper, such a malady must have been. Yet this alone would
scarcely account for his continued depression, especially after the assurance
he had received, that the grace of Christ was sufficient for him, — that the
vessel of clay 2 was not too fragile for the Master's work, — that the weak
ness of his body would but the more manifest the strength of God's
Spirit.3 The real weight which pressed upon him was the " care of all
the churches ; " the real cause of his grief was the danger which now
threatened the souls of his converts, not in Corinth only, or in Galatia,
but everywhere throughout the empire. We have already described the
uature of this danger, and seen its magnitude ; we have seen how critical
was the period through which the Christian Church was now passing.4
The true question (which St. Paul was enlightened to comprehend) was
no less than this ; — whether the Catholic Church should be dwarfed into a
Jewish sect ; whether the religion of spirit and of truth should be sup
planted by the worship of letter and of form. The struggle at Corinth,
the result of which he was now anxiously awaiting, was only one out of
many similar struggles between Judaism5 and Christianity. These were
the "fightings without" which filled him with "fears within ;" these were
the agitations which "gave his flesh no rest," and "troubled him on every
side." 6 *
i We need not notice the hypothesis that St. Paul's long-continued dejection was
caused by the danger which he incurred on the day of the tumult in the theatre at
Ephesus ; a supposition most unworthy of the character of him who sustained such in
numerable perils of a more deadly character with unshrinking fortitude.
* See 2 Cor. iv. 7. 3 2 Cor. xii. 7-9. 4 Vol. I. pp. 441-445.
* That the great opponents of St. Paul at Corinth were Judaizing emissaries, we
have endeavoured to prove below; at the same time a complication was given to ttw
struggle at Corinth by the existence of another element of error in the free-thinking
party, whose theoretic defence of their practical immorality we have alreadv noticed.
' 2 Cor. vii. 5. J

MEETING WITH TITUS. 95
At length the long-expected Titus arrived at Philippi, and relieved
the anxiety of his master by better tidings than he had hoped to hear.1
The majority of the Corinthian Church had submitted to the injunctions
of St. Paul, and testified the deepest repentance for the sins into which
they had fallen. They had passed sentence of excommunication upon the
incestuous person, and they had already contributed towards the collec
tion for the poor Christians of Palestine. But there was still a minority,
whose opposition seems to have been rather embittered than humbled by
the submission which the great body of the Church had thus yielded.
They proclaimed in a louder and more contemptuous tone than ever, their ac
cusations against the Apostle. They charged him with craft in his designs,
and with selfish and mercenary motives ; — a charge which they probably
maintained by insinuating that he was personally interested in the great
collection which he was raising. We have seen2 what scrupulous care St.
Paul took to keep his integrity in this matter above every shade of sus
picion ; and we shall find still further proof of this as we proceed. Mean
while, it is obvious how singularly inconsistent this accusation was, in the
mouths of those who eagerly maintained that Paul could be no true
Apostle, because he did not demand support from the Churches which he
founded. The same opponents accused him likewise of egregious vanity,
and of cowardly weakness ; they declared that he was continually threaten
ing without striking, and promising without performing ; always on his way
to Corinth, but never venturing to come ; and that he was as vacillating
in his teaching as in his practice ; refusing circumcision to Titus, yet cir
cumcising Timothy ; a Jew among the Jews, and a Gentile among the
Gentiles. It is an important question, to which of the divisions of the Corinthian
Church these obstinate opponents of St. Paul belonged. From the
notices of them given by St. Paul himself, ifr- seems certain that they were
Judaizers (see 2 Cor. xi. 22) ; and still farther, that they were of the
Christine section of that party (see 2 Cor. xi. 1). It also appears that
they were headed by an emissary from Palestine (d ipxbpevog, 2 Cor. xi. 4),
who had brought letters of commendation from some members of the
' Wieseler is of opinion that before the coming of Titus St. Paul had already re
solved to send another letter to the Corinthians, perhaps by those two brethren who
travelled with Titus soon after, bearing the Second Epistle ; and that he wrote as far
as the 2nd verse of the 7th chapter of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians before the
appearance of Titus. He infers this from the change of tone which takes place at this
point, and from St: Paul's returning to topics which, in the earlier portion of the Epistle,
he appeared to have dismissed ; and from the manner hi which the arrival of Titus is
mentioned at 2 Cor. vii. 4-7. On this hypothesis some other person from Corinth
must have brought intelligence of the first impression produced on the Corinthians by
the Epistle which had just reached them ; and Titus conveyed the farther tidings of
their subsequent conduct.
* 1 Cor. xvi. 3.

96 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Church at Jerusalem,1 and who boasted of his pure Hebrew descent, and
his especial connection with Christ himself.2 St. Paul calls him a false
apostle, a minister of Satan disguised as a minister of righteousness, and
hints that he was actuated by corrupt motives. He seems to have
behaved at Corinth with extreme arrogance, and to have succeeded, by
his overbearing conduct, iu impressing his partizaiis with a conviction of
his importance, and of the truth of his pretensions.3 They contrasted his
confident bearing with the timidity and self-distrust which had bt^u shown
by St. Paul,4 And they even extolled his personal advantages over their
first teacher ; comparing his rhetoric with Paul's inartificial speech, his
commanding appearance with the insignificance of Paul's "bodily pre
sence.".6 Titus, having delivered to St. Paul this mixed intelligence of the state
of Corinth, was immediately directed to return thither (in company . with
two deputies specially elected, to take charge of their contribution, by the
Macedonian Churches,6) in order to continue the business of the collec
tion. St. Paul made him the bearer of another letter, which is addressed
(still more distinctly than the First Epistle), not to Corinth only, but. to ;
all the Churches in the whole province of Achaia, including Athens and
Cenchreae, and perhaps also Sicycn, Argos, Megara, Patrse, and other
neighbouring towns; all of which probably shared more or. less in the
agitation which so powerfully affected the Christian community at Corinth.
The two-fold character' of this Epistle is easily explained by the exist
ence of the majority and minority which we have described in the Corin
thian Church. Towards the former the Epistle overflows with love ;
towards the latter it abounds with warning and menace. The purpose
of the Apostle was to encourage and tranquillise the great body of the
Church ; but, at the same time, he was constrained to maintain his
authority against those who persisted in despising the commands of Christ
delivered by his mouth. It was needful, also, that he should notice their
false accusations ; and that (undeterred by the charge of vanity which
they brought6), he should vindicate his apostolic character by a state-
' See 2 Cor. iii. 1. It may safely be assumed that Jerusalem was the head-quarters
of the Judaizing party, from whence their emissaries were despatched. Compare Gal.
ii. 12, Acts xv. 1, and xxi. 20.
' See 2 Cor. xi. 7, 22. s See 2 Cor. xi. 18-20, and the note there.
4 1 Cor. ii. 3. » 2 Cor. x. 10, 16.
« See notes on 2 Cor. viii. 18, 22.
' This twofold character pervades the whole Epistle; it is incorrect to say (as has
been often said) that the portion before Chap. X. is addressed to the obedient section
of the Church, and that after Chap. X. to the disobedient. Polemical passages occui
throughout the earlier portion also ; see i. 15-17. ii. 17. iii, l. v. 12 &c.
s It is a curious fact, and marks the personal character of this Epistle that the
verb KavxdoBat and its derivatives occur twenty-nine times in it, and only twenty-sU
times in all the other Epistles of St. Paul put together.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE COETNTHIANS. 97
ment of facts, and a threat of punishment to be inflicted on the contuma
cious. With these objects, he wrote as follows : —

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.1
I.
1 Paul, an Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of salutation
God, and Timotheus the Brother, to the church of God
which is in Corinth, and to all Christ's people, throughout
the whole province of Achaia.
2 Grace be unto you and peace, from God our Father, and
from our Lord Jesus Christ.
3 Thanks be to God the Father of our Lord Jesus Thanksgiving
for liis deliver/"
4 Christ, the father of compassion, and the God of all ance from great
x danger in Prc-
comfort, who consoles me2 in all my tribulation, consular Asia.
thereby enabling me to comfort those who are in any affliction,
with the same comfort wherewith I am myself comforted by
5 God. For as the sufferings of Christ have come upon me above
measure, so by Christ also my consolation is above measure
6 multiplied. But if, on the one hand, I am afflicted, it is for
your consolation and salvation (which works within you a
patient endurance of the same sufferings which I also suffer ; 3
so that my hope is stedfast on your behalf) ; and if, on the
7 other hand, I am comforted, it is for your consolation," be-
,' St. Paul has given us the following particulars to determine the date of this
Epistle : —
(1) He had been exposed to great danger in Proconsular Asia, i. e. at Ephesus
(2 Cor. i. 8). This had happened Acts jix. 23-41.
(2) He had come thence to Troas, an! (after some stay there) had passed over to
Macedonia. This was the route he took Acts xx. i.
(3) He was in Macedonia at the time of writing (2 Cor. ix. 2, Kavxupai, present
tense), and intended (2 Cor. xiii. 1) shortly to visit Corinth. This was the course of
his journey, Acts xx. 2.
(4) The same collection is going on which is mentioned in 1 Cor. See 2 Cor. vlii. 6
and 2 Cor. ix. 2 ; and which was completed during his three months' visit to Corinth
(Rom. xv. 26), and taken up to Jerusalem immediately after, Acts xxiv. 17.
(5) Some of the other topics mentioned in 1 Cor. are again referred to, especially
the punishment of the incestuous offender, in such a manner as to show that no long
interval had elapsed since the first Epistle.
' For- the translation of ypdg, see the reasons given in the note on 1 Thess. i. 2. It
is evident here that St. Paul considers himself alone the writer, since Timctheus was
not with him during the danger in Asia ; and, moreover he uses iyu frequently, inter
changeably with ijpelg (see verse 23) ; and when he includes others in the ypelg he
specifies it, as in verse 19. See, also, other proofs in the note on vi. 11.
3 Kal y thirls, &o., should follow irdaxopev. See Tischendorf for the MS. authorities,
' We omit the second Kal auryplag here, with Griesbach's text
vol. ir. — 1

98 THE T.JFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
cause I know that as you partake of my sufferings, so you
partake also of my comfort. For I would haye yon know, 8
brethren, concerning the tribulation which befel me in the pro
vince of Asia,1 that I was exceedingly pressed down by it be
yond my strength to bear, so as to despair even of life. Yea, >j
by my own self I was already doomed to death ; that I might
rely no more upon myself, but upon God who raises the dead
to life, and who delivered me from a death so grievous, and 10
does yet deliver me ; in whom I have hope that He will still n
deliver me for the time to come ; you also helping me by your
supplications, that thanksgivings may from many tongues be
offered up on my behalf, for the blessing gained to me by many
prayers.1 seii a*fetce For this is my boast, the testimony of my con- 12
«on of double- science, that I have dealt with the world, and above
dealing. ,
all with you, in godly honesty and singleness ol
mind,3 not in the strength of carnal wisdom, but in the strength
of God's grace. For I write nothing else to you but what you 13
read openly, yea and what you acknowledge inwardly, and I
hope that even to the end you will acknowledge,4 as some of 14
you have already acknowledged, that I am your boast, even as
you are mine, in the day of our Lord Jesus.5
ReaBon for the And in this confidence it was my wish to come 15
SfShia°nvatnto first6 to you, that afterwards you might have a
second benefit. For I meant to go by you into Ma- 16
cedonia, and to return from Macedonia to you, and by you to
1 It has been questioned whether St. Paul here refers to the Ephesian tumult of
Acts xix. ; and it is urged that he was not then in danger of his life. But had he been
fonnd by the mob during the period of their excitement, there can be little doubt that
he would have been torn in pieces, or perhaps thrown to wild beasts in the Arena ;
and it seems improbable that within so short a period he should again have been ex
posed to peril of his life in the same place, and that nothing should have been said of
it in the Acts.
' Literally, that from many persons the gift given to me by means of many may
have thanks returned for it on my behalf.
3 St. Paul here alludes to his opponents, who accused him ot dishonesty and incon
sistency in his words and deeds. From what follows, it seems that he had been sus
pected of writing privately to some individuals in the church, in a different strain from
that of his public letters to them.
< It is difficult in English to imitate this play upon the words imyivaoKirc and
ivayivuaKere. ' /. e. the day when the Lord Jesus will come again.
• J. t. before, vieitiasj Jtoadonia. See p, 26, note 1.

8EuOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 9tf
H be forwarded on my way to Judsea. Am I accused ¦ then of
forming this purpose in levity and caprice ? or is my purpose
carnal, to please all, by saying at once both yea and nay?*
18 Yet as God is faithful, my words to you are3 no [deceitful]
19 mixture of yea and nay. For when the Son of God, Jesus
Christ, was proclaimed among you by us (by me, I say, and
Silvanus, and Timotheus), in Him was found no wavering be-1
20 tween yea and nay, but in Him was yea alone ; for all the
promises of God have in Him the yea [which seals their truth],
and in Him the Amen [which acknowledges their fulfilment),
21 uttered to the praise of God by our voice. But God is He who
keeps both us and you stedfast to His anointed, and we also are
22 anointed 4 by Him. And He has set the mark of His own seal
upon us, and has given us His Spirit to dwell in our hearts, as
23 the earnest of His promises. But for my 5 own part, I call
God to witness, as my soul shall answer for it, that I gave up
my purpose 6 of visiting Corinth because I wished to spare you
24 pain. I speak not 7 as though your faith was enslaved to my
n. authority, but because I desire to help your joy;8 for your
1 faith [I know] is stedfast But » I determined not again 10 to
2 visit you in grief, for if I cause yon grief, who is there to cause
3 me joy, but those whom I have grieved? And for this very11
reason I wrote " to you instead of coming, that I might not re-
1 W.yn upa. Compare pyn, xii. 18.
* This translation (the literal English being, do I purpose my purposes carnally,
that both yea, yea, and nay, nay, may be [found] with me) appears to give the full
force of the iva, as much as that of Chrysostom : " or must I hold to the purposes
which I have formed from fleshly fear, lest I be accused of changing my yea into
nay ;" whieh is advocated by Winer, but which does not agree with the context.
3 We read iarl with Lachmann, Tischendorf, and the best MSS.
* The commentators do not seem to have remarked the reference of xpiaag to the
preceding Xpiarov. The anointing spoken of as bestowed on the Apostles, was that
grace by which they were qualified for their office. The ypug and ypuv in verses 20,
21, and 22, include Silvanus and Timotheus, as is expressly stated verse 19.
5 Observe the emphatic tyu.
« Ovkcti, mistranslated in A. V. as if it were ovim.
7 St. Paul adds this sentence to soften what might seem the magisterial tone of th«
preceding, in which he had implied his power to punish the Corinthians.
8 /. e. I desire not to cause you sorrow, but to promote your joy.
9 'EpavTip can scarcely mean for my own sake (as Billroth and othern propose tt
translate it). Compare ISoia IpavrQ, Acts xxvi. 9.
'o This alludes to the intermediate visit which St. Paul paid to Corinth. Sen p. 26
n->te 1.
» Toe™ abrb. Compare Gal. ii. 10, and Phil. i. 6
'* /. e. the First Ep. Cor.

100 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PATJI-
I
ceive grief from those who ought to give me joy ; and I con
fide in' you all that my joy is yours. For I wrote to you out of 4
much affliction and anguish of heart, with many tears ; not to
pain you, but that you might know the abundance of my love.
pardon of the As concerns him ' who has caused the pain, it is 5
incestuous per- _ j* » r
*>¦>- not me that he has pained, but some ot you ; [some,
T say,] that I may not press too harshly upon all. For the 3 6
offender himself, this punishment, which has already been in
flicted on him by the sentence of the majority," is sufficient
without increasing it. On the contrary, you ought ratter to 1
forgive and comfort him, lest he should be overwhelmed by the
greatness of his sorrow. Wherefore I beseech you fully to re- 8
store him to your love. For the very end which I- sought 9
when I wrote before, was to test you in this matter, and learn
whether you would be obedient in all things. But whomso- IC
ever you forgive, I forgive also ; for whatever 5 1 have forgiven,
I have forgiven on your account in the sight6 of Christ, thatli
we ' may not be robbed [of our brother] by Satan ; for we are
not ignorant of his devices.
cause of his "When I had come to Troas to publish the Glad- 12
leaving Troas. . - _^ . ^ n , ,
tidings ot Christ, and a door was opened to me in the
Lord, I had no rest in my spirit because I found not Titus my 13
brother ; so that I parted from them,9 and came from thence
into Macedonia. But thanks be to God who leads me on from 14
place to place in the train of his triumph, to celebrate his vic
tory over the enemies of Christ ; 9 and by me sends forth the
1 Literally, "if any man has caused p it/;;" a milder expression, which would nol
in English bear so definite a meaning as it does in the Greek.
' The punctuation we adopt is d\V dirb pipovg (Iva pi) imfiapu irdvrag) ipug. For
the meaning of dirb pipovg, see Chap. I. 14. With regard to the sentiment, St. Paul
intends to say that not all the Corinthian Church had been included in his former cen
sure, but only that part of it which had supported the offender ; and therefore the
pain which the offender had drawn down on the Church was not inflicted on the whole
Church, but only on that erring part of it.
3 Tu toiovtu. This expression is used elsewhere for a definite offending individual.
Compare Acts xxii. 22, and 1 Cor. v. 5. It is not adequately represented by the Eng
lish "such a man."
* Tuv nXeibvuv, not " many " (A. V.) ; hut the majority.
s The best MSS. read o not u.
« 'Ev irpoaunp. Compare Proverbs viii. 30 : efypaivbpyv iv irpoeuitip avrov (LXX.J.
The expression is used 6omewbat differently in iv. 6.
i The we of this verse appears to include the readers, judging from ths change c?
penson before and after.
s Namely, from the Christians of Troas.
» OpiapPeveiv (which is mistranslated in A. V.) means to lead a man aj a captivi

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE COKINTHIANS. 101
Knowledge of Him, a steam of fragrant incense, throughout the
15 world. For Christ's is the fragrance ¦ which I offer up .to God,
whether among these in the way of salvation,2 or among those
16 in the way of perdition ; but to these it is an odour of death, to
those of life.3
And [if some among you deny my sufficiency!, Defence of ti»
, , L. „ . ' , .. „ _ T , manner in which
17 who then is sufficient lor these things i h or 1 seek be discharged hi,
° apostolic office,
no profit (like most) 4 by setting the word of God *-a\ '*? , e^j
1 N ' *> ° contrasted with
to sale,5 but I speak from a single heart, from the th.at of^ .the Mo-
i -1 © i saic Gispensa-
lllcomand of God, as in God's presence, and in fellow- tion-
I ship with Christ. Will you say that I am again beginning to
commend myself? Or think you that I need letters of com
mendation (like some other men) either to you, or from you 1
2 ]STay, ye are yourselves my letter of commendation, a letter
3 written on 6 my heart, known and read 7 by all men ; a letter
coming manifestly from Christ, and committed to my charge ;
written not with ink, but with the spirit of the living God ; not
upon tablets of stone,8 but upon the fleshly tablets of the heart.
4 But through Christ have I this confidence 9 before God ; not
5 thinking myself sufficient to gain wisdom by my own reason
ings,10 as if it came from myself, but drawing my sufficiency
tn a triumphal procession ,- dpiapfleveiv hi Xpiaru means, to lead captive in a
triumph over the enemies of Christ. The metaphor is taken from the triumphal
procession of a victorious general. God is celebrating his triumph over His enemies ;
St. Paul (who had been so great an opponent of the Gospel) is a captive following
in the train of the triumphal procession, yet (at the same time, by a characteristic change
of metaphor) an incense-bearer, scattering incense (which was always done on these oc
casions) as the procession moves on. Some of the conquered enemies were put to death
when the procession reached the Capitol ; to them the smell of the incense was bapy
Bavurov elg ddvarov ; to the rest who were spared, bapi) ^uyg elg tjuyv. The metaphor
appears to have been a favourite one with St. Paul : it occurs again Col. ii. 15.
1 Literally, Christ's fragrance am I, unto God.
' Su&pivoig, not " who are saved " (A. V.).
3 Literally, to these it is an odour of death, ending in death ; to those an odour
of life, ending in life.
* The mistranslation of oi iroTAol, by " many " ( A. V.), materially alters the sense.
He evidently alludes to his antagonists at Corinth ; see p. 96, and xi. 13.
6 Kairyheveiv, is to sell by retail, including a notion of fraud in the selling.
6 It is possible that in using ratg Kapbiatc here St. Paul meant to include Timotheus;
yet as this supposition does not agree well with the context, it seems better to suppose
the plural used merely to suit the plural form of iipuv.
' The paronomasia yivuaKopsvy Kal dvayivuaKopivy cannot well be here imitated
in English. Compare i. 14.
» Like the law of Moses.
• Viz. of his sufficiency. Compare ii. 16 Uavog; iii. 5 Uavoi, 6 iKavuacv.
V Ao liacaBai n dp kavruv, literally, to reach any conchisicn by my otvn reason.

102 > THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PACL
from God. For He it is who has made me suffice r,r She, ii.-.r- a
istration of a new covenant, a covenant not of letter, l>ot of spi
rit; for the letter gives the doom of death, but the spirit gives
the power of life. Yet if a glory was shed upon the ministra- 7
tion of the law of death, (a law written in letters, and graven
upon stones), so that the children of Israel could not fix their
eyes on the face of Moses, for the glory of his countenance,
although its brightness was soon to fade ; ' how far more glori- 8
ous must the ministration of the spirit be. For if the ministra- a
tion of doom had glory, far more must the ministration of right
eousness abound in glory.2 Yea, that which then was glorified ie
with brightness, is now turned into darkness,3 by the surpassing
glory wherewith it is compared. For if a glory shone upon ll
that which was doomed to pass away, much more shall glory rest «
upon that which remains for ever. Therefore, having this hope 12
[in the abiding glory of the new covenant], I speak and act
without disguise ; and not like Moses, who spread a veil over 13
his face, that 5 the children of Israel might not see the end of
that fading brightness. But their minds were blinded ; yea to 14
this day, when they read in their synagogues 6 the ancient cove
nant, the same veil rests thereon, nor ' can they see beyond it
that the law is done away in Christ ; but even now, when Mo- 15
ses is read in their hearing, a veil8 lies upon their heart. But 16
As Theodoret explains it, ova ef oiKeiw i^aivavreg "koyiapuv npoaijxpopev rd Kypvypara
(Comment, in loco.)
1 Karapyovpeveg. See note on 1 Cor. ii. S.
a The whole of this contrast between the glory of the new and the old dispensations,
appears to confirm the hypothesis that St. Paul's chief antagonists at Corinth were of
the Judaizing party.
3 Tb 6eSo£aopev(w hi rovnp to pipet, that which, in this particular, was glorified
with brightness; oiidi Se&bl-aaTai, has not so much as been glorified with brightness;
the latter expression being equivalent to has no brightness at all. If, with the best
MSS., we read ov instead of oiiSe, the meaning will not be essentially altered.
' 'Ef , opposed to the preceding did.
5 See Exod. xxxiv. 35. St. Paul here (as usual) blends the allegorical with the his
torical view of the passage referred to in the Old Testament.
6 In their synagogues is implied in the term uvayvuaei. Compare Acts xv. 21.
» We take pJ) uyaKaXvitTopevav absolutely (with Meyer) ; literally, it being not un
veiled [i.e. not revealed] to them that it [the ancient covenant] is done away in
Christ. KarapyeiTat is predicated, not of the veil, but of the ©Id covenant. Com
pare Karapyovpevov in the preceding verse, and the use of the same word in verses
7 and 11.
» Perhaps there may be here an allusion to the Tallith, which was worn in the syna
gogue by every worshipper, and was literally a veil hung over the breast. Se*
Vol. I. p. 173.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE COEINTHIANS. 103
17 when they -turn to the Lord ¦ Jesus, the veil is rent away. Now
the Lord is the Spirit ; and where the Spirit of the Lord abides,
18 there bondage gives place to freedom ; and we all, while with
face unveiled we behold as in a mirror the brightness of our
Lord's glory, are ourselves transformed into the same likeness ;
and the glory which slimes upon us 2 is reflected by us, even as
IV it proceeds from the Lord, the Spirit.
1 Therefore having this ministry, I discharge it with no faint-
2 hearted fears, remembering the mercy which I3 received. I
have renounced the secret dealings of shame, I walk not in the
paths of cunning, 1 4 adulterate not God's message ; but openly
setting forth the truth, as in the sight of God, I commend my-
3 self to the conscience of all men. But if there be still a veil
which hides my Glad-tidings from some who hear me, it is
4 among those 5 who are in the way of perdition ; whose unbe
lieving minds the God of this passing world6 has blinded, and
shut out the light of the Glad-tidings, even the glorious bright-
5 ness of Christ, who is the image of God. For I proclaim not
myself, but Christ Jesus as Lord and Master, and myself your
6 bondsman for the sake of Jesus. For God, who called forth
light out of darkness, has caused His light to shine in my heart,
that the knowledge of His glory manifested in the face of Jesus
Christ might be shed forth [upon others also].'
7 But this treasure is lodged in a body of fragile in sickness and
f° ** ° in danger his
clay, that so the surpassing might which aids me strength is from
8 should be God's, and not my own. I am hard Christ and th.
i J nope of eternal
9 pressed, yet not crushed; helpless, yet not hopeless ; We-
10 persecuted, yet not forsaken ; cast down, yet not destroyed.8 I
bear about continually in my body the dying of Jesus,9 that the
1 Kvpmv.
* 'Anb bb%ys describes the cause, viz. the glory shining on us ; elg $6£av, the effect ;
viz. the reflection of that glory by us. For the metaphor, compare 1 Cor. xiii. 11, and
note. We observe in both passages that even the representation of divine truth given
ns by Christianity is only a reflection of the reality.
8 Viz. in his conversion from a state of Jewish unbelief.
* St. Paul plainly intimates here (as he openly states xi. 17) that some other
teachers were liable to these charges.
6 Compare ii. 15, 16.
6 For this translation of aluvog tovtov, see note on 1 Cor. i. 20.
' For the meaning of Qunopov, compare verse 4.
• Observe the force of the present tense of all these participles, implying that the
rtate of things described was constantly going on.
* Kv/iiov it not found in the best MSS.

104 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
life also of Jesus might in my body be shewn forth. For 1. m n
the midst of life, am daily given over to death for the sake of
Jesus, that in my dying flesh the life whereby Jesus conquered
death ' might shew forth its power.
So then death working in me, works life" in you. Yet 12
having the same spirit of faith whereof it is written " I3 hail 13
faith, and therefore have L spoken," I also have faith, and
therefore speak. For I know that He who raised our Lord Je- 14
bus from the dead, shall raise me also by Jesus, and shall call
me into His presence together with you ; for all my sufferings 15
are on your behalf, that the mercy which has abounded above
them all, might call forth your thankfulness ; that so the fulness
of praise might be poured forth to God, not by myself alone,
but multiplied by many voices.4 "Wherefore I faint not; but 16
though my outward man decays, yet my inward man is re
newed from day to day. For my light afflictions, which last 17
but for a moment, work for me a weight of glory, immeasura
ble and eternal. Meanwhile I look not to things seen, but to 18
things unseen : for the things that are seen pass away ; but the V
things that are unseen endure for ever. Yea, I know that if 1
the tent J which is my earthly house be destroyed, I have a
mansion built by God, a house not made with hands, eternal, in
the heavens. And for this I groan with earnest longings, de- 2
siring to cover6 my earthly raiment with the robes of my hea
venly mansion. (If indeed I shall be found7 still clad in my 3
floehly garment). For we who are dwelling in the tent, groan 4
and are burdened ; not desiring to put off our earthly clothing,
but to put over it our heavenly raiment, that this our dying na
ture might be swallowed up by life. And He who has pre- 5
1 Observe the force of the Kat. Literally, " the life as well as the death, of Jesus."
1 I. e. the mortal peril, to which St. Paul exposed himself, was the instrument of
bringing spiritual life to his converts.
3 Ps. cxvi. 10. (LXX.).
< The exactly literal translation would be, " that the mercy which has above all
abounded might, through the thanksgiving of the greater number, overflow to the
praise of God." Compare the similar sentiment at Chap. I. 11.
* The shifting tent, aKyvog, is here opposed to the enduring mansion, otKobopy; the
vile body of flesh and blood, to the spiritual body of the glorified saint.
• Observe the force of iirevbvoaoBai as distinguished from h>Svaco-8ai.
i Literally, " If indeed I shall be found clad, and not stripped of my clothing:"
i. e. " If, at the Lord's coming, I shall be found still living in the flesh." We know
from other passages that it was a matter of uncertainty with St. Paul whether he
should survive to behold the second coming of Christ or not. Compare 1 Thess. iv. 15
and 1 Cor. xv. 51.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 105
pared me for this very end is God, who has given me the Spirit
6 as the earnest of my hope. Therefore, in all my perils ' I am
of good courage, knowing that while my home is in the body,
7 I am in banishment from my Lord ; (for I walk by faith, not
8 by sight). Yea, my heart fails me not, but I would gladly suf
fer banishment from the body, and have my home with Christ."
9 Therefore I strive earnestly that, whether in banishment or at
LO home, I may be pleasing in His sight. For we must all be
made manifest3 without disguise' before the judgment seat of
Christ, that each may receive according to that which he has
done in the body, either good or evil.
11 Knowing therefore the fearfulness of the Lord's His earnestness
. . T springs from-a
judgment, though I seek to win men,4 yet my up- sense of Ms re-
rightness is manifest in the sight of God ; and I Christ> .wh°se
*-> ci commission he
hope also that it is manifested bv the witness of your bears> and .*?
-»¦ •/ «/ union wita
12 consciences. I write not thus to repeat my own ^^^7^
commendation,5 but that I may furnish you with a chacsed-
ground of boasting on my behalf, that you may have an an
swer for those whose boasting is in the outward matters of sight,
13 not in the inward possessions of the heart. For if I be mad,6 it
14 is for God's cause ; if sober, it is for yours. For the love of
Christ constrains me, because I thus judge, that if one died for
15 all, then His death was their death ; ' and that He died for all,
that the living might live no longer to themselves, but to Him,
who, for their sakes, died and rose again.8
16 I" therefore, from henceforth, view no man carnally; yea,
though once my view of Christ was carnal,10 yet now it is no
17 longer carnal. "Whosoever, then, is in Christ, is created anew ;
i Xluvrore. * Literally, the Lord.
a QaveouByvaj. is mistranslated in the Authorised Version.
4 'AvBpiimovg -kuBu. He was accused by the Judaizers of uvBpuizcvg izeiBeiv and
dvBouiroig doiaKeiv. (See Gal. i. 10, and the note.)
6 This alludes to the accusation of vanity brought against him by his antagonists.
c I. e. if I exalt myself (his opponents called him beside himself with vanity), it is
for God's cause ; if I humble myself, it is for your sakes.
i Oi irdvreg diriBavov cannot mean all were dead (A. V.), but all died.
» The best commentary on the 14th and 15th verses is Gal. ii. 20.
9 'Hpeig, emphatic.
ii We agree with Billroth, Neander. and De Wette, that this cannot refer to any
actual knowledge which St. Paul had of our Lord when upon earth ; it would probably
nave been 'lyaovv had that been meant ; moreover, oibapev Kard adpna, above, does
not refer to personal knowledge, but to a carnal estimate. For other reasons against
surh an interpretation, see Vol. I. p. 64. St. Paul's view of Christ was carnal when
la Jcoked (like other Jews) for a Messiah who should be an earthly conqueror.

106 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
his old being has passed away, and behold, all has become no*.
But all comes from God, for He it is who reconciled me to Him- it
self by Jesus Christ, and charged me with the ministry of recon
ciliation ; for > God was in Christ reconciling the world to Him- 19
self, reckoning their sins no more against them, and He made
it my task to bear the message of reconciliation. Therefore 1 20
am an ambassador for Christ, as though God besought you by
my voice ; in Christ's stead I beseech you, be ye reconciled to
God. For Him who knew no sin, God struck with the doom 21
of sin on our behalf ; that we might 2 be changed into the right- VI
eousness of God in Christ. Moreover, as working3 together 1
-with Him, I also exhort you, that the grace which you have re
ceived from God be not in vain. For He saith : " Lhave heard 2
thee in an acceptable time, and in the day of salvation have I
succoured thee." * Behold, now is the acceptable time ; behold,
now is the day of salvation.
vindication et Meanwhile I take heed to give no cause of stum- 3
withayhich he bling, lest blame should be cast on the ministration
his duty, and wherein I serve ; but in all things I commend my- 4
appeal to the ? ° . .
affection of his selfsasone who ministers to Gods service; in pa-
converts. ...
tient endurance, in afflictions, in necessities, in strait- 5
tiess of distress, in stripes, in imprisonments, in tumults, in
labours, in sleepless watchings, in hunger and thirst ; in purity, 6
in knowledge, in long-suffering, in kindness, in [the gifts of] the
Holy Spirit, in love unfeigned ; speaking the word of truth, 7
working with the power of God, fighting with the weapons of
righteousness, both sword and shield ; through good report and g
evil, through honour and through infamy ; counted aa a de- 9
ceiver, yet being true ; as unknown [by men], yet acknowledged "
[by God] ; as ever dying, yet behold I live ; as chastened by
suffering, yet not destroyed ; as sorrowful, yet ever filled with iu
joy ; as poor, yet makiug many rich ; as having nothing, yet
possessing all things.
1 'Qf on, als well, ndmhch well, pleonastisch (De Wette, in loco). So also Wine;,
§ 67. * TevupeBa is the reading of the best MSS.
' See note on 1 Cor. iii. 9. ¦> Is. xlix. 8. (LXX.)
s 'Zwiaruvreg tavroijg, an allusion apparently to avviardveiv iavrcig and Ouo ranKih
trciaroXuv (iii. 1) ; as though he said, I commend myself, not by word, but by deed.
6 For this menning of iiuywuoKopevoi, see 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE COEINTH IANS. 107
11 Corinthians, my • mouth has spoken to you freely, — my
12 heart ha3 opened itself fully towards you. You find no nar-
13 rowness in my love, but the narrowness is in your own. I
pray you therefore in return for my affection (I speak as to my
children), let your hearts be opened in like manner.
14 Cease to yoke yourselves unequally in ill-matched Exhortation u
... „ , r. , . the Anti-Ju.
intercourse with unbelievers; for what fellowship daising party
has righteousness with unrighteousness ; what com- to si™ an m-
15 munion has light with darkness ? what concord has heathen vice.
Christ with Belial ? what partnership has a believer with an
16 unbeliever ? what agreement has the temple of God with idols ?
For ye are yourselves a temple of the living God, as God said:
" L% will dwell in them, and walk in them, and Twill be their
17 God, and they shall be my people." "Wherefore, " Come 3 out
from among them, and be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch
18 not the unclean thing, and Twill receive you" And "Z4 will be
VIII. unto you a father, and ye shall be my sons and daughters, saith
1 the Lord Almighty." Having therefore these promises (my
beloved children), let us cleanse ourselves from every defile
ment, either of flesh or spirit, and perfect our holiness, in the
fear of God.
2 5 Give me a favourable hearing. I have wronged satisfaction at
no man, I have done hurt e to no man, I have defraud- bought by
Titus from Co-
3 ed no man ; yet 1 say not this to condemn you [as rinth.
though I had myself been wronged by you], for I have said before
4 that I have you in my heart, to live and die with you. Great is
my freedom towards you, great is my boasting of you ; I am filled
with the comfort which you have caused me ; I have more than
5 an overweight of joy, for all the affliction which has befallen me.
When first I came into Macedonia my flesh had no rest, but I
1 Observe, as a confirmation of previous remarks, ypuv (11), Myu (13) ; also ypuc
(vii. 2), 2,eyu (vii. 3), i/puv (vii. 3), pot (vii. 4).
* Levit. xxvi. 11, 12 (according to LXX., with slight variations).
3 Isaiah Iii. 11 (according to LXX., with alterations) ; Kayu dodifruai ipdg not
being either in the LXX. or the Hebrew.
4 This passage is not to be found exactly in the Old Testament, although 2 Sam. vii
14 and Jer. xxxi. 9, and xxxiii. 32, contain the substance of it.
3 It is not impossible that the preceding part ;if the Epistle may have been written
before the coming of Titus. See p. 95, n. 1.
« St. Paul appears frequently to use ipBeipeiv in this sense (compare 1 Cor. iii. 17)
und not in the ordinary meaning of corrupt.

108 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
was troubled on every side ; without were fightings, within were 6
fears. But God who comforts them that are cast down, comforted
me by the coming of Titus ; and not by his coming only, but by 7
the comfort which he felt on your account, and the tidings winch -
he brought of your longing for my love, your mourning for my
reproof, your zeal for my cause; so that my sorrow has been
turned into joy. And I do not now regret (although I did i
before regret), that I wrote the letter > which has given you
pain (for I see that you were pained by that letter, though it
was but for a season) ;— not that I rejoice in your sorrow, but 9
because it led you to repentance ; for the sorrow which I
caused yon was a godly sorrow ; so that I might nowise harm
you [even when I grieved you]. For godly sorrow works ic
repentance not to be repented of, leading to salvation ; but
worldly sorrow works nought but death. Consider what was ll
wrought among yourselves when you were grieved with a godly
sorrow ; what earnestness it wrought in you, yea, what eager
ness to clear yourselves from blame, what indignation,2 what
fear,3 what longing," what zeal,3 what punishment of wrong.
You have cleared yourselves altogether from every stain of
guilt in this matter. Know, therefore, that although I wrote 12
to rebuke you, it was not so much to punish the wrong doer,
nor to avenge him 6 who suffered the wrong, but that my earnest
zeal for you in the sight of God might be manifest to your
selves. This, therefore, is the ground of my comfort ; ' but besides 13
my consolation on your account, I was beyond measure rejoiced
by the joy of Titus, because his spirit has been refreshed by the.
conduct of you all. For whatever boast of you I may have 14
made to him, I have not been put to shame. But as all I ever
said to you was spoken in truth, so also my boasting of you to
Titus has been proved a truth. And his heart is more than 15
ever drawn towards you, while he calls to mind the obedience
1 Viz. 1 Cor., unless we adopt the hypothesis that another letter had been written
in the interval, according to the view mentioned p. 91, n. 2.
Indignation against the offender. 3 Fear of the wrath of God.
« Longing for restoration to St. Paul's approval and love.
s Zeal on behalf of right, and against wrong.
e Viz. the father of the offender. We need not be perplexed at his wife's forming
another connection during his life time, when we consider the great laxity of the law
of divorce among the Greeks and Romans.
i The reading of the best MSS. is M Si tj naoaK2.yoei.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE COKINTHIANS. 109
01 you all, and the anxiety and self-distrust ' wherewith you
Lfi received him. I rejoice that I can now confide in you
altogether.
VIII. 1 I do3ire, brethren, to make known to you the Explanation!
manifestation of God's grace, which has been given concerning the
2 ins the churches of Macedonia. For in the heavy the poor Christ
ians in Jerusa
trial which lias proved their stedfastness, the ful- lcm-
ness of their joy has overflowed, out of the depth of their
3 poverty, in the richness of their liberality. They have given (I
bear them witness) not only according to their means, but beyond
4 their means, and that of their own free will ; for they besought
me with much entreaty that they might bear their part3 in the
5 grace of ministering to Christ's people. And far beyond my hope,
they gave their very selves to the Lord Jesus 4 first, and to me
6 also, by the will of God. So that I have desired Titus [to revisit
you], that as he caused you to begin this work, so he may
lead you to finish it, that this grace may not be wanting5 in
, 7 you ; but that, as you abound in all gifts, in faith and utterance,
and knowledge, and earnest zeal, and in the love which joins 6
your hearts with mine, so you may abound in this grace also.
8 I say not this by way of command ; but by the zeal of others
3 I would prove the reality of your love. For you know the
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, how, though He was rich, yet
for our sakes He became poor, that you, by His poverty, might
10 be made rich. And I give you my advice in this matter ; for
it becomes you to do thus, inasmuch as you began not only the
contribution, but the purpose of making it, before others,7 in
11 the year which is past. Now, therefore, fulfil your purpose
by your deeds, that as you then shewed your readiness of
will, so now you may finish the work, according to your
12 means. For if there be a willing mind, the s gift is accept
able when measured by tlie giver's power, and needs not to go
> For the meaning of fo/Sov ko.1 rpopov, see 1 Cor. ii. 3.
' AeSopivyv iv cannot mean "bestowed on" (A.V.).
3 AigaoBai yuug is omitted by the best MSS. * T£ Exipty.
5 Observe the force of the second Kal.
6 Tij i^ bpuv iv yplv dyairy, literally, the love which springs from you and dwells
in me.
' Hpo-evyptaaBe ; friz, before the Macedonian churches.
B Literally, it is acceptable according to that which it possesses, not that which it
possesses not. The ng is omitted in the best MSS.

1 10 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
beyond. Nor is this collection made that others may be cased, 13
and you distressed, but to make your burdens equal, that, as now 14
your abundance supplies their need, your own need may a<
another time be relieved in equal measure by their abundance,
as it is written,1—"^ that gathered much had nothing over; and 15
he that gathered little had no lack." But, thanks be to God, that ifi
He has put into the heart of Titus the same zeal as I have on your
behalf; for he not only has consented to my desire, but is 17
himself very zealous in the matter, and goes'-' to you of his
own accord. And I have sent as his companion the brother 18
who is with him, whose praise in publishing the Glad-tidings3
is spread throughout all the churches, and who has more- 19
over been chosen by the churches [of Macedonia] to accom
pany me in my journey (when I bear this gift, which I have
undertaken to administer); that our Lord4 Jesus might be
glorified, and that5 I might undertake the task with more
good will. For I guard myself against all suspicion which 20
might be cast upon me in my administration of this bounty
with which I am charged ; being careful to do all things in a 21
seemly manner, not only in the sight of our Lord, but also in
the sight of men. The brother 6 whom I have sent likewise 22
with them, is one whom I have put to the proof in many trials,
and found always zealous in the work, but who is now yet
more zealous from the full trust which he has in you. Con- 23
cerning Titus, then (on the one hand), he is partner of my lot,
and fellow-labourer with me for your good ; concerning our
1 Exodus xvi. 18, quoted according to LXX. The subject is the gathering of the
manna. 1 "E£y?£e in the past, because the act is looked upon, according to the classical
idiom, from the position of the reader.
3 Tip evayyeliu here cannot refer, as some have imagined, to a written Gospel ;
the word is of constant occurrence in the New Testament (occurring sixty times in St.
Paul's writings, and sixteen times in the other books), but never once in the snpposed
sense. Who the deputy here mentioned was, we have no means of ascertaining. Pro
bably, however, he was either Luke (Acts xx. 6), or one of those, not Macedonians (ix.
4), mentioned Acts xx. 4 ; and possibly may have been Trophimus. See Acts xxi. .29,
We may notice the coincidence between the phrase here (miviKSypog ypuv) and wveit-
typovg tov Hav"kov (Acts xix. 29).
* Tov Kvpiov.
6 The best MSS. omit avrov, and read ypuv (not vpwv).
« There is even less to guide us in our conjectures as to the person here indicated,
than in the case of the other deputy mentioned above. Here, also, the eSissary was
elected by some of the Churches who had contributed to the collection. He may have
been either Luke, Gains, Tychicus. or Trophimus (Acts xx. 4).

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. Ill
brethren (on the other hand), they are ambassadors of the
V churches, — a manifestation of the glory of Christ. I oeseech
you, therefore, to justify my boasting on your behalf, in the
IX. sight of the churches whence they come, by proofs of your love
1 to them.1 For of your ministration to Christ's people [at Jeru
salem] it is needless that I should write to you ; since I know
2 the forwardness of your mind, and boast of it to the Macedo-
. nians, saying that Achaia has been ready ever since last year ;
and the knowledge of your zeal has roused the most of them to
3 follow it. But I have sent the brethren,2 lest my report of
you in this matter should be turned into an empty boast ; that
4 you may be truly ready, as I have declared you to be. Lest
perchance the Macedonians, who may come with me to visit
you, should find you not yet ready, and so shame should fall
upon me (for I will not say upon you) by the failure of this
5 boast, whereon I founded 3 my appeal to them. Therefore, I
thought it needful to desire these brethren to visit you before
my coming, and to arrange beforehand the completion of this
bounty which you before promised to have in readiness ; so it
be really given by your bounty, net wrung from your covet-
6 ousness. But remember, he 4 who sows sparingly shall reap
sparingly ; and he who sows bountifully shall reap bountifully.
7 Let each do according to the free choice of his heart; not
grudgingly, or of necessity ; for " God loveth a cheerful giver." 5
B And God is able to give you an overflowing measure of all
good gifts, that all your wants may be supplied, and you may
j give of your abundance to every good work. As it is written,
— •" The good man hath scattered abroad, he hath given to the
,0 poor; his righteousness remainethfor ever" 6 Now may He who
furnisheth " seed to the sower, and bread for the food of man," '
! 'Elg aiirovg answers to elg roig dyiovg in the following verse. The Kal before elg
rpoauKov is omitted by all the best MSS.
' Viz. Titus and the other two.
3 'Tizoardaei, literally, the groundwork on which some superstructure is founded,
S. (with the best MSS.) we omit ryg Kavxyaeug, the meaning will be unaltered. Com
pare xi. 17.
« The same expression occurs Gal. vi. 7.
5 Prov. xxii. 8 (according to LXX., with slight variation).
« Ps. cxii. 9 (LXX.).
' The wools aneppa r£ mreipovn Kal dprov elg Bouaiv, are an exact quotation from
[saiah lv. 10 (LXX.). Ignorance of this fact has caused an inaccuracy in A. V. The
literal translation of the remainder of the verse is, — " Furnish and make plenteous
your seed, and increase the fruits springing from your righteousness."

112 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
furnish you with plenteous store of seed, and bless yoar nghi-
eousness wilh fruits of increase. May you be enriched with u
all good things, and give them freely with singleness of mind;
causing thanksgivings to God from ¦ those to whom I bear your
gifts. For the administration of this service not only fills up is
the measure of the necessities of Christ's people, but also over
flows beyond it, in many thanks to God ; while they " praise 13
God for the proof thus given of the obedience wherewith you
have consented to the Glad-tidings of Christ, and for the single-
minded liberality which you have, shewn both to them, and
to all. Moreover, in their prayers for you they express tlie 14
earnest longings of their love towards you, called forth through
the surpassing grace of God manifested in you. Thanks be to 15
God for His unspeakable gift. X
He contrasts his Now I, Paul, myself exhort you by the meek- l
own character .
and services ness and gentleness ot (Jurist — (1, wlio am mean, ior-
with those of & v ' '
the false teach- sooth,3 and lowly in outward presence, while I am
ers who depre- i ^ ±
ciated him. among you, yet treat you boldly when I am absent)
— I beseech you (I say), that you will not force me to show, 2
when I come, the bold reliance on my own authority, where
with I reckon to deal with some who measure 4 me by the stan
dard of the flesh. For, though living in the flesh, my warfare 3
is not waged according to the flesh. For the weapons which I 4
wield are not of fleshly weakness, but mighty in the strength
of God to overthrow the strongholds of the adversaries. There- 5
by can I overthrow the reasonings of the disputer, and pull
down the lofty bulwarks which raise themselves against the
knowledge of God, and bring every rebellious thought into cap
tivity and subjection to Christ. And when the obedience of 6
your « church shall be complete, I am still ready to punish all
those who remain disobedient.
Do you look at matters of outward advantage ? If there 7
be any among you who boasts that he belongs above the rest to
' Literally, causing thanksgiving to God by my instrumentality.
1 Literally, they being caused, by the proof of this ministration, to praise God for
the obedience, &c.
* Compare verse 10 and Kard ¦Kpoaunov (verse 7) ; also V. 12 roic hi npoeumf
Kavxupivovg. 4 Literally, who account of me as though I walked according to the flesh. The
verses which follow explain the meaning of the expression.
5 'Tpdv , Compare ii. 5.

SECOND EPISTLE 'JO THE COEINTHIANS. 113
Christ,1 1 bid him once more to consider my words, that if he
8 belong to Christ, so do I no less. For although I were to boast
somewhat highly concerning the authority which the Lord Je
sus has given me (not to cast you down, but to build you up),
9 my words would not be shamed by the truth. I say this, lest
yon should imagine that I am writing empty threats to terrify
10 you. " For his letters," says one,2 " are written with authority
and firmness, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech
11 contemptible." Let such a man assure himself that the words
which I write while absent, shall be borne out by my deeds
12 when present.3 For I venture not to number or compare my
self with those among you who prove their worth by their self-
commendation ; but they, measuring themselves by themselves,
and comparing themselves with themselves, are guilty of folly.4
13 But I, for my part, will not let my boasting carry me beyond
all measure, but will confine it within that measure given me
14 by God, who made my line reach even to you. For I stretch
not myself beyond due bounds (as though I reached you not) ; for
I have already come as far even as Corinth 5 to publish the Glad-
15 tidings of Christ. I am not boasting beyond my measure, foi
the labours of others ; 8 but I hope that if your faith goes on
i6 increasing among7 yourselves, I shall be still further honoured,
within the limits appointed to me, by bearing the Glad-tidings to
' The party who said iyd Si Xpiorov (1 Cor. i. 12). See Vol. I. p. 444. As we
have remarked above, p. 96, this party at Corinth seems to have been formed and led
by an emissary from the Judaizers of Palestine, who is especially referred to in this
chapter. * $yol, literally, " says he ;" but it is occasionally used impersonally (see Winer,
§ 49) for " they say ;" yet as, in that sense, </>aol would be more naturally used, the
use of $yal and of b roiovrog in the next verse, seems to point to a single individual at
the head of St. Paul's opponents. See last note and p. 96, and compare the use of 6
roiovrog for the single incestuous person (2 Cor. ii. 7), and for St. Paul himself (2 Cor.
xii. 2).
3 Literally, " Let such a man reckon, that such as I am in word by letters while
ibsent, such will I be also in deed when present."
4 Svviovaiv is an Hellenistic -form of the 3rd pi. ind. present from awiyui, and
occurs Mat. xiii. 13. Hence we need not take it here for the dative pi. of ovviuv, with
Olshausen and others. If the latter view were correct, the translation would be, "but
I measure myself by my own standard, and compare myself with myself alone, unwise
as I am." But this translation presents several difficulties, both in itself, and consid
ered in reference to the context. Lachmann, with cod. B., reads cvvmaiv, a reading
which (as well as the omission of the words from ov to Si in several ancient MSS.) has
apparently been caused by the difficulty of the Hellenistic form avvwvaiv.
5 'Ypuv. 6 This was the conduct of St. Paul's Judaizing antagonists.
' We join ai^avopevyg with hi iplv.
VOL. II. — 8

114 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 6T. PAUL.
the countries beyond you ; not by boasting of work made ready
to my hand within the field assigned to another. Meantime, 17
" He that boasteth, let him boast in the Lord." ' For a mania
is proved worthy, not when he commends himself, but when he.
is commended by his Lord. XI-
Would that ye could bear with me a little in my folly ! \
Yea, ye already bear with me. For I love you with a godly 2
jealousy, because I betrothed you to one only husband, even
to Christ, that I might present you unto Him in virgin purity ;
but now I fear lest, as Eve was beguiled by the craftiness of 3
the serpent, so your imaginations should be corrupted, and you
should be seduced from your single-minded faithfulness to
Christ. For even if he that is come among you proclaims to you 4
another Jesus, of whom I told you not, or if you receive from
him the gift of another Spirit, which you received not before,
or a new Glad-tidings, which you never heard from me, yet
you would fitly bear with me ; 2 for I reckon myself no whit 5
behind those who are counted3 such chief Apostles. Yea, 6
though I be unskilled in the arts of speech, yet I am not want
ing in the gift of4 knowledge ; but 1 have manifested 6 it to you
in all things, and amongst all men. Or is it a sin [which must 1
rob me of the name of Apostle],6 that I have proclaimed to you,
without fee or reward, the Glad-tidings of God, and have
abased 7 myself that you might be exalted ? Other churches I 8
have spoiled, and taken their wages to do you service. And o
when I was with you, though I was in want, I pressed not upon
' Quoted, according to the sense, from Jer. ix. 24 (LXX.) ; iv Kvp'up being substi
tuted for iv tovtu awtelv on iy6 elpi Kvpiog. Quoted also 1 Cor. i. 31.
* 'HveixeoBe. Lachmann (with the Vatican Manuscript) reads dvixeaSe, which
makes the coincidence with v. 1 more exact ; but if we keep yveixeaBe (or rather its
Hellenistic form, dveixeoBe), it may bear the sense here given it, on the same principle
on which erat is often used for esset, and fuerat for fuisset. We understand pov (not
airou with most commentators), because this agrees better with the context (yap Sol- ,
lowing), and with the first verse of the chapter.
3 Tuv vneflXiav dirooroXuv. This phrase (which occurs only in this Epistle) it
ironical, as is evident from the epithet virepTuav, " the super-apostolic Jlpostles."
4 The gift of yvuaig was a deep insight into spiritual truth. See Vol. I. p. 427, n.2.
a fyavepuaavreg is the reading supported by the preponderating weight of MS
authority. e See Vol. I. p. 436.
' J. e. by working with his hands for his daily bread. See Vol. I. p. 388. In all
probability (judging from what we know of other manufactories in those times) hi»
fellow-workmen in Aqnila's tent manufactory wore slaves. Compare Phil iv. 12,
olSo rairnvovaOai.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 116
any ot you ; lor the brethren,1 when they came from Macedo
nia, supplied my needs; and I kept, and will keep myself ali»-
lOgether from casting a burden upon you. As the truth of
Christ is in me, no deed of mine shall rob me " of this boasting
11 in the region of Achaia. And why ? Because I love you not ?
12 God knows my love. But what I do I will continue to do, that
I may cut off all ground from those who wish to find some
thing whereon they may rest a slander ; and let them show the
13 same cause for their boasting as I for mine.3 For men like these
are false Apostles, deceitful workmen, clothing themselves in
14 the garb of Christ's Apostles. And no wonder ; for even Satan
15 can transform himself into an angel of light. It is not strange,
then, if his servants disguise themselves as servants of right
eousness ; but their end shall be according to their works.
16 I entreat you all once more 4 not to count me for a fool ; or,
if you think me such, yet bear with me in my folly, while I,
17 too, boast a little of myself. But, in so doing, I speak not in
the spirit of Christ, but, as it were, in folly, while we stand
1 8 upon this ground of boasting ; for, since many are boasting
19 in the spirit of the flesh, I will boast likewise. And I know
20 that you bear kindly with fools, as beseems the wise. Nay,
you bear with men though tbey enslave you, though they de
vour you, though they entrap you, though they exalt them-
21 selves over you, though they smite you on the face, (I speak of
degradation),5 as though I were weak [and they were strong].
And yet, if any think they have grounds of boldness, I too
22 (I speak in folly) have grounds to be- as bold as they. Are
1 Probably Timotheus and Silvanus, who may have brought the contribution sent
by the Philippians. The A. V. would require oi iWbvreg.
' Qpayyaerat, .not a^pay'iaerai, is the reading of the MSS. The literal English
would be " this boasting shall not be stopped for me."
3 The literal English of this difficult passage is, " that they, in the ground of their
boasting, may be found even as I." De Wette refers iv u Kavxuvrai to the Jlpostolie
Office. We take it more generally. A more obvious way would be to take hi <p
Kavxuvrai (with Chrysostom and the older interpreters) to mean their abstaining
from receiving maintenance ; but we know that the false teachers at Corinth did not
do this (compare v. 20 below), but, on the contrary, boasted of their privilege, and
alleged that St. Paul, by not claiming it, showed his consciousness that he was not
truly sent by Christ. See 1 Cor. ix.
4 Literally, " Isay once more, let none of you count me," &c.
' Kara dnpiav Xiyo. This explanation, which only requires a slight alteration of
the ordinary punctuation, is simpler than JJe Wette's, who translates "I speak to my
own shame," which the Greek can scarcely mean. St. Paul virtually says, " you bear
Hth my opponents, as though I were too weak to resist them."

H6 THE LIFE AND EPIKTLES OF ST. PAUL.
they Hebrews ? so am I. Are they children of Israel 2 sc am
L Are they the seed of Abraham? so am I. Are they ser-23
vants of Christ? (I speak as though I were beside myself) such,
far more, am I. In labours more abundant, in stripes above
measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. (Five times 1 24
received from Jews the forty stripes save one; thrice I was 25
scourged with the Roman rods ; once I was stoned ; thrice I
suffered shipwreck;1 a night and a day I spent in the open2
sea). In journeyings often ; in perils of rivers, in perils of rob- 26
bers; in perils from my countrymen, in perils from the hea
then ; in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils
in the sea ; in perils among false brethren. In toil and weari-27
ness, often in sleepless watchings ; in hunger and thirst, often
without bread to eat ; in cold and nakedness. And besides all
the rest,3 there is the crowd 4 which presses upon me daily, and 28
the care of all the churches. Who is weak,5 but I share his
weakness ? Who is caused to fall, but 1 burn with indignation ? 29
If I must needs boast, it shall not be in my strength, but in my 30
weakness. God, who is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 31
He who is blessed for ever, knows that I lie not.6
In Damascus, the governor under Arctas,7 the king, kept 32
watch over the city with a garrison, purposing. to apprehend
me ; and I was let down by the wall, through a window, in a 33
basket, and thus [not by my strength, but by my weakness,] I
escaped his hands. It is not for me, then to boast.s XII. 1
But 1 will come also to visions and revelations of the
' The five Jewish scourgings, two of the three Roman beatings with rod3 (one being
at Philippi), and the three shipwrecks, are all unrecorded in the Acts. The stoning
was at Lystra. What a life of incessant adventure and peril is here disclosed to us!
And when we remember that he who endured and dared all this was a man constantly
Buffering from infirm health (see 2 Cor. iv. 7-12, and 2 Cor. xii. 7-10, and Gal. iv. 13,
14), such heroic self-devotion seems almost superhuman.
' Probably in a small boat, escaping from one of the wrecks.
3 Tiiv irapeKTbg, not " those things that are without." (A. V.)
= For this meaning of iiriavaraaig, compare Acts xxiv. 12.
= For the way in which St. Paul shared the weakness of the " weaker brethren," see
Vd. I. p. 445, and the passages there referred to.
« This solemn oath, affirming his veracity, refers to the preceding statements of his
labours and dangers. Compare Gal. i. 20. •
* For the historical questions connected with this incident, see Vol. I. p. 100. Also
on iBvdpxyc, see Winer's Realworterbueb.
8 (xii. 1.) We prefer the reading KavxuoBai by ov ovptpfpei poi of the Textus Re
ceptus (which is also adopted by Chrysostom and by Tischendorf ) to that of (he Vati
can Manuscript, adopted by Lachmann, KavxdaBai del oi avpipepov uiv. On the other
hand, we read with Lachmann, on the authority of the Codex Vaticanus, i'Mioouai ii

SECOND EPISTLE 10 'IHE COKLNTHIANS. 117
Lord Jesus. I know ' a man who was caught up fourteen
2 years ago (whether in the body or out of the body, I cannot tell ;
God knoweth), caught up, I say, in the power of Christ,2 even
3 to the third heaven. And I know that such a man (whether in
the body or out of the body I cannot tell; God knoweth)
4 was caught up into Paradise,3 and heard unspeakable words
5 which it is not lawful for man to utter. Of such a man, I will
boast ; but of myself I will not boast, save in the tokens of my
C weakness. If I should choose to boast, I should not be guilty
of empty vanity, for I should speak the truth ; but I forbear to
speak, that I may not cause any man to think of me more
highly than when he sees my deeds or hears my teaching.
7 And lest, through the exceeding greatness of these revelations,
I should be lifted up with pride, there was given me a thorn in
the flesh,4 a messenger of Satan, to buffet me and keep down
8 my pride. And thrice I besought the Lord Jesus 5 concerning it,
9 that it might depart from me ; but He said to me, " My grace
is sufficient for thee ; for my strength shows its full might iu
weakness." Most gladly, therefore, will I boast rather in my
weakness than in my strength, that the strength of Christ may
10 rest upon me, and dwell in me.6 Therefore I rejoice in signs
of weakness, in outrage, in necessities, in persecutions, in strait-
ness of distress, endured for Christ; for Avhen I am weakest,
then am I strongest.7
Kal, instead of the Textus Receptus, i%. yap. The whole passage is most perplexing,
from the obscurity of its connection with what precedes and what follows. Why did
St. Paul mention his escape from Damascus in so much detail ? Was it merely as an
event ignominious to himself? This seems the best view, but it is far from satisfactory.
There is something most disappointing in his beginning thus to relate in detail the first
in that series of wonderful escapes of which he had just before given a rapid sketch,
and then suddenly and abruptly breaking off; leaving our curiosity roused and yet
ungratified. We cannot agree with De Wette in considering the Damascene escape to
be introduced as the climax of all the other perils mentioned, nor in referring to it the
solemn attestation of v. 31.
1 The mistranslation of olSa in A. V. {knew for know) very seriously affects the
sense : irpb is also mistranslated.
* We take iv Xpiaru with dpizayivra, which would have come immediately after
titKareaadpuv, had it not been intercepted by the parenthetic clause.
3 Compare Luke xxiii. 43, To-day shalt thou be with me in Paradise, and Rev. ii.7.
4 I. e. a painful bodily infirmity. See Gal. iv. 13, 14, and Vol. L p. 274.
5 Tdv Kvpiov.
« The full meaning of imoKyvoa is, to come to a place for the purpose of fixing
one's tent there. Compare (with the whole verse) iv. 7.
i I. «. the more he was depressed by suffering and persecution, the more was he
enabled to achieve by the aid of Christ
I

118 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PATTL.
I have been guilty of folly in boasting, but you have forced 11
me to it ; for I ought myself to have been commended by you :
for I have come no whit behind those who are reckoned such
chief1 Apostles, although I be of no account. The marks, at 12
least, of an Apostle were seen in the deeds which I wrought
among you, in signs and wonders, and miracles, with steadfast
endurance of persecution.2 Wherein had you the disadvantage 13
of other churches, unless, indeed, that I did not burden you
with my Own maintenance ; forgive me, I pray, this wrong
which I have done you. Behold I am now for the third time3 14
preparing to visit you, and I purpose to cast no burden upon
you ; for I seek not your substance, but yourselves. And chil
dren should not lay up wealth for parents, but parents for chil
dren. Nay, rather, most gladly will I spend, yea, and myself 15
be spent, for your souls, though the more abundantly I love you,
the less I be loved.
But though it be granted that I did not burden you myself, 16
yet perchance this was my cunning, whereby I entrapped your
simplicity. Did I then defraud you of your wealth by some of 17
the messengers whom I sent to you? I desired Titus to visit 18
you, and, with him, I sent the brother, his fellow-traveller. Did
Titus defraud you ? Did we not act in the same spirit ? Did
we not walk in the same steps ?
He warns the Do you again imagine that it is before you I de-19
thatalh™inmust *"enc^ "^J86!1"- ~^aJ> before God I speak, in fellow-
£ pSh them sIliP witu Christ ; but doing all, beloved, for your
IIEES sakes, that you may be built up. For I fear lest
tonce. perchance when I come I should find you not such
as I could wish, and that you also should find from me other
treatment than you desire. I fear to find you full of strife,
jealousies, passions, intrigues,4 slanderings, backbitings, vaunt
ing, sedition. I fear lest, when I eome, my God will again
humble me5 by your faults, and I shall be compelled to mourn
over many among those who had sinned before my e last visit,
1 See note on xi. 5.
' 'Ynapovrj (in St. Paul's language) means steadfastness under persecution. Sean
of the persecutions referred to are recorded in Acts xviii.
3 See note on xiii. 1.
4 'EpiBelat, intrigues. See note on Rom. ii. 8.
= Literally, humble me in respect of you. See on this verse, p. 26, note L
6 Hoo-ypapTynoTer.

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE COEINTHIANS. 1H.»
and have not repented of the uncleahness, and fornication, and
XIII. wantonness which they committed.
1 I now come to you for the third time.1 " Out of the mouth
2 of two or tlvree witnesses shall every word be confirmed." 2 1
have warned you formerly, and I now forewarn you, as when 3
I was present the second time, so now, while I am absent, say
ing to those who had sinned before my last visit, and to all the
rest of the offenders, — " If I come again, 1 will not spare." 4
3 Thus you shall have the proof you seek of the power of Christ,
who speaks in me ; for He shows no weakness towards you, but
4 works mightily among you." For although He died upon the
cross through the weakness of the flesh, yet now He lives
through the power of God. And so I, too, share the weakness
of His body ; yet I shall share also the power of God, whereby
5 he lives, when 5 I come to deal with you. Examine 6 not me,
but yourselves, whether you are truly in the faith ; put your
selves to the proof [concerning Christ's presence with you which
, ye seek in me]. Know ye not of your own selves, that Jesus
Christ is dwelling in you ? unless, perchance, when thus proved,'
6 you fail to abide the test. But I hope you will find that I, for
7 my part, abide the proof.8 Yet I pray to God that I may not
harm you in any wise. I pray, not that my own power may ba
clearly proved, but that you may do right, although I should
seem unable to abide the proof [because I should show no sign
8 of power] ; for I have no power against the truth, but only for
9 the truth's defence. I rejoice, therefore, when I am powerless
1 Tp'nov tovto ipxopai irpbg bpdg. This could scarcely mean merely, " I am for the
third time preparing to visit you," although 2 Cor. xii. 14 might imply no more than
that. See p. 26, note 1.
a Deut. xix. 15 (from LXX. nearly verbatim), meaning, "I will judge not without
examination, nor will I abstain from punishing upon due evidence." Or else (perhaps),
"I shall now assuredly fulfil my threats."
3 This passage, in which ypdQu is omitted by the best MSS., seems conclusive
for the intermediate journey. What would be the meaning of saying, " I forewarn
you a3 if I were present the second time, now also while I am absent " 2 which is the
translation that we must adopt, if we deny the intermediate visit Also the iroonpap-
TyKoreg, contrasted with the Xoiirol irdvreg (v. 2), seems inexplicable except on this
hypothesis. See p. 26, n. 1.
* 'Otj (as frequently) is here equivalent to a mark of quotation.
* Elg bpdg.
• Observe here the reference of SoKipd&re to the previous SoKiprjv Qitcitc.
' 'AioKipog elvai, means, to fail when tested; this was the original meaning ot the
English to be reprobate (A. V.). Observe, here, again, the reference to the context
(see preceding note). A paronomasia on the same words occurs Rom. i. 28.
f Viz. the proof that Christ's power is with me.

120 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
[against you], and you are strong ; yea, it is the very end of my
prayers, that you may be perfected. Therefore I write this ton
you while absent, that, when present, I may not deal harshly
with you in the strength of that authority which the Lord Jesus
has given me, not to cast down,1 but to build up.
collusion. Finally, brethren, farewell. Perfect what is lack- n
ing in yourselves, exhort one another, be of one mind, live in
peace ; so shall the God of love and peace be with yon. Salute 12
one another with the kiss of holiness.2 All Christ's people here 13
salute you.
AatoFaph ben- The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love 14
edietion. ^ ^^ &nd the communion of the Holy Spirit, be
with you all.3
In this letter we find a considerable space devoted to subjects con
nected with a collection now in progress for the poor Christians in Judsea.4
It is not the first time that we have seen St. Paul actively exerting him
self in such a project.5 Nor is it the first time that this particular contri
bution has been brought before our notice. At Ephesus, in the First
Epistle to the Corinthians, St. Paul gave special directions as to the
method in which it should be laid up in store (1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). Even
before this period similar instructions had been given to the Churches of
Galatia (ib. 1). And the whole project was in fact the fulfilment of a
promise made at a still earlier period, that in the course of his preaching
among the Gentiles, the poor in Judsea, should be remembered (Gal. ii. 10).
The collection was going on simultaneously in Macedonia and Achaia ;
and the same letter gives us information concerning the manner in which
if was conducted in both places. The directions given to the Corinthians
were doubtless similar to those under which the contribution was made at
Thessalonica and Philippi. Moreover, direct information is incidentally
given of what was actually done in Macedonia ; and thus we are furnished
with materials for depicting to ourselves a passage in the Apostle's life
which is not described by St. Luke. There is much instruction to be
gathered from the method and principles according to which these funds
were gathered by St. Paul and his associates, as well as from the conduct
of those who contributed for their distant and suffering brethren.
Both from this passage of Scripture and from others we are fally
1 Compare x. 8. * See note on 1 Thess. v. 25.
3 The dpijv is not found in the best MSS.
4 The whole of the eighth and ninth chapters.
* See the account of the mission of Barnabas and Saul to Jerusalem in the time at
the famine, Vol. I. Ch. IV.

OONTKniT/riON FOE POOE JEWISH CHRISTIAN •>. 121
made aware of St. Paul's motives for urging this benevolent work. Be
sides his promise made long ago at Jerusalem, that in his preaching
among the Gentiles the poor Jewish Christians should be remembered,1
the poverty of the residents in Judaea would be a strong reason for hia
activity in collecting funds for their relief, among the wealthier communi
ties who were now united with them in the same faith and hope.2 But
there was a far higher motive, which lay at the root of the Apostle's
anxious and energetic zeal in this cause. It is that which is dwelt on in
the closing verses of the ninth chapter of the Epistle which has just been
read,3 and is again alluded to in words less sanguine in the Epistle to the
Romans.4 A serious schism existed between the Gentile and Hebrew
Christians,5 which, though partially closed from time to time, seemed in
danger of growing continually wider under the mischievous influence of
the Judaizers. The great labour of St. Paul's life at this time was directed
to the healing of this division. He felt that if the Gentiles had been
made partakers of the spiritual blessings of the Jews, their duty was to
contribute to them in earthly blessings (Horn. xv. 21), and that nothing
would be more likely to allay the prejudices of the Jewish party than
charitable gifts freely contributed by the Heathen converts.6 According
as cheerful or discouraging thoughts predominated in his mind, — and to
such alternations of feeling even an Apostle was liable, — he hoped that
" the ministration of that service would not only fill up the measure of
the necessities of Christ's people " in Judsea, but would " overflow " in
thanksgivings and prayers on their part for those whose hearts had beeu
opened to bless them (2 Cor. ix. 12-15), or he feared that this charity
might be rejected, and he entreated the prayers of others, " that he
might be delivered from the disobedient in Judaea, and that the service
which he had undertaken for Jerusalem might be favourably received by
Christ's people" (Bom. xv. 30, 31). ,
Influenced by these motives, he spared no pains in promoting the
work ; but every step was conducted with the utmost prudence and
delicacy of feeling. He was well aware of the calumnies with which his
enemies were ever ready to assail his character ; and therefore he took
the most careful precautions against the possibility of being accused of
mercenary motives. At an early stage of the collection, we find him
writing to the Corinthians, to suggest that " whomsoever they should
' Gal. ii. 10 above quoted. See Vol. I. p. 220.
* See the remarks on this subject, in reference to the early jealousy between the
Christians of Aramaic and Hellenistic descent, Vol. I. p. 66.
3 2 Cor. ix. 12-15. 4 Rom. xv. 30, 31.
» See the remarks on this subject in Ch. VET.
6 See Vol. I. p 130. Compare Neanderis remarks at the end of the 7th chapter of
'tie Pfl. u. L.

122 THE LIB'E AJSD EPISTLHS OF ST'. PAUL.
judge fitted for the trust, should be sent to carry their benevolence tc
Jerusalem" (1 Cor. xvi. 3) ; and again he alludes to the delegates com
missioned with Titus, as "guarding himself against all suspicion which
might be cast on him in his administration of the bounty with which he
was charged," and as being " careful to do all things in a seemly manner,
not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men" (2 Cor.
viii. 20, 21), This regard to what was seemly appears most strikingly in
his mode of bringing the subject before those to whom he wrote and
spoke. He lays no constraint upon them. They are to give "not
grudgingly or of necessity," but each " according to the free choice of his
heart ; for God loveth a cheerful giver" (2 Cor. ix. 1). " If there is a
willing mind, the gift is acceptable when measured by the giver's power,
and needs not to go beyond" (2 Cor. viii. 12). He spoke rather as
giving " advice " (viii. 10), than a " command ;" ' and he sought to prove
the reality of his converts' love, by reminding them of the zeal of others
(viii. 8). In writing to the Corinthians, he delicately contrasts their
wealth with the poverty of the Macedonians. In speaking to tlie Mace
donians themselves, such a mode of appeal was less natural, for they were
poorer and more generous. Yet them also he endeavoured to rouse to a
generous rivalry, by reminding them of the zeal of Achaia (viii. 24. ix. 2).
To them also he would doubtless say that " he who sows sparingly shall
reap sparingly, and he who sows bountifully shall reap bountifully"
(ix. 6), while he would gently remind them that God was ever able to
give them an overflowing measure of all good gifts, supplying all their
wants, and enabling them to be bountiful 2 to others (ib. 8). And that
one overpowering argument could never be forgotten, — the example of
Christ, and the debt of love we owe to Him, — " You know the grace of
our Lord Jesus Christ, how, though He was rich, yet for our sakes He
became poor, that you, by His poverty, might be made rich" (viii. 9).
Nor ought we, when speaking of the instruction to be gathered from this
charitable undertaking, to leave unnoticed the calmness and deliberation of
the method which he recommends of laying aside, week by week,3 What is
devoted to God (1 Cor. xvi. 2), — a practice equally remote from the
excitement of popular appeals, and the mere impulse of instinctive bene
volence. The Macedonian Christians responded nobly to the appeal which was
made to them by St. Paul. The zeal of their brethren in Achaia " roused
i Compare his language to Philemon, whom he "might have commanded," but
"for love's sake he rather besought him" v. 9. See the Introduction, p. xv.
* Compare what was said at Miletus, Acts xx. 35 ; also Eph. iv. 28.
3 From 2 Cor. viii. 10, ix. 2, it would seem that the plan recommended iu 1 Cor. xvi
2 had been carried into effect. See Paley's remarks in the Horas Paulina; on 2 Cor
The same plan had been recommended in Galatia. aurl probably in Macedonia.

LIBERALITY OF THE MACEDONIANS. 123
the most of them to follow it" (2 Cor. ix.2). God's grace was abun
flantly "manifested in the Churches"1 on the north of the JEgean (ib.
viii. 1). Their conduct in this matter, as described to us by the Apostle's
pen, rises to the point of the highest praise. It was a time, not of pros
perity, but of great afQiction, to the Macedonian Churches ; nor were
they wealthy communities like the Church of Corinth; yet, "in their
heavy trial, the fulness of tbeir joy overflowed out of the depth of their
poverty in the riches of their liberality" (ib. viii. 2). Their contribution
was no niggardly gift, wrung from their coveteousness (viii. 5) ; but they
gave honestly "according to their means" (ib. 3), and not only so, but
even " beyond their means" (ib.) ; nor did they give grudgingly, under the
pressure of the Apostle's urgency, but " of their own free will, beseeching
him with much entreaty that they might bear their part in the grace
of ministering to Christ's people" (ib. 3, 4). And this liberality arose
from that which is the basis of all true Christian charity. " They gave
themselves first to the Lord Jesus Christ, by the will of God" (ib. 5).
The Macedonian contribution, if not complete, was in a state of much
forwardness,2 when St. Paul wrote to Corinth. He speaks of liberal
funds as being already pressed upon his acceptance (2 Cor. viii. 4), and
the delegates who were to accompany him to Jerusalem had already been
chosen (2 Cor. viii. 19; 23). We do not know how many of the Churches
of Macedonia took part in this collection,3 but we cannot doubt that that
of Philippi held a conspicuous place in so benevolent a work. In the case
of the Philippian Church, this bounty was only a continuation of the bene
volence they had begun before, and an earnest of that which gladdened
the Apostle's heart in his imprisonment at Borne. " In the beginning of
the Gospel " they and they only had sent once and again 4 to relieve his
wants, both at Thessalonica and at Corinth (Philip, iv. 15, 16) ; and " at
the last" their care of their friend and teacher " flourished again" (ib. 10),
and they sent their gifts to him at Borne, as now they sent to their un
known brethren at Jerusalem. The Philippians are in the Epistles what
that poor woman is in the Gospels, who placed two mites in the treasury.
They gave much, because they gave of \ heir poverty ; and wherever the
* See p. 109, n. 2.
* The aorist iirepioaevoev (2 Cor. viii. 2) does not necessarily imply that the collec
tion was closed ; and the present Kavxupai (ix. 2) rather implies the contrary.
3 In 2 Cor. xi. 9 wo find Philippi used as equivalent to Macedonia (p. 92), and so it
may be here. But It ia not absolutely certain (ibid.) that the Second Epistle to the
Corinthians was written at Philippi. The Churches in Macedonia were only few, and
communication among them was easy along the ViaEgnatia; as when the first contribu
tions were sent from Philippi to St. Paul at Thessalonica. See Vol. I. p. 329.
4 See above, p. 92. For the account of this relief being sent to St. Paul, see Vol. I
p. 329 : and p. 389, n. 3, in reference to Phil. iv. 10 and 2 Cor. xi. 9.

]24 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Gospel is preached throughout the whole world, there shall this liberality.
be told for a memorial of them.
If the principles enunciated by the Apostle in reference to the col-
lection command our devout attention, and if the example of the Macedo
nian Christians is held out to the imitation of all future ages of the
Church, the conduct of those who took an active part in the manage
ment of the business should not be unnoticed. Of two of these the names
ore unknown to us,1 though their characters are described. One was a
brother, " whose praise in publishing the Gospel was spread throughout
the churches," and who had been chosen by the Church of Macedonia to
accompany St. Paul with the charitable fund to Jerusalem (2 Cor. viii
18, 19). The other was one " who had been put to the proof in many
trials, and always found zealous in the work" (ib. 22). But concerning
Titus, the third companion of these brethren, " the partner ot St. Paul's
lot and his fellow-labourer for the good of the Church," we have fullei
information * and this seems to be the right place to make a more parti
cular allusion to him, for he was nearly concerned in all the steps of the
collection now in progress.
Titus does not, like Timothy, appear at intervals through all the pas
sages of the Apostle's life. He is not mentioned in the Acts at all, and
this is the only place where he comes conspicuously forward in the
Epistles ;! and all that is said of him is connected with the business of the
collection.3 Thus we have a detached portion of his biography, which is
at once a thread that guides us through the main facts of the contribu
tion for the Judaean Christians, and a source whence we can draw some
knowledge of the character of that disciple, to whom St. Paul addressed
one of his pastoral Epistles. At an early stage of the proceedings he
seems to have been sent, — soon after the First Epistle was despatched
from Ephesus to Corinth, — not simply to enforce the Apostle's general
injunctions, but4 to labour also in forwarding the collection (2 Cor. xii.
18). "Whilst he was at Corinth, we find that he took an active and a
zealous part at the outset of the good work (ib. viii. 6). And now that
he had come to Macedonia, and brought the Apostle good news from
Achaia, he was exhorted to return, that he might finish what was so well
1 See the notes on 2 Cor. viii.
' See Vol. I. p. 211, note. It is observed there that the only epistles in which he is
mentioned are 2 Cor. and 2 Tim.
3 The prominent appearance of Titus in this part of the history has been made an
argument for placing the Epistle to Titus, as Wieseler and others have done, abonl
this part of St. Paul's life. This question will be discussed afterwards.
* See above, p. 91. The fact that the mission of Titus had sometliing to do with tht
collection, might be inferred from 2 Cor. xii. 18 : " Did Titus defraud you ! " We do
not know who the "brother" was, that was sent with him on that occasion from
Ephesus.

rrnrs. 125
begun, taking with him (as we have seen) the Second Epistle to the
Corinthians, and accompanied by the two deputies who have just been
mentioned. It was a task which he was by no means unwilling to under
take. God " put into his heart the same zeal" which Paul himself had ;
he not only consented to the Apostle's desire, but was " himstlf very
zealous in the matter, and went of his own accord" (2 Cor. viii. 16, It).
If we put together these notices, scanty as they are, of the conduct of
Titus, they set before us a character which seems to claim our admira
tion for a remarkable union of enthusiasm, integrity, and discretion.
After the departure of Titus, St. Paul still continued to prosecute the
labours of an evangelist in the regions to the north of Greece. He was
unwilling as yet to visit the Corinthian Church, the disaffected members of
which still caused him so much anxiety, — and he would doubtless gladly
employ this period of delay to accomplish any plans he might have formed
and left incomplete on his former visit to Macedonia. On that occasion
he had been persecuted in Philippi,1 and had been forced to make a pre
cipitate retreat from Thessalonica ; * and from Bercea his course had been
similarly urged to Athens and Corinth.3 Now he was able to embrace a
wider circumference in his Apostolic progress. Taking Jerusalem as his
centre,4 he had been perpetually enlarging the circle of his travels. In
his first missionary journey he had preached in the southern parts of Asia
Minor and the northern parts of Syria : in his second journey he had
visited the Macedonian towns which lay near the shores of the iEgean :
and now on his third progress he would seem to have penetrated into the
mountains of the interior, or even beyond them, to the shores of the Adri
atic, and " fully preached the Gospel of Christ round about unto Illyri-
cum" (Bom. xv. 19).
We here encounter a subject on which some difference of opinion must
unavoidably exist. If we wish to lay down the exact route of the Apostle,
we must first ascertain the meaning of the term "Illyricum" as used by
St. Paul in writing to the Bomans : and if we find this impossible, we
must be content to leave this part of the Apostle's travels in some decree
of vagueness ; more especially as the preposition (" unto," pixpi) employed
in the passage is evidently indeterminate.
The political import of the vord " Illyricum " will be seen by referring
to what has been writteu in an earlier chapter on the province of Macedo
nia.5 It has been there stated that the former province was contiguous to
the north-western frontier of the latter. It must be observed, however,
" ' Vol. I. p. 298. " Vol. I. p. 331. 3 n,. p. 340.
* Notice the phrase, dub 'lepovua7.i)p Kal kvk%u pixpi tov 'IXkvpiKov. Rom. xv
19 j and see the Horae Paulinae.
6 Vol. L p. 315, &c. See our map of St. Paul's third missionary journey.

126 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
that a distinction was anciently drawn1 between Greek Illyricum, a district
on the south, which was incorporated by the Bomans with Macedonia, and
formed the coast line of that province where it touched the Adriatic,2—
and Barbarous, or Roman Illyricum, which extended towards the head of
that gulf, and was under the administration of a separate governor. This
is " one of those ill-fated portions of the earth which, though placed in im
mediate contact with civilisation, have remained perpetually barbarian."3
For a time it was in close connection, politically and afterwards ecclesias
tically, with the capitals both of the Eastern and Western empires : but
afterwards it relapsed almost into its former rude condition, and " to this
hour it is devoid of illustrious names and noble associations." 4 Until the
time of Augustus, the Bomans were only in possession of a narrow portion
along the coast, which had been torn during the wars of the Bepublic
from the piratic inhabitants.5 But under the first emperor a large region,
extending far inland towards the valleys of the Save and the Drave, was
formed into a province, and contained some strong links of the chain of
military posts, which was extended along the frontier of the Danube.6 At
first it was placed under the senate : ' but it was soon found to require the
presence of large masses of soldiers : the emperor took it into his own
hands,8 and inscriptions are still extant on which we can read the records
of its occupation by the seventh and eleventh legions.9 Dalmatia, which
is also mentioned by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 10), was a district in the south
ern part of this province ; and after the final reduction of the Dalmatian
tribes,10 the province was more frequently called by this name than by that
of Illyricum.11 The limits of this political jurisdiction (to speak in general
1 See Forbiger, Alte Geographie, iii. p. 833.
' For the seaboard of Macedonia "on the Adriatic, see Vol. I. pp. 315, 310.
3 Arnold's Rome, vol. i. p. 495.
4 Arnold's Rome, vol. i. p. 495.
6 It extended from the river Drilon to the Istrian peninsula. For the conquest of
the country under Augustus, see Appian, Illyr. 18-21, and Dio. xlix. 35, seq., also
Strabo, iv. and vii.
6 One of the most important of these military posts was Siscia, in the Pannonian
country, on the Save. See App. Illyr. 23, Dio. xlix. 36, seq. The line was continued
by Augustus through Mcesia, though the reduction of that region to a province was
later. Six legions protected the frontier of the Danube. Tac. Ann. iv. 5.
' Dio. liii. 12. e Dio. liv. 34.
» Orelli's inscriptions, 3452, 3553, 4995, 4996. Josephus alludes to these legions in
the following passage, and his language on geographical subjects is always important
as an illustration of the Acts: Oi <wrd tuv QpaKuv 'IXhipwl ri/v pixpi AaXparlag
dnorepvophyg 'lorpu KaroiKovvreg, ov Svol pbvoig rdypaaiv iireiKOvai, ueff uv abrol
rdg tuv Aaxuv dvaKonTOvaw bppdg. B. J. ii. 16.
10 See the history in Dio.
11 Hoeck's Rom. Gesch. p. 379. Lalmatia is a name unknown to the earlier Greet
writers. See Cramer's Greece, vol. i. p. 35.

JXLYEICU.M. 12?
terms) raay be said to have included Bosnia and the modern > Daimatia,
with parts of Croatia and Albania.
But the term Illyricum was by no means always, or even generally,
used in a strictly political sense. The extent of country included in the
expression was various at various times. The Illyrians were loosely spoken
of by the earlier Greek Writers as the tribes which wandered on the east
ern shore of the Adriatic* The Illyricum which engaged the arms of
Borne under the Bepublic was only a narrow strip of that shore with the
adjacent islands. But in the Imperial times it came to be used of a vast
and vague extent of country lying to the south of the Danube, to the east
of Italy, and to the west of Macedonia.3 So it is used by Strabo in the
reign of Augustus,4 and similarly by Tacitus in his account of the civil
wars which preceded the fall of Jerusalem ; s and the same phraseology
continues to be applied to this region till the third century of the Christian
era.6 We need not enter into the geographical changes which depended
on the new division of the empire under Constantine,7 or into the fresh
significance which, in a later age, was given to the ancient names, wheu
the rivalry of ecclesiastical jurisdictions led to the schism of Eastern and
Western Christendom.8 We have said enough to show that it is not pos
sible to assume that the Illyricum of St. Paul was a definite district ruled
as a province by a governor from Borne.
It seems by far the most probable that the terms "Illyricum" and
" Daimatia " are both used by St. Paul in a vague and general sense : as
we have before had occasion to remark in reference to Asia Minor, where
many geographical expressions, such as " Mysia," " Galatia," and " Phry
gia," were variously used, popularly or politically.9 It is indeed quite pos
sible that St. Paul, not deeming it right as yet to visit Corinth, may have
pushed on by the Yia Egnatia,10 from Philippi and Thessalonica, across the
1 The modern name of Illyria has again contracted to a district of no great extent
in the northern part of the ancient province.
* Herodotus and Scylax. Compare Appian, Illyr. 1.
3 See Gibbon's first chapter.
• Strabo, vii. See Appian Illyr. 6.
5 Tac. Hist. i. 2, 76, &c, where under the term Illyricum are included Daimatia
Pannonia, and Mcesia ; and this, it must be remembered, is strictly contemporaneous
with the Apostle.
8 See Vopiscus, Aurel. 13. Treb. Claud. 15.
' In this division, Illyricum occidentale (including Pannonia and Horicum) was a
diocese of the Prefecture of Italy. The Prefecture of Illyricum contained only that
part of the old Illyrian country which was called Greek Illyricum, and belonged, in
the time of Claudius, to tic province of Macedonia. See above.
- 8 A geographical account of Illyricum in its later ecclesiastical sense, and of the
3ioceses which were the subjects of the rival claims of Rome and Constantinople, will
ie found in Neale's History of the Eastern Church.
9 See Vol. I. pp. 237, 276.
»' act the account of the Via Egnatia, Vol. I. p. 317.

128 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
central mountains which turn the streams eastward and westward, to
Dyrrhachium, the landing-place of those who had come by the Appian
Boad from Borne to Brundusium.1 Then, though still in the province of
Macedonia, he would be in the district called Greek Illyricum :' and he
-Would be on a line of easy communication with Nicopolis *• on the soutli,
where, on a later occasion, he proposed to winter (Tit. iii. 12) ; and he
could easily penetrate northwards into Boman or Barbarous Illyricum,
where was that district of Daimatia,4 which was afterwards visited by his
companion Titus, whom, in the present instance, he had dispatched to
Corinth. But we must admit that the expression in the Bomans might
have been legitimately \ used, if he never passed beyond the limits of
Macedonia, and even if his Apostolic labours were entirely to the east
ward of the mountains, in the country watered by the Strymon and the
Axius.6 Whether he travelled widely and rapidly in the regions to the north of
Greece, or confined his exertions to the neighbourhood of those churches
which he had previously founded, — the time soon came when he determined
to revisit that church, which had caused him so much affliction not un
mixed with joy. During the course of his stay at Ephesus, and in all
parts of his subsequent journey in Troas and Macedonia, his heart had
been continually at Corinth. He had been in frequent communication
with his inconsistent and rebellious converts. Three letters' had been
written to entreat or to threaten them. Besides his own personal visit s
when the troubles were beginning, he had sent several messengers, who
were authorised to speak in his name. Moreover, there was -now a special
subject in which his interest and affections were engaged, the contribu-
1 It has been said above (Vol. I. p. 317) that when St.. Paul was on the Roman way
at Philippi, he was really on the road which led to Rome. The ordinary ferry was
from Dyrrhachium to Brundusium.
* See above, p. 126, comparing Vol. I. pp. 315, 316.
3 Nicopolis was in Epirus, which it will be remembered (see above under Macedo
nia), was in the province of Achaia. The following passage may be quoted in illus
tration of the geography of the district : — Eum honorem [consulis] Germanicus iniit
apuil urbem Achaia Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram, viso fratre Druso in
Daimatia agente. Tac. Ann. ii. 53. See Wieseler, p. 353. For the stages on the
Roman road between Apollonia on the Adriatic and Nicopolis, see Cramer's Greece,
vol. i. p. 154.
4 See above, p. 126. It is indeed possible that the word Daimatia in this Epistle
may be used for the province (of Myricum or Daimatia), and not a subordinate district
of what was called Illyricum in the wider sense.
6 The preposition pexpi need not denote anything more than that St. Paul came to
the frontier. See Hemsen's remarks in answer to the question, " Kam Paulus nach
Illyricum?" p. 390, and compare p. 399.
6 See what has been said of these rivers in Chap. IX.
' The question of the lost letter has been discussed above in this volume, Ch. XV
op. 29, 30.
8 See again, on this intermediate visit, the beginning of Ch. XV.

st. padl's joukney southward. 129
don for the poor in Judaaa, which he wished to " seal " to those for
whom it was destined (Bom. xv. 28) before undertaking his journey to
the West.1
Of the time and the route of this southward journey we can only say
that the most probable calculation leads us to suppose that he was travel
ling with his companions towards Corinth at the approach of winter ; '
and this makes it likely that he went by land rather than by sea.3 A good
road to the south had long been formed from the. neighbourhood of Beroea,4
connecting the chief towns of Macedonia with those of Achaia. Oppor
tunities would not be wanting for preaching the Gospel at every stage in
his progress ; and perhaps we may infer from his own expression in writing
to the Bomans (xv. 23), — " I have no more place in those parts," — either
that churches were formed in every chief city between Thessalonica and
Corinth, or that the Glad-tidings had been unsuccessfully proclaimed in
Thessaly and Boeotia, as on the former journey they had found but littlo
credence among the philosophers and triflers of Athens.5
' For the project of this westward journey see the end of Chap. XV. above.
2 See Wieseler. 3 See Acts xxvii. 9.
4 The roads through Dium have been alluded to above, Vol. I. p. 342, and compare
p. 338, n. 8. The stages between Beroea and Larissa in Thessaly may be seen in Cra
mer's Greece, vol. i. p. 281. See again p. 450.
6 Athens is never mentioned again after Acts xviii. 1, 1 Thess. iii. 1. We do not
know that it was ever revisited by the Apostle, and in the second century we find that
Christianity was almost extinct there. See Vol. I. p. 381. At the same time nothing
would be more easy than to visit Athens, with other " churches of Achaia" during his
residence at Corinth. S«i VoL L p. 408, and Vol. H. p. 96.

tol.il — 9

130 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF BT. PATJi.

CHAPTER XVIII.
x> foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you*"— Gal. iii. 1.
ST. PAUL'S FEELINGS ON APPROACHING CORINTH—CONTRAST WITH HIS FIRST VIS1T.-BAU
NEWS FROM GALATIA.— HE WRITES THE EPISTLE TO TEE GALATIANS.
It was probably already winter, when St. Paul once more beheld in the
distance the lofty citadel of Corinth, towering above the isthmus which it
commands. The gloomy season must have harmonised with his feelings as
he approached. The clouds which hung round the summit of the Acro-
Corinthus, and cast their shadow upon the city below, typified the mists
of vice and error which darkened the minds even of its Christian citizens.
Their father in the faith knew that, for some of them at least, he had
laboured in vain. He was returning to converts who had cast off the mo
rality of the Gospel ; to friends who had forgotten his love ; to enemies
who disputed his divine commission. It is true, the majority of the Corin
thian church had repented of their worst sins, and submitted to his Apos
tolic commands. Yet what was forgiven could not entirely be forgotten :
even towards the penitent he could not feel all the confidence of earlier
affection ; and there was still left an obstinate minority, who would not
give up their habits of impurity, and who, when he spoke to them of
righteousness and judgment to come, replied either by openly defending
their sins, or by denying his authority and impugning his orthodoxy.
He now came prepared to put down this opposition by the most deci
sive measures ; resolved to cast out of the Church these antagonists of
truth and goodness, by the plenitude of his Apostolic power. Thus he
warned them a few months before (as he had threatened, when present on
an earlier occasion), " when I come again I will not spare" (2 Cor. xiii. 2).
He declared his determination to punish the disobedient (2 Cor. x. 6).
He " boasted " of the authority which Christ had given urm {2 Cor. x. 8).
He besought them not to compel him to use the weapons entrusted to him
(2 Cor. x. 2), weapons not of fleshly weakness, but endowed with the
might of God (2 Cor. x. 4). He pledged himself to execute by his deeds
when present, all he had threatened by his words when absent. (2 Cor.
x. 11.) As we think of him, with these purposes of severity in his mind, ap
proaching the walls of Corinth, we are irresistibly reminded of the evcntfoJ

bt. Paul's feelings on approaching coeinth. 131
close of a former journey, when Saul, " breathing out threatenings and
slaughter against the disciples of the Lord," drew nigh to Damascus.
How strongly does this accidental resemblance bring out the essential con
trast between the weapons and the spirit of Saul and Paul ! Then he
wielded the sword of the secular power — he travelled as the proud repre
sentative of the Sanhedrin — the minister of human cruelty and injustice ;
he was the Jewish Inquisitor, the exterminator of heretics, seeking for vic
tims to imprison or to stone. Now he is meek and lowly, ' travelling in the
humblest guise of poverty, with no outward marks of pre-eminence or
power ; he has no gaolers at his command to bind his captives, no execu
tioners to carry out his sentence. All he can do is to exclude those whc
disobey him from a society of poor and ignorant outcasts, who are the ob
jects of contempt to all the mighty, and wise, and noble among their
countrymen. His adversaries despise his apparent insignificance ; they
know that he has no outward means of enforcing his will ; they see that
his bodily presence is weak ; they think his speech contemptible. Yet he
is not so powerless as he seems. Though now he wields no carnal weapons,
his arms are not weaker but stronger than they were of old. He can not
bind the bodies of men, but he can bind their souls. Truth and love are
on his side ; the spirit of God bears witness with the spirits of men on his
behalf. His weapons are "mighty to overthrow the strongholds of
the adversaries;" "Thereby" he could "overthrow the reasonings of
the disputer, and pull down the lofty bulwarks which raise themselves
against the knowledge of God, and bring every rebellious thought into
captivity and subjection to Christ." *
Nor is there less difference in the spirit of his warfare than in the
character of his weapons. Then he " breathed out threatenings and
slaughter ;" he " made havoc of the Church ;'' he " haled men and women
into prison ;" he " compelled them to blaspheme." When their sentence
was doubtful, he gave Ms vote for their destruction ; 3 he was " exceed
ingly mad against them." Then his heart was filled with pride and hate,
uncharitableness and self-will. But now his proud and passionate nature
is transformed by the spirit of God ; he is crucified with Christ ; the fer
vid impetuosity of his character is tempered by meekness and gentleness ;
his very denunciations and threats of punishment are full of love ; he
grieves over his contumacious opponents ; the thought of their pain fills
him with sadness. " For if I cause you grief, who is there to cause me
joy ? " * He implores them, even at the eleventh hour, to save him from
the necessity of dealing harshly with them ; he had rather leave his au
thority doubtful, and still remain liable to the sneers of his adversaries,
> Tdneivog hi bplv (2 Cor. x. 1). ' 2 Cor. x. 4 5. 3 Acts xxvi. 10.
• 2 Cor. ii. 2.

132 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
than establish it by their punishment (2 Cor. xiii. 1-9). He will conde.
scend to the weakest prejudices, rather than cast a stumbling-block in a
brother's path ; he is ready to become all things to all men, that he may
by all means save some.
Yet all that was good and noble in the character of Saul remains ia
Paul, purified from its old alloy. The same zeal for God burns in hia
heart, though it is no longer misguided by ignorance nor warped by party
spirit. The same firm resolve is seen in carrying out his principles to their
consequences, though he shows it not in persecuting but in suffering. The
same restless energy, which carried him from Jerusalem to Damascus that
he might extirpate heresy, now urges him from one end of the world to the
other,1 that he may bear the tidings of salvation.
The painful anticipations which now saddened his return to Corinth
were not, however,' altogether unrelieved by happier thoughts. As he
approached the well-known gates, in the midst of that band of faithful
friends who, as we have seen, accompanied him from Macedonia, his
memory could not but revert to the time when first he entered the same
city, a friendless and lonely * stranger. He could not but recall the feel
ings of extreme depression with which he first began his missionary work
at Corinth, after his unsuccessful visit to Athens. The very firmness and
bold confidence which now animated him, — the assurance which he felt of
victory over the opponents of truth, — must have reminded him by con
trast of the anxiety and self-distrust 3 which weighed him down at his first
intercourse with the Corinthians, and which needed a miraculous vision 4
for its removal. How could he allow discouragement to overcome his
spirit, when he remembered the fruits borne by labours which had begun
in so much sadness and timidity. It was surely something that hundreds
of believers now called on the name of the Lord Jesus, who when he first
came among them, had worshipped nothing but the deification of their
own lusts. Painful no doubt it was, to find that their conversion had
been so incomplete ; that the pollutions of heathenism still defiled those
who had once washed away the stains5 of sin ; yet the majority of the
Church had repented of their offences ; the number who obstinately per
sisted in sin was but small ; and if many of the adult converts were so
tied and bound by the chains of habit, that their complete deliverance
could scarce be hoped for, yet at least their children might be brought
up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. Moreover, there were
1 He was at this very time intending to go first to Jerusalem, thence to Rome, and
thence to Spain ; that is, to travel from the Eastern to the Western extremities of the
civilized world. See Rom. xv. 28. Compare the conclusion of Chap. XVII.
' He was left at Athens alone (1 Thess. iii. 1), and so remained till Timotheus and
Silas rejoined him at Corinth. See Vol. 1. p. 362.
3 See 1 Cor. iii. 1-3. 4 Acts xviii. 9.
* 1 Cor. vi. 11.

STATE OF THE GALATIAN CHUECU. 133
aome, even in this erring church, on whom St. Paul could think with un-
mingled satisfation ; some who walked in the spirit, and did not fulfil the
¦ust of the flesh ; who were created anew in Christ Jesus ; with whom old
things had passed away, and all things had become new ; who dwelt in
Christ, and Christ in them. Such were Erastus the treasurer, and
Stephanas, the first fruits of Achaia ; such were Fortunatus and Achaicus,
who had lately travelled to Ephesus on the errand of their brethren ; such
was Gaius,1 who was even now preparing to welcome beneath his hospit
able roof the Apostle who had thrown open to himself the door of entrance
into the Church of Christ. When St. Paul thought of " them that were
6uch," and of the many others " who worked' with them and laboured"2
as he threaded the crowded streets on his way to the house of Gaius,
doubtless he " thanked God and took courage."
But a painful surprise awaited him on his arrival. He found that in
telligence had reached Corinth from Ephesus, by the direct route, of a
more recent date than any which he had lately received ; and the tidings
brought by this- channel concerning the state of the Galatian churches,
excited both his astonishment and his indignation. His converts there,
whom he seems to have regarded with peculiar affection, and whose love
and zeal for himself had formerly been so conspicuous, were rapidly for
saking his teaching, and falling an easy prey to the arts of Judaizing mis
sionaries from Palestine. We have seen the vigour and success with
which the Judaizing party at Jerusalem were at this period pursuing their
new tactics, by carrying the war into the territory of their great oppo
nent, and endeavouring to counterwork him in the very centre of his
influence, in the bosom of those Gentile Churches which he had so lately
founded. We know how great was the difficulty with which he had
defeated (if indeed they were yet defeated) the agents of this restless
party at Corinth ; and now, on his reaching that city to crush the last
remains of their opposition, he heard that they had been working the same
mischief in Galatia, where he had least expected it. There, as in most of
the early Christian communities, a portion of the Church had been Jews
by birth ; and this body would afford a natural fulcrum for the efforts of
the Judaizing teachers ; yet we cannot suppose that the number of Jews
resident in this inland agricultural district could have been very large.
And St. Paul, in addressing the Galatians, although he assumes that there
were some among them familiar with the Mosaic Law, yet evidently im
plies that the majority were converts from heathenism,3 It is remark-
1 It would be more correct to write this name Caius ; but as the name under itg
Greek form of Gaius has become naturalised in the English language as a synonym of
Christian hospitality, it seems undesirable to alter it.
* 1 Cor. xvi. 16.
» See Gal. iv 8.

134 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL-
able, therefore, that the Judaizing emissaries should so soon have gained
so great a hold over a church consisting mainly of Gentile Christians ;
and the fact that they did so proves not only their indefatigable activity,
but also their skill in the arts of conciliation and persuasion. It must be
remembered, however, that they were by no means scrupulous as to the
means which they employed to effect their objects. At any cost of false
hood and detraction, they resolved to loosen the hold of St. Paul upon the
affection and respect of his converts. Thus to the Galatians they accused
him of a want of uprightness, in observing the Law himself whilst among
the Jews, yet persuading the Gentiles to renounce it ; ' they argued that
his motive was to keep his converts in a subordinate state, excluded from
the privileges of a full covenant with God, which was enjoyed by the cir
cumcised alone ;* they declared that he was an interested flatterer,3 "be
coming all things to all men," that he might make a party for himself ;
and above all, they insisted that he falsely represented himself as an
apostle of Christ, for that he had not, like the Twelve, been a follower of
Jesus when He was on earth, and had not received His commission ; that,
on the contrary, he was only a teacher sent out by the authority of the
Twelve, whose teaching was only to be received so far as it agreed with
theirs and was sanctioned by them ; whereas his doctrine (they alleged)
was now in opposition to that of Peter and James, and the other
" Pillars " of the Church.4 By such representations they succeeded to a
great extent in alienating the Galatian Christians from their father in the
faith ; already many of the recent converts submitted to circumcision,*
and embraced the party of their new teachers with the same zeal which
they had formerly shown for the Apostle of the Gentiles ; 6 and the rest
of the Church was thrown into a state of agitation and division.
On receiving the first intelligence of these occurrences, St. Paul
hastened to check the evil before it should have become irremediable. He
wrote to the Galatians an Epistle which begins with an abruptness and
severity showing his sense of the urgency of the occasion, and the great
ness of the danger ; it is also frequently characterised by a tone of sad-
uess, such as would naturally be felt by a man of such warm affections
when he heard that those whom he loved were forsaking his cause and
believing the calumnies of his enemies. In this letter his principal object
is to show that the doctrine of the Judaizers did in fact destroy the very
essence of Christianity, and reduced it from an inward and spiritual life to
an outward and ceremonial system ; but, in order to remove the Beeds of
alienation and distrust which had been designedly planted in the minds ol
' Gal. v. 11.
» Gal. ir 16 compared with Gal. ii. 17. 3 Gal i. 19
4 See the whole of the first two chapters of the Epistle.
s Gal. vi. 13. 6 Gal iv. 14, 15.

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 135
his converts, he begins by fully contradicting the falsehoods which had
been propagated against himself by his opponents, and especially by vindi
cating his title to the Apostolic office as received directly from Christ, and
exercised independently of the other Apostles. Such were the cir
cumstances and such the objects which led him to write the following
Epistle.

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS.1
1 Paul, — an Apostle, sent not from men nor by man, Defence of his
' r ' J 1 independent
but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who apostolic autho
^ ' rity against
1 The date of this Epistle cannot be so clearly demonstrated as that of most of the
others ; but we conclude that it was written at the time assumed in the text on the
following grounds :—
1st. It was not written till after St. Paul's second visit to the Galatians. This
is proved (A) by his speaking of their conversion as having occurred at his first visit
(to irporepov, iv. 13) \. implying that he had paid them a second visit. (B) (iv. 16) :
"Am I now become (yeyova) your enemy by speaking truth among you!" implies
that there had been a second visit in which he had offended them, contrasted with the
first when he was so welcome.
2ndly. It is maintained by many eminent authorities that it was written si m after
his Becond visit. This St. Paul (they argue) expressly says : he marvels that the Ga
latians are so soon (ovtu raxiag, i. 6) forsaking his teaching. The question is (accord
ing to these writers), within what interval of time would it have been possible for him
to use this word " soon ? " Now this depends on the length of their previous Christian
life ; for instance, had St. Paul known them as Christians for twenty years, and then
after an absence of four years heard of their perversion, he might have said their aban
donment of the truth was marvellously soon after their possession of it ; but if they had
been only converted to Christianity for three years before his second visit (as was
really the case), and he had heard of their perversion not till four years after his
second visit, he could scarcely, in that case, speak of their perversion as having oc
curred soon after they had been in the right path, in reference to the whole time they
had been Christians. He says virtually, " You are wrong now, you were right a short
time ago." The natural impression conveyed by this language (considering that the
time of their previous stedfastness in the true faith was only three years altogether)
would certainly be that St. Paul must have heard of their perversion within about a
year from the time of his visit. At that time he was resident at Ephesus, where he
would most naturally and easily receive tidings from Galatia. Hence they consider
the Epistle to have been written at Ephesus during the first year of St. Paul's resi
dence there. But in answer to these arguments it may be replied, that St. Paul does
not sav the Galatians were perverted soon after his own last visit to them. His words
are, ¦&avpd!;u 6n ovtu raxiag perariBeaBe, " I wonder that you are so quickly shifting
your ground." The same word, raxeug, he uses (2 Thess. ii. 2) where he exhorts the
Thessalonians pi) raxiug aaXevByvat, " not rashly to let themselves be shaken ;" where
raxeug refers not so much to the time as to the manner in which they were affected,
like the English hastily. But even supposing the raxeug in Gal. i. 6 to refer simply
to time, and to be translated quickly or soon, we still (if we would fix the date from
it) must ask, " quickly after what event ? "- " soon after what event ? " And it is
(rare natural (especially as uerarWeaBc is tlie present tense) to understand " soon

135 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
teache^Sd raised Him from the dead ;— With all the brethren - 2
ttat^hif1^9 who are in my company. To the Churches of
mission was not /"l . _ , __ .
.leiived from <JALATIA.
Apo8ties.er Grace be to yon and peace from God our' 3
Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ ; who gave himself for our 4
sing, that He might deliver us from this present evil world,
according to the will of our God and Father; to whom be 5
glory, even unto the ages of ages. Amen.
after the entrance of the Judaizing teachers," than to understand " soon after my
last visit."
Hence there seems nothing in this raxiug to fix the date of the Epistle ; nor is there
any other external evidence of a decisive nature supplied by the Epistle. But
3rdly. The internal evidence that the Epistle was written nearly at the same time
with that to the Romans is exceedingly strong. Examples of this are Rom. viii. 15
/ compared with Gal. iv. 6. Rom. vii. 14^25 compared with Gal. v. 17. Rom. i. 17
compared with Gal. iii. 11, and the argument about Abraham's faith in Rom. iv. com
pared with Gal. iii. But the comparison of single passages does not so forcibly im
press on the mind the parallelism of the two Epistles, as the study of each Epistle as a
whole. The more we examine them, the more we are struck by- the resemblance ; and
it is exactly that resemblance which would exist between two Epistles written nearly
at the same time, while the same line of argument was occupying the writer's mind,
and the same phrases and illustrations were on his tongue. This resemblance, too,
becomes more striking when we remember the very different circumstances which
called forth the two Epistles ; that to the Romans being a deliberate exposition of St.
Paul's theology, addressed to a Church with which he was personally unacquainted ;
that to the Galatians being an indignant rebuke, written on the urgency of the occa
sion, to check the perversion of his children in the faith.
This internal evidence, therefore, leads us to suppose that the Epistle to the Gala
tians was written within a few months of that to the Romans ; and most probably,
therefore, from Corinth during the present visit (although there is nothing to show
which of the two was written the first). The news of the arrival of the Judaizers in
Galatia would reach St. Paul from Ephesus ; and (considering the commercial relations
between the two cities) there is no place where he would be so likely to hear tidings
from Ephesus as at Corinth. And since, on his arrival at the latter city, he would
probably find some intelligence from Ephesus waiting for him, we have supposed, iu
the text, that the tidings of the perversion of Galatia met him thus on his arrival at
Corinth. 1 Some of these " brethren in St. Paul's company " are enumerated in Acts xx. 4:
Sopater of Bercea ; Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica ; Gaius of Dorbe ; Timor
theus ; and Tychicus and Trophimus from Proconsular Asia. The junction of their
names with that of Paul in the salutation of this Epistle, throws light on the junction
of the names of Timotheus, Sosthenes, Silvanus, &c. with Paul's in the salutation at
Ihe head of some other Epistles ; showing us more clearly that these names were not
joined with that of St. Paul as if they were joint authors of the several Epistles re
ferred to. This clause also confirms the date we have assigned to the Epistle, since it
suits a period when he had an unusual number of travelling companions, in conse
quence of the collection which they and he were jointly to bear to Jerusalem. See the
last chapter.
1 The text used by Chrysostom placed ijpuv after irdrpog, which is the usual order.
The meaning of the other reading (which has the greater weight of MS. authority for
it) is probably the same.

EFI8ILE TO THE GALATIANS. 137
6 I marvel that you are so soon shifting ¦ your ground, and
forsaking Him " who called you 3 in the grace of Christ, for a
7 new Glad-tidings ; which is nothing else * but the device of cer
tain men who are troubling you, and who desire to pervert the
6 Glad-tidings of Christ. But even though I myself, or an angel
from heaven, should declare to you any other Glad-tidings than
9 that which I declared, let him be accursed. As I have said
before, so now I say again, if any man is come to you with a
Glad-tidings different from that which you received before, let
10 him be accursed. Think ye that man's5 assent, or God's, is now
my object ? or is it that I seek favour with men ? Nay, if I
still sought favour with men, I should not be the bondsman
of Christ.
11 For I certify yon, brethren, that the Glad-tidings which I
12 brought you is not of man's devising. For I myself received
it not from man, nor was it taught me by man's teaching, but
13 by the revelation of Jesus Christ. For you have heard of my
former behaviour in the days of my Judaism, how I persecuted
beyond measure the Church of God, and strove e to root it out,
14 and outran in Judaism many of my own age and nation, being
more exceedingly zealous7 for the traditions of my fathers.
15 But when it pleased Him, who set me apart8 from my mother's
womb, and called me by His grace, to reveal His Son in me,
16 that I might proclaim His Glad-tidings among the Gentiles, I
17 did not immediately take counsel with flesh and blood, nor yet
did I go up to Jerusalem to those who were Apostles before
me, but I departed into Arabia,9 and from thence returned to
' For the translation of this, see the note on the date of this Epistle, above.
• " Him who called you." St. Paul probably means God. Compare Rom. ix. 24.
3 "In the grace of Christ" It is scarcely necessary (since Winer's writing) to ob-
geive that iv cannot mean into; Christians are called to salvation in the grace of
Christ. * The Authorised Version, "which is not another," is incorrect ; the u/U,o of this
verse not being a repetition of the preceding irepov.
6 This alludes to the acousation brought against him. See above, p. 133 ; also 2
Cor. v 11 ; and for the words dvBpoizoig dpioKeiv compare dvBpuirdpeoKoi (Col. iii. 22).
His answer is, that had popularity and power been his object, he would have remained
a member of the Sanhedrim The upn and in mark the reference to this contrast be
tween his position before and since his conversion.
« 'ExopBovv (the imperfect).
' ZyXuTyg. This term was, perhaps, already adopted (as it was not long after,
Joseph. Bell. iv. 6) by the Ultra-Pharisaical party.
Compare Rom. i. 1 . dfyupiopivog elg eiayyiXiov.
On the events mentioned in this verse, see Vol. I. p. 95.

138 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Damascus. Afterwards, when three years had passed, 1 went 18
up to Jerusalem, that I might know Cephas,1 and with him I
remained fifteen days ; but other of the Apostles saw I none, 19
save only James,5 the brother of the Lord. (Now in this which 20
I write to you, behold I testify before God that I lie not.) Af- 23
ter this I came into the regions of Syria and Cilicia ; but I was 22
still unknown by face to the Churches of Christ in Judsea :
tidings only were brought them from time to time,3 saying, 23
"He who was once our persecutor now bears the Glad-tidings of
that Faith, which formerly he laboured to root out." And they 24
glorified God in me. n.
Then fourteen " years after, I went up again to Jerusalem 1
The councu of with Barnabas, and took Titus with me also. At 2
that time I went up in obedience to a revelation
which I had received, and I communicated to the brethren 5 in
Jerusalem the Glad-tidings which I proclaim among the Gen
tiles ; but to the chief brethren I communicated it privately,6
lest perchance my labours, either past or present, might be
rendered fruitless. Yet not even Titus, my own companion 3
(being a Greek), was compelled to be circumcised. But this 4
communication ' [with the Apostles in Judaaa] I undertook on
account of the false brethren who gained entrance by fraud, for
they crept in among us to spy out our freedom 8 (which we pos
sess in Christ Jesus) that they might enslave us under their
own yoke. To whom I yielded no submission, no, not for an 5
hour; that you might continue to enjoy the reality of Christ's
Glad-tidings. ' Cephas, not Peter, is the reading of the best MSS. throughout this Epistle, as well
as in the Epistles to Corinth ; except in one passage, Gal. ii. 7, 8. St. Peter was or
dinarily known up to this period by the Syro-Chaldaic form of his name (the name
actually given by our Lord), and not by its Greek equivalent. It is remarkable that
he himself, in his Epistles, uses the Greek form, perhaps as a mark of his antagonism
to the Judaizers, who naturally would cling to the Hebraic form.
' See note on 1 Cor. ix. 5. 3 'AKovovreg yaav.
- See the discussion of this passage, Vol. I. pp. 227-235 ; also see Vol. I. p. 219 and
Vol. II. p. 74. => Aiirotg. Compare the preceding verse.
s On these private conferences preceding the public assembly of the Church, see
Vol. I. p. 213.
7 Something must be supplied here to complete the sense : we understand uvtBepyv
from v. 2 ; others supply ov irepierpyBy, " but I refuse to circumcise him (which other
wise I would have done) on account of the false brethren, that I might not seem to
yield to them." Others again supply nepurpydy, which gives an opposite sense. Out
interpretation agrees best with the narrative in Acts xv.
» Viz. from the ordinances of the Mosaic law

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 139
6 £ut from those who were held in chief reputation — it mat
ters not to me of what account they were, — God is no respecter
of persons — those (I say) who were the chief in reputation gave
1 me no new instruction ; but, on the contrary, when they saw
that I had '¦ been charged to preach the Glad-tidings to the un
circumcised by the same authority as Peter to the circumcised
8 (for He who wrought in Peter a fitness for the Apostleship of
the circumcision, wrought also in me the gifts needful for an
9 Apostle of the Gentiles), and when they had learned the grace
which God had given me, — James, Cephas, and John, who
were accounted chief pillars, gave to me and Barnabas the
right hand of fellowship, purposing that we should go to the
10 Gentiles, and they to the Jews ; provided only, that we should
remember the poor [brethren in Judaea], which I have accord
ingly * endeavoured to do with diligence.
11 But when Cephas came to Antioch, I withstood st. PeteratAn-
12 him openly, because he had incurred3 reproach;
for before the coming of certain [brethren] from James, he was
in the habit of eating with the Gentiles ; but when they came,
he drew back, and separated himself from the Gentiles, for
13 fear of the Jewish brethren. And he was joined in his dissim
ulation by the rest of the Jews [in the Church of Antioch], so
that even Barnabas was drawn away with them to dissemble in
14 like manner. But when I saw that they were walking in a
crooked path,4 and forsaking the truth of the Glad-tidings, I
said to Cephas before them all, " If thou, being The Jewish be
1P ... . lievers had re
born a Jew, art wont to live according to the cus- nounced the
righteousness
torn of the Gentiles, and not of the Jews, why would- °f u»> law.
est thou constrain the Gentiles to keep the ordinances of the
15 Jews ? We are Jews by birth, and not unhallowed Gentiles ;
16 yet,5 knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the
Law, but by faith in Jesus Christ, we ourselves also have put
our faith in Christ Jesus, that we might be justified by the faith

> UeirioTcvpai, the perfect, used because the charge still continued.
• The A. V. here is probably incorrect. 'EairovSaaa seems to be. the aorist used for
perfect (as cften). Avrb tovto (used in this way) is nearly equivalent to accordingly
Compare 2 Cor. ii. 3 and Phil. i. 6.
3 Kareyvoapevog yv, » remarkable expression, not equivalent to the Ai thorised
translation, " he was lo be blamed." For the history of this see Chap. VH.
* 'OpBoiroSelv (only found here), to walk in a straight path.
We read Si here with Tischendorf and the best MSS.

140 ' THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
of Christ, and not by the works of the Law ; for by the woiks
of the Law ' shall no flesh be justified.' " '
But what if, while seeking to be justified in Christ, we have 11
indeed reduced2 ourselves to the sinful state of unhallowed'
Gentiles? Must we then hold Christ for the minister of sin I
That be far from us ! 4
For if I again build up that [structure of the Law] which is
I have overthrown, then I represent myself as a transgressor.
Whereas I, through the operation 5 of the Law, became dead to 19
the Law, that I might live to God. I am crucified with Christ, 20
and e live no more myself, but Christ is living in me ; and my
outward life which still remains, I live in the faith of the Son
of Go"d, who loved me and gave himself for me. I will not set 21
at naught the gift of God's grace [by seeking righteousness in
the Law] ; for if the Law can make men righteous, then Christ
has died in vain. HI.
Appeal to the O foolish Galatians, who has bewitched you ? 7 l
experience of iii 1 ¦ i?
the Galatians. You, before whose eyes was held up the picture 8 ot
Jesus Christ upon the cross. One question I would ask you. 2
When you received the Spirit, was it from the works of the
Law, or the teaching o'f Faith ? Are you so senseless ? Having 3
begun in the Spirit, would you now end in the Flesh ? Have 4
you received so many benefits in vain — if indeed it has been in ;
• Ps. cxliii. 2. (LXX.) ; quoted also more fully, Rom. iii. 20.
a Literally, been found.
3 'ApapruXoi. Compare t£ iBvuv dpapruM above.
* Neander (P. und L. 352) thinks that the 17th verse also ought to be included in
the speech of St. Paul, and much might be said in favour of his view. Still, on the
whole, we think the speech more naturally terminates with v. 16. See Vol. I. p. 226,
n. 1. The hypothesis in v. 17 is that of the Judaizers, refuted (after St. Paul's man
ner) by an abrupt reductio ad absurdam. The Judaizer objects, " You say you seek
righteousness in Christ, but in fact you reduce yourself to the state of a Gentile;
you are farther from God, and therefore farther from righteousness, than you were
before." To which St. Paul only replies, " On your hypothesis, then (dpa), we must
conclude Christ to be the minister of sin ! pi) yevoiro." This passage is illustrated
by the similar mode in which he answers the objections of the same party, Rom. iii.
3-8. See note on pi) yevoiro below, chap. iii. 21.
6 This thought is fully expanded in the 7th of Romans.
0 It is with great regret that we depart from the A. V. here, not only because of its
extreme beauty, but because it must be so dear to the devotional feelings of all good
men. Yet f<5 Si ovkcti. iydi cannot be translated " nevertheless I live, yet not I."
i The words ry aWyBelq. pi) ¦KeiBeaBr.i are not found in the best MSS., and iv iuit
ia also omitted.
9 llpocypdtyy.

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 141
6 vain ? I say, How came the gifts of Him who furnishes you
with the fulness of the Spirit, and works in you the power of
miracles ? ' Came they from the deeds of the Law, or from the
teaching of Faith ?
6 So likewise " Abraham 2 had faith in God, and faith, and not
7 7 7 • n » 7 ii t-7- tae 1*™, is th«
1 it was reckoned unto mm for righteousness. Know, som-ce of right-
1 ° eousness.
therefore, that they only are the sons of Abraham
8 who are children of Faith. And the Scripture, foreseeing that
God through Faith justifies [not the Jews only but] the Gentiles,
declared beforehand to Abraham the Glad-tidings of Christ,
saying, '¦'¦All3 the nations of the Gentiles shall be blessed in
9 thee." So then, they who are children of Faith [whether they
be Jews or Gentiles] are blessed with faithful Abraham.
10 For all they who rest upon the works of the Law, lie
under a curse; for it is written, " Cursed4 is every one that
continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the
11 Law to do them." And it is manifest that no man is counted
righteous in God's judgment under the conditions of the Law;
12 for it is written, " By & faith shall the righteous live." But the
Law rests not on Faith, but declares, " The" man which doeth
these things, shall live therein." Christ has redeemed us from
13 the curse of the Law, for He became accursed for our sakes
(as it is written, "Cursed1 is every one that hangeth on a tree"),
14 to the end that in Christ Jesus the blessing of Abraham might
come unto the Gentiles ; that through Faith we might receive
the promise of the Spirit.
15 Brethren — (I speak by comparison,8) — neverthe- The j^
less, — a man's covenant, when ratified, cannot by rotate theVior
its giver be annulled, or set aside by a later ad- Abraham. °
16 dition. Now God's promises were made to Abraham and to
his seed ; the scripture says not " and to thy seeds" as if it
1 'Evepyuv d'rvdpeig. Compare ivepyypara Svvdpeuv, 1 Cor. xii. 10.
¦ Gen. xv. 6 (LXX.) ; quoted also Rom. iv. 3.
3 Gen. xii. 3, from the LXX. but not verbatim. Compare the similar quotation,
Eom. iv. 17.
4 Deut. xxvii. 26. Nearly verbatim from LXX
» Hab. ii. i (LXX.) ; quoted also Rom. i. 17.
6 Levit. xviii. 5 (LXX.) ; quoted also Rom! x. 5.
' Deut. xxi. 23. Nearly verbatim from LXX.
8 Kar" uvdpunov Ziyu, in St, Paul's style, seems always to mean, I use a compari
son drawn from human affairs or human language. Compare Rom. iii, 5, and 1
Cor xv. 32.

142 THE LIFE AND EPISILES OF ST. PAUL.
spoke of many, but as of one, " and to thy seed;"' and this
seed is Christ. But this I say ; a covenant which had been n
ratified before by God, to be fulfilled in Christ, the law which
was given four hundred and thirty * years afterwards, cannot
make void, to the annulling of the promise. For if the in- ig
heritance comes from the Law, it comes no longer from pro
mise ; whereas God has given it to Abraham freely by pro
mise. To what end, then, was the Law ? it was 3 added because 19
of the transgressions4 of men, till the Seed should come, to
whom belonged the promise ; and it was ordained through the
ministration of angels 5 by the hands of [Moses,6 who was] a
mediator [between God and the people]. Now where ' a medi- 20
ator is, there must be two parties. But God is one [and there
is no second party to His promise].
Relation of Do I say then 8 that the Law contradicts the 21
Judaism to , fls-itnlinn -n
Christianity, promises of God ? that be far from me ! For if a
1 Gen. xiii. 15. (LXX.) The meaning of the argument is, that the recipients of
God's promises are not to be looked on as an aggregate of different individuals, or of
different races, but are all one body, whereof Christ is the head.
2 With regard to the chronology, see Vol. I. p. 176, n. 1. To the remarks there the
following may be added : roig pySiv tuv toiovtuv oiopivovg elvai Saipbviov, uk'Ad
iruvra ryg dv8puivivyg yvtiuyg, Saipovdv ify • Satpovdv Si Kal roig pavrevopevovg a
rolg dvBpunoig ISuxav oi Beol paBovai SiaKpiveiv • olov .... a H-eanv dpiBpyoavrag
y perpyaavrag y aryaavrag eiSivai • roiif t<2 Toiavra tzaad tuv Beuv irvvBavopinovg
dBiplara troielv yyeiro • ityy Si Selv, a piv paBovrag noielv iSuKav ol Beol, pavBdveiv •
a Si py Sy%a rolg dvBpuiroig iarl, ireipuaBai izapd tuv Beuv nvvBdveaBai. Memorabilia
Socratis, i. 1.
3 llpoaereBy is the reading of the best MSS.
¦> Compare Rom. v. 20 : vbpog irapeioyWev 'iva irTieovdoy rb napdnrupa.
6 Compare Acts vii. 53.
« Moses is called " the Mediator " by the Rabbinical writers. See several passages
quoted by Schoettgen (Horse Hebraicae) on this passage.
* St. Paul's argument here is left by him exceedingly elliptical, and therefore very
obscure ; as is evident from the fact that more than two hundred and fifty different
explanations of the passage have been advocated by different commentators. The
"most natural meaning appears to be as follows : " It is better to depend upon an un
conditional promise of God, than upon a covenant made between God and man ; for in
the latter case the conditions of the covenant might be broken by man (as they had
been), and so the blessings forfeited ; whereas in the former case, God being immutable,
the blessings derived from His promise remain steadfast for ever." The passage is
parallel with Rom. iv. 13-16.
« The expression pr) yevoiro occurs fourteen times in St. Paul ; viz. three times in
Galatians, ten times in Romans (another example of the similarity between these
Epistles), and once in 1 Corinthians. In one of these cases (Gal. vi. 14) it is not in-
terjectional, but joined with ipoi ; in another (1 Cor. vi. 15), it repels a direct hypo
thesis, " Shall I do (so and so) ? God forbid." But in all the other instances it ia

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 143
Law were given which could raise men from death to life, then
we might truly say that righteousness came from the Law.
22 But > the Scripture (on the other hand) has shut up the whole
world together under the condemnation of sin, that through
Faith in Jesus Christ the promise might be given to the
faithful.
23 But before Faith came, we were shut up in prison, in ward
under the Law, in preparation for the Faith which should
24 afterwards be revealed. Thus, even as the slave" who leads
a child to the house of the schoolmaster, so the Law led us to
25 our teacher Christ, that by Faith we might be justified ; but
now that Faith is come, we are under the slave's care no
26 longer. For you are all the sons of God, by your faith in
27 Jesus Christ ; yea, whosoever among you have been baptized
28 unto Christ, have put on Christ. In Him there is neither
Jew nor Gentile, neither slave nor freeman, neither male nor
29 female ; for you all are one in Christ Jesus. And if you are
Christ's, then you are Abraham's seed, and heirs of his blessing
IV.by promise.
1 Now I say, that the heir, so long as he is a child, has no
more freedom than a slave, though he is owner of the whole
2 inheritance ; but he is under overseers and stewards until the
3 time appointed by his father. And so we also [who are
Israelites] when we were children, were treated like slaves,
and taught the lessons of childhood by outward ordinances/
4 But when the appointed time was fully come, God sent forth
His own Son, who was born of a woman [partaker of our
flesh and blood], and born an Israelite, subject to the Law ;
5 that so he might redeem from their slavery the subjects of
the Law, and that we 4 might be adopted as the sons of God.
interjectional, and rebuts an inference deduced from St. Paul's doctrine by an oppo
nent. So that the question which precedes^ yivono is equivalent to " Do I then
infer that."
1 The connection of the argument is, that if the Law could give men spiritual life,
and so enable them to fulfil its precepts, it would give them righteousness : but it does
not pretend to do this ; on the contrary, it shows the impotence of their nature by the
contrast of its requirements with their performance. This verse is parallel with Rom.
zL 32.
* TLaiSayayog. The mistranslation of this word in the Authorised Version has led
to a misconception of the whole metaphor. See note on 1 Cor. iv. 15.
3 Td oroixeia tov Koapov literally means the elementary lessons of outward things
Compare Col. ii. 8 and 20.
* We, namely, all Christians, whether Jews or Gentiles.

144 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
And because you are the sons of God, He has sent forth the 6
spirit of His own Son into your hearts, crying unto Him, and
saying " Our Father." • Wherefore thou [who canst so pray] 7
art no more a slave, but a son ; and if a son, then an heir of
God through Christ.
Appeal to the But you [>vho were Gentiles], when you knew 8
verts enot°°to. not God, were in bondage to gods that have no real
return to an _ , . 1
outward and beine:. But now, when you have gamed tne know- 9
formal worship. ° , , ^f ¦, ^ i
ledge of God, — or rather, when God has acknow-
ledged you, — how is it that you are turning backwards to
those childish lessons, void both of strength and blessing \
Would you seek again the slavery which you have outgrown ?
Are you observing days," and months,3 and seasons,4 and 10
years ?5 I am fearful for you, lest I have spent my labour onu
you in vain. I beseech you, brethren, to become as I am 12
[and seek no more a place among the circumcised] ; for I too
have become as you 6 are [and have cast away the pride of
my circumcision]. You have never wronged me hitherto :
on the contrary, although it was sickness (as you know) which 13
caused 7 me to preach the Glad-tidings to you at my first visit,
yet you neither scorned nor loathed me because of the bodily 14
infirmity which was my trial ; 8 but you welcomed me as an
angel of God, yea, even as Christ Jesus. Why, then, did you 15
1 'A/3/jcZ is the Syro-Chaldaic word for Father, and it is the actual word with which
the Lord's prayer began, as it was uttered by our Lord himself. The 6 iraryp which
follows is only a translation of 'A/3/3a, inserted as translations of Aramaic words often
are by the writers of the New Testament, but not used along with 'A/3/3d. This is
rendered evident by Mark xiv. 36, when we remember that our Lord spoke in Syro-
Chaldaic. Rom. viii. 15 is exactly parallel with the present passage.
s T*he Sabbath-days. Compare Col. ii. 16. 3 The seventh months.
4 The seasons of the great Jewish feasts.
• The Sabbatical and jubilee years. From this it has been supposed that this Epistle
must have been written in a Sabbatical year. But this does not necessarily follow,
because the word may be merely inserted to complete the sentence ; and of course
those who observed the Sabbaths, festivals, &c. would intend to observe also the Sab
batical years when they came. The plural of the word hiavrovg being used, favours
this view.
« This is of course addressed to the Gentile converts.
i I. e. by keeping him in their country against his previous intention. See Vol. L
p- 274.
s Tleipaapbv. This was probably the same disease mentioned 2 Cor. xii. 7. It is
very unfortunate that the word temptation has so changed its meaning in the last two
hundred and fifty years, as to make the Authorised Version of this verse a great source
of misapprehension to ignorant readers. Some have even been led to imagine that Sfc
Paul spoke of a sinful habit in which he indulged, and to tho dominion of which he
was encouraged (2 Cor. xii. 9) contentedly to resign himself I

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 145
*
think yourselves so happy? (for I bear you witness that, if it
TV had been possible, you would have torn out your own eyes
16 and given them to me). Am I then become your enemy a be-
1.1 cause I tell you the truth ? They [who call me so] show zeal
for you with no good intent ; they would shut you out from
1.8 others, that your zeal may be for them alone. But it is good
to be zealous3 in a good cause, and that at all times, and not
when zeal lasts only [like yours] while I am present with
19 you. My beloved children, I am again bearing the pangs of
20 travail for you, till Christ 'be fully formed within you. I would
that I were present with you now, that I might change my
tone [from joy to sadness] ; for you fill me with perplexity.
21 Tell me, ye that desire to be under the Law, will you not
22 hear the Law? For therein it is written that T,ie aUegorj
Abraham had two sons ; 4 one by the bond-woman, sarahagteachea
23 the other by the free. But the son of the bond- S'Si™"
woman was born to him after the flesh ; whereas the son of the
24 free-woman was born by virtue of God's promise. Now, all
this is allegorical ; for these two women are the two covenants ;
the first given from Mount Sinai, whose children are born into
25 bondage, which is Hagar (for the word Hagar 5 signifies
Mount Sinai in Arabia) ; and herein she answers to the earthly
Jerusalem, for6 she continues in bondage with her children
26 But [Sarah ' is the second covenant, which is in Christ, and
' answers to the heavenly Jerusalem ; for] the heavenly Jeru-
1 This certainly seems to confirm the view of those who suppose St. Paul's malady
to have been some disease in the eyes. The vpuv appears emphatic, as if he would
say, you would have torn out your own eyes to supply the lack of mine.
* The Judaizers accused St. Paul of desiring to keep the Gentile converts in an infe
rior position, not admitted (by circumcision) into full covenant with God ; and called
him, therefore, their enemy. So, in the Clementines, St. Paul is covertly alluded to
as b ixBpbg dvBpunog.
3 To fyXovodai might also mean, " to be the object of zeal," as many interpreters take
it ; but, on the whole, the other interpretation (which is that of Winer, Meyer, and De
Wette) seems to suit the context better. Perhaps, also, there may be an allusion here
to the peculiar use of the word (,ykuryg . Compare Gal. i. 14.
4 With this passage compare Rom. ix. 7-9.
6 The word Hagar in Arabic means "a rock," and some authorities tell us tha.
Mount Sinai is so called by the Arabs. The lesson to be drawn from this whole pas
sage, as regards the Christian use of the Old Testament, is of an importance which can
scarcely be overrated.
« All the best MSS. read ydp, not Si.
i This clause in brackets is implied, though not expressed, by St. Paul, being neces
sary for the completion of the parallel.
vol. II. — 10

146 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
saleai is free, and is the mother of us all.1 And so it is written-
[that the spiritual seed of Abraham should be more numerous
than his natural seed; as says the Prophet] " Bejoice, tlmi 27
barren that bear est not; break forth into shouting, thou that
travailest not ; for the desolate hath many more children than
she which hath the husband." * Now, we, brethren, like Isaac, 28
are children born [not naturally, but] by virtue of God's pro
mise. Yet, 'as then the spiritual seed of Abraham was perse- 20
cuted by his natural seed, so it is also now. Nevertheless, 30
what says the Scripture ? " Cast out the bond-woman and her
son ; for the son of the bond-woman shall not be hei/r with ihe
son of the free-woman." 3 So then, brethren, we are not chil- 31
dren of the bond- woman, but of the free. Stand fast, there- V. 1
fore, in the freedom which Christ has given us, and turn not
back again, to entangle yourselves in the yoke of bondage.
Lo, I Paul declare unto you, that if you cause yourselves 2
to be circumcised, Christ will profit you nothing. I testify 3
again to every man who submits to circumcision, that he there
by lays himself under obligation to fulfil the whole Law. By 4
vesting your righteousness on the Law, you have annulled
your fellowship with Christ, you are fallen from the. free gift
of His grace. For we, through the power of the Spirit 4 [not 5
through the circumcision of the Flesh], from Faith [not works],
look with earnest longing for the hope5 of righteousness. For 6
in Christ Jesus neither circumcision avails anything, nor un-
circumcision ; but Faith, whose work 6 is Love.
wamingagainst You were running the race well : who has cast 7
the Judaizing i -i i . - .
teachers, and a stumbling block in your way ? who has turned
divisions. vou aside from your obedience to the truth ? The 8
counsel which you have obeyed7 came not from Him who
called8 you. [Your seducers are few; but] "A little leaven 9
1 The weight of MS. authority is rather against the irdvruv of the received text ¦
yet it bears an emphatic sense if retained, viz. " we all, whether Jews or Gentiles
who belong to the Israel of God." Compare Gal. vi. 16.
* Isaiah liv. 1. (LXX.)
3 Gen. xxi. 10, from LXX., but not quite verbatim.
'- In the words irvevpa and thxtij a tacit reference is made to their antitheses (con
stantly present to St. Paul's mind) jioi or ypdppa, and vbpog or ipya, respectively.
'Le. the hope of eternal happiness promised to the righteous.
6 Literally, " whose essential operation consists in the production of love."
'• Observe the paronomasia between neiapovy and neiBeaBai.
' Tov KaihanvTog. The participle used substantively. Compare i. 6, and note.

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 147
10 leadens the whole lump." > As for me, I rely upon you,
brethren, in the Lord Jesus, that you will not be led astray ;
but he that is troubling you, whosoever he be, shall bear the
blame.
11 But if, myself also [as they say] preach circumcision,2 why
am I still persecuted ? for if 1 preach circumcision, then the
cross, the, stone at which they stumble,3 is done away.
12 I could wish that these agitators who disturb your quiet,
would execute upon themselves not only circumcision, but
excision also."
13 For you, brethren, have been called to freedom ; Exhortation to
•!>' 'the more eu-
only make not your freedom a vantage-ground for lightened party
*> ^ e> o not to abuse
the Flesh, but rather enslave yourselves one to their f™ed°m-
14 another by the bondage of love. For all the Law is fulfilled
15 in this one commandment, " Thou s/talt love thy neighbour as
thyself." b But if, on the other hand, you bite and devour one
another, take heed lest you be utterly destroyed by one
another's means.
16 This I say, then ; walk in the Spirit, and you variance be-
17 shall not fulfil the desire of the Flesh ; for the desire sP'rit an<i "»«
Flesh.
of the Flesh fights against the Spirit, and the desire
of the Spirit fights against the Flesh ; and this variance be
tween the Flesh and the Spirit wouVd hinder c you from doing
18 that which your will prefers. But, if yon be led by the Spirit,
19 you are not under the Law.' Now,^the works of the Flesh
1 This proverb is quoted also 1 Cor. v. 6.
* This accusation might naturally be made by St. Paul's opponents, on the ground
of his circumcising Timothy, and himself still continuing several Jewish observances.
Soe Acts xx. 6., and Acts xxi. 24.
" Literally, the stumbling-stone of the cross ; i. e. the cross, which is their stum
bling-stone. Compare 1 Cor. i. 23. The doctrine of a crucified Messiah was a stum
bling-block to the national pride of the Jews ; but if St. Paul would have consented to
make Christianity a sect of Judaism (as he would hy "preaching circumcision"),
their pride would have been satisfied. But then, if salvation were made to depend on
outward ordinances, the death of Christ would be rendered unmeaning.
4 Observe the force of the sii and of the middle voice here ; the A. V. is a mistrans
lation. 5 Levit. xix. 18. (LXX.)
6 "hia ui) iroiyre, not " so that you cannot " (A. V.), but tending to prevent you
from. » To be "under the yoke of the Law," and "under the yoke of the Flesh." is in St
Paul's language the same ; because, for those who are under the Spirit's guidance, the
Law is dead (v. 23) ; they do right, not from fear of the Law's penalties, but through
"ie influence of the Spirit who dwells within them. This, at least, is the ideal statu

148 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
aie manifest, which are such as these;' fornication, impurity, 2C
lasciviousness ; idolatry, withcraft;" enmities, strife, jealousy,
passionate anger ; intrigues,3 divisions, sectarian parties; envy, 2;
murder, drunkenness, re veilings, and such like. Of which I
forewarn you (as I have told you also in times past), that they
who do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God. But 22
the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, kind
ness, goodness, trustfulness,4 gentleness, self-denial. Against 23
such there is no Law.
warning to But they who -are Christ's have crucified the 24
iighte"edeParty Flesh, with its passions and its lusts. If we live by 25
ufi'pride?111*' the Spirit, let us take heed that our steps are guided
by the Spirit. Let us not thirst for empty honour, let us not 26
provoke one another to strife, let us not envy one another. VI.
Brethren, — I speak to you who call yourselves the Spiritual,5 l
— even if any one be overtaken in a fault, do you correct such
a man in a spirit of meekness ; and let each of you take heud
to himself, lest he also be tempted. Bear ye one another's 2
burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. For, if any man exalts 3
himself, thinking to be something when he is nothing, he
deceives himself with vain imaginations. Bather let every 4
man examine his own work, and then his boasting will concern
himself alone and not his neighbour; for each will bear the 5
load [of sin] which is his own ° [instead of magnifying the load
which is his brother's]. •
of Christians. Compare Rom. viii. 1-14. St. Paul here, and elsewhere in his Epistles,
alludes thus briefly to important truths, because his readers were already familiar with
them from his personal teaching. By the Flesh (oup£) St. Paul denotes not merely
the sensual tendency, but generally that which is earthly in man, as opposed to what
is spiritual. " Die cdpi- bezeichnet die menschliche Natur uberhaupt in Zustande
ihrer Entfremdung von gottlichen Leben." Neander, P. und L., 664. It should be
observed, that the 17th verse is a summary of the description of the struggle between
flesh and spirit in Rom., vii. 7-25 ; and verse 18th is a summary of the description of
the Christian's deliverance from this struggle. Rom. viii. 1-14.
1 "Anna is less definite than <2. In the words which follow, poixeia is omitted in the
best MSS.
* QappaKeia, ihe profession of magical arts. The history of the times in which St
Paul lived is full of the crimes committed by those who professed such arts. We have
seen him brought into contact with such persons at Ephesus already. They dealt in
poisons also, which accounts for the use of the term etymologically.
3 'EpiBeia. Compare Rom. ii. 8 and note. Also 2 Cor. xii. 20.
» Tliang seems to have this meaning here ; for faith (in its larger sense) could not
be classed as one among a number of the constituent parts of love. See 1 Cor. xiii.
s 'Tpelg oi •avevpariKoX. See Vol. I. p. 446.
«'The allusion here is apparently to JEsop's well-known fable. It is unfortunate

EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 149
6 Moreover, let him who is receiving instruction Provision ta
in the Word ' give to his Instructor a share in all the m mai0«*
7 the good things which he possesses. Do not deceive peters
8 yourselves — God cannot be defrauded. Every man("an'*0W7fd
shall reap as he has sown. The man who now sows for his own
Flesh, shall reap therefrom a harvest doomed ! to perish ; but
he who sows for the Spirit, shall from the Spirit reap the har-
9 vest of life eternal. But let us continue in well-doino-, and not
be weary ; 3 for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not.
LO Therefore, as we have opportunity, let us do good to all men,
but especially to our brethren in the household of Faith.
11 Observe the size4 of the characters in which I Autograph con
have written to you with my own hand. elusion.
12 I tell you that they who wish to have a good repute in
things pertaining to the Flesh, they, and they alone5 are
forcing circumcision upon you ; and that only to save them
selves from the persecution which 6 Christ bore upon the cross.
13 For even they who circumcise themselves do not keep the
Law; but they wish to have you circumcised, that your
that in the Authorised Version the two words <j>opriov and /3dpog (v. 2) are translated
by the same term burden, which seems to make St. Paul contradict himself. His
meaning is, that self-examination will prevent us from comparing ourselves boastfully
with our neighbour ; we shall have enough to do with our own sins, without scrutinis
ing his.
1 By the Word is meant the doctrines of Christianity.
* QBopdv. See Rom. viii. 21.
» Compare 2 Thess. iii. 13, where the expression is almost exactly the same : pi)
tKKaKyoyre Ka7i.oiTOiovvTeg.
4 Thus we must understand iryTiiKoic ypdppaaiv, unless we suppose (with Tholuck)
that ¦KyXiKoig is used for iroiolg, as in the later Greek of the Byzantine writers. To
take ypdppara as equivalent to iinarbXy appears inadmissible. St. Paul does not
here say that he wrote the whole Epistle with his own hand, but this is the beginning
Df his usual autograph postscript, and equivalent to the ovtu ypdfu in 2 Thess. iii. 17 .
We may observe as a further confirmation of this view, that scarcely any Epistle bears
more evident marks than this of having been written from dictation. The writer re
ceived a letter from the venerable Neander a few months before his death, which illus
trated this point in a manner the more interesting, because he (Neander) takes a dif
ferent view of this passage (P. u. L., p 368). His letter is written in the fair and
flowing hand of an amanuensis, but it 3nds with a few irregular lines in large and
rugged characters, written by himself and explaining the cause of his needing the
services of an amanuensis, namely, the weakness tf Ms eyes (probably the very malady
of St Paul). It was impossible to read this autograph without thinking of the present
passage, and observing that he might have expressed himself in the very words of St
Paul : — 'lSe vyliKoi^ aoi yodppaaiv eypafa ry ipy xuPi- i
6 The oiroi is emphatic.
* Literally, persecution inflicted by the cross of Christ.

150 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
obedience ' to the fleshly ordinance may give them a ground
of boasting. But as for me, far be it from me to boast, save 14
only in the cross2 of -our Lord and Master Jesus Clirist;
whereby the world is crucified unto me, and I unto the world.
For in Christ Jesus neither circumcision avails anything, nor 15
uncircumcision ; but a new creation. And whosoever shall 16
walk by this rule, peace and mercy be upon them, and upon
all the Israel of God.3
Henceforth, let no man vex me [by denying that I am 17
Christ's servant]; for I bear in my body the scars4 which
mark my bondage to the Lord Jesus.
Brethren, the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your 18
spirit. Amen.
- Literally, that they may boast in your flesh.
* To understand the full force of such expressions as " to boast in the cross," we
must remember that the cross (the instrument of punishment of the vilest malefactors)
was associated with all that was most odious, contemptible, and horrible, in the minds
of that generation, just as the word gibbet would be now.
3 Compare ch. iii. v. 9.
4 "ZriyuaTa, literally, the scars of the wounds made upon the body of a slave by the
branding-iron, by which he. was marked as belonging to his master. Observe the
emphatic iyii, " I (whatever others may do), I at least bear in my body the true marks
which show that I belong to Christ ; the scars, not of circumcisicn, but of wounds safe
fared for His sake."

BT. PAUL AT COEINTH. 151

CHAPTER XIX.
OOtw id Kar1 ipi npoOvpov Kal iplv rolg hi PQMIJ. evay-) eXloaoBat.— Rom. i 15.
St. PAUL AT COEINTH.— PUNISHMENT OF CONTUMACIOUS OFFENDERS.— SUBSEQUEN1
CHARACTER OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH.— COMPLETION OF THE COLLECTION .-
PHCEBE'S JOURNEY TO ROME.— SHE BEARS THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS.
No sooner had St. Paul despatched to Ephesus the messengers who bore
his energetic remonstrance to the Galatians, than he was called upon tc
inflict the punishment which he had threatened upon those obstinate
sinners who still defied his censures at Corinth. We have already seen
that these were divided into two classes : the larger consisted of those
who justified their immoral practice by antinomian > doctrine, and styling
themselves " the Spiritual," considered the outward restrictions of morality
as mere carnal ordinances, from which they were emancipated ; the other
and smaller (but more obstinate and violent) class, who had been more
recently formed into a party by emissaries from Palestine, were the ex
treme Judaizers,2 who were taught to look on Paul as a heretic, and to
deny his apostleship. Although the principles of these two parties differed
so widely, yet they both agreed in repudiating the authority of St. Paul ;
and, apparently, the former party gladly availed themselves of the calum
nies of the Judaizing propagandists, and readily listened to their denial of
Paul's divine commission ; while the Judaizers, on their part, would foster
any opposition to the Apostle of the Gentiles, from whatever quarter it
might arise.
But now the time was come when the peace and purity of the Corin
thian Church was to be no longer destroyed (at least openly) by either of
these parties. St. Paul's first duty was to silence and shame his leading
opponents, by proving the reality of his Apostleship, which they denied.
This he could only do by exhibiting " the signs of an Apostle," which con
sisted, (as he himself informs us), mainly in the display of miraculous
' In applying this term Antinomian to the irdvra H-eariv party at Corinth, we dc
not of course mean that all their opinions were the same with those which have been
held by modsrn (so-called) Antinomians. But their characteristic (which was a belief
that the restraints of outward law were abolished for Christians) seems more accurately
oxpressed by the term Antinomian, than by any other.
• See above, Chap. XVH. p. 96.

152 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
powers (2 Cor. xii. 12). The present was a crisis which required such ar
appeal to the direct judgment of God, who could alone decide between
conflicting claimants to a Divine commission. It was a contest like that
between Elijah and the prophets of Baal. St. Paul had already in his
absence professed his readiness to stake the truth of his claims on this
issue (2 Cor. x. 8, and xiii. 3-6) ; and we may. be sure that now, when he
was present, he did not shrink from the trial. And, doubtless, God, who
had sent him forth, wrought such miracles by his agency as sufficed to
convince or to silence the gainsayers. Perhaps the Judaizing emissaries
from Palestine had already left Corinth, after fulfilling their mission by
founding an anti-Pauline party there. If they had remained, they must now
have been driven to retreat in shame and confusion. All other opposition
was quelled likewise, and the whole Church of Corinth were constrained to
confess that God was on the side of Paul. Now, therefore, that " their obe
dience was complete," the painful task remained of " punishing all the dis
obedient" (2 Cor. x. 6). It was not enough that those who had so often
offended, and so often been pardoued before, should now merely profess
once more a repentance which was only the offspring of fear or of hypocrisy.
They had long infected the Church ; they were not merely evil themselves,
but they were doing harm to others, and causing the name of Christ to be
blasphemed among the heathen. It was necessary that the salt wldch had
lost its savour should be cast out, lest its putrescence should spread to
that which still retained its purity. St. Paul no longer hesitated to stand
between the living and the dead, that the plague might be stayed. We
know, from his own description (1 Cor. v. 3-5), the very form and
maimer of the punishment inflicted. A solemn assembly of the Church
was convened ; the presence and power of the Lord Jesus Christ was
especially invoked ; the cases of the worst offenders were separately con
sidered, and those whose sins required so heavy a punishment, were pub
licly cast out of the Church, and (in the awful phraseology of Scripture)
delivered over to Satan. Yet we must not suppose that even in such
extreme cases the object of the sentence was to consign the criminal to
final reprobation. On the contrary, the purpose of this excommunication
was so to work on the offender's mind as to bring him to sincere repent
ance, " that his spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus." ' If
it had this happy effect, and if he manifested true contrition, he was re
stored (as we have already seen in the case of the incestuous person2) to
the love of the brethren and the communion of the Church.
We should naturally be glad to know whether the pacification and
purification of the Corinthian Church thus effected was permanent ; oi
whether the evils which were so deeply rooted, sprang up again after St
i 1 Cor. v. 5. > 2 Cor. ii. 6-8.

SUBSEQUENT CHABACTEE OF THE COEINTHIAN CHURCH. 155
Paul's departure. On this point Scripture gives us no farther information,
nor can we find any mention of this Church (which has hitherto occupied
bo large a space in our narrative) after the date of the present chapter,
either in the Acts or the Epistles. Such silence seems, so far as it goes,
of favourable augury. And the subsequent testimony of Clement (the
"fellow-labourer" of Paul, mentioned Phil. iv. 3) confirms this interpreta
tion of it. He speaks (evidently from his own personal experience) of
the impression produced upon every stranger who visited the Church of
Corinth, by their exemplary conduct ; and specifies particularly their pos
session of the virtues most opposite to their former faults. Thus, he says,
that they were distinguished for the ripeness and soundness of their knovi-
ledge,1 in contrast to the unsound and false pretence of knowledge for
which they were rebuked by St. Paul. Again, he praises the pure and
blameless lives of their women ; " which must therefore have been greatly
changed since the time when fornication, wantonness, and impurity (2 Cor.
xii. 21) was the characteristic of their society. But especially he com
mends them for their entire freedom from faction and party-spirit,3 which
had formerly been so conspicuous among their faults. Perhaps the picture
which he draws of this golden age of Corinth may be too favourably
coloured, as a contrast to the state of things which he deplored when he
wrote. Yet we may believe it substantially true, and may therefore hope
that some of the worst evils were permanently corrected ; more particu
larly the impurity and licentiousness which had hitherto been the most
flagrant of their vices. Their tendency to party-spirit, however (so cha
racteristic of the Greek temper), was not cured ; on the contrary, it
blazed forth again with greater fury than ever, some years after the
death of St. Paul. Their dissensions were the occasion of the letter ot
Clement already mentioned ; he wrote in the hope of appeasing a violent
and long-continued 4 schism which had arisen (like their earlier divisions)
from their being "puffed up in the cause of one against another."5 He
rebukes them for their envy, strife, and party-spirit;6 accuses them of
being devoted to the cause of their party-leaders rather than to the cause
of God ; 7 and declares that their divisions were rending asunder the body
of Christ, and casting a stumbling-block in the way of many.8 This is the
1 Tf/v releiav Kal dcfa^y yvuaiv. Clem. Ep. I. cap. 1.
' Tvvai£,lv iv dpupu Kal aepvy Kal dyvy ovveiSijoei ndvra irci~e?.eiv izapyj-yeXheTt
 izdvv outppovovaag. I. cap. 1.
3 Hdaa ardtjig Kal ndv ax'iapa pSelvKrbv iplv. Cap. 2.
4 'Empovog ip&v ianv y crdaig. Clem. Ep. I. cap. 46.
* 1 Cor. iv. 6.
6 QBbvog Kal tpig Kal aramg. Clem. Ep. I. cap. 3.
7 AiKaiov . . . iiryKoovg ypdg pdTJ^ov yiveoBai tu Qeu y rolg hi iXa^oveig. Kal
dKaraoTaaiq. dpxnyolg iiaKoTMvBelv (cap. 14). Also he tells them that they were
'ti' ev y Svo irpbauira araaidXavTsg (cap. 47). See also cap. 54.
« Clem. Ep. I. cap. 46.

154: THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
last account which we have of the Corinthian Church in the Apcstolic
age ; so that the curtain falls upon a scene of unchristian strife, too much
like that upon which it rose. Yet, though this besetting sin was still
unsubdued, the character of the Church, as a whole, was (as we have
seen) very much improved since the days when some of thsm denied the
resurrection, and others maintained their right to practise nuchastity.
St. Paul continued three months • resident at Coriutb ; or, at least, he
made that city Ins head-quarters during this period. Probably he made
excursions thence to Athens and other neighbouring Churches, which (as
we know2) he had established at his first visit throughout all the region
of Achaia, and which, perhaps, needed his presence, his exhortations, and
his correction, no less than the metropolitan Church. Meanwhile, he was
employed in completing that great collection for the Christians of Pales
tine, upon which we have seen him so long engaged. The Christians of
Achaia, from whose comparative wealth much seems to have been ex
pected, had already prepared their contributions, by laying aside some
thing for the fund on the first day of every week ; 3 and, as this had been
going on for more than a year,4 the sum laid by must have been consi
derable. This was now collected from the individual contributors, and
entrusted to certain treasurers elected by the whole Church,6 who were to
carry it to Jerusalem in company with St. Paul.
While the Apostle was preparing for this journey, destined to be so
eventful, one of his converts was also departing from Corinth, in an oppo
site direction, charged with a commission which has immortalised her
name. This was Phoebe, a Christian lady resident at Cenchreae, the
eastern port of Corinth. She was a widow e of consideration and wealth,
who acted as one of the deaconesses ' of the Church, and was now about
to sail to Rome, upon some private business, apparently connected with a
law-suit in which she was engaged.8 St. Paul availed himself of this op
portunity to send a letter by her hands to the Roman Church. His reason
for writing to them at this time was his intention of speedily visiting
them, on his way from Jerusalem to Spain. He desired, before his per
sonal intercourse with them should begin, to give them a proof of the
affectionate interest which he felt for them, although they " had not seen
i Acts. xx. 3.
* See 2 Cor. i. 1, and 2 Cor. xi. 10 (rolg Kkipaai ryg 'Axaiag). See, however, the
remarks at the end of Chap. X. and Chap. XVIL
3 1 Cor. xvi. 2. • 2 Cor. viii. 10, and 2 Cor. ix. 2.
» Oig idv Soiupdayre. 1 Cor. xvi. 3. (See the translation of the verse.)
e She could not (according to Greek manners) have been mentioned as acting in ihe
independent manner described Rom. xvi. 1-2) either if her husband had been livin<* or
if she had been unmarried.
' On this appellation, however, see Vol. I. p. 435, note 1.
" See note on Rom. xvi. 1.

K0MAN CHUKCUI OF GENTTLE OEIGIN. 155
his face in the flesh." We must not suppose, however, that they were
Ditherto altogether unknown to him ; for we see, from the very numerous
salutations at the close of the Epistle, that he was already well acquainted
with many individual Christians at Rome. Erom the personal acquaint
ance he had thus formed, and the intelligence he had received, he had
reason to entertain a very high opinion of the character of the Church ; '
and accordingly he tells them (Rom. xv. 14, 15) that, in entering so fully
in his letter upon the doctrines and rules of Christianity, he had done it
not so much to teach as to remind them ; and that he was justified in
assuming the authority so to exhort them, by the special commission which
Christ had given him to the Gentiles.
The latter expression shows us that the majority of the Roman Christ
ians were of Gentile origin,2 which is also evident from several other pas
sages in the Epistle. At the same time, we cannot doubt that the original
nucleus of the Church there, as well as in all the other great cities of the
Empire, was formed by converts who had separated themselves from the
Jewish synagogue.' The name of the original founder of the Roman
Church has not been preserved to us by history, nor even celebrated by
tradition. This is a remarkable fact, when we consider how soon the
Church of Rome attained great eminence in the Christian world, both
from its numbers, and from the influence of its metropolitan rank. Had
any of the Apostles laid its first foundation, the fact could scarcely fail to
have been recorded. It is therefore probable that it was formed in the
first instance, of private Christians converted in Palestine, who had come
from the eastern 4 parts of the Empire to reside at Rome, or who had
brought back Christianity with them, from some of their periodical visits
to Jerusalem, as the " Strangers of Rome,'' from the great Pentecost.
Indeed, among the immense multitudes whom political and commercial
reasons constantly attracted to the metropolis of the world, there could
not fail to be representatives of every religion which had established itself
in any of the provinces.
- Rom. i. 8 : " Your faith is spoken of throughout the whole world."
* See also Rom. i. 13.
'¦> This is evident from the familiarity with the Old Testament which St. Paul assumes
in the readers of the Epistle to the Romans ; also from the manifest reference to Jewish
readers in the whole argument of chapters iii. and iv., and again of chapters ix., x.,
and xi.
4 We cannot, perhaps, infer anything as to the composition of the Church at Rome,
fiom the fact that St. Paul writes to them in Greek instead of Latin ; because Hellen
istic Greek was (as we have seen, Vol. I. p. 39) his own native tongue, in which he
seems always to have written ; and if any of the Roman Christians did not understand
that language, interpreters were not wanting in their own body who could explain it
to them. It is rather remarkable that Tertius, who acted as St. Paul's amanuensis,
was apparently (to judge from his name) a Roman Christian of the Latin section o<
the Church.

156 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
On this hypothesis, the earliest of the Roman Christians were Jews bj
birth, who resided in Rome, from some of the causes above alluded to.
By their efforts others of their friends and fellow-countrymen (who were
very numerous at Rome ') would have been led to embrace the Gospel.
But the Church so founded, though Jewish in its origin, was remarkably
free from the predominance of Judaizing tendencies. This is evident from
the fact that so large a majority of it at this early period were already of
Gentile blood ; and it appears still more plainly from the tone assumed by
St. Paul throughout the Epistle, so different from that in which he ad
dresses the Galatians, although the subject-matter is often nearly identical.
Yet, at the same time, the Judaizing element, though not preponderating,
was not entirely absent. We find that there were opponents of th?
Gospel at Rome, who argued against it on the ground of the immoral con
sequences which followed (as they thought) from the doctrine of Justifica
tion by Faith ; and even charged St. Paul himself with maintaining that
the greater man's sin, the greater was God's glory (see Rom. iii. 8).
Moreover, not all the Jewish members of the Church could bring them
selves to acknowledge their uncircumcised Gentile brethren as their equals
in the privileges of Christ's kingdom (Rom. iii. 9 and 29. xv. 7-11) ;
and, on the other hand, the more enlightened Gentile converts were in
clined to treat the lingering Jewish prejudices of weak consciences with
scornful contempt (Rom. xiv. 3). It was the aim of St. Paul to win tlie
former of these parties to Christian truth, and the latter to Christian love ;
and to remove the stumbling-blocks out of the way of both, by setting
before them that grand summary of the doctrine and practice of Christ
ianity which is contained in the following Epistle.

EPISTLE TO THE KOMAJSTS.2
salutation. Paul, a bondsman of Jesus Christ, a called Apostle, l
set apart to publish the Glad-tidings of God 
> Horace, Sat. i. 70.
' The date of this Epistle is very precisely fixed by the following statements con
tained in it : —
(1) St. Paul had never yet been to Rome. (i. 11, 13, 15).
(2) He was intending to go to Rome, after first visiting Jerusalem (xv. 23-2S).
This was exactly his purpose during his three months' residence at Corinth. See Acts
xix. 21.
(3) He was going to bear a collection of alms from Macedonia and Achaia to Jcru?
salem (xv. 26 and 31). This he did carry from Corinth to Jerusalem at the close of
this three months' visit. See Acts xxiv. 17.
(4) When he wrote the Epistle, Timotheus, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus were with
him (xvi. 21, 23) ; of these, the first three are expressly mentioned in the Acts as hav
ing been with him at Corinth during the three months' visit (see Acts xx. 4) ; and th«

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 157
2 which Ho promised of old by His Prophets in the Holy
3 Scriptures, concerning His Son (who was born of the seed
4 of David according to the flesh, but was marked out ' as
the Son of God with mighty power, according to the
spirit of holiness, by his resurrection from the dead), even
5 Jesus Christ, our Lord and Master.2 By whom I. received
grace and apostleship, that I might declare His name
among all the Gentiles, and bring them to the obedience
6 of faith. Among whom ye also are numbered, being
7 called by Jesus Christ  to all God's beloved child-
EEN, CALLED TO BE ChEISt's PEOPLE,3 WHO DWELL IN KoME.4
Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father, and from our
Lord Jesus Christ.
8 First I thank my God through Jesus Christ for intention o/
you all, because the tidings of your faith are told toS'd°cgiare°tho
9 throughout the whole world. For God is my wit- ad"tldmss-
ness (whom I serve with the worship 5 of my spirit, in pro
claiming the Glad-tidings of His Son) how unceasingly I make
10 mention of you at all times in my prayers, beseeching Him
that if it be possible I might now at length have a way open
to me according to the will of God, to come and visit you.
11 For I long to see you, that I may impart to you some spiritual
12 gift, for the establishment of your stedfastness ; that I may
share with you (I would say) in mutual encouragement,
through the faith both of you and me together, one with ano-
last, Erastus, was himself a Corinthian, and had been sent shortly before from Ephesus
(Acts xix. 22) with Timotheus on the way to Corinth. Compare 1 Cor. xvi. 10, 11.
(5) Phoebe, a deaconess of the Corinthian port of Cenchreaa was the bearer of the
Epistle (xvi. 1) to Rome.
1 'OpwBivTog, here equivalent, as Chrysostom says, to SsixBivrog. We may observe
that the notes which marked Jesus as the Son of God, are here declared to be power
and holiness. Neither would have been sufficient without the other.
2 Kvpiog seems to require this translation here, especially in connection with
SovTiog, v. 1.
3 See note on 1 Cor. i. 2.'
4 If this introductory salutation appears involved and parenthetical, it the more
forcibly recalls to our mind the manner, in which it was written, namely, by dictation
from the mouth of St. Paul. Of course an extemporary spoken composition will
always be. more full of parentheses, abrupt transitions, and broken sentences, than a
treatise composed in writing by its author.
6 Tu nveiipari pov qualifies harpevu, a term which was generally applied to acts of
outward worship. As much as to say, " My worship of God is not the outward servioe
of the temple, but the inward homage of the spirit," See larpelav similarly qualified.
chap. xii. 1.

158 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ther. But I would not have you ignorant, brethren, that 1 13
have often purposed to come to you (although hitherto I
have been hindered), that I might have some fruit among you
also, as I have among the other Gentiles. I am a debtor both 14
to Greeks and Barbarians, both to wise and foolish ; therefore, 15
as far as in me lies, 1 am ready to declare the Glad-tidings to
you that are in Eome, as well as to others. For [even in the 1<>
chief city of the world] I am not ashamed of the Glad-tidings
of Christ, seeing it is the mighty power whereby God brings ,
salvation to every man that has faith therein, ,;o the Jew first,
tws Giaa-tia- and also to the Gentile.' For therein God's right- if
Ihf £$££ eousness 2 is revealed, a righteousness which spriDgs
moraePnerL?l-from Faith, and which Faith receives— as it is writ-
rXeS'" ten : " Byf™*h shaU the righteous Uve." 3
of which faith For. the wrath of God is revealed from heaven 1 8
is lqc condition
rfdienw m against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, .
For by God's ' wbo keep 4 down the truth [which they know]
previous reve- * . i t -r»
iations, only His ^y the wickedness wherein they live.5 .Because 19
prohibition of J .« n .
revealed iem tbat which can be known of God is manifested in
^nsctenc'e1^ their hearts, God himself having shown it to them ;
tott^Genai^1 for His eternal power and Godhead, though they be 20
vioitef by™ invisible, yet are seen ever since the world was ¦
t!Sedaby1 the made, being understood by His works, that they -
°tate1ofCOthe'pt [who despised Him] might have no excuse ; because 21
although they knew God, they glorified Him not as
God, nor gave Him thanks, but in their reasonings they went
astray after vanity, and their heart, being void of wisdom, was
filled with darkness. Calhng themselves wise, they were 22
turned into fools, and forsook the glory » of the imperishable 23
1 St. Paul uses "EH^v as the singular of IBvy, because the singular of the latter
word is not used in the sense of a Gentile. Also the plural "EXXyveg is used when
individual Gentiles are meant ; iBvy when Gentiles collectively are spoken of.
AiKaioaviy Oeov. Not an attribute of God, but the righteousness which God con
siders such ; and which must therefore be the perfection of man's moral nature. This
righteousness may be looked on under two aspects : 1, in itself, as a moral condition
of man ; 2, in its consequences, as involving a freedom from guilt in the sight of God.
Under the first aspect it is the possession of a certain disposition of mind called niang,
or faith. Under the second aspect it is regarded as something- reckoned by God to the
account of man — an acquittal of past offences.
= Habakkuk ii. 4. (LXX.)
' For this meaning of Karix", compare 2 Thess. ii. 6.
5 'Ev dSiKia, by living in wickedness.
' This is nearly a quotation from Ps. cvi. 20 : y7J. itavro ri)v SS%av avrHv iv bpoiC*

EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 159
God for idols graven in the likeness of perishable men, or ol
24 birds and beasts, and creeping things. Therefore God also
gave them up to work uneleanness according to their hearts'
26 lust, to dishonour their bodies one with another ; seeing they
had bartered the truth of God for lies, and reverenced and
worshipped the things made instead of the Maker, who is
26 blessed for ever, Amen. For this cause God gave them up to
shameful passions ; for on the one hand their women changed
27 the natural use into that which is against nature ; and' on the
other hand their men, in like manner, leaving the natural use
of the women, burned in their lust one toward another, men
with men working abomination, and receiving in themselves
28 the due recompense of their transgression. And as they
thought fit to cast out the acknowledgment of God, God gave
them over to an outcast ¦ mind, to do the things that are un
29 seemly. They are filled with all unrighteousness, fornication,
depravity, covetousness, maliciousness. They overflow with
30 envy, murder, strife, deceit, malignity. They are whisperers,
backbiters, God-haters ; * outrageous, overweening, false boast
ers ; inventors of wickedness ; undutifnl to parents ; bereft of
31 wisdom ; . breakers of covenanted faith ; devoid of natural affec-
32 tion; ruthless, merciless. "Who knowing the righteous judg
ment of God,3 whereby all that do such things are worthy of
death, not only commit the sins, but delight in their fellowship
ILwith the sinners.
l Wherefore thou, 0 man, whosoever thou art that It wag alao ^0.
judgest others, art thyself without excuse4 if thou S^t^wi8
doestevil; for in judging thy neighbour thou con- ' gafion^vhether
i j ii ii? ¦ ¦ j.i_ l j xi i-i Jews or heathen
demnest thyseif, since tny, deeds are the same which philosophers).
2 in him thou dost condemn. And we know that edgment would
God judges them who do such wickedness not 5 by gots s%m.
uan pba%ov. (LXX.) ' ATCKdaoeaBai n iv nvi means to forsake one thing fir an
other, to change one thing against another.
1 OiiK iSoKipaaav . . . dSoKipov. A translation should, if possible, retain such plays
upon words, as they are one of the characteristics of St, Paul's style. A paronomasia
upon the same words is found 2 Cor. xiii. 6, 7.
* We venture to consider Beoarvyelg active, against the opinion of Winer, Meyer,
tad De Wette ; relying first, on the authority of Suidas, and secondly, on the context.
3 How did they know this? By the law of conscience (see ii. 14) confirmed by the
lows of nature (i. 20).
4 'AvairoTi&yyrog. Inexcusable in doing evil is evidently meant, just as it is before
(i. 20) by the same word, dvaizo7.oyyToVg.
i This appears to be the meaning of /cord d^yBeiav.

160 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
wouid^d^nd* tneir words, but by their deeds. But reekouest 3
menfbewe™ thou, O thou that condemnest these evil-doers, and
SelalvTeveat doest the like thyself, that thou shalt escape the
out™rdeiyhe(a3 judgment of God ? or does the rich abundance »f 4
fawardiy^to His kindness and forbearance and long-suffering
the heathen). ^^ ^^ fo despige , JJim ? anc[ art thou ign0railt
that God, by His kindness [in withholding punishment], strives
to lead thee to repentance ? . But thou in the hardness and im- 5
•'¦enitehce of thy heart, art treasuring up against thyself a
store of wrath, which will be manifested in ' the day of wrath,
even the day when God will reveal to the sight 3 of men the
righteousness of His judgment. And He will pay to all their 6
due, according their deeds ; to those who with stedfast en- 7
durance in well doing seek the glory which 4 cannot perish,
He will give life eternal ; but for men of guile,5 who are obe- 8
dient to unrighteousness, and disobedient to the truth, indigna- o
tion and wrath, tribulation and anguish shall 6 fall upon them ;
yea upon every soul of man that does the work of evil, upon
the Jew first, and also upon the Gentile. But glory and peace lo.
shall be given to every man who does the work of good, to the
Jew first, and also to the Gentile ; for there is no respect of n
persons with God.
For they who have sinned without [the knowledge of] the 1 2
Law, shall perish without [the punishment of] the Law ; and
they who have sinned under the Law, shall be judged by the
Law.' For not they who hear the words of the Law [in their 13
1 Literally, "is it the rich abundance of his kindness, fyc, which thou despisest??
" 'Ev, not against, but manifested in.
3 'AnoKoliitTeiv means to disclose to sight what has been hidden; the word reveal
does not by itself represent the full force of the original term, although etymologioally
it precisely corresponds with it.
4 S. k. t. Kal dipBapaiav, an Hendiadys for dQBaprbv S. k. t. Ab$a Kal npi) together
is equivalent to glory.
s 'EpiBe'ta seems to mean selfish party intrigue, conducted in a mercenary spirit,
and more generally, selfish cunning; being derived from ipiBevopai, to undertake a
work for hire. It occurs also 2 Cor. xii. 20. Phil. i. 17. Phil. ii. 3. Gal. v. 20.
SoiBevopevovg is used for intriguing partizans by Aristotle (Polit. v. 3). The history
of this word seems to bear a strong analogy to that of our term job.
0 Observe the change of construction here.
7 We have remarked elsewhere (but the remark may be here repeated with advan
tage) that the attempts which were formerly made to prove that vbpog, when used
with and without the article by St. Paul, meant in the former case a moral law in
general, and in the latter only the Mosaic Law, have now been abandoned by the
best interpreters. See note on iii. 20.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 161
synagogues] are righteous in God's sight, but they who do the
14 works of the Law shall be counted righteous. For when the
Gentiles, who have no Law, do by nature the works of the Law,
they, though they have no Law, are a Law to themselves ;
15 since they manifest the work of the Law written in their
hearts, and their conscience also bears them witness, while their
inward thoughts answering one to the other, either justify or
16 else condemn them ; [as will be seen] in that day when God
shall judge the secret counsels of men by Jesus Christ, accord
ing to the Glad-tidings which I preach.
17 Behold 1 thou callest thyself a Jew, and restest in „
^ Nor would tne
18 the Law, and boastest of God's favour, and knowest Jews be shielded
' ' by their boast
the will of God, and givest2 judgment upon good or s"ncetheLabroke
19 evil, being instructed by the teaching of the Law. the^ouWu7
Thou deemest thyself a guide of the blind, a light to ^SSc^tr™
those who are in darkness, an instructor of the simple, tha?™rlsthe u
20 a teacher of babes, possessing in the Law the perfect
21 pattern of knowledge and of truth. Thou therefore that
teachest thy neighbour, dost thou not teach thyself? thou that
22 preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal ? thou that
sayest a man should not commit adultery, dost thou commit
adultery ? thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou rob 3 temples ?
23 thou that makest thy boast in the Law, by breaking the Law,
24 dost thou dishonour God? Yea, as it is written, " Through*
you is the name of God blasphemed among the Gentiles."
25 For circumcision avails if thou keep the Law ; but if thou
be a breaker of the Law, thy circumcision is turned into un-
•26 circumcision. If then the uncircumcised Gentile keep the
commandments of the Law, shall not his uncircumcision be
27 counted for circumcision ? And shall not he, though naturally
uncircumcised, by 6 fulfilling the law, condemn thee, who with
28 scripture and circumcision dost break the law. For he is
not a Jew, who is one outwardly ; nor is that circumcision,
29 which is outward in the flesh ; but he is a Jew who is one in-
' If we read el Si (with some of the best MSS.) the translation must run thus : " But
what, if thou callest thyself," &c. ; the apodosis beginning with verse 21.
' AoKipdXeiv, to test (as a metal by fire). See 1 Pet. i. 7. Eenee to give judgment
upon (here). T<i Siaipipovra means (as explained by Theophylact), rt Set itodljai Kal
rJ iel pi) irpuljai. The same phrase occurs Phil. i. 10.
' Compare Upoovlovg, Acts. xix. 36.
'- Isaiah Iii. 5. (LXX.) 5 See Winer, Gram., § 19, p. 126.
VOL. II.  1 1

162 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
wardly, and circumcision is that of the heart, in the spirit, not
in the letter ; whose praise comes not from man ' but from
God. , 4, T HL
The advantage " But 2 if this be so, what advantage has the J ew, t
2dtE and what has been the profit of circumcision?"
ed wfthtte'ont- Much every way. First, because to their keeping 2
ward revelation J J —, 1 .
of God's -ma. were entrusted the oracles ot boa. nov wnat, 6
Their faithless- . . . , -, , , n
Bess to this though some of them were faithless 3 to tne trust i
trust only esta ¦ a - ,
fiitMuine'L0d'8 shall we say4 that their faithlessness destroys the
llSfnt! faithfulness* of God? That be far from us. Yea, 4
Ihougf 7-th£ he sure that God is true, though all mankind be
Fr°o°.n their^ liars, as it is written : "That 6 thoumightest be justi-
notthe'rebyre3 fled in thy sayings, and mightest overcome when
r'etn'sequen! thou art judged." " But if the righteousness of God 5
good) can mike is established by our unrighteousness [His faithful-
right. °""n ness being more clearly seen by our faithlessness],
must we not say that God is unjust" (I speak as men do),7 "in
sending the punishment?" That be far from us ; for [if this 6
punishment be unjust], how shall God judge the world? since8 7
[of that judgment also it might be said] : "If God's truth has
by the occasion of my falsehood more fully shown itself, to the
greater manifestation of His glory, why am I still condemned
as a sinner ? and why 9 should we not say " (as I myself am 8
1 The Pharisees and Pharisaic Judaizers sought to gain the praise of men by their
outward show of sanctity ; which is here contrasted with the inward holiness which
seeks no praise but that of God. The same contrast occurs in the Sermon on the
Mount. ' Otiv, if this be so.
3 'HirioTyoav refers to the preceding iiriarevByaav.
4 See note on pi/ yevoiro, Gal. iii. 21.
3 That is, shall we imagine that God will break his covenant with the true Israel,
because of the unfaithfulness of the false Israel ? Compare Rom. xi. 1-5.
6 Ps. Ii. 4. (LXX.) The whole context is as follows : " I acknowledge my trans
gression, and my sin is ever before me ; against Thee only have I sinned, and done
this evil in Thy sight ; that Thou mightest be justified in Thy sayings, and mightesl
overcome when Thou are judged."
7 Kot' dvBpuizov "kiyu. See note on Gal. iii. 15. And compare also 1 Cor. xv. 32,
and Bom. vi. 19.
" In this most difficult passage we must bear in mind that St. Paul is constantly re
ferring to the arguments of his opponents, which were familiar to his readers at Borne,
but are not so to ourselves. Hence the apparently abrupt and elliptical character of
the argument, and the necessity of supplying something to make the connection intel
ligible. 9 The ellipsis is supplied by understanding n from the preceding clause, and teyo-
pev from the following ; the complete expression would have been Kal n pi) Aeyupev.
The succeeding fn is (as usual) equivalent to a mark of quotation.

EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 163
slanderously charged with saying) " let us do evil that good
may come ?" Of such men ' the doom is just.
>. What shall we say then ? [having gifts above the The prmieRe*
_ „ _ , , J V , n tlt- of lhe Jews
jentiles] have we the pre-eminence over them i ss. o, gave them no
x moral pre-emi-
n no wise ; for we have already charged all, both ?enc« 0T.°^h.e
IG Jews and Gentiles, with the guilt of sin. And so it ^ed0"^°°;
is written, " There 2 is none righteous, no not one ; Bin-
Ll there is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after
12 God, they are all gone out of tlie way, they are altogether become
13 unprofitable, there is none that doeth good, no not one. Their
throat is an open sepulchre, with their tongue they have used
1 ideceit, the poison of asps is under their lips. Their mouth is full
15 of cursing and bitterness. Their feet are swift to shed blood.
IC, 17 Destruction and misery are in their paths, and the way
18 of peace have tliey not known. There is no fear of God before
19 their eyes." Now we know that all the sayings of the Law are
spoken to those under the Law [these things therefore are
spoken to the Jews] that every mouth might be stopped, and
the whole world might be subjected to the judgment of God.
20 For 3 through the works of the Law " shall no fiesh be justified
in His sight" 4 because by the Law is wrought [not the doing
of righteousness, but] the acknowledgment of sin. H
21 But now, not by the Law, but by another way,5 ^insD°nde™hnc
God's righteousness is brought to light, whereto the S^^hSS;
22 Law and the prophets bear witness; God's right- S1*!*^
eousness, (I sty) which comes by faith in Jesus cfd^ght !"
Christ, for all, and upon all, who have faith in Him ; fromy thaw
for herein thero is no difference [between Jew and not by obeying
23 Gentile], since all have sinned, and none have at- escaping penai-
. n„ ~ /~. _ _^ ties, but by
24 tamed the glorious likeness of (rod. But by His k»th m Jesus
,..„,., Christ, and by
free gift they are lustified without payment Tof their receiving a gra
ss ¦/ ¦> r * L tuitous pardon
debt], through the ransom which is paid in Christ *™ Past offeii-
1 Viz., men who deduce immoral consequences from sophistical arguments.
• This whole passage is quoted (and all but verses 10 and 11 verbatim) from Ps.
xiv. 1, 2, 3. (LXX.) Portions of it also occur in Ps. liii. 3. Ps. v. 9. Ps. cxl. 3.
1's. x. 7. Isaiah lix. 7. Ps. xxxvi. 1.
3 "Epyuv vopov here is equivalent to tuv ipyuv tov vbuov (in spite of the attempts
made by Middleton and others to maintain a perpetual distinction between them), as
is now acknowledged by the best interpreters : the clearest proof of this is in verses
28 and 29, xaplc Ipyuv vopov y 'lovSaiuv b Qebg pbvov. At the same time, it musl
be observed that the law is spoken of as a moral, not as a ceremonial law.
4 Ps. cxliii. 2 almost verbatim from LXX.
¦ X(,'/)?<- (nvog) means not by (n), but by something else. See iii. 28. and iv. 6.

164 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
The sacrifice of Jesus. For Him. hath God set forth, in His blood, 25
thaTthis10par- to be a propitiatory sacrifice by means of Faith,
notftoTSs thereby to manifest the righteousness of God; be-
indifference to _, , . -, j .-i
cause in His forbearance God had passed over toe
former sins of men ' in the times that are gone by. [Him (1 26
say) hath God set forth] in this present time to manifest His
righteousness, that He might be just, and [yet] might justify »
the children3 of Faith. Where then is the4 boasting [of the 27
Jew] ? It is 6 shut out. By what law ? by the law of works ?
no, but by the law of Faith. Therefore we conclude that by 2S
Faith a man is justified, and not by6 the works of the Law;
else God must be the God of the Jews alone ; but is He not 29
likewise the God of the Gentiles ? Yea, He is the God of the
Gentiles also. For God is one [for all men], and He willsc
justify through Faith the circumcision of the Jews, and by
their Faith will He justify also the uncircumcision of the
Gentiles. Do we then by Faith bring to nought the Law ? That be 31
far from us ! Yea, we establish the Law. IV,
Jewish objec- What then 7 can we say that our father Abraham i
lions met by *
oid'iestement gained by8 the fleshly ordinance? For, if Abraham 2
pie^of Ab™- was justified by works he has a ground of boast-
ham;s beiteTrn ing. But he has no ground of boasting with God ; .
i The A. V. here is a mistranslation. Cf. Acts xviL 30. And the note Vol. I. p-.
195, u. 2.
2 The first wish of a translator of St. Paul's Epistles would be to retain the same
English root in all the words employed as translations of the various derivatives of :
SiKaiog, viz. Sixaioavvy, SiKaiovv, SiKaiupa, StKaluoig, SiKaiug, and StKawKpiaia. But
this is impossible, because no English root of the same meaning has these derivatives j
fior example, taking righteous to represent SiKaiog, we have righteousness for Si/caio
avvy, but no verb from the same root equivalent to Smaiovv. Again, taking just foi
SiKaiog, we have justify for SiKaiovv, but bo term for Smawo-vvy, which is by no means
equivalent to justice, nor even to justness, in many passages where it occurs. The
only course which can be adopted, therefore, is to take that root in each case whick
seems best to suit the context, and bring out the connection of the argument.
3 Tow ix niareug is not fully represented by the A. V. It means " him whose essen
tial characteristic is faith," " the child of faith." Compare Gal. iii. -7 and Gal. iii. 9
The word lyoov is omitted by the best MSS.
4 Observe the article before Kavxyoig.
6 The aorist i&K%eiaBy seems used here (as often) in a perfect sense.
e Xupig. See note on verse 21.
' The oiv here is very perplexing, as the argument seems to require yap. It is pro
bably repeated from the preceding oiv, just as yup is repeated in v. 7.
s EipyKhai Kard adpKa, literally, gained in the way of the flesh. The order ol
the Greek forbids us to join /cord adpKa with irdrepa, as in A. V.

EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 165
» for what says the Scripture : "Abraham ! had faith ^^^^
in God, and it was reckoned unto him for righteous- christians^be'
« ness" Now if a man earn his pay by his work, it S,firyfSthUthi
is not " reckoned to him, " as a favour, but it is paid are"'™' Abm-
5 him as a debt ; but if he earns nothing by his work, oAhepromS
but rests his faith in Him who justifies " the ungodly, then his
6 faith is " reckoned to him for righteousness." In like manner
David also tells the blessedness of the man, to whom God
reckoneth righteousness, not by works but by another way,3
7 saying, " Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and
8 whose sins are covered. Blessed is tlie man against whom the
9 Lord shall not reckon sin" 4 Is this blessing then for the cir
cumcised alone ? or does it not belong also to the uncircum
cised ? for we say, " his " faith was reckoned to Abraham for
10 righteousness." How then was it reckoned to him? when he
was circumcised, or uncircumcised ? Not in circumcision but
11 in uncircumcision. And he received circumcision as an out
ward sign of6 inward things, a seal to attest the righteousness
which belonged to his Faith while he was yet uncircumcised.
That so he might be the father of all the uncircumcised who
have Faith, whereby the righteousness of Faith might be
12 reckoned to them no less ' than to him ; — and the father of cir
cumcision to those [of the house of Israel] who are not circum
cised only in the flesh, but who also tread in the steps ot
that Faith which our father Abraham had while yet uncir
cumcised.
13 For the promise 8 to Abraham and his seed that he should
inherit the land, came not by the Law, but by the righteous-
14 ness of Faith. For, if this inheritance belong to the children
of the Law, Faith is made of no account, and the promise is
15 brought to nought; because the Law brings [not blessings but]
punishment (for where there is no law, there can be no law-
16 breaking). Therefore the inheritance belongs to Faith, that
it might be a free gift; that so the promise9 [not being capa
ble of forfeiture] might stand firm to all the seed of Abraham,
> Gen. xv. 6. (LXX) a See note on iii. 26.
a XupJf. See note on iii. 2L * Ps. xxxii. 1, 2. (LXX)
* Gen. xv. 6. (LXX.) repeated.
* This is the full meaning of aypeiov. ' Kal.
« " The land which thou seest, to thee will I give it, and to thy seed for ever."
Gen. xiii. 15.
* This passage throws light on Gal. iii 18 and 20.

166 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
not to his children of the Law alone, but to the children of his
Faith ; for he is the Father of us all [both Jews and Gentiles],
(as it is written, "1 > have made thee the father of many nations \ 1
of the Gentiles,") in the sight of God, on whom he fixed his
faith, even God who makes the dead to live, and calls the things
which are not as though they were. For Abraham had faith 18
in hope beyond hope, that he might become the father of many
nations ; * as it was said unto him, " Look toward heaven and
tell the stars if thou be able to number them; even so shall
thy seed be."3 And having no feebleness in his faith, he re- 19
garded not his own body which was already dead (being about
a hundred years old), nor the deadness of Sarah's womb ; at 20
the promise of God (I say) he doubted not faithlessly, but his
spirit 4 was strengthened with the might of Faith, and he gave
praise to God ; being fully persuaded that what He has pro- 21
mised, He is able also to perform. Therefore " his faith was 22
reckoned to him for righteousness ." But these words were not 23
written for his sake only, but for our sakes likewise ; for to us 24
also it will be " reckoned for righteousness," because we have
faith in Him that raised from the dead our Lord Jesus ; who was 25
given up to death for our transgressions, and raised again to
life for our justification.5 V.
Through faith Therefore, being justified by Faith, we have l
christtans^i-e peace with God, through our Lord Jesus Christ ;
they rejo'icenin through whom also we have received entrance into 2
theirmpresen°t this grace 6 wherein we stand, and through whom
ing ailed' with -we exult in hope [of the future manifestation] of
the conscious- ii-
ness of God's God s glory. And not only so, but we exult also in 3
love in the sa- ° J J ' ,
crMce otchrist our [present] sufferings ; for we know that suffering .
by partaking gives the stedfastness of endurance, and stedfast en- 4
in the death of o i ^
refom'ued^to6 durance gives the proof of soundness, and the proof
1 Gen. xvii. 5. (LXX). It is impossible to represent in the English the full force of
the Greek, where the same word means nations and gentiles.
* Gen. xvii. 5. See the previous note.
3 Gen. xv. 5. (LXX.) In such quotations, a few words were sufficient to recall the
whole passage to Jewish readers ; therefore, to make them intelligible to modern
readers, it is sometimes necessary to give the context.
4 Literally, he was strengthened inwardly.
5 i. e. That we might have an ever-living SaViour as the object of our faith, and
might through that faith be united with Him, and partake of His life, and thus be jus
tified, or accounted righteous, and (for St. Paul does not, like later theologians, separate
these ideas) have the seed of all true moral life implanted in us. Compare v. 10.
0 TVj iriarer. is omitted in the best MSS.

EPISTLE TO THE KOMANS. 167
S of soundness gives strength to hope, and cur hope G^rdt'ak^ b?u
cannot shame us in the day of trial ; because the chrisuhey 1™
love of God is shed forth in our hearts by the Holy 8aved'
6 Spirit, who has been given unto us. For while we were yet
helpless [in our sins], Christ at the appointed time died for
7 sinners. Now hardly for a righteous man will any be found
to die, (although some perchance would even endure death for
8 him whose goodness ' they have felt,) but God gives proof oi
His own love to us, because while we were yet sinners Christ
9 died for us. Much more, now that we have been justified in
His blood,2 shall we be saved through Him from the wrath3 to
10 come. For, if when we were His enemies, we were reconciled
to God by the death of His son, much more, being already re,-
11 conciled, shall we be saved, by sharing in His life. Nor is
this our hope only for the time to come ; but even [in the midst
of our sufferings] we exult in God, through Jesus Christ our
Lord, by whom we have now received reconciliation with
God.
12 This, therefore, is like the case4 when, through For cn^t in
one man [Adam], sin entered into the world, and by Was0the repre"
sin death ; and so death spread to all mankind, be- mankind"^
13 cause all committed sin. For before the Law was Adam « ta
. i-i«-ni • • -t iii condemnation.
given [by Moses there was sin in the world ; but The Mosaic
° L , , . ,. , Law htts added
sin is not reckoned against the sinner, when there is to the law 0r
° conscience, in
14 no law [forbidding it] ; nevertheless, death reigned n,r?htbefeuto
from Adam till Moses, even over those whose sin ¥ a t™nsgres-
i sionof acknow-
[not being the breach of law] did not resemble the Iendgethatd'thuB
sin of Adam. Now Adam is an image of Him Xifwo "in
15 that was to come. But far greater is the gift than given' ToS men
was the transgression ; for if by the sin of the one theSed* Iru!
man [Adam], death passed upon the many,* much sin mightanbe
. . n i -r ~n . t the occasion of
more m the grace ot the one man J esus Christ has God's mercy.
1 AtKatog here is a man who righteously fulfils the duties of life, and b uyaBbg is
the good and benevolent man with whom we ourselves have been brought into contact.
* Justified in His blood, i. e. by participation in (iv) His blood ; that is, being
made partakers of His death. Compare Rom. vi. 3-8; also Gal; ii. 20.
» Observe the ryg before bpyyg.
4 Much difficulty has been caused to interpreters here by the uo-irep (which introduces
the first member of the parallel) having no answering ovrug (nor anything equivalen;
to it) to introduce the second. The best view of ihe passage is to consider uowep as
used elliptically for [the case is] as what follows, in which sense it is used Matt, xxv,
14 : Aoirep ydp dvBpuitog, &c., where it neither has, nor requires, any answering .¦•vtuc.
• Ol inXKoi, not " many" (A. V.), but the many nearly equivalent to all.

I>jb THE LIKE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the frceness of God's ' bounty overflowed unto the many.
oreover the boon [of God] exceeds the fruit2 of Adam's 16
sin ; for the doom came, out of one offence, a sentence
of condemnation; but the gift comes, out of many offen
ces, a sentence of acquittal. For if the reign of death wasn
established by the one man [Adam], through the sin of him
alone; far more shall the reign of life be established, in those
who receive the overflowing fulness of the free gift of righ
teousness, by the one man Jesus Christ. Therefore, as the 18
fruit of one offence reached to all men, and brought upon
them condemnation [the source of death] ; so likewise the
fruit of one acquittal shall reach3 to all, and shall bring justi
fication, the source 4 of life. For as, by the disobedience of 19
the one [Adam], the many were made sinners ; so by the obe
dience of the one [Christ], the many shall be made righteous.
And the law was added, that sin might abound;5 but where 20
sin had abounded, the gift of grace has overflowed beyond
[the outbreak of sin] ; that as sin has reigned in death, so 21
grace might reign through righteousness unto life eternal, by
the work of Jesus Christ our Lord. VI.
it is a seif-con- What shall we say then ? shall we 6 persist in sin l
TCrsiorTof this that the gift of grace may be more abundant ? God
elude from°°t forbid. We who died7 to sin [when we became 2
that we should „ .. „ ~,, . , n -, , .
persist in sin in followers of Christ], now can we any longer live in <
urder to call
1 We take y xaptf rov Beov Kal y Suped together. Compare the same expression
below, in verse 17 ; literally, the free gift and the boon of God, an hendiadys for the
freeness of God's bounty.
* Literally, the boon is not as [that which was] wrought by one man who sinned.
3 We take SiKaiupa here in the same sense as in verse 16, because, first, it is difficult
to suppose the same word used in the very same passage in two such different mean
ings as Recte factum, and decretum absolutorium (which Wahl and most of the com
mentators suppose it to be). And, secondly, because otherwise it is necessary to take
hog differently in the two parallel phrases St' ivbg StKaiuparog and Si' ivbg napaizru-
paiog (masculine in the one, and neuter in the other) which is unnatural.
4 Zuyg, literally, appertaining to life.
6 A light is thrown on this very difficult expression by vii. 13 : see note en that
verse. B This was probably an objection made by Judaizing disputants (as it has been made
by their successors in other ages of the Church) against St. Paul's doctrine. They
argued that if (as he said) the sin of man called forth so glorious an exhibition of the
pardoning grace of God, the necessary conclusion must be, that the more men sinned
the more God was glorified. Compare iii. 7-8 and verse 15 below. We know also,
that this inference was actually deduced by the Antinomian party at Corinth (see Vol
I. p. 4471, and therefore it was the more necessary for St. Paul to refute it.
7 The A. V. " are dead " is a mistranslation.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMAN8. 169
3 sin ? or have you forgotten that all of us, when we fori i a gre»t«
J a . exhibition of
were baptized into fellowship with Christ Jesus, God's grace;
1- *¦ for spiritual
were baptized into fellowship with his death? {jjjjj ^h¥^k
4 With Him therefore we were buried by the bap- ™*h c°pe^ts*al
tism wherein we shared His death, [when we sank death-
beneath the waters ; and were raised ' from under them], that
even as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the
5 Father, so we likewise might walk in newness of life. For if
we have been grafted2 into the likeness of His death, so shall
6 we also share His resurrection. For we know that our old
man was [then] crucified3 with Christ, that the sinful body
[of the old man] 4 might be destroyed, that we might no
7 longer be the slaves of sin ; (for he that is dead is justified s
8 from sin.) Now if we have shared the death of Christ, we
9 believe that we shall also share His life; knowing that Chris*
being raised from the dead, can die no more ; death has no
10 more dominion over Him. For He died once, and once only,
11 unto sin; but He lives [for ever] unto God. Likewise reckon
ye also yourselves to be dead indeed unto sin, but living unto
12 God in Christ Jesus.6 Let not sin therefore reign in your dy
ing body, causing you to obey its lusts ; nor give up your mem-
13 bers to sin, as instruments of unrighteousness ; but give your
selves to God, as being restored to life from the dead, and your
14 members to His service as instruments of righteousness ; for
sin shall not have the mastery over you, since you are not
under the Law,7 but under grace.
' This clause, which is here left elliptical, is fully expressed, Col. ii. 12 : avvTafyen-
ref avru iv ru pairriopan iv u Kal cvvyyipByre. This passage cannot be under
stood unless it be borne in mind that the primitive baptism was by immersion. See
Vol. I p. 439.
' Ivp&vTOi. yeybvapev, &c, literally, have become partakers by a vital union [as
that of a graft with the tree into which it is grafted] of the representation of his
death [in baptism]. The meaning appears to be, if we have shared the reality oj hii
death, whereof we have undergone the likeness.
i Observe the mistranslation in the A. V., " is crucified."
* On to aupa ryg dpapriag, see Winer, Gram. p. 173, and De Wette in loco, an i
compare to aupa ryg aapKog (Col. ii. 11).
5 AeSiKaiurai, meaning that if a criminal charge is brought against a man who died
before the perpetration of the crime, he must be acquitted, since he could not have
committed the act charged against him.
6 The best MSS. omit rip k. ij.
' Tb be " under the law," in St. Paul's language, means to avoid sin from fear of
penalties attached to sin by the law. This principle of fear is not strong enough to
keep men in tb<; path of duty. Union with Christ can alone give man the masterj
over sin.

170 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
The christian's What then? shall we sin 'because we are not 15
freedom from . ., -_-,.
sists^iwng under the Law, but under grace? God forbid, .Know 16
StheEwS ye not that He to whose service you give yourselves,
peZitS; 'wt3 is your real master, whether sin, whose fruit is death,
,?r„itsnocr^ or obedience, whose fruit is righteousness. Bntn
3h£rtau*£ God be thanked that you, who were once the slaves
Henncepa'thee" of sin, have obeyed from your hearts the teaching
have no pa°t to whereby you were moulded anew ;'' and when you 18
from the" lTw ; were freed from the slavery of sin, you became the
since they are ,T . . -,
stai subject to bondsmen of righteousness. (1 speak the language 19
the penalties of ° i jy
the Law, which 0f comm0n life, to show the weakness ot your
are the necessa- '
ry results of fleshiy nature,3 [which must be in bondage either to
the one, or to the other].) Therefoie, as you once gave up the
members of your body for slaves of uncleanness and licentious- ;
ness. to work the deeds of licence ; so now give them up for
slaves of righteousness, to work the deeds of holiness. For 20
when you were the slaves of sin, you were free from the service
of righteousness. What fruit then had you in those times, from 21
the deeds whereof you are now ashamed ? yea, the end of them
is death. But now, being freed from the bondage of sin, and 22
enslaved to the service of God, your fruit is growth in holiness,*
and its end is life eternal. For the wage of sin is death ; but 23
the gift of God is eternal life in Christ Jesus our Lord and
master. VII.
as above said, You must acknowledge 5 what I say [that we are l
notnunder the not under the Law] ; knowing, brethren, (for I speak
1 See note on the first verse of this chapter.
2 Literally, the mould of teaching into which you were transmitted. The meta
phor is from the casting of metals.
3 There is a striking resemblance between this passage and the words of Socrates
recorded by Xenophon (Mem. I. 5) ; ipol phi SokcI .... SovkevovTa ralg roiavraig
fySovaig Uerevciv rovf Beoig dcaroruv dyaBuv rvxelv ovrug yap dv pbvug, o
roiovrog auBeiy.
"- Literally, the fruit which you gain tends to produce (elg) holiness. In other
words, the reward of serving God is growth in holiness.
" "H dyvoetre. Literally, or are you ignorant; the or (which is omitted in A. V.)
referring to what has gone before, and implying, if you deny what I have said, you
must be ignorant of, &c., or in other words, you must acknowledge what I say, or be
ignorant of, &c. The reference' here is to the assertion in verses 14 or 15 of the pre
ceding chapter, that Christians " are not under the law." For the argument of the
present passage, ¦ see the marginal summary. St. Paul's view of the Christian life,
throughout the sixth, seventh, and eighth chapters, is that it consists of a death and
a resurrection ; the new-made Christian dies to sin, to the world, to the .flesh* and to
the Law ; this death he undergoes at his first entrance into communion with, Christ

EPISTLE TO THE KOMANS. l71
to meu who know the Law) that the dominion of the V"1 \ !or *"
' Law belongs to
Law over its subjects lasts only during their life ; eartWnaiure
2 thus the married woman is bound by the Law to her hlTIhd^dtlby
husband while he lives, but if her husband is dead, chAt^death,
the Law which bound her to him has lost its hold mXftoTbet-
3 upon her ; so that while her husband is living, she servicePbytneir
will be counted an adulteress if she be joined to an- cMst'siifejso
. ¦ ., ./ii it it that, the sins of
other man ; but it her husband be dead, she is free whicl1 the i*»
... was formerly
from the Law, and although loined to another man tbe occasion
' ° J overcome them
4 she is no adulteress. Wherefore you also, my breth- nomore-
ren, were made dead to the Law, by [union with] the body of
Christ; that you might be married to another, even to Him
who was raised from the dead that we might bring forth fruit
5 unto God. For when we were in the flesh, the sinful passions
occasioned by the Law wrought in our members, leading us to
6 bring forth fruit unto death. But now the Law wherein we
were formerly held fast, lost its hold upon us when we died '
[with Christ] : so that we are no longer in the old bondage of
the letter, but in the new service of the spirit.
7 What shall we say then ? that the Law is sinful ? „,„ Liv ha8
That be far from us ! But yet I should not have S to^ToctL*
known what sin was, except through the Law ; thus ™ wifen "its
I should not have known the sin of coveting, unless CTae aCon-
8 'the Law had said Thou shalt not covet.1 But when sense0eOf duty*
my sin had gained by the commandment a vantage before w^6
ground [against me], it wrought in me all manner ranee, are'mw
„ . //• i i • i • . done in spite of
of coveting ; (for where there is no faw, sin is dead). the resistance
'of conscience.
9 And I felt 3 that I was alive before, when I knew no r°f tho caraal
1 ' nature of the
law ; but when the commandment came, sin rose to ^"L m*?
" i fulnls the evil,
10 life, and I sank into death ; and the very command- J^c,h ^Jjj,-
ment whose end is life, was found to me the cause T^^te"*
ll of death; for my sin, when it had gained a vantage Xchthewors"
and it is both typified and realised when he is buried beneath the baptismal waters
But no sooner is he thus dead with Christ, than he rises with Him ; he is made par
taker of Christ's resurrection ; he is united to Christ's body ; he lives in Christ, and to
Christ ; he is no longer " in the flesh," but " in the spirit."
1 'Aicodavovreg is the reading of the best MSS. . It is opposed to ore ypev iv r$
aapkl of the preceding verse. To make it clear, this verse should be stopped thus,
(tor. dub t. vopov, uiroBavovn;, iv «5 KareixnpeBa. It should also be observed that
•carypyyBypev is the aorist, and not (as in A. V.) the present As to the sense In
Which Christians are " dead," see the preceding note.
1 Exod. xx. 17. (LXX.) 3 For this meaning of fu, see 1 These iii. ft.

172 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
part in man ground by the commandment, deceived me to my
^ bepthter,°[her fall, and slew me by> the [sentence of the] Law.
o^rtte'LwS Wherefore the Law indeed is holy, and its com- n
ma^in himself mandments are holy, and just, and good. Do I say 13
wlot'tthe^ip then that Good became to me Death ? 3 Far be that
spirit^ustcon. fr0m me. But I say that sin wrought this ; that so
ct^his esinafui it might be made manifest as sin, in working Death
tome through [the knowledge of] Good; that sin
might become beyond measure 3 sinful, by the commandment.
For we know that the Law is spiritual ; 4 but for me, I am 14
carnal,5 a slave sold into the captivity of sin. What I do, I ac- 13
knowledge not; for I do not what I would, but what I hate.
But if my will is against my deeds, I thereby acknowledge the 16
"•oodness of the Law. And now it is no more I myself who do 17
the evil, but it is the sin which dwells in me. For I know that 18
in me, that is, in my flesh, good abides not ; for to will is
present with me, but to do the right is absent ; the good that 1-19
would, I do not ; but the evil which I would not, that I do.
Now if my own6 will is against my deeds, it is no more I my- 20
self who do them, but the sin which dwells in me. I find then 21
1 See note on 1 Cor. xv. 56.
2 Tiyove. Literally, is it become: equivalent to do I say that it became? We must
supply yiyove Bdvarog again after y dpapria.
3 This explains Eom. v. 20. In both passages, St. Paul states the object of the law
lo be to lay down, as it were, a boundary line which should mark the limits of right
and wrong ; so that sin. by transgressing this line, might manifest its real nature, and
be distinctly recognised for what it is.
4 It may be asked, how is this consistent with many passages where St. Paul speaks
of the Law as a carnal ordinance, and opposes it (as ypupua) to nvevpa 1 The answer
is. that here he speaks of the law under its moral aspect, as is plain from the whole
context. 6 Scarcely anything in this Epistle has caused more controversy than the question
whether St. Paul, in the following description of the struggle between the flesh and
the spirit, wherein the flesh gains the victory, meant to describe his own actual state.
The best answer to this question is a comparison between vi. 17 and 20 (where he tells
the Roman Christians that they are no longer the slaves of sin), vii. 14 (where he
says I am carnal, aapKixog, a slave sold into the captivity of sin), and viii. 4 (where
he includes himself among those who live not the life of the flesh, adpi;, but the life of
the spirit, i. e. who are not caknal). It is surely clear that these descriptions cannot
be meant to belong to the same person at the same time. The best commentary on
the whole passage (vii. 7 to viii. 13) is to be found in the condensed expression of the same
truths contained in Gal. v. 16-18 : Walk in the spirit and ye shall not fulfil thb
desire OF the flesh ; for the desire of the flesh fights against the spirit, and the
desire of the spirit fights against the flesh ; and this variance between the flesh and
the spirit would hinder you from doing that which your will prefers; but if you bi
led by the spirit, you are not under the Law.
6 The iyu is emphatic.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 173
this law, that though my will is to do good, yet evil is present
22 with me ; for I consent gladly to the law of God in my inner
23 man ; but I behold another law in my members, warring
against the law of my mind, and making me captive to the law
24 of sin which dwells in my members. 0 wretched man that
am ! who shall deliver me from this body of death !
25 I thank God [that He has now delivered me] through Jesus
Christ our Lord.
So then, in myself,1 though I am subject in my mind to the
VTILlaw of God, yet in my flesh I am subject to the law of sin.
1 Now, therefore, there is no condemnation to those Bui with that
2 who are in Christ Jesus ; " for the law of the Spirit earthiyVaTure'
of life in Christ Jesus 3 has freed me from the law m the christ-
3 of sin and death. For God (which was impossible enabled to uve,
J- 1 not according
to the Law, because through the weakness of our to the„ camai
' ° part of his na-
flesh it had no power), by sending His own Son in *«re (odp%),
. ,, , , but according
the likeness of sinful flesh, and on behalf of sin, to the spiritual
4 overcame 4 sin in the flesh ; 6 to the end, that the God's true
'.. P1 x -i i e -i r» n -i • children are
righteous statutes ot the .Law might be fulfilled in those only who
are thus en-
US, who walk not after the Flesh, but after the abiedbythein-
i > dwelling spirit
5 Spirit.6 For they who live after the flesh, mind ofChrist(CT<«
1 Avrbg iyu, I in myself, i. e. without the help of God. This expression is the key
to the whole passage. St. Paul, from verse 14 to verse 24, has been speaking of him
self as he was in himself, i. e. in his natural state of helplessness, with a conscience
enlightened, but a will enslaved ; the better self struggling vainly against the worse.
Every man must continue in this state, unless he be redeemed from it by the Spirit of
God. Christians are (so far as God is concerned) redeemed already from this state ;
but in themselves, and so far as they live to themselves, they are still in bondage.
The redemption which they (potentially, if not actually) possess, is the subject of the
8th chapter. Leighton most beautifully expresses the contrast between these two
states (of bondage and deliverance) in his sermon on Romans viii. 35 : " Is this he
that so lately cried out, Oh wretched man that I am .' who shall deliver me ? that
now triumphs, 0 happy man ! who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Yes,
it is the same. Pained then with the thoughts of that miserable conjunction with a
body of death, and so crying out, who will deliver ? Now he hath found a deliverer
to do thai tor him, to whom he is for ever united. So vast a difference is there betwixt a
Christian taken in himself and in Christ."
' The clause which follows, from pi) to irvevpa, is omitted in the best MSS., having
(it would seem) been introduced by a clerical error from verse 4.
3 Winer wishes to join bv (Xp. 'lya.) with ykevBepuae, because there is no tov before
the h ; but there are so many examples of a similar construction in St. Paul's style,
that we think his reasons insufficient to justify a departure from the more obvious view.
4 Literally, condemned, i. e. put it to rebuke, worsted it. Compare KariKpive,
Ileb. xi. 7.
• "In the flesh," that is to say, in the very seal of its power.
6 The contrast between the victory thus obtained by the spirit, wi'h the previo-ji

1T4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 6T. PAUL.
kovv tit.) to fleshly things ; but they who live after the Spirit
conquer (heir J o? ./ • j •
earthly natme. mjn(j spiritual things ; and1 the fleshly mind is 6
death ; but the spiritual mind is life and peace. Because the i
fleshly mind is enmity against God ; for it is not subject to the
law of God, nor by its very nature can be ; and they whose 8
life is in the Flesh cannot please God. But your life is not in 9
the Flesh, but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God be
dwelling in you ; and if any man has not the Spirit of Christ
within him, he is not Christ's. But if Christ be in you, though io
your body be dead, because of sin [to which its nature tends],
yet your spirit is life,2 because of righteousness [which dwells
within it] ; yea, if the Spirit of Him who raised Jesus from l]
the dead be dwelling in you, He who raised Christ from the
dead shall endow with life also your dying bodies, by His 3
Spirit which dwells within you. Therefore, brethren, we are 12
debtors, bound not to the Flesh, that we should live after the
Flesh [but to the Spirit] ; for if you live after the Flesh you 13
are doomed to die ; but if by the Spirit you destroy the deeds
of the body, in their death 4 you will attain to life.
subjection of the soul to the flesh, is thus beautifully described by Tertullian : — " When
the Soul is wedded to the Spirit, the Flesh follows — like the handmaid who follows
her wedded mistress to her husband's home — being thenceforward no longer the ser
vant of the Soul, but of the Spirit." The whole passage forms an excellent commen
tary on this part of the Epistle, especially the following : " Omnis anima eousque in
Adam censetur, donee in Christo recenseatur ; tamdiu immunda quamdiu [=donec]
recenseatur. . . . Nam Nature corruptio alia natura est; .... ut tamen insit et
bonum animae, illud principale, illud divinum et germanum, et proprie naturale.
Quod enim a Deo est, non tarn extinguitur, quam obumbratur. Potest enim obum-
brari, quia non est Deus ; extingui non potest, quia a Deo est. ... Sic et in pessimis
aliquid boni, et in optimis nonnihil pessimi. . . . Propterea nulla anima sine crimine,
quia nulla sine boni semine. Proinde cum ad fidem pervenit .... totara lucem suam
conspicit. Excipitur a Spiritu Sancto, sicut in pristina, nativitate a Spiritu profano.
Sequitur animam, Spiritui nubentem, caro, ut dotale mancipium, et jam non anima
famula, sed Spiritus. 0 beatum connubium, si non admiserit adulterium." TertulL
de Anima, c. 40, 41.
' Winer sneers at Tholuck's remark, that ydp is a mere transition partide here ;
but yet what else is it, when it does not introduce a reason for a preceding proposition?
In these cases of successive clauses each connected with the preceding by a ydp, they all
appear to refer back to the first preceding clause, and therefore all but the first ydp
might be represented by and. Just in the same way as Si and sed are used sometimes,
and but in English ; as, for example, "But ye are washed, but ye are sanctified."
* Zur) in St. Paul's writings is scarcely represented adequately by life ; it generally
means more than this, viz. life triumphant over death.
3 The MSS. of highest authority read Sid tov here, although the greater number
read Sid rb, which Tischendorf prefers on the principle that it is the most difficult
-eading. 4 This translation is necessary to represent the reference to Bavarovre.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 175
.4 For all who are led by God's Spirit, and they SiicU erson|
15 alone,1 are the sons of God. For you have not re- conTcLVsne'"'1
ceived a Spirit of bondage, that you should go back Jove^to^od
again to the state of slavish fear, but you have re- t^^'icipaante
ceived a Spirit of adoption wherein we cry unto mJeturperfenct
16 God and say, "Ow Father."' The Spirit itself ;3££S85
joins its testimony with the witness of our own spi- development111
17 rit, to prove that we are the children of God. And (K22rt&
if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint pne?fe?tionUtu"
heirs with Christ ; that if now we share His suffer- cSed being"
18 ings, we should hereafter share His glory. For I t^t at present
reckon that the sufferings of this present time are pTnts^to'Tno-
nothing worth, when set against the glory which from^u/And
19 shall soon 3 be revealed unto us. For the earnest pa, 27)lingim°
longing of the whole creation looks eagerly for the christians111 by
time when [the glory of] the sons of God shall God, who^sug-
20 openly be brought to light. For the creation was prayers eand
made subject to corruption and decay,4 not by its "°"'"'
21 own will, but through Him who subjected it thereto ; with
hope that the creation itself also shall be delivered from its
slavery to death, and shall gain the freedom of the sons of
22 God when they are glorified.5 For we know that the whole
creation is groaning together, and suffering the pangs of la-
23 bour, which 6 have not yet brought forth the birth. And not
only they, but ourselves also, who have received the Spirit for
the first fruits [of our inheritance], even we ourselves are
groaning inwardly, longing for the adoption 7 which shall ran-
1 Ovroi, they and they alone, they, and not the carnal seed of Abraham.
' See note on Gal. iv. 6.
3 JS.i?.\ovaav diroKa?iv$Byvai, which is about to be revealed, which shall soon be
revealed. 1 Maraioryg means the transitory nature which causes all the animated creation so
rapidly to pass away. We join ii? iXmSi with the following bn.
6 Literally, the freedom which belongs to the glorification of the sons of God.
6 Literally, continuing to suffer the pangs of labour even until now. St. Paul
here suggests an argument as original as it is profound. The very struggles which all
animated beings make against pain and death, show (he says) that pain and death are
not a part of the proper laws of their nature, but rather a bondage imposed upon
them from without. Thus every groan and tear is an unconscious prophecy of libera
tion from the power of evil.
7 TioBeaiav, adoption ; by which a slave was emancipated and made " no longer a
Blave but a son." (Gal. iv. 7.) In one sense St. Paul taught that Christians had
ilready received this adoption, (compare Rom. viii. 15. Gal. iv. 5. Eph. i. 5) : they
v.re already made the sons of God in Christ. (Eom. viii. IG. Gal. iii. 26.) But ir.

176 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
som our body from its bondage. For our salvation ' lies in 24
hope ; but hope possessed is not hope, since a man cannot hope
for what he sees in his possession; but if we hope for things 23
not seen, we stedfastly a endure the present, and long ear
nestly for the future. And, even as3 we long for our redemp-26
tion, so the Spirit gives help to our weakness ; for we know
not what we should pray for as we ought ; but the Spirit itself
makes intercession for us, with groans [for deliverance] which
words cannot utter. But He who searches our hearts knows 27
[though it be unspoken] what is the desire oi the Spirit,4 be
cause He intercedes for Christ's people according to the will
of God.
Hence in the Moreover, we know that all things [whether 28
pn«tetcu0tionseir sad or joyful]5 work together for good to those who
morethancon* love God, who have been called according to His
they°feei that purpose. For those whom He foreknew, He also 29
gether for their predestined to be made like 6 to the pattern of His
caiied them to Son, that many brethren might be joined to Him,
share in his ' . , , , tt i ^' i ^
giory, and no the first born. And those whom He predestined to 30
human accn- * TT
sers or judges, this end, them He also called ; and whom He call-
no earthly suf- ' ' , ,
fr1ngthewhoTe G^i them He also justified ; and whom He justified,
creation, can them jje also glorified. "What shall we say then to 31
separate tnem o u
torn His love- these things ? If God be for us, who can be against
this passage he teaches us that this adoption is not perfect during the present life ;
there is still a higher sense, in which it is futurt, and the object of earnest longing to
those who are already in the lower sense the sons of God.
i Literally, we were saved, i. e. at our conversion. The A. V. " are saved" is in
correct. The exact translation would be, " the salvation whereto we were called lies
in hope."
* 'AireKSexopeBa, we long earnestly for the future ; SC iiropovryg, with stedfast
endurance of the present.
3 After uaavrug, in like manner, we must supply uaitep aneKSexbpeBa from the
preceding clause ; and the object of direKSexbpeBa is rijv diro'kvTpuoiv (by verse 23).
4 This passage is well explained by Archbishop Leighton, in the following beautiful
words : " The work of the Spirit is in exciting the heart at times of prayer, to break
forth in ardent desires to God, whatsoever the words be, whether new or old, yea pos
sibly without words ; and then most powerful when it words it least, but vents in
sighs and groans that cannot be expressed. Our Lord understands the language ot
these perfectly, and likes it best ; He knows and approves the meaning of His own
Spirit ; He looks not to the outward appearance, the shell of words, as men do."
— Leighton's Exposition of Lord's Prayer.
s We must remember that this was written in the midst of persecution, and in tht
expectation of bonds and imprisonment. See verses 17, 18, and 35, and Acts xx. 23.
6 2vppoptj>ovg. Like in suffering seems meant. Compare Phil. iii. 1Q. Tijv koivi*
viav tuv KaBypdruv avrov, avppoptyovpevog rip Bavdrip abrov.

EPISTLE TO THE E0MAKS. 177
32 us ? He that spared not His own Son, but gave Him up to
death for us all, how shall He not with Him also freely give us
33 all things? What accuser can harm God's chosen? it is God
34 who justifies them. "What judge can doom us? It is Christ
who died, nay, rather, who is risen from the dead ; yea, who is
at the right hand of God, who also makes intercession for us.
35 Who can separate us from the love of Christ ? Can suffering,
or straitness of distress, or persecution, or famine, or naked
ness, or the peril of our lives, or the swords of our enemies ?
36 [though we may say,] as it is written, " For ¦ thy sake we are
killed all the day long ; we are accounted as sheep for the
37 slaughter." Nay, in all these things we are more than conquer
ors through Him that loved us. For I am persuaded that
neither death, nor life, nor all the * Principalities and Powers
38 of Angels, nor things present, nor things to come, nor things
39 above, nor things below, nor any power in the whole creation,
shall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in
Christ J esus our Lord.
IX. 1 I speak the truth in Christ — (and my conscience The fact that
bears me witness, with the Holy Spirit's testimony, ed christians as
T _ . . . , His peculiar
2 that I lie not) — 1 have great heaviness, and unceaa- people, and re-
iectsd th.e Jbws
3 ing sorrow in mv heart ; yea, I could wish that I from their ex-
° " ' ** elusive privi-
myself were cast out from Christ as an accursed ^ef, « *» »»-
¦/ cordance with
thing, for the sake of my brethren, my kinsmen ac- de™^ sform.™
4 cording to the flesh ; who are the seed of Israel, ™laflnu ali
whom God adopted for His children, whose were £5^™^
the glory ol the Shekinah, and the Covenants, and ^"Tho^b'y
the Lawgiving, and the service of the temple, and
5 the promises of blessing. "Whose Fathers were the Patriarchs,
and of whom (a"3 to His flesh) was born the Christ who is over
all, God blessed for ever. Amen.
6 Yet I speak not as if the promise of God had fallen to the
7 ground ; for not all are Israel who are of Israel, nor because all
are the seed of Abraham, are they all the children of Abra-
8 ham ; but in 3 Isaac shall thy seed be called. That is, not the
i Ps. xliv. 23. (LXX.)
* The expressions dpxai and Svvdpeig were terms applied in the Jewish theology U>
divisions of the hierarchy of angels, and such as were familiar to St. Paul's Jewish
readers. Compare Eph. i. 21 and Col. i. 16.
' Gen. xxi. 12. (LXX.) Compare Gal. iv. 22. The context is, " Let it noi bt
VOL. II. — 12

178 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAtL.
children of the flesh of Abraham are the sons of God, bat his
children of the promise are counted for his true seed. For 9
thus spake the word of promise, saying, At this time will I
come, and Sarah shall have a son ¦ [so that Ishmael, although f
the son of Abraham, had no part in the promise]. And not 10
only so, but [Esau likewise was shut out ; for] when Kebekah
had conceived two sons by the same husband, our forefather
Isaac, yea, while they were not yet born, and had done nothing 11
either good or bad (that God's purpose according to election •
might abide, coming not from the works of the * called, but ''
from the will of The Caller,) it was declared unto her, The 12
elder shall serve tlie younger ; 3 according to that which is writ
ten, Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated.* 13
Iotdeny3God"s Wnat slia11 We S&J tllen ' Slla11 We Cal1 G°& Un"14
some and select j^st [because He has cast off the seed of Abraham] ?
infto.HUwm; That be far from us. For to Moses He saith, "2u5
sSted1 in their will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and
own Scriptures r .77 7 . 7 t ¦ -77 7 '
in the case of 1 w%ll have compassion on whom 1 will have com-
Pharaoh. It* • )• ci l l 1 •
may be object- passion. «so then, the choice comes not from man s 16
ed that such a • .
view represents will nor from man s speed, but from God s mercv. ¦
God's will as x J
the arbitrary And thus the Scripture says to Pharaoh, " Even 6 for 17
cause of man's i " ' </ xl
answer i that ^s end have 1 raised thee up, that 1 'might show my
tng caem5ot \t power in thee, and that my name might be declared
«St0whLhh throughout all the earth." According to His will, is
termin^T the" therefore, He has mercy on one, and hardens an-
willofifcCrea- ^j^ rp.^ ^ ^ %q ^ ^^ ({ ^^ ^ ^ ^
grievous in thy sight, because of the lad [Ishmael] and because of thy bondwoman
[Hagar], for in Isaac shall thy seed be called."
1 Gen. xviii. 10,.from LXX. not verbatim, but apparently from memory.
* Literally, coming not from works, but from the caller.
3 Gen. xxv. 23. (LXX.) The context is, " Two nations are in thy womb, and
Ihe eldrr shall serve the younger."
4 M»». i. 2, 3. (LXX.) 5 Exod. xxxiii. 19. (LXX.)
« Ex«d. ix. 16, verbally according to LXX., except substitution of iZyyeipd ae for
burypnay;, and laxvv for Svvapiv.
' '&p<lg oiv  Here comes the great question— no longer made from the stand
ing-point of the Jew, but proceeding from the universal feeling of justice. St. Paul
answer*) the question by treating the subject as one above the comprehension of the
human intellect, when considered in itself objectively. If it be once acknowledged
that there is any difference between the character and ultimate fate of a good and a
bad man, the intellect is logically led, step by step, to contemplate the will of the
Creator as the cause of this difference. The question ri pe iiroiyaag oirug will equally
occur and be equally perplexing in any system of religion, either natural or revealed.
It is in fact a difficulty springing at once from the permitted existence of evil. Scrip

EPISTLE TO THE .ROMANS. 17J>
20 still blame us ? for who can resist his will ?" Nay, rather, oh
man, who art thou that disputest against God ? " Shall the
thing formed say to him that formed it, Why hast thou made
lime thus-"1 "Hath not tlie potter power over the clay,"' to
make out of- the same lump one vessel for honour and one for
22 dishonour ? But what if God (though willing to show forth His
ture considers men under two points of view ; first as created by God, and secondly.
as free moral agents themselves. These two points of view are, to the intellect of
man, irreconcileable ; yet both must be true, since the reason convinces us of the one,
and the conscience of the other. St. Paul here is considering men under the first of
these aspects, as the creatures of God, entirely dependent on God's will. It is to be
observed that he does not say that God's will is arbitrary, but only that men are en
tirely dependent on God's will. The reasons by which God's will itself is determined
are left in the inscrutable mystery which conceals God's nature from man.
The objection and the answer given to it, partly here and partly chap. ill. v. 6, may
be stated as follows : —
Objector. — If men are so entirely dependent on God's will, how can He with justice
blame their actions ?
Answer. — By the very constitution of thy nature thou art compelled to acknowl
edge the blame-worthiness of certain actions and the justice of their punishment (iii.
6) ; therefore it is self-contradictory to say that a certain intellectual view of man's
dependence on God would make these actions innocent ; thou are forced to feel them
guilty whether thou wilt or no, and (ix. 20) it is vain to argue against the constitution
of thy nature, or its author.
The metaphysical questions relating to this subject which have divided the Christian
world are left unsolved by Scripture, which does not attempt to reconcile the apparent
inconsistency between the objective and subjective views of man and his actions.
Hence many have been led to neglect one side of the truth for the sake of making a
consistent theory : thus the Pelagians have denied the dependence of man's will on God,
and the Fatalists have denied the freedom of man's moral agency.
We may further observe that St. Paul does not here explicitly refer to eternal hap
piness or to its opposite. His main subject is the national rejection of the Jews, and
the above more general topics are only incidentally introduced.
1 Isaiah xiv. 9. Not literally from either LXX. or Hebrew ; but apparently from
memory out of LXX.
* Jeremiah xviii. 6, not quoted literally, but according to the sense. In this and in
other similar quotations from the Old Testament, a few words were sufficient to recall
the whole passage to St. Paul's Jewish readers (compare Rom. iv. 18) j therefore, to
comprehend his argument, it is often necessary to refer to the context of the passage
from which he quotes. The passage in Jeremiah referred to is as follows : — Then 1
went down to the potter's house, and behold he wrought a work on the wheels.
And the vessel that he made of clay was marred in the hands of the potter ; so he
made it again another vessel, as seemed good to the potter to make it. O house
of Israel, cannot I do with you as this potter, saith the Lord. Behold, as the clay
is in the potter's hand, so are ye in my hand, O house of Israel. At what instant
I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to
pull down and to destroy it ; if that nation against whom I have pronounced
turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that Ithought to do unto them. And
at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to
build and to plant it ; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, t len 1
¦:nU repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

180 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
wrath, and to make known His power) endured with much
long-suffering vessels of wrath, fitted for destruction [and cast
them not at once away]. And what if thus He purposed to 23
make known the riches of His glory bestowed upon vessels of
mercy, which He had before prepared for glory. And such 24
are we, whom He has called, not only from among the Jews,
but from among the Gentiles, as it is written' also in Hosea,
Aisothe Jewish " Twill call them my people which were not my peo- 25
ofnthercaiiing pie, and her beloved which was not beloved ;* and it 26
of the Gentiles -t ' 7-777 -7
and the rejec- shall come to pass that m the place where u rt-as said
tion of the diso- -^
bedientjews. unto them, Ye are not my people, there shall they be
^called the children of the living God." 3 But Esaias cries con- 27
cerning Israel, saying, "Though" the number of the children of
Israel be as the sand of the sea, only the remnant shall be saved;
for He doth complete His reckoning, and eutteth it shortly
in righteousness ; yea, a short reckoning will the lord make
upon the earth." And, as Esaias had said before, " Except 5 the 29
Lord of Sabaoth had left us a seed remaining, we had been as
Sodom,' and had been made like unto Gomorrha."
(m! refection of What shall we say, then? "We say that the 30
that Jthey p<£ Gentiles, though they sought not after righteousness,
£ea*ofn rfghte* have attained to righteousness, even the righteous-
sutta^'in',Sut- ness of Faith ; but that the house of Israel, though 31
rites, Wand re they sought a law of righteousness, have not attain-
righteousness ed thereto. And why ? Because 6 they sought it 32
manifested to , •/©
them in Christ, not by Faith, but thought to gain it by the works
who was the ^ o o «/
end °f the k£ of the Law ; for they stumbled against the stone of
righteous^ stumbling, as it is written, " Behold' I lay in Zion 33
obedience™ to a sione °f stumbling, and a rock of offence ; and
mints'1 (x.nas)l whoso hath faith in Him shall be saved from confu-
The Christian ?j
considers right SlOn.
1 Aiyet, scilicet y ypa(jty, not 6 Qeog (literally, it says),
' Hosea ii. 23. (LXX. almost verbatim.) ' Hosea i. 10. (LXX)
- Isaiah x. 22, 23. (LXX. almost verbatim.) s Isaiah i. 9. (LXX.)
6 Observe that in the preceding part of the chapter God is spoken of as rejecting tbj
Jews according to His own will ; whereas here a moral reason is given for their rejec
tion. This illustrates what was said in a previous note of the difference between the
objective and subjective points of view.
' Isaiah xxviii. 16, apparently from LXX., but not verbatim, HBov npoaKoppaToc
Kal nirpav aKavSd'kov being interpolated, and not found exactly anywhere in Isaiah,
though in viii. 14 there is TdBov irpoaKoppo-n and irerpag irrcipari. Compare algc
Matt. xxi. 44.

EPISTLE TO THE KOJ1ANS. 181
l Brethren, my heart's desire and my praver to eouJs.I'es" as !>r°-
' *i - «/ 1 •/ reeding from the
2 God for Israel is, that they may be saved ; for I bear thXarf who-
them witness that they have a zeal for God, yet not J^ 'Xthe'r
3 guided .by knowledge of God ;' for because they stan^a^m'S
knew not the righteousness of God, and sought to &vou?!° God ''
establish their own righteousness, therefore they have not sub-
4 niitted themselves to the righteousness of God. For the end of
the Law is Christ, that all may attain righteousness who have
5 faith in Him. For Moses writes concerning the righteousness
of the Law, saying, " The ' man which doeth these things shall
6 live therein ;" but the righteousness of Faith speaks in this wise.
Say not in thine heart, " Who sliall ascend into heaven ?"3 that
7 is, " Who can bring down Christ from heaven ?" nor say,
" Who shall descend into tlie abyss f" that is, " Who can raise
8 up Christ from the dead V But how speaks it ? "The word is
nigh thee, even in thy mouth and in thy heart;" — that is, the
9 Word of Faith which we proclaim, saying, " If with thy mouth
thou shalt confess Jesus for thy Lord, and shalt have faith in
thy heart that God raised Him from the dead, thou shalt be
LO saved." For faith unto righteousness is in the heart, and con-
llfession unto salvation is from the mouth. And so says the
Scripture, " Whosoever hath faith in Him shall be saved from
li confusion;"4 for there is no distinction between Jew and Gen
tile, because the same [Jesus] is Lord over all, and he gives
13 richly to all who call upon Him ; for " Every man who shall
call upon, the name of the Lord sliall be saved'' 5
1 For the meaning of iiriyvaotc (which is not equivalent to yvuaig), compare
1 Cor. xiii. 12.
2 Levit. xviii. 5. (LXX.)
3 Deut. xxx. 12. Si Paul here, though he quotes from the LXX. (verse 8 is verba
tim), yet slightly alters it, so as to adapt it better to illustrate his meaning. His main
statement is, " the Glad-tidings of salvation is offered, and needs only to be accepted ;"
to this he transfers the description which Moses has given of the Law, viz. " the Word
is nigh thee," &c ; and the rest of the passage of Deuteronomy he applies in a higher
sense than that in which Moses had written it (according to the true Christian mode of
using the Old Testament) not to the Mosaic Law, but to the Gospel of Christ. The
passage in Deuteronomy is as follows: — " This commandment which I command thee
this day is not hidden from thee, neither is it far off. It is not in heaven that thou
shouldest say, Who shall go up for us to heaven and bring it unto us, that we may
hear it and do it ? JVeither is it beyond the sea that thou shouldest say, Who shall
go over the sea for us and bring it unto us, that we may hear it, and do it ? But
the word is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart, that thou mayest d*
I'." * Isaiah xxviii. 16. (LXX) See ix. 33.
« Joel iL 32. (LXX)

182 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
i order, there- How then shall they call on Him in whom they 14
mp behso aad- have put no faith ? And how shall they put faith in
Station to be" Him of whom they never heard ? And how shall they 15
lieve must be- J - . n . a . -, ,
univ«sauy hear 0f jjim if no man bear the tidings i And who
proclaimed • ^
«»dytha'been sna11 Dear tne ti^g3 if n0 messengers be sent
deprwe $°the forth?1 As it is written, "How1. beautiful are the
eZse "oiiguo- feet of them that bear Glad-tidings of peace, that
Sany'as Tifey bear Glad-tidings of good things." Yet some have l
^.rning8Cotred not hearkened to the Glad-tidings, as saith Esaias,
lnC*theixbeown " Lord, who hath given faith to our teaching?"3
4 ' So, then, faith comes by teaching;4 and our teach- it
ing comes by the Word of God. But I say, have they not 18
heard the voice of the teachers ? Yea, ' ' Their so und went forth
into all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world." 5 '
Again 1 say, did not Israel know [the purpose of God] ? yea, 19
it is said first by Moses, " 1 will make you jealous against them
which are no people, against a Gentile nation without un
derstanding will I make you wrath." But Esaias speaks 2V
boldly, saying, " I1 was found of them that sought me not ;
I was made manifest unto them that asked not after me."
But unto Israel He says, "All daylong have I spread forth my 21
arms 8 unto a disobedient and gainsaying people." 9 Xi.
The Jews, how- I say, then, — must we 10 think that God has east l
ever, are not
aii rejected ; off His people f " That be far from us ; for I am my-
those who be- x x ' j
Beve in Christ se]f a]s0 aT1 Israelite, of the seed of Abraham, of the
have been se- ' '
IT*!4' by G°a tribe of Benjamin. God has not cast off His people
His people, and -whom He foreknew. Yea, know ye not what is 2
only the unbe- v
™ecattdportion sa^ *n ^e Scriptures of Elias, how he intercedes
1 This is a justification of the mission of the Apostles to the Gentiles, which was aa
offence to the Jews. See Acts xxii. 22.
* Isaiah Iii. 7, apparently from the Hebrew, and not LXX
» Isaiah liii. 1. (LXX.)
* There is no English word which precisely represents iiKaq in its subjective as well as
objective meaning.
* Ps xix. 4. (LXX.)
°- Deut. xxxii. 21. (LXX.)
t Is. lxv. 1. (LXX with transposition).
• The metaphor is of a mother opening her arms to call back her child to her em
brace. » Is. lxv. 2. (LXX.)
*> M17, like num, asks a question expecting a negative answer = is it true thai 1
must we think that ? Also see note on pa) yCvotro, Gal. iii. 21.
11 Alluding to Psalm xciv. 14 : ,; Jehovah shall not utterly cast out his people.''
(LXX.) No doubt St. Paul's antagonists accused him of contradicting this prophecy

EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 183
3 with God against Israel, saying, "Lord,1 they have killed
Thy prophets, and digged down Thine altars, and I am left
4 alone, and they seek my life also." But what says the answer
of God to him? "I3 have yet -left to myself a remnant," even
seven thousand men, who have not bowed the knee to Baal."
5 So likewise at this present time there is a remnant [of the
6 house of Israel] chosen by gift of grace. But if their choice be
the gift of grace, it can no more be deemed the wage of works ;
for the gift that is earned is no gift : or if it be gained by works,
it is no longer the gift of grace; for work claims" wages and
7 not gifts. What follows then ? That which Israel seeks, Israel
8 has not won ; but the chosen have won it, and the rest were
hardened, as it is written, " God'" hath given them a. spirit of
slumber, eyes that they should not see, and ears that they should
9 not hear, unto this day." And David says, " Let ° their table
be made a snare and a trap, and a stumbling-block and a re-
10 compense unto tliem. Let their eyes be darkened that they may
not see, and bow down their back alway."
11 Shall we say,' then, " they have stumbled to the Nor is the re-
end that they might fall ?" That be far from us ; unbelieving
. . . . Jews final, so
but rather, their stumbling has brought salvation to «? «« exclude
i o o them and their
• the Gentiles, "to* provoke the house of Israel to defendants for
J- <J ever from read-
12 jealousy" Wow, if their stumbling enriches the Godwhurcn"
world, and if the lessening of their gain gives wealth ^beUeVSLa
to the Gentiles, how much more would their fulness D°enh£afu>die'
¦i • into the Clirist-
UO ! ian Church,
13 For to you who are Gentiles I say that, as Apos- slmV original
14 tie of the Gentiles, I glorify my ministration for this Jewish church,
end, if perchance I might "provoke to jealousy" my would Jewish
, unbelievers ou
15 kinsmen, and save some among them, i or if the their belief be
., ... i grafted anew
casting of them out is the reconciliation of the int0 that st0,;l-
• 1 Kings xix. 10. (LXX. but not verbatim.)
* 1 Kings xix. 18, more nearly according to the Hebrew than LXX.
» KoTf^ijroc corresponding to the subsequent Xelppa, and the preceding KaraXelppa
(chap. ix. 27).
* By ipyov is here meant work which earns wages. Compare iv. 4-5. The latter
clause of this verse, however, is omitted by the best MSS.
6 This quotation seems to be compounded of Dent. xxix. i, and Isaiah xxix. 10
(LXX.), though it does not correspond verbatim with either.
« Ps. lxix. 23, 24, (LXX. nearly verbatim).
' Literally, I say then, shall we conclude that, &o. See note on verse 1.
* Deut. xxxii. 21 (LXX.), quoted above ch. x. 20.

184 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
[Eey h»dwbeen w°rld [to God], what would the gathering of them
broken off. ^ ^ ^ Ufe from ^ dead ?
Now, if the first of the dough be hallowed,1 the whole mass 16
is thereby halbwed; and if the. root be hallowed, so are also
the branches. But if some of the branches were broken off, 17
and thou being of the wild olive stock wast grafted in amongst
them, and made to share the richness which flows from the root
of the fruitful olive, yet boast not over the urancbes; but, — 18
if thou art boastful, — thou bearest not the root, but the root
thee. Thou wilt say then, " The branches were broken off that 19
I might be grafted in." It is true,— for lack of faith tney were 20
broken off, and by faith thou standest in their place : be not
high-minded, but fear; for if God spared not the natural 21
branches, take heed lest He also spare not .thee. Behold, 22
therefore, the goodness and the severity of God ; towards them
who fell, severity, but towards thee, goodness, if thou continue
stedfast to His goodness ; for otherwise thou too shalt be cut
off. And they also, if they persist not in their faithlessness, 23
shall be grafted in ; for God is able to graft them in where
they were before. For if thou wast cut out from that which 24
by nature was the stock of the wild olive, and wast grafted
against nature into the fruitful olive, how much more shall
these, the natural branches, be grafted into the fruitful stock
from whence they sprang.
^hif'bera "^or ^ wou^ not nave y°u ignorant, brethren, of 25
an* t0buteieto tms mysteI7> les* y°u should be wise in your own
upon" airman7- conceits ; that hardness of heart has fallen upon a
pose ha^Ten P^t of Israel until the full body of the Gentiles shall
iLTewish0un-f have come in. And so all Israel shall be saved, as 26
theGenthesTn- it is written. " Out of Zion shall come the deliverer,
and by thTad'- and He shall turn away ungodliness from Jacob.
Gentnes to And this is my covenant with them.1 When I21
rouse the Jews , . .
to accept Kis shall take away their sins. 3 In respect of tUe vs
message, that r *-^
taiea'Scei" Glad-tidings [that it might be borne to the Gentiles],
His mercy. tnev are God's enemies for your sakes ; but in re
spect of God's choice, they are His beloved for their father's
sakes : for no change of purpose can annul God's gifts and call. 29
1 St. Paul alludes to the Heave-offering prescribed Numbers xv. 20 : " Ye shall
offer up a cake of the first of your dough for an heave-offering."
a Isaiah lix. 20. (LXX almost verbatim).
3 Isaiah xxvii. 9. (LXX. nearly verbatim^

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 185
30 And as in times past you were yourselves , disobedient to God,
31 but have now received mercy upon their disobedience ; so in
this present time they have been disobedient,, that upon your
32 obtaining mercy they likewise might obtain mercy. For God
has shut up, together both4 Jews and Gentiles under [tho
doom of] disobedience, that He might have mercy upon them
33 all. O depth of the bounty, and the wisdom, and the know-
34 ledge of God ; how unfathomable are His judgments, and how
unsearchable His paths ! Yea, " Who hath known the mind of
35 the Lord, or who hath been His counsellor? " 5 Or " Who hath
first given unto God, that he should deserve a recompense ¦' " 6
36 For from Him is the beginning, and by Him the life, and in
Him the end, of all things.
Unto Him be glory for ever. Amen.
XII. 1 I exdoet you, therefore, brethren, as you would ac- Exhortations to
* i i 7 J the contented
knowledge the mercies of God, to offer your bodies wormance'of
a living sacrifice, holy and well-pleasing unto God, knging'totheir
2 which is your reasonable' worship. And be not andeialcaiiSgst
conformed to the fashion of this passing8 world, but neslo'f injuries"
be transformed by the renewing of your mind, that £>' obeX'ncl'to
by an unerring test 9 you may discern the will of gyrates su/or-
God, even that which is good, and acceptable, and AnT generally
3 perfect. For through the gift of grace bestowed 10™,' as com-
r /-ii • ij a ii 1 T ~ pretending all
upon me |as (Jhnst s Apostle , 1 warn every man duties to our
, , ' , , ,, .. neighbour. All
among you not to think of himself more highly than thes» duties
he ought to think, but let each of you strive to gain f°™ed (*"*•".
* ' •> ° -14) as in the
a sober mind, according to the measure of faith 10 g^°» dof
coming,
' Throughout this passage in the A. V., direiBela is translated as if it were equiva-
jent to dirtana, which it is not. Compare i. 30 : yovevaiv diretBelg.
' The stopping we adopt is yve'iByaav, rip iperepip i^iei Iva Kal airol ileyduai.
> ZvveKXetoev. Compare Gal. iii. 22.
* This translation is justified by the article before iruvrag .
- Isaiah xl. 13. (LXX. nearly verbatim.)
s Job. xii. 11 (according to the sense of the Hebrew, but not LXX).
' Seasonable worship, as contrasted with the unreasonable worship of those whow
faith rested only on outward forms. See note on i. 9.
s See note on 1 Cor. i. 20.
» See note on ii. 18.
>« ttirpov mareug here seems (from the context of the following verses) equivalent
to xap'auat aa Chrysostom takes it. The particular talent given by God may be called
6 measure of faith, as bciug that by the use of which each man's faith will be tried
Compare, as to the verbal expressions, 2 Cor. x. 13.) This explanation is, perhaps*

186 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
which God has given him. For as we have many limbs, 4
which all are members of the same body, though they have not
all the same office; so we ourselves ave all' one body in £
Christ, and fellow-members one of anothei ; but we have gifts 6
differing according to the grace which God has given us.3 He
that hath the gift of prophecy, let him exercise it 3 accord
ing to the proportion of his faith. He that has the gift. of 1
ministration, let him minister ; he that has the gift to teach,
let him use it in teaching; he that can exhort, let mm labour 8
in exhortation. He who gives, let him give in singleness of
mind. He who rules, let him rule diligently. He who shows
pity, let him show it gladly. Let your love be without feign- 9
ing. Abhor that which is evil ; cleave to that which is good.
Be kindly affectioned one to another in brotherly love; inio
honour let each set his neighbour above himself. Let your 11
diligence be free from sloth, let your spirit glow with zeal ; be
true bondsmen of your Lord. In your hope be joyful; in:i2
your sufferings be stedfast ; in your prayers be unwearied. Be 13
liberal to the needs of Christ's people, and show hospitality to
the stranger. Bless your persecutors; yea, bless, and curse 14
not. Rejoice with them that rejoice, and weep with them that 15
weep. Be of one mind amongst yourselves. Set not your 16
heart on high things, but suffer yourselves to be borne along*
with the lowly. Be not wise in your own conceits'. Repay no 17
man evil for evil. See that your life be blameless in the sight
of all. It it be possible, as far as lies in yourselves, keep peace 18
with all men. Revenge not yourselves, beloved, but give 19
place to the wrath [of God] 5 for it is written, " Vengeance is
not very satisfactory ; but to understand pirpov as meaning amount, is still less so, for
a double gift of prophecy did not imply a double faith. The expression is so perplex
ing that one is almost tempted to conjecture that the words crept into the text here by
mistake, having been originally a marginal explanation of ti)v dvakoyiav ryg rciareag,
just below.
i OI n-oJUoL '
1 The construction and the parallel both seem to require a comma after pehy, and a
fullstop after Aidtpopa.
3 We think it better to take these elliptical clauses as all imperative (with the A. V.)
lather than to consider them (with Da Wette and others) as " descriptive of the sphere
of the gift's operation " up to a certain point, and then passing into the imperative.
The participles in versos 9, 16, and 17 seem to refute De Wette's arguments.
* This is the literal translation of Xvvairayopevot.
6 This is the interpretation oi Chrysostom, and is supported by the ablest modern
interpreters.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 187
20 mine ; 1 will repay, saith the Lord." ' Therefore, " Jf thine
enemy hunger, feed him ; if he thirst, give him drink; for in
so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head." " Be
XLLT. not overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good.
1 Let every man submit himself to the authorities of govern
ment; for all authority comes from God, and the authorities
2 which now are, have been set in their place by God : there
fore, he who sets himself against the authority, resists the or
dinance of God ; and they who resist will bring judgment
3 upon themselves. For the magistrate is not terrible to good
works,3 but to evil. Wilt thou be fearless of his authority ?
4 do what is good, and thou shalt have 'its praise. For the ma
gistrate is God's minister to thee for good. But if thou art au
evil doer, be afraid ; for not by chance does he bear the sword
[of justice], being a minister of God, appointed to do ven-
5 geance upon the guilty. "Wherefore you must needs submit,
6 not only for fear, but also for conscience sake ; for this also
is the cause why you pay tribute, because the authorities of
government are officers of God's will, and His service is the
7 very end of their daily work. Pay, therefore, to all their dues;
tribute to whom tribute is due ; customs to whom customs ;
8 fear to whom fear ; honour to whom honour. Owe no debt to
any man, save the debt of love alone ; for he who loves his
9 neighbour has fulfilled the law. For the law which says,
" 4 Thou shalt not commit adultery ; Thou shalt do no murder;
Thou shalt not steal; Thou shalt not bear false witness; Thou
shalt not covet," and whatsoever other commandment there be,
is all contained in this one saying, " Thou shalt love thy neigh-
10 bour as thyself." 5 Love works no ill to his neighbour ; there
fore Love is the fulfilment of the Law.
U This do, knowing the season wherein we stand, and that for
us it ; is high time to awake out of sleep, for our salvation is
12 already nearer than when we first believed. Tlie night is far
spent, the day is at hand ; let us therefore cast off the works of
: Deut. xxxii. 35. (LXX. but not verbatim.)
• Prov. xxv. 21. (LXX.) There can be little doubt that the metaphor is taken
from the melting of metals.
* We must remember that this was written before the Imperial government had be
gun to persecute Christianity. It is a testimony in favour of the general administra
tion of the Roman criminal law.
Exod. xx. 13-17. (LXX.) ^ Levit. xix. IS. (LXX.i

188 THE LD7E AND EPISfLES OF ST. PAUL.
darkness, and let us put on the armour of light. Let us walk IS
(as in the light of day) in seemly guise ; not in rioting and
drunkenness, not in dalliance and wantonness, not in strife and 14
envying. But clothe yourselves with Jesus Christ your Lord,
and take no thought to please your fleshly lusts. XIV.
Him who is weak in his faith receive into your l
Those Cnns- t . . 5
clung to sup™ fellowship, and make no distinctions for' opinions
tonrte^een sake. Some have faith that they may eat all things ; 2
£0",^ others, who are weak,2 eat herbs alone. Let not 3
inauidencewby him who eats despise him who abstains ; nor let
lighteiTd! aen°I him who abstains judge him who eats, for God has

" ' " * received him among3 His people. "Who art thou, 4

each, other

Ini foerbea'rty' that judgest another's servant? To his own mas-
ingmon" » ter he must stand or fall ; but he shall be made to
ther, whether . , -. . m,
jews or Gen- stand, for God is able to set him up. Ihere are 5
tiles, since ' l i •
Christ had re- 60me who esteem one day above another ; and again
ceived both into "
theirfaco"muoS there are some who esteem all days alike ; let each
u" '¦ be fully persuaded in his own mind. He who re- 6
gards the day, regards it unto the Lord ; and he who regards it
not, disregards it unto the Lord. He who eats, eats unto the
Lord, for he gives God thanks ; and he who abstains, abstains
unto the Lord, and gives thanks to God likewise. For not 7
unto himself does any one of us either live or die ; but whe- 8
ther we live, we live unto our Lord, or whether we die, we
die unto our Lord ; therefore, living or dying, we are the
Lord's. For to this end Christ died, and lived again, that He 9
might be Lord both of the dead and of the living. But thou, 10
why judgest thou thy brother? Or thou, why despisest thou
thy brother? for we shall all stand before the judgment-seat of
Christ. And so it is written, " As 5 I live, saith the Lord, 11
every knee shall bow to me, and every tongue shall acknowledge
God." So, then, every one of us shall give account to God 12
[not of his brethren, but] of himself. Let us then judge each 13
other no more, but let this rather be your judgment, to put no
: Literally, not actings so as to make distinctions which belong to disputatious
reasonings. * These were probably Christians of Jewish birth, who so feared lest they should
(without knowing it) eat meat which bad been offered to idols (which might easily
happen in such a place as Eome), that they abstained from meat altogether.
3 Tlpoaehd6eTO, received him unto Himself.
« Kal dviary is omitted by the best MSS.
- Isaiah xiv. 23 (LXX. not accurately, but apparently from memory). 1

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 189
14 stumbling-block or cause of falling in your bi other's way. I
know and am persuaded in the Lord Jesus, that nothing is in
itself unclean ; but whatever a man thinks unclean, is unclean
15 to him. And if for meat thou grievest thy brother, thou hast
ceased to walk by the rule of love. Destroy not him with thy
meat for whom Christ died.
16 I say then, let not your good be evil spoken of.' For the
17 kingdom of God is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and
18 peace, and joy in the Holy Spirit ; and he who lives in these
things as Christ's bondsman is well-pleasing to God, and can-
19 not be condemned" by men. Let us therefore follow the
things which make for peace, such as may build us up together
into one. Destroy not thou the work of God for a meal of
20 meat. All things indeed [in themselves] are pure ; but evil is
21 that which causes stumbling to the eater. It is good neither
to eat flesh, nor to drink •1 wine, nor to do any 4 other thing,
22 whereby thy brother is made to stumble.5 Hast thou faith
[that nothing is unclean] ? keep it for thine own comfort before
God. Happy is he who condemns not himself by the very
23 judgment which he pronounces.6 But he who doubts, is there-
XV. by condemned if he eats, because he has not faith ' that he
1 may eat; and every faithless deed8 is sin. And we, who are
strong,9 ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to
2 please ourselves. Let each of us therefore please his neigh-
3 hour for good ends, to build him up. For we know that10
Christ pleased not Himself, but in Him was fulfilled that
' Compare 1 Cor. x. 29.
1 AoKipog, literally, is capable of standing any test to which he may be put.
s This does not necessarily imply that any of the weaker brethren actually did
scruple to drink wine ; it may be put only hypothetically. But it is possible that they
may have feared to taste wine, part of which had been poured in libation to idols.
1 It is strange that no critic has hitherto proposed the simple emendation of reading
iv instead of iv, which avoids the extreme awkwardness of the ellipse necessitated by
the received text. Compare ovAi h, Joh. i. 3. The <1> is governed by irpooKoirTtt, just
as in ix. 32 : irpooeKoipav rip XiBip.
B We adopt the reading sanctioned by Tischendorf, which omits y aKavSa^trai
% AoBevei. 6 See note on ii. 18.
' Literally he eats not from faith.
8 Literally, every deed which springs not from faith [that it is a right deed'] is sin.
9 'Upelg oi Svvarol, literally, " We the strong." St. Paul here addresses the same
party whom he so often exhorts to patience and forbearance ; those who called them
selves ol irvevpariKol (Gal. vi. 1. 1 Cor. iii. 1), and boasted of their " knowledge -'
(1 Cor. viii. 1). See Vol. I. p. 444.
»° Kcl ydp b Xpiarbg. The " even " of A. V. is not in the original.

190 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
which iswritten " The ¦ reproaches of them tliat reproached thee
^ell upon me." For our instruction is the end of all which was 4
written of old ; that by stedfast endurance [in suffering], and
by the counsel of the Scriptures, we may hold fast our hope.
Now may God, from whom both counsel and endurance come, 5
grant you to be of one mind together, according to the will of
Christ, that you may all [both strong and weak], with one 6
heart and voice, give praise to Him, who is our God, and the
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. "Wherefore, receive ye one. 7
another into fellowship, to the praise of God, even as Christ
also received you.2
For 3 I say that Jesus Christ came to be a minister of the 8
covenant of circumcision,, to maintain the truthfulness of God,
and confirm the promises which were made to our fathers ; and
[he came to minister to the Gentiles also], that the Gentiles 9
might praise God for His mercy, as it is written, " For * this
cause I will acknowledge thee among the Gentiles, and will sing
unto thy name." And again it is said, " Rejoice,* ye Gentiles, IC
with His people ;" and again, " Praise 6 the Lord, all ye 11
Gentiles, and laud Him, allye peoples ;" and again Esaias saith,
" There 7 shall come the root of Jesse, and he that sliall rise to 12
reign over the Gentiles ; in him shall the Gentiles hope." STow 13
may the God of hope 8 fill you with all joy and peace in believ
ing, that you may abound in hope, through the mighty working
of the Holy Spirit.
st. rani gives But I am persuaded, my brethren, both by the 14
tioMbofdiyrtto" reports of others, 3 and by my own judgment also,
cteistiaM^as that you are already full of goodness, filled with
tie of the Gen- all knowledge, and able, without my counsel, to
tiles. He in- ° ' ' J '
tends soon to admonish one another. let I have written to vou 15
visit them on J *"
Btaain™?ort°ho somewna<; boldly, in parts10 [of this letter], to re-
' Ps. lxix. 9. (LXX.)
* 'Tpdg (not ypdg ) is the reading of the best MSS.
» Aeyu ydp (not til) is the reading of the MSS.
* Ps. xviii. 49. (LXX.)
s Deut. xxxii. 43. (LXX.) See note on ix. 25.
« Ps. cxvii. 1. (LXX.) 1 Isaiah xi. 10. (LXX.)
» The reference of this to the preceding quotation is lost in A. V. through the trans-
lation of htoiSog and MmoBoiv by " hope " and " trust " respectively.
9 Observe the force of the Kal abrbg tyu.
10 For the meaning of dirb pipovg, see 2 Cor. i. 14. 2 Cor. ii. 5. It might here be
translated in some measure (as Neander proposes, compare v. 24), but that this i»
already expressed in roXpyporepov. The word dSefyol is omitted in best MS«.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 19i
mind you [rather than to teach you], because of ecutedeanL*x*
16 that gift of grace which God has given me, whereby ££"" °incot™;
He sent me to minister for Jesus Christ, bearing oflhTem^
His Glad-tidings to the Gentiles, that I might pre- llitl™ !£'
sent them to God, as a priest presents the offering ' othef 'labo'S.
a sacrifice well pleasing unto Him, hallowed by however,116 he
17 the working of the Holy Spirit. I have therefore rusaiemtocon-
vey the Greek
somewhat whereof to boast in Christ Jesus, concern- contributions
•,. « g-. ¦, „ T n thither, in splt»
38ing the tinners of God ; for I will not dare [as some °f *«« dangers
° . ° ' L which he ex-
do] to glorify myself for the labours of others,2 but I p^*8 t0 ****
will speak only of the works which Christ has
19 wrought by me, to bring the Gentiles to obedience, by word
and deed, with the might of signs and wonders, the might of
the Spirit of God ; so that going forth from Jerusalem, and
round about so far as 3 Illyricum, I have fulfilled my task in
20 bearing the Glad-tidings of Christ. And my ambition was to
bear it according to this rule, [that I should go], not where the
21 name of Christ was known (lest I should be building on ano
ther man's foundation), but [where it was unheard] ; as it is
written, "To4 whom He was not spoken of, they shall see ; and
the people who have not heard shall understand."
22 This is the cause why I have often been hindered from
23 coming to you. But now that I have no longer room enough
[for my labours] in these regions, and have had a great desire
24 to visit you these many years, so soon as I take my journey
into Spain I will come to you ; for I hope to see you on my
way, and to be set forward on my journey thither by you,
after I have in some measure satisfied my desire of your com-
25pany. But now I am going to Jerusalem, being employed6
26 in a ministration for Christ's people. For the provinces ot
Macedonia and Achaia have willingly undertaken to make a
certain contribution for the poor among Christ's people in Je-
27 rusalem. "Willingly, I say, they have done this ; and indeed
they are debtors to the Church in Jerusalem ; for since the
> Literally, " to minister for Jesus Christ unto the Gentiles, a priest presenting
an offering in respect of the Glad-tidings of God, that the Gentiles might be offerea
up as an offering well-pleasing unto Him." The same thing is said under a some
what different metaphor, 2 Cor. xi. 2.
J Compare 2 Cor. x. 15.
> See the remarks on this in the last chapter, p. 125.
« Isaiah liii. 15. (LXX.)
' Aiokovuv, the present participle, not (as in A. V.) the future.

192 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Gentiles have shared in the spiritual goods of the brethren in
Judaea, they owe it in return to minister to them of their own
earthly goods. When, therefore, I have finished this task, and 23
have given to them in safety the fruit of this collection, I will
come from thence,1 by you, into Spain. And I am sure that 29
when I come to you, our meeting will receive the fulness of
Christ's 2 blessing. But I beseech you, brethren, by our Lord 30
Jesus Christ, and by the love which the Spirit gives, to help
me in my conflict with your prayers to God on my behalf,
that I may be delivered from the disobedient in Judaaa, and 31
that the service which I have undertaken for Jerusalem may
be favourably received by Christ's people ; that so I may come 32
to you in joy, by God's will, and may be refreshed in your
companionship. May the God of peace be with you all. 33
Amen. XYI
commendation I commend to you Phcebe our sister, who is3 a l
sainSnsato ministering servant of the Church at Cenchreae ;
numerous^Ro- ^gt vou mav receive her in the Lord, as Christ's 2
people should receive their brethren, and aid her in
any business 4 wherein she needs your help ; for she has herself
aided many, and me also among the rest.
Greet Prkcilla and Aquila,6 my fellow-labourers in the 3
work of Christ Jesus, who, to save my life, laid down their
own necks ; who are thanked, not by me alone, but by all the
'- Literally, I shall come in the fulness, &c.
* Tov evayyeXiov is not in any of the best MSS.
3 Aiukovov. See Vol. I. p. 435, note 1.
4 From the use of the legal terms napaoryre and irpoarurig, it would seem that the
business on which Phcebe was visiting Rome was connected with some trial at law.
s Concerning these distinguished Christians, see Vol. I. p. 387. When and where
they risked their lives for St. Paul we know not, but may conjecture at Ephesus. We
see here that they had returned to Eome (whence they had been driven by the edict
of Claudius) from Ephesus, where we left them last. It is curious to observe the wife
mentioned first, contrary to ancient usage. Throughout this chapter we observe in
stances of courtesy towards women sufficient to refute the calumnies of a recent infidel
writer, who accuses St. Paul of speaking and feeling coarsely in reference to women ;
we cannot but add our astonishment that the same writer should complain that the
standard of St. Paul's ethics, in reference to the sexual relations, is not sufficiently
elevated, while at the same time he considers the instincts of the German race to have
first introduced into the world the true morality of these relations. One is inclined to
ask whether the present facility of divorce in Germany is a legitimate development of
the Teutonic instinct ; and if so, whether the law of Germany, or the law of our Sa
viour (Mark x. 12) enforced by St. Paul (1 Cor. vii. 10), expresses the higher tone of
morality, and '.ends the more to elevate the female sex.

man ians.

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS. 193
4 Churches of the Gentiles. Greet likewise the Church which
assembles at their house.
5 Salute Epaenetus my dearly-beloved, who is the first fruits
of Asia ' unto Christ.
6 Salute Mary, who laboured much for me.
7 Salute Andronicus and Junias, my kinsmen and fellow-pri
soners,2 who are well known among the Apostles, and who
were also in Christ before me.
8 Salute Amplias, my dearly-beloved in the Lord.
9 Salute Urbanus, my fellow-workman in Christ's service,
and Stachys my dearly-beloved.
10 Salute Apelles, who has been tried and found trust-worthy
in Christ's work.
Salute those who are of the household of Aristobulus.3
11 Salute Herodion, my kinsman.
Salute those of the household of Narcissus 4 who are in the
Lord's fellowship.
12 Salute Tryphena and Tryphosa, the faithful labourers in the
Lord's service.
Salute Persis the dearly-beloved, who has laboured much in
the Lord.
1 Asia, not Achaia, is the reading of the best MSS. See Tischendorf ; and compare
Vol. I. p. 399, note 2.
* When were they St. Paul's fellow-prisoners ? Probably in some of those imprison
ments not recorded in the Acts, to ^hich he alludes 2 Cor. xi. 23. It is doubtful
whether in calling them his "kinsmen" St. Paul means that they were really related to
him, or only that they were Jews. (Compare Rom. ix. 3.) The latter supposition
seems improbable, because Aquila and Priscilla, and others in this chapter, mentioned
without the epithet of kinsmen, were certainly Jews ; yet, on the other hand, it seems
unlikely that so many of St. Paul's relations as are here called " kinsmen " (verses
7, 11, 21) should be mentioned in a single chapter. Perhaps we may take a middie
course, and suppose the epithet to denote that the persons mentioned were of the tribe
of Benjamin.
3 This Aristobulus was probably the great-grandson of Herod the Great, mentioned
by Josephus and Tacitus, to whom Nero in a.d. 55 gave the government of Lesser Ar
menia. He had very likely lived previously at Rome, and may still have kept sp at
establishment there, or perhaps had not yet gone to his government. See Tac. Ann.
xiii. 7, and Joseph. Ant. xx. 5.
1 There were two eminent persons of the name of Narcissus at Rome about this
time ; one the well-known favourite of Claudius (Suet. Claud. 28, Tac. Ann. xii. 57,
65, xiii. 1), who was put to death by Nero, a. d. 54, soon after the death of Claudius,
and therefore before this Epistle was written : the other was a favourite of Nero's, and
is probably the person here named. Some of his slaves or freedmen had become
Christians. This Narcissus was put to death by Galba (Dio. Ixiv. 3).
VOL. II. — 13

194 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Salute Eufus,1 the chosen in the Lord, and his mother, who 13
is also mine.
Salute Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, 14
and the brethren who are with them.
Salute Philologus, and Julia, Eereus and his sister, and 15
Olympas, and all Christ's people who are with them.
Salute one another with the kiss of holiness.* 16
The Churches of Christ [in Achaia] salute you.
warning I exhort you, brethren, to keep your eyes upon 17
'IresTed^Vrtt those who cause divisions, and cast stumbling-blocks
in the way of others, contrary to the teaching which
you have learned. Shun them that are such; for the master 18
whom they serve is not our Lord Jesus Christ,, but their own .
belly ; and by their fair speaking and flattery they deceive the
hearts of the guileless. I say this, because the tidings of your 19
obedience have been told throughout the world. On your own
behalf, therefore, I rejoice : but I wish you not only to be
simple in respect of evil, but to be wise for good. And the 20
God of peace shall bruise Satan under your feet speedily.
The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ- be with you.
salutations Timotheus, my fellow-labourer, and Lucius, and 21
from Christians t j ci ' • ±. i ¦ -i.
at Corinth to J ason ,3 and bosipater," my kinsmen, salute you.
I, Tertius, who have written this letter, salute 22
you in the Lord.
Gaius,8 who is the host, not of me alone, but also of the 23
whole Church, salutes yon.
> St. Mark (xv. 21) mentions Simon of Cyrene as " the father of Alexander and
Rufus ;" the latter therefore was a Christian well known to those for whom St. Mark
wrote, and probably is the same .here mentioned. It is gratifying to think that she
whom St Paul mentions here with such respectful affection, was the wife of that
Simon who bore our Saviour's cross.
a See note on 1 Thess. v. 25.
' Jason is mentioned as a Thessalonian, Acts xvii. 5 ; he had probably accompanied
St Paul from Thessalonica to Corinth.
* Sosipater is mentioned as leaving Corinth with St Paul, soon after this Epistle
was written (Acts xx. 4).
5 This Gaius (or Caius) is no doubt the same mentioned (1 Cor. i. 14) as baptized at
Corinth by St. Paul with his own hands. In Acts xx. 4 we find " Gaius of Derbe '
leaving Corinth with St. Paul, soon after the writing of this Epistle, but this may
perhaps have been a different person j although this is not certain, considering how
the Jews migrated from one place to another, of which Aquila and Priscilla are an
obvious example.

EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS.

195

Erastus,1 the treasurer of the city, and the brothei Quartus,
salute you.
24 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you Autograph con-
qJL elusion.

25 Now I commend you * unto Him who is able to keep you
stedfast, according to my Glad-tidings, and the preaching 3 of
Jesus Christ  whereby is unveiled the mystery which
26 was hidden in silence through the ages 4 of old, but has now
been brought to light, and made" known to all the Gentiles by
the Scriptures of the Prophets, by command of the everlasting
God ; that the Gentiles might be led to the obedience of faith
27  unto Him, the only wise God,5 I commend you through
Jesus Christ, to whom be glory for ever. Amen.6

coRomnAN coin EEPrasEN-nxa cenchre^.'
1 Erastus is again mentioned (as stopping at Corinth) in 2 Tim. iv. 20. Probably
the same Erastus who went with Timotheus from Ephesus to Macedonia, on the way
towards Corinth. (Acts xix. 22.)
8 If we retain the f> in verse 27 (with the great majority of MSS.) we must supply
cvvlarypi, or something equivalent, here, or else leave the whole passage anacoluthical.
Examples of a similar commendation to God at the conclusion of a letter or speech
are frequent in St. Paul. Compare 1 Thess. v. 23. 2 Thess. ii. 16, and especially the
conclusion of the speech at Miletus. Acts xx. 32.
3 Kypvypa, literally, proclamation.
4 Meaning the times of the Mosaic Dispensation, as is proved by the use of the
same expression, Tit. i. 2.
- If we were (on the authority of the Codex Vaticanus) to omit the u in this passage,
the last three verses would become a continuous doxology. The translators of
the A. V. have tacitly omitted this u, although professing to follow the Textus Re-
epptus. 6 Some MSS. insert the verses 25, 26, 27, after xiv. 23, instead of in this place ; but
the greater weight of MS. authority is in favour of their present position. A good re
futation of the objections which have been made against the authenticity of the last
two chapters, is given by De Wette (in loco) and by Neander (P. und L. 451-453) ;
Dut, above all, by Paley's Horas Paulinae, inasmuch as these very chapters furnish four
or five of the most striking undesigned coincidences there mentioned.
7 Little has been said as yet concerning Cenchrese, and some interest is given to tha
place both by the mention of its Church in the preceding Epistle (Rom. xvi. 1), and by
;be departure of St. Paul from that port on his first visit to Achaia (Acts xviii 18"k

196

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

POSIDONIUM AT THE ISTHMUS.
Note on the Isthmian Stadium.
in our account of Corinth (Chap. xi. xii.), we have entered into no enquiry
concerning the topography of the scene of the Isthmian games. (See p. 415),
Since St. Paul makes many allusions to the athletic contests of the Greeks, and
since we are now come to the point in his life when he leaves Corinth for the last
We have seen (Vol. I. p. 413) that it was seventy stadia, or nearly nine miles distant
from Corinth, and (p. 422) that its position is still pointed out by the modern Kikries,
where some remains of the ancient town are visible. The road is described by Pausa-
nias as leading from Corinth through an avenue of pine-trees, and past many tombs,
among which, two of the most conspicuous were those of the cynic Diogenes and the
profligate Thais (ad cujus jacuit Gracia tota fores. Prop. ii. 2). For the coast-line,
see the chart illustrating Thucyd. iv. 42, 44, at the end of Dr. Arnold's second volume,
and compare Poppo's Prolegomena. The coin here engraved is from Millingen
(Recueil de qnelques MeMailles grecqnes ineMites: Rome, 1812), and is that to which
allusion was made Vol. I. p. 422, n. 2. It is a colonial coin of Antoninus Pius, and
represents the harbour of Cenchrea; exactly as it is described by Pausanias. See Leake's
Morea, iii. 233-235.

NOTE ON THE ISTHMIAN STADIUM. 197
time, it seems right that we should state what is known on the subject. No good
topographical delineation of the Isthmus exists. This district was omitted in the
French Expedition de la Moree ; and the second volume of the work of Curtius on
the Peloponnesus has not yet appeared. We have given here the plan from Col.
Leake's third volume, which is the most complete yet published, and which accu
rately represents the relative positions of the stadium, the theatre, and the temple.
The Posidonium or Sanctuary of Neptune, is at the narrowest part of the Isthmus,
close by Schoenus, the modern Kalamaki (see p. 413, n. 5) ; and modern travellers
may visit the ruins on their way between Kalamaki and Lutraki, from one steam
boat to the other. St. Paul would also pass by this spot if he went by land from
Athens (p. 406, note). The distance from Corinth is about eight miles; and at
Hexamili, near Uorinth, the road falls into that which leads to CenchreaB. (See
the preceding page, and Leake, iii. 286.) The military wall, which crossed the
Isthmus to Lechffium, abutted on the sanctuary (p. 410 n. 7), and was for some
space identical with the sacred enclosure. At no great distance are the traces of
the canal which Nero left unfinished about the time of St. Paul's death (pp. 444,
445) ; and in many places along the shore may be seen those pine-trtees, whose
leaves wove the " fading garlands " which the Apostle contrasts with the " unfad
ing crown," tlie prize for which he foupht. (Introd. o xii.)

198

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES O* ST. PAUL.

CHAPTEK XX.
" Igitur oram Achaise et Asise, ac Leva maris praetervectus, Rhodum et Crprua
Insulas, inde Syriam audentioribus spatiis petebat." — Tac. Hist. ii. 2.
CORINTH.— ISTHMIAN GAMES.— VOYAGE FROM PHILIPPI.— SUNDAY AT TROAS.— ASSOS.—
VOYAGE BY MTTYLENE AND TROGYLL1UM TO MILETUS.— SPEECH TO THE EPHESIAH
PRESBYTERS.— VOYAGE, BY COS AND RHODES TO PATABA.— THENCE TO PHCENICIA.—
CHRISTIANS AT TYRE.— PTOLEMAIS.— EVENT AT CaSAREA.— ARRIVAL AT JERUSALEM
In the Epistles which have been already set before the reader in the course
of this biography, and again in some of those which are to succeed, St.
Paul makes frequent allusion to a topic which engrossed the interest, and
called forth the utmost energies, of the Greeks. The periodical games
were to them rather a passion than an amusement ; and the Apostle often
uses language drawn from these celebrations, when he wishes to enforce
the zeal and the patience, with which a Christian ought to strain after his
heavenly reward. The imagery he employs is sometimes varied. In one
instance, when he describes the struggle of the spirit with the flesh, he
seeks his illustration in the violent contest of the boxers (1 Cor. ix. 26).
In another, when he would give a strong representation of the perils he
had encountered at Ephesus, he speaks as one who had contended in that
ferocious sport which the Romans had introduced among the Greeks, the
fighting of gladiators with wild beasts (ib. xv. 32). But, usually, hia
reference is to the foot-race in the stadium, which, as it was the most
ancient, continued to be the most esteemed amoDg the purely Greek
athletic contests.1 If we compare the various passages where this language
is used, we find the whole scene in the stadium brought vividly before us
— the "herald"5 who summons the contending runners, — the course, which
rapidly diminishes in front of them, as their footsteps advance to tho
> See Krause's Gymnastik and Agonistik der Hellenen (Leips. 1841), pp. 337-343.
The victory in the stadium at Olympia was used in the formula for reckoning Olym
piads. The stadium was the Greek unit for the measurement of distance. With St.
Paul's frequent reference to it in the epistles, 1 Cor. ix. 24. Rom. ix. 16. Gal. ii. 2.
v. 7. Phif. ii. 16. 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8, should be compared two passages in the Acts, xx
24, where he speaks of himself, and xiii. 25, where he speaks of John the Baptist.
* Kypigag. 1 Cor. ix. 27. For the office of the Heralds, see Hermann's Gott. Alt. '
§ 50, 22. Plato says (Legg. viii. 833) that the herald summoned the candidates foi
the foot-race first into the stadium.

ISTHMIAN GAMES. 199
goal,1 the judge* who holds out the prize at the end of the course,— the
prize itself, a chaplet of fading leaves, which is compared with the strongest
emphasis of contrast to the unfading glory with which the faithful Chris
tian will be crowned,' — the joy and exultation of ihe victor, which the
Apostle applies to his own case, when he speaks of his converts as his "joy
and crown," the token of his victory and the subject of his boasting." And
under the same image he sets forth the heavenly prize, after which his
converts themselves should struggle with strenuous and unswerving zeal, —
with no hesitating step (1 Cor. ix. 26), — pressing forward and never
looking back (Phil. iii. 13, 14),— even to the disregard of life itself (Acts
xx. 24). And the metaphor extends itself beyond the mere struggle in
the arena, to the preparations which were necessary to success, — to that
severe and continued training? which, being so great for so small a reward,
was a fit image of that " training unto godliness," which has the promise
not only of this life, but of that which is to come, — to the strict regula
tions 6 which presided over all the details, both of the contest and the
preliminary discipline, and are used to warn the careless Christian of the
peril of an undisciplined life, — to the careful diet,'' which admonishes us
1 Td piv bmau iizika.vBavbpevog, rolg Si ipizpoadev iizeKreivopevog. Phil. iii. 14.
» 2 Tim. iv. 8.
3 ~Bpa(3elov. 1 Cor. ix. 24. PhiL iii. 14. It was a chaplet of green leaves ; ^Baprbg
crtyavog. 1 Cor. ix. 25. (Cf. 2 Tim. ii. 5. iv. 8 ; also 1 Pet. v. 4.) The leaves
varied with the locality where the games were celebrated. At the Isthmus they were
those of the indigenous pine. For a time parsley was substituted for them ; but in the
Apostle's day the pine-leaves were used again. Plut. qu. synip. v. 3. See Boeckh's
Pindar, p. 193.
4 'ASeX^oi pov, xapH Ka' arifavbg pov. Phil. iv. 1. Tig ypuv xapd y oreipavoi
Kavxyaeug, y oi>xl Kal ipelg. 1 Thess. ii. 19. This subject illustrates the frequent
use of the word Kavxyaig by St. Paul.
5 Tvpvdfa and yvpvaaia. 1 Tim. iv. 7, 8. The yvpvdowv was an important feature
of every Greek city. The word is not found in the New Testament, but we find it in
1 Mac. i. 14, and 2 Mac. iv. 9, when allusion is made to places of Greek amusement
built at Jerusalem. For the practices of the gymnasium and the palaestra, sec Krause,
vol. i. 2, vol. ii. 1. Faber's Agonisticon, a work of the sixteenth century (in the 8th
rol. of Gronovius), contains a mass of information, but there is great confusion in the
arrangement. 6 'Edv pi) vopipug dBlyay. 2 Tim. ii. 5. For the special vopipa of the footrace,
see Krause, vol. i. pp. 362, &c. As regards the more general vopipa of the athletic
contests, the following may be enumerated from the Eliaca of Pausanias. Every can
didate was required to be of pure Hellenic descent. He was disqualified by certain
moral and political offences. He was obliged to take an oath that he had been ten
months in training, and that he would violate none of the regulations. Bribery waa
punished by a fine. The candidate was obliged to practise again in the gymnasium
immediately before the games, under the direction of the judges or umpires, who were
themselves required to be instructed for ten months in tho details of the games.
Krause and Hermann.
' ' AvaKyofyayla is the term used by Aristotle for this prescribed diet, of which wo
find an account in Galen. See Krause, p. 358, and especially pp. 642, &c. Compare
Horace, A P. 414. (Multa tulit fecitque puer, sudavit et alsit; Abstinuifc Venere et

200 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
that, if vc would so run that we may obtain, we must be " temperate ii
all things." '
This imagery would be naturally and familiarly suggested to St. Paul
by the scenes which he witnessed in every part of his travels. At his own
native place on the banks of the Cydnas,2 in every city throughout Asia
Minor,3 imd more especially at Ephesus,4 the stadium, and the training for
the stadium,5 were among the chief subjects of interest to the whole popu
lation. Even in Palestine, and at Jerusalem itself, these busy amusements
were well known." But Greece was the very home, from which these
institutions drew their origin ; and the Isthmus of Corinth was one of four
sanctuaries, where the most celebrated games were periodically held.
Now that we have reached the point where St. Paul is about to leave this
city for the last time, we are naturally led to make this allusion : and an
interesting question suggests itself here, viz., whether the Apostle was
nver himself present during the Isthmian games. It might be argued a
•priori that this is highly probable ; for great numbers came at these
seasons from all parts of the Mediterranean to witness or take part in the
contests ; and the very fact that amusement and ambition brought some,
makes it certain that gain attracted many others ; thus it is likely that the
Apostle, just as he desired to be at Jerusalem during the Hebrew festivals,
so would gladly preach the Gospel at a time when so vast a concourse
met at the Isthmus, — whence, as from a centre, it might be carried to
vino, &c.) Tertullian describes the self-restraint of the Athletes : " Athletse seli-
guntur ad strictiorem disciplinam ; ut robori Eedificando vacent, continentur a luxuria,
a cibis lautioribus, a potu jucundiore : coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur : quanto plus
ji exercitationibus laboraverint, tanto plus de victoria sperant." For all this training
in its educational aspect, see Herm. Privatalt. §'35-37.
1 The following energetic passage from St. Chrysostom (who was very familiar with
all that related to public amusements, both at Antioch and Constantinople) is well
rorth quoting in illustration of Si Paul's language :— " 'O rpix^v ov irpbg rovg Searug
ipp, d?.?.d npbg rb (3pa(3eiov. Kav isXavaiai, Kav mvyreg uat, k&v cKunry rig, kuv
inaivy, kuv ifipitj), kuv "kiBoig fidVky, Kdv ryv oliiiav Siapirufy, kuv natSag iSy, kuv
yvvaiKa, Kav bnovv, obSapug fouorpityETai, uXk'- ivbg yiverai pbvov tov rpixeiv tov
AaSelv rb fSpapelov. b rpix^v obSapov lararai' inel kuv piKpbv paBvpr/ay, rb izuv
uituXeaev. 6 rpixav ov pbvov ovSev iibaipei npb tov riXovg, dlld Kal tots puXitsra
lizireivei Tbv Spbpoi'." Homil. vii. in Epist. ad Heb. p. 763.
1 It is worth observing, that the only inscription from Tarsus published by Boeckh
(No. 4437) relates to the restoration of the stadium.
- Nothing is more remarkable than the number and magnitude of the theatres am
Stadia in the ruins of the great cities of Asia Minor. A vast number, too, of the in
scriptions relate to the public amusements. It is evident that these amusements must
have been one of the chief employments of the population. See the Travels of Spratt
and Forbes.
for the games celebrated at Ephesus, see Guhl's Ephesiaca.
B See above, note on yvpvdaiov.
• See the reference to Herod's theatre and amphitheatre, Vol. I. p. 2. Hence thi
significance of such a passage as Heb. xii. 1, 2 to the Hebrew Christians of Palestine.

MACEDONIA. 201
every shore with the dispersion of the strangers. But, further, it will be
remembered, that on his first visit, St. Paul spent two years at Corinth;
and though there is some difficulty in determining the times at which the
games were celebrated, yet it seems almost certain that they recurred
every second year, at the end of spring or the beginning of summer.1 Thus
it may be confidently concluded that he was there at one of the festivals.
As regards the voyage undertaken from Ephesus (Vol. II. p. 26), the
time devoted to it was short; yet that time may have coincided with the
festive season; and it is far from inconceivable that he may have sailed
across the JSgean in the spring, with some company of Greeks who were
proceeding to the Isthmian meeting. On the present occasion he spent
only three of the winter months in Achaia, and it is hardly possible that
he could have been present during the games. It is most likely that there
were no crowds among the pine-trees2 at the Isthmus, and that the
stadium at the Sanctuary of Neptune was silent and unoccupied, when
St. Paul passed by it along the northern road, on his way to Macedonia.-
His intention had been to go by sea to Syria,4 as soon as the season
of safe navigation should be come ; and in that case he would have em
barked at Cenchrese, whence he had sailed during his second missionary
journey, and whence the Christian Phoebe had recently gone with the
letter to the Romans.5 He himself had prepared his mind for a journey to .
Rome ; •> but first he was purposed to visit Jerusalem, that he might convey
the alms which had been collected for the poorer brethren, in Macedonia
and Achaia. He looked forward to this expedition with some misgiving ;
for he knew what danger was to be apprehended from his Jewish and
Judaizing enemies ; and even in his letter to the Roman Christians, he
1 They were, in the Greek way of reckoning, a rpiirypig. Of the four great national
festivals, the Olympian and Pythian games took place every fourth year, the Nemoau
and Isthmian every third ; the latter in the fourth and first year of each Olympiad.
See Hermann, § 49, 14, 15. The festival was held in the year 53 a.d., which is the
first of an Olympiad ; and (as we have seen) there is good reason for believing that
the Apostle came to Corinth in the autumn of 52, and left it in the spring of 54.
Wilckens, in his Specimen Antiquitatum Corinthiacarum (§ vi.-viii.), enters into the
same inquiry, and comes to the same conclusion, though his dates are different.
* These pine-trees supplied the wreath of the victors. See p. 199, n. 3. They
arc still abundant in the neighbourhood, as any traveller may see on his way from
Kalamaki to Lutraki.
3 For the locality of this sanctuary, see the note at the end of the preceding Chapter.
A full account, both of the description, as given by Pausanias, and of present appear
ances, may be seen in Leake. The inscription (p. 294) relating to P. Licinius Priscus
Juventianus, who KareaKevaaev rdg KUToXvaeig rolg uizb ryg oUovuivyg itvl rd 'loBpia
napayevopivoig dBXyralg, is interesting, as illustrative of the celebrity of the games iu
Roman times.
* Acts xx. 3.
» For Cenchreae, see the note at the end of the preceding Chapter. A good notion
uf its position is obtained from the view of the Isthmus, Vol. I. p. 410.
« See the end of Ch. XV.

202 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
requested their prayers for his safety. And he had good reason U fear
the Jews ; for ever since their discomfiture under Gallio they had beer.
irritated by the progress of Christianity, and they organized a plot against
the great preacher, when he was on the eve of departing for Syria.1 We
are not informed of the exact nature of this plot ; but it was probably a
conspiracy against his life, like that which was formed at Damascus soon
after his conversion (Acts ix. 23. 2 Cor. xi. 32), and at Jerusalem, both
before and after the time of which we write (Acts ix. 19. xxiii. 12), and
necessitated a change of route, such as that which had once saved him on
his departure from Beroea.2
On that occasion his flight had been from Macedonia to Achaia ; now
it was from Achaia to Macedonia. Nor would he regret the occasion
which brought him once more among some of his dearest converts. Again
he saw the Churches on the north of the ^Egean, and again he went
through the towns along the line of the Yia Egnatia.3 He reappeared in
the scene of his persecution among the Jews of Thessalonica, and passed
on by Apollonia and Amphipolis to the place where he had first landed on
the European shore. The companions of his journey were Sopater the son
of Pyrrhus,4 a native of Beroea, — Aristarchus and Secundus, both of
Thessalonica, — with Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus, — and two Christians
from the province of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus, whom we have men
tioned before (Vol. II. p. 91), as his probable associates, when he last
.departed from Ephesus. From the order in which these disciples are'
mentioned, and the notice of the specific places to which they belonged,
we should be inclined to conjecture that they had something to do with
the collections which had been made at the various towns on the route.
As St. Luke does not mention the collection,5 we cannot expect to be able
to ascertain all the facts. But since St. Paul left Corinth sooner than
was intended, it seems likely that all the arrangements were not complete,
and that Sopater was charged with the responsibility of gathering the
funds from Beroea, while Aristarchus and Secundus took charge of those
from Thessalonica.0 St. Luke himself was at Philippi : and the remaining
1 tiiXXovTi dvdyeoBai.
* " The Jews generally settled in great numbers at seaports for the sake of com
merce, and their occupation would give them peculiar influence over the captains and
owners of merchant vessels, in which St. Paul must have sailed. They might, there
fore, form the project of seizing him or murdering him at Cenchrea; with great proba
bility of success." Comm. on the Acts, by Rev. F. C. Cook, 1850.
3 For the Via Egnatia and the stages between Philippi and Bercea, see Vol. I. pp.
316-322, 338. - - . .
4 Xunarpog Uvfipov Bepoialog. Such seems to be the correct reading. See Tischeu-
dorf. We might conjecture that the word Ihippov was added to distinguish him from
Sosipater. (Rom. xvi. 21.)
5 Except in one casual allusicn at a later period. Acts xxiv. 17.
o See Hemsen, pp. 467-475.

VOYAGE FEOM PHILIPPI. 203
four of the party were connected with the interior or the coast of Asia
MiLor.1 The whole of this company did not cross together from Europe tc
Asia ; but St. Paul and St. Luke lingered at Philippi, while the others
preceded them to Troas.2 The journey through Macedonia had been
rapid, and the visits to the other Churches had been short. But the
Church at Philippi had peculiar claims on St. Paul's attention : and the
time of his arrival induced him to pause longer than in the earlier part of
his journey. It was the time of the Jewish passover. And here our
thoughts turn to the passover of the preceding year, when the Apostle
was at Ephesus (p. 41). We remember the higher and Christian meaning
which he gave to the Jewish festival. It was no longer an Israelitish
ceremony, but it was the Easter of the New Dispensation. He was not
now occupied with shadows ; for the substance was already in possession.
Christ the Passover had been sacrificed, and the feast was to be kept with
the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth. Such was the higher standing-
point to which he sought to raise the Jews whom he met, in Asia or in
Europe, at their annual celebrations.
Thus, while his other Christian companions had preceded him to Troas,
he remained with Luke some time longer at Philippi, and did not leave
Macedonia till the passover moon was waning. Notwithstanding this
delay, they were anxious, if possible, to reach Jerusalem before Pentecost.3
And we shall presently trace the successive days through which they
were prosperously brought to the fulfillment of their wish.4 Some doubt
1 Some would read Aeppdiog Si TipbBeog, in order to identify Gaius with the dis
ciple of the same name who is mentioned before along with Aristarchus (Tatov Kal
'Apiarapxov MaKeSovag, xix. 29). , But it is almost certain that Timotheus was a native
of Lystra, and not Derbe (See Vol. I. p. 264, n. 1), and Gaius [or Caius, see above, p.
34] was so common a name, that this need cause us no difficulty.
3 It is conceivable, but not at all probable, that these companions sailed direct from
Corinth to Troas, while Paul went through Macedonia. Some would limit ovtoi to
Trophimus and Tychicus ; but this is quite unnatural. The expression dxpi ryg 'Aaiag
seems to imply that St. Paul's companions left him at Miletus, except St. Luke (who
continues the narrative from this point in the first person) and Trophimus (who was
with him at Jerusalem, xxi. 29), and whoever might be the other deputies who accom
panied him with the alms. (2 Cor. viii. 19-21.)
3 Acts xx. 16.
¦* It may be well to point out here the general distribution of the time spent on the
voyage. Forty-nine days intervened between Passover and Pentecost The days of
unleavened bread [Mark xiv. 12. Luke xxii. 7. Acts xii. 3. 1 Cor. v. 8] succeeded
the Passover. Thus, St. Paul stayed at least seven days at Philippi after the Passover
(v. 6),— -five days were spent on the passage to Troas (ib.), — six days (for so we mav
reckon them) were spent at Troas (ib.),— -four were occupied on the voyage by Chios
to Miletus (v. 13-15, see below), — two were spent at Miletus, — in three days St. Paul
went by Cos and Rhodes to Patara (xxi. 1, see below), — two days would siffice for the
voyage to Tyre (v. 2, 3), — six days were spent at Tyre (v. 4), — two were taken up in
croceeding by Ptolemais to Csesarea (v. 7, 8). This calculation gives us thirty seven

204 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
has been thrown on the possibility of this plan being accomplished in the
interval ; for they did not leave Philippi till the seventh day after the
fourteenth of Nisan was past. It will be our business to show that
the plan was perfectly practicable, and that it was actually accomplished,
with some days to spare.
The voyage seemed to begin unfavourably. The space between Neapolis
and Troas could easily be sailed over in two days with a fair wind : and
this was the time occupied when the Apostle made the passage on his
first coming to Europe.1 On this occasion the same voyage occupied five
days. We have no means of deciding whether the ship's progress was
retarded by calms, or by contrary winds.2 Either of these causes of delay
days in all ; thus leaving thirteen before the festival of Pentecost, after the arrival at
Caesarea, which is more than the conditions require We may add, if necessary, two
or three days more during the voyage in the cases where we have reckoned inclusively.
The mention of the Sunday spent at Troas fixes (though not quite absolutely) the
day of the week on which the Apostle left Philippi. It was a Tuesday or a Wednes
day. We might, with considerable probability, describe what was done each day of
the week during the voyage ; but we are not sure, in all cases, whether we are to
reckon inclusively or exclusively, nor are we absolutely certain of the length of the
stay at Miletus.
It will be observed, that all we have here said is independent of the particular year
in which we suppose the voyage to have been made, and of the day of the week on
which the 14th of Nisan occurred. Mr. Greswell (Dissertation 25, in vol. iv.) has
made a careful calculation of the different parts of the voyage, on the hypothesis, that
the year was 56 a.d., when Passover fell on March 19, and Pentecost on May 8 ; and
he has shown that the accomplishment of St. Paul's wish, under the circumstances
described, was quite practicable. • He has even allowed, as we shall see, more time
than was necessary, by supposing that the time from Patara to Tyre lasted from Mon
day to Thursday (p. 523). The same may be said of Wieseler's estimate (pp. 99-115),
according to which the year was 58 a.d., when the 14th of Nisan fell on March 27.
H<! allows five days (p. 101) for the voyage between Patara and Tyre, adducing the
opinion of Chrysostom as one well acquainted with those seas. Hug allows six days.
(Introd. to New Testament, Eng. Transl., Vol. II. pp. 325-327.)
We may observe here, that many commentators write on the nautical passages of
the Acts as if the weather were always the same and the rate of sailing uniform, or as
if the Apostle travelled in steamboats. His motions were dependent on the wind.
He might be detained in harbour by contrary weather. Nothing is more natural than
that he should be five days on one occasion, and two on another, in passing between
Philippi and Troas ; just as Cicero was once fifteen, and once thirteen, in passing be
tween Athens and Ephesus. So St. Paul might sail in two days from Patara to Tyre,
though under less favourable circumstances, it might have required four or five, or
even more. It is seldom that the same passage is twice made in exactly the same time
by any vessel not a steamer.
Another remark may be added, that commentators often write as though St. Paul
had chartered his own vessel, and had the full command of her movements. This
would be highly unlikely for a person under the circumstances of St. Paul ; and we
shall see that it was not the case in the present voyage, during which, as at other
times, he availed himself of the opportunities offered by merchant vessels or coasters.
1 Acts xvi. 11.
* The course is marked in our map with a zigzag line. If the wind was contrary,
the vessel would have to beat. The delay might equally have been caused by calms.;

TEOAS. 205
might equally be expected in the changeable weather of those seas. St
Luke seems to notice the time in both instances, in the manner of one who
was familiar with the passages commonly made between Europe and
Asia : ' and something like an expression of disappointment is implied in
the mention of the " five days" which elapsed before the arrival at Troas
The history of Alexandria Troas, 'first as a city of the Macedonian
princes, and then as a favourite colony of the Romans,3 has been given
before ; but little has been said as yet of its appearance. From the extent
and magnitude of its present ruins (though for ages it has been a quarry
both for Christian and Mahomedan edifices) we may infer what it was in
its flourishing period. Among the oak-trees, which fill the vast enclosure
of its walls, are fragments of colossal masonry. Huge columns of granite
are seen lying in the harbour, and in the quarries on the neighbouring hills.3
A theatre, commanding a view of Tenedos and the sea, shows where the
Greeks once assembled in crowds to witness their favourite spectacles.
Open arches of immense size, towering from the midst of other great
masses of ruin, betray the hand of Roman builders. These last remains, —
once doubtless belonging to a gymnasium or to baths, and in more ignorant
ages, when the poetry of Homer was better remembered than the facts of
history, popularly called "The Palace of Priam,"4 — are conspicuous from
i It has been remarked above (Vol. I. p. 312), that St. Luke's vocation as a physi
cian may have caused him to reside at Philippi and Troas, and made him familiar with
these coasts. The autoptical style (see p. 284) is immediately resumed with the
change of the pronoun.
3 For the history of the foundation of the city under the successors of Alexander,
and of the feelings of Romans towards it, see the concluding part of Ch. VIII. The
travellers who have described it are Dr. Chandler, Dr. Hunt (in Walpole's Memoirs,
relating to European and Asiatic Turkey), Dr. Clarke and Sir C. Fellows (Asia Minor).
A rude plan is given by Pococke, II. ii. 108.
3 Alexandria Troas, must have been, like Aberdeen, a city of granite. The hills
which supplied this material were to the N.E. and S.E. Dr. Clarke (vol. ii. p. 149)
mentions a stupendous column, which is concealed among some trees in the neighbour
hood, and which he compares to the famous column of the Egyptian Alexandria.
Fellows (p. 58) speaks of hundreds of columns, and says that many are bristling among
the waves to a considerable distance out at sea. He saw seven columns lying with
their chips in a quarry, which is connected by a paved road with the city. Thus
granite seems to have been to Alexandria Troas what marble was to Athens ; and we
are reminded of the quarries of Pentelicus. (See the account of them in Wordsworth's
Greece.) The granite columns of Troas have been used for making cannon-balls for
the defense of the Dardanelles. Hunt, p. 135.
* See the description of these ruins in Dr. Clarke's Travels, and the view, p. 152.
He regards them as the remains of baths, the termination of the aqueduct of Herodes
Atticus. Hunt (p. 135) and Chandler (p. 30) think they belonged to a gymnasium,
perhaps of the time of the Antonines. There are also two views in yol. ii. of the
Transactions of the Dilettanti Society. Dr. Clarke, in a subsequent passage (p. 178),
alludes again to the appearance of these ruins from the sea: — "Continuing our course
[from the Dardanelles] towards the south, after passing the town of Tenedos, we v ere
•truck by the very grand appearance of the ancient Balnea, already d< scribed, among

206 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the sea. We cannot assert that these buildings existed in the days of St
Paul, but we may be certain that the city, both on the approach from the
water, and to those who wandered through its streets, must have presented
an appearance of grandeur and prosperity. Like Corinth, Ephesus, or
Thessalonica, it was a place where the Apostle must have wished to lay
firmly and strongly the foundations of the Gospel. On his first visit, ag
we have seen (Vol. I. pp. 281-285), he was withheld by a supernatura
revelation from remaining ; and on his second visit (Vol. II. pp. 90-92 ),
though a door was opened to him, and he did gather together a community
of Christian disciples, yet his impatience to see Titus compelled him tc bid
them a hasty farewell.1 Now, therefore, he would be the more anxious to
add new converts to the Church, and to impress deeply, on those who
were converted, the truths and the duties of Christianity : and he had
valuable aid both in Luke, who accompanied him, and the other disciples
who had preceded him.
The labours of the early days of the week that was spent at Troas are
not related to us ; but concerning the last day we have a narrative which
enters into details with all the minuteness of one of the Gospel histories.
It was the evening which succeeded the Jewish Sabbath.2 On the Sunday
morning the vessel was about to sail.3 The Christians of Troas were
gathered together at this solemn time to celebrate that feast of love which
the last commandment of Christ has enjoined on all His followers. The
place was an upper room, with a recess or balcony 4 projecting over the
street or the court. The night was dark : three weeks had not elapsed
since the Passover,5 and the moon only appeared as a faint crescent in tfcs
the remains of Alexandria Troas. The three arches of the building make a conspicuous
figure from a considerable distance at sea, like the front of a magnificent palace ; and
this circumstance, connected with the mistake so long prevalent concerning the city
itself [viz. that it was the ancient Troy], gave rise to the appellation of 'The Palace
of Priam,' bestowed by mariners upon these ruins." See Vol. I. p. 281, n. 5.
i 2 Cor. ii. 13.
* 'Ev ry piq, tuv aattdruv, v. 7. This is a passage of the utmost importance, as
ihowing {hat the observance of Sunday was customary. Cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 2. See
Vol. I. p. 440.
•• M&Uuv i&vai ry iiravpwv, ib. See v. 13. By putting all these circumstances
together, we can almost certainly infer the day of the week on which St. Paul left
Troas. See above.
* 'Ev r$ iirepdxp, v. 8. 'Eirl ryg dvpiSig, v. 9. Airb tov Tpioreyov, ib. For a good
illustration of tivpig, see the note on the Legend of Thecla, Vol. I. p. 184. It denote!
an aperture closed by a wooden door, doubtless open in this case because of the heat.
See the note and the woodcut in the Pictorial Bible. These upper rooms (csenacula)
of the ancients were usually connected with the street by outside stairs (dvaCaBpoi),
such as those of which we see traces at Pompeii (Cf. Liv. xxxix. 14). An ancient
representation of a Greek dvpig, with a lady looking out, may be seen in " Manners
and Customs of the Greeks from Panofka," plate xviii. (London, 1849.) See again,
Vol. I. p. 100, for modern \1vpiSeg at Damascus.
6 See above, p. 194.

SUNDAY AT TE0A8. 207
early part of the night. . Many lamps were burning in the room where the
congregation was assembled.1 The place was hot and crowded. St.
Paul, with the feeling strongly impressed on his mind that the next day
was the day of his departure, and that souls might be lost by delay, was
continuing in earnest discourse, and prolonging it even to midnight ; 3 when
an occurrence suddenly took place, which filled the assembly with alarm,
though it was afterwards converted into an occasion of joy and thanks
giving. A young listener, whose name was Eutychus, was overcome by
exhaustion, heat, and weariness, and sank into a deep slumber.3 He was
seated or leaning in the balcony ; and, falling down in his sleep, was dashed
upon the pavement below, and was taken up dead.4- Confusion and terror
followed, with loud lamentation.5 But Paul was enabled to imitate the
power of that Master whose doctrine he was proclaiming. As Jesus had
once said 6 of the young maiden, who was taken by death from the society
of her friends, " She is not dead, but sleepeth,'' so the Apostle of Jesus
received power to restore the dead to life. He went down and fell upon
the body like Elisha of old,7 and, embracing Eutychus, said to the bystand
ers ; " Do not lament ; for his life is in him."
With minds solemnized and filled with thankfulness by this wonderful
token of God's power and love, they celebrated the Eucharistic feast.5
The act of Holy Communion was combined, as was usual in the Apostolic
age, with a common meal : 9 and St. Paul now took some refreshment
after the protracted labour of the evening,10 and then continued his conver-
1 Tluav Si lapitdSeg teavai, v. 8. Various reasons have been suggested why this
circumstance should be mentioned. Meyer thinks it is given as the reason why the
fate of the young man was perceived at once. But it has much more the appearance
of having simply " proceeded from an eye-witness, who mentions the incident, not foi
the purpose of obviating a difficulty which might occur to the reader, but because the
entire scene to which he refers stood now with such minuteness and vividness before
his mind." Hackett on the Acts, Boston, U. S., 1852. [See a similar instance in the
case of the proseucha at Philippi, Acts xvi. 13, Vol. I. J. 295.]
3 ILapireivev rbv \byov pixpi peaovVKTiov, v. 7. AiaAeyopivov tov XitvXov iirl
itAciov, v. 9.
3 Karai/iepSpevog virvip paBel, y. 9. The present participle seems to denote the gra
dual sinking into sleep, as opposed to the sudden fall implied by the past participle in
the- next phrase.
4 KarevexBelg dub tov vitvov ineaev, ib. It is quite arbitrary to qualify the words
ipOy veKpbg by supposing that he was only apparently dead.
s This is implied in W) •&opv6ela8e below. The word denotes a loud and violent ex
pression of grief, as in Matt. ix. 23. Mark v. 39.
= Matt. ix. 24. Mark v. 39.
» 2 Kings iv. 34. In each case, as Prof. Hackett remarks, the act appears to hava
been the sign of a miracle.
» 'Ava6dg Kal Kkdaag rbv aprov, v. 11. The article appears to be used because o/
tAuaai dprov above, v. 7.
» See Vol. I. p. 439.
>» Tevadpevog (v. 11), which is to be distinguished from KAaaag rbv iorov.

208 THE LDj'E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
sation till the dawning of the 'day.1 It was now time for the congregation
to separate. The ship was about to sail, and the companions of Paul's
journey took their departure to go on board.2 It was arranged, however,
that the Apostle himself should join the vessel at Assos, which was only
about twenty miles 3 distant by the direct road, while the voyage round
Cape Lectum was nearly twice as far. He thus secured a few more
precious hours with his converts at Troas : and eagerly would they profit
by his discourse, under the feeling that he was so soon to leave them: and
we might suppose that the impression made under such circumstances, and
with the recollection of what they had witnessed in the night, would never
be effaced from the minds of any of them, did we not know, on the highest
authority, that if men believe not the prophets of God, neither will they
believe " though one rose from the dead."
But the time came when St. Paul too must depart. The vessel might
arrive at Assos before him ; and, whatever influence he might have with.
the seamen, he could not count on any long delay. He hastened, therefore,
through the southern gate, past the hot springs,4 and through the oak
1 'E<p' Uavov re bpikyaag dxpi avyyg (ib.) where bpikyaag denotes conversation
rather than continued discourse, and should be distinguished ff"om Slekeyero and Stake-
yopivov above.
3 We might illustrate what took place at this meeting by the sailing of the Bishop
of Calcutta from Plymouth in 1829. " He and his chaplain made impressive and pro
fitable addresses to us, the first part of the meeting, as they had received orders to em
bark the same morning. I began then to speak, and in the middle of my speech the
captain of the frigate sent for them, and they left the meeting." — Memoir of Rev. E.
Bickersteth, vol. i. p. 445.
3 See Vol. I. p. 280. The stages in the Antonine Itinerary from Dardanus to Adra-
myttium are ILIO M. P. XII. TROAS M. P. XVI., ANTANDRO M. P. XXXV,
ADRAMYTTIO M. P. XXXI. Wesseling, pp. 334, 335. Assos lay between Troas
and Antandrus, considerably to the west of the latter.
The impression derived from modern travellers through this neglected region is.
that the distance between Assos and Troas is rather greater. Sir C. Fellows (Asia
Minor, p. 56) reckons it at 30 miles, and be was in the saddle from half past eight to five.
Dr. Hunt, in Walpole's Memoirs (131-134), was part of two days on the road, leaving
Assos in the afternoon, but he deviated to see the hot springs and salt works. Mr.
Weston (MS. journal) left Assos at three in the afternoon and reached Troas at ten the
next morning ; but he adds, that "it was almost impossible to find the road without a
guide. In a pape? on " Recent Works on Asia Minor," in the Bibliotheca Sacra for Oct
1851, it is said (p. 867) that Assos is nine miles from Troas. This must be an over
sight. It is, however, quite possible that Mitylene might have been reached, as wo
have assumed below, on the Sunday evening. If the vessel sailed from Troas at seven
in the morning, she would easily be round Cape Lectum before noon. If St. Paul left
Troas at ten, he might arrive at Assos at four in the afternoon and the vessel might
be at anchor in the roads of Mitylene at seven. Greswell supposes that they sailed
from Assos on the Monday (p. 521). This would derange the days of the week as we
have given them below, but would not affect the general conclusion.
4 See Fellows and Hunt. There are now salt-works in the neighbourhood of the
boiling springs.

assos. 209
woods," — then in full foliage,3 — which cover all that shore with greenness
and shade, and across the wild water-courses on the western side of Ida.3
Such is the scenery which now surrounds the traveller on his way from
Troas to Assos. The great difference then was, that tliere was a good
Roman road,4 which made St. Paul's solitary journey both more safe and
more rapid than it could have been now. We have seldom had occasion to
think of the Apostle in the hours of his solitude. But such hours must
have been sought and cherished by one whose whole strength was drawn
from communion with God, and especially at a time when, as on this
present journey, he was deeply conscious of his weakness, and filled with
foreboding fears.5 There may have been other reasons why he lingered at
Troas after his companions : but the desire for solitude was doubtless one
reason among others. The discomfort of a crowded ship is unfavourable
for devotion : and prayer and meditation are necessary foi maintaining
the religious life even of an Apostle. That Saviour to whose service he
was devoted had often prayed in solitude on the mountain, and crossed
the brook Kedron to kneel under the olives of Gethsemane. And strength
and peace were surely sought and obtained by the Apostle from the
Redeemer, as he pursued his lonely road that Sunday afternoon in spring,
among the oak woods and the streams of Ida.
No delay seems to have occurred at Assos. He entered by the Sacred
Way among the famous tombs,6 and through the ancient gateway, and
proceeded immediately to the shore. We may suppose that the vessel was
already hove to and waiting when he arrived ; or that he saw her ap
proaching from the west, through the channel between Lesbos and the
main. He went on board without delay, and the Greek sailors and the
Apostolic missionaries continued their voyage. As to the city of Assos
1 All travellers make mention of the woods of Vallonea oaks in the neighbourhood
of Troas. The acorns are used for dyeing, and form an important branch of trade.
The collecting of the acorns, and shells, and gall nuts employs the people during a
great part of the year. Fellows, p. 57. One traveller mentions an English vessel
which he saw taking in a load of these acorns. Walpole's MS. in Clarke, p. 157.
3 Tlie woods were in full foliage on the 18th of March. Hunt, p. 134.
3 For the streams of this mountain, see Vol. I. p. 279, n. 5.
4 See note on the preceding page.
« Compare Rom. xv. 30, 31. Acts xx. 3, with Acts xx. 22-25. xxi. 4, 13.
6 This Street of Tombs { Via Sacra) is one of the most remarkable features ol Assos.
It is described by Fellows, in his excellent account of Assos (Asia Minor, p. 52). See
also the earlier notices of the city by Leake in Walpole's Travels, p. 254, and by Dr.
Hunt in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 130. The Street of Tombs extends to a great distance
across the level ground to the N.W. of the city. Some of the tombs are of vast dimen
sions, and formed each of one block of granite. See the engraving in Fellows, p. 48.
These remains are the more worthy of notice because the word sarcophagus was first
applied in Roman times to this stone of Assos (lapis Assius), from the peculiar power
It was supposed to possess of aiding the natural decay of corpses. Plin. H. N. ii. 95,
xxxvi. 17. Cf. Aug. de Civ. Dei, xviii. 5.
VOL. H. — 14

21.0

THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF, ST. PAUL.

itself, we must conclude, if we compare the description of the ancients with
present appearances; that its aspect -as seen from the sea was sumptuous
and magnificent. A terrace with a long portico was raised by a wall, of
rock above the water-line. Above this was a magnificent gate, approached
by a flight of steps. Higher still was the theatre, which, commanded a
glorious view of Lesbos, and the sea, and those various buildings which
are now a wilderness of broken columns, triglyphs, and friezes. The whole
was crowned by a citadel of Greek masonry on a cliff of granite. Suet
was the view which gradually faded into indistinctness as the vessel retired
from the shore, and the summits of Ida rose in the evening sky.1
The course of the voyagers was southwards, along the eastern shore
of Lesbos. When Assos was lost, Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos,
came gradually into view. The beauty of the capital of Sappho's island
was celebrated by the architects, poets, and philosophers of Rome.2 Like
other Greek cities which were eunobled by old recollections, it was hon
oured by the Romans with the privilege of freedom.3 Situated on the

COIN Or MTIYLENE.4
1 The travellers above mentioned speak in strong terms of the view from the Acro
polis towards Lesbos and the sea. Towards Ida and the land side the eye ranges over
the windings of a river through a fruitful plain. Strabo (xv.) says that the Persian
kings sent for their best grain to Assos. The coins (see Eckhel, p. 450) exhibit, a
diota, with the head of a bull, the emblem of agriculture.
Besides the illustrations referred to above, see the view in Texier's Asie Mineure,
and a bas-relief in Clarac's Mus^e de Sculpture. Part of a frieze and of a Cyclopean
wall, with three of the gateways, are given by Fellows. He conceives that these re
mains have been preserved from the depredations committed on other towns near the
coast, in consequence of the material being the " same grey stone as the .neighbouring
rock, and not having intrinsic value as marble." He observed "no tjace of the Ro
mans." . Leake Eays that the "hard granite of Mount Ida" has furnished the materials
for many of the buildings and even the sculptures ; and he adds that "the whole gives
perhaps the most perfect idea of a Greek city that any where exists."
* Mitylene pulchra." Hor. Ep. xi. 17. See Od. i. vii. .1 : " Et natura etdescriptione
sedificiorum et pulchritudine imprimis nobilis." , Cic. c. Rull. See Senec. ad Helv. c. 9.
Vitruvius says (i. 6) " Magnificenter est sedificatum :" but he adds " positum non pru-
denter," and proceeds to describe the prevalent winds as unfavourable to health.
3 «' Libera Mitylene, annis MD. potens." Plin. v. 39. For a sketch of the historj
of Mitylene, see Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. i. pp. 157, &c. For the appearance of this
side of the island, we may refer to our own engraved view. A rude picture of thq
town, as it was in 1700, is given by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, vol. i. pp. 118,, 149
From his description it would appear that there were then many remains of the ancient
city. * From the British Museum. This city appears on coins as npQTH AECIJOT MT>

MtTYLENE. 21i,
«rath-castern coast of the island, it would afford a good shelter from th«
north-westerly winds, whether the vessel entered the harbour, or lay at
anchor in the open roadstead.1 It seems likely that the reason why they
lay here for the night was, because it was the time of dark moon,3 and
they would wish for daylight to accomplish safely the intricate navigation
between the southern part of Lesbos and the mainland of Asia Minor.
Il the course of Monday they were abreast of Chios (v. 15). The
weather in these seas is very, variable : and from the mode of expression
employed by St. Luke it is probable that they were becalmed. An
English traveller under similar circumstances has described himself as
" engrossed from daylight till noon " by the beauty of the prospects with
which he was surrounded, as his vessel floated idly on this channel between
Scio and the Continent.3 On one side were the gigantic masses of the
mainland : on the other were the richness and fertility of the island, with
its gardens of oranges,4 citrons, almonds, and pomegranates, and its white
scattered houses overshadowed by evergreens. Until the time of its recent
disasters, Scio was the paradise of the modern Greek : and a familiar
proverb censured the levity of its inhabitants,5 like that which in the
TIAHNH. The words € III CTP on imperial coins seem to show that it was governed
by a supreme magistrate called prator. Sometimes we find Apollo and the lyre (as
here), sometimes Sappho and the lyre. The phrase " Concordia cum Adramytenis "
illustrates the connection of Mitylene with Adramyttium, in the recess of the opposite
gulf. See Vol. I. p. 279.
1 " The chief town of Mitylene is on the S.E. coast, and on a peninsula (once an
island forming two small harbours : of these the northern one is sheltered by a pier to
the north, and admits small coasters  The roadstead, which is about seven
miles N. from the S.E. end of the island, is a good summer roadstead, but the contrary
in winter, being much exposed to the S. E. and N. E. winds, which blow with great
violence." Purdy's Sailing Directory, p. 154. See the Admiralty Chart, No. 1665,
also 1654, compared with Strabo, xiii. and Pausan, viii. It should be particularly ob
served that St. Paul's ship would be sheltered here from the N.W. We shall see, as
we proceed, increasing reason for believing that the wind blew from this quarter.
3 The moon would be about six days old (see above), and would set soon after mid
night. We are indebted for this suggestion to Mr. Smith (author of the " Voyage and
Shipwreck of St. Paul,") and we take this opportunity of acknowledging our obliga
tions to his MS. notes, in various parts of this chapter.
3 Dr. Clarke's Travels, vol. ii. p. 188. See the whole description. This applies to a
period some years before the massacre of 1822. For notices of Scio, and a description
of the scenery in its nautical aspect, see the Sailing Directory, pp. 124-128.
4 It must be remembered that the vegetation, and with the vegetation the scenery,
of the shores of the Mediterranean has varied with the progress of civilization. It
seems that the Arabians introduced the orange in the early part of the middle ages.
Other changes are subsequent to the discovery of America. See Vol. I. p. 21, n. 3.
The wines of Chios were always celebrated. Its coins display an amphora and a bunch
of grapes.
6 The prorsrb says that it is easier to find a green horse (ukoyo irpdaivo) than a
sober-minded Sciot (Xtura tjipbvtpov).

212 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Apostle's day described the coarser faults of the natives of Crete (Tit
i. 12). The same English traveller passed the island of Samos after leaving
that of Chios. So likewise did St. Paul (v. 15). But the former sailed
along the western side of Samos, and he describes how its towering cloud.
capped heights are contrasted with the next low island to the west.1 The
Apostle's course lay along the eastern shore, when a much narrower
" marine pass " intervenes between it and a long mountainous ridge of the
mainland, from which it appears to have been separated by some violent
convulsion of nature.3 This high promontory is the ridge of Mycale, well
known in the annals of Greek victory over the Persians. At its termina
tion, not more than a mile from Samos, is the anchorage of Trogyllium
Here the night of Tuesday was spent ; apparently for the same reason as
that which caused the delay at Mitylene. The moon set early : and it
was desirable to wait for the day, before running into the harbour of
Miletus.3 See the view which Dr. Clarke gives of this remarkable •' marine pass," Vol. II. p.
192. The summit of Samos was concealed by a thick covering of clouds, and he was told
that its heights were rarely unveiled. See again Vol. IIL pp. 364-367. Compare
Norie's Sailing Directory, p. 150. " Samos, being mountainous, becomes visible twenty
leagues off ; and the summit of Mount Kerki retains its snow throughout the year."
The strait through which Dr. Clarke sailed is called the Great Boghaz and is ten miles
broad. (Purdy, p. 118.) The island to the west is Icaria, which, with this portion of
the -<Egean, bore the name of Icarus. See Strabo, xiv. 1. napuKenai ry lupu, vijaog
y 'iKapia, u§' yg Tb 'iKapiov nikayog' avry d' iiruvvpog iariv 'Impov, naibbg tov
Aaibukov. 3 See Fellows as quoted below. This strait is .the Little Boghaz (Purdy, p. 120),
which is reckoned at about a mile in breadth both by Strabo and Chandler. M-i
JivKuky iwiKeirai ry Zapiq,, Kal iroiel npbg avryv i-nsKeiva ryg Tpuyik'.av Kakovphu^
aKpag, baov inraardSiov ¦KopBpbv, xiv. 1. " We overlooked a beautiful cultivated plain
lying low beneath us, bounded by the sea and Mycale, a mountain now, as anciently,
woody and abounding in wild beasts. The promontory, once called Trogilium, runs
out toward the N. end of Samos, which was in view, and, meeting a promontory of the
island, named Posidium, makes a strait only seven stadia or near a mile wide." Chand
ler, pp 165, 166. We shall return presently to this ridge of Mycale in its relation to
the interior, when we refer to the journey of the Ephesian elders to Miletus. In
another sentence Strabo speaks of Trogyllium as nobirovg ng ryg Mva'ikyg. It was
evidently a place well known to sailors, from his reckoning the distance from hence to
Sunium in Attica.
3 We should observe here again that Trogyllium, though on the shore of the main
land, is protected by Samos from the north-westerly winds. With another wind it
might have been better to have anchored in a port to the N. E. of Samos, now called
Port Vathy, which is said in the Sailing Directory (p. 119), to be " protected from
every wind but the N. W." We may refer here to the clear description and map of
Samos by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. pp. 156, 157. But the Admiralty Charts
(1530 and 1555) should be lonsulted for the soundings, &c. An anchorao-e will bs
seen just to the east of the extreme point of Trogyllium, bearing the name of ' St.
Paul's Port."

TKOGYLLIUM. 213
)
The short voyage from Chios to Trogyllium had carried St. Paul through
familiar scenery. The bay across which the vessel had been passing, was
that into which the Cayster ' flowed. The mountains on the eastern main
were the western branches of Messogis and Tmolus,3 the ranges that enclose
the primeval plain of " Asia." The city, towards which it is likely that
some of the vessels in sight were directing their course, was Ephesus,
where the Apostolic labours of three years had gathered a company of
Christians in the midst of unbelievers. One whose solicitude was so great
for his recent converts could not willingly pass by and leave them unvisited :
and had he had the command of the movements of the vessel, we can
hardly believe that he would have done so. He would surely have landed
at Ephesus, rather than at Miletus. The same wind which carried him to
the latter harbour, would have been equally advantageous for a quick
passage to the former. And, even had the weather been unfavourable at
the time for landing at Ephesus, he might easily have detained the vessel
at Trogyllium ; and a short journey by land northward would have taken
him to the scene of his former labours.3
Yet every delay, whether voluntary or involuntary, might have been
fatal to the plan he was desirous to accomplish. St. Luke informs us
here (and the occurrence of the remark shews us how much regret was
felt by the Apostle on passing by Ephesus), that his intention was, if
possible, to be in Jerusalem at Pentecost (v. 16). Even with a ship at
his command, he could not calculate on favourable weather, if he lost his
present opportunity : nor could he safely leave the ship which had con
veyed him hitherto ; for he was well aware that he could not be certain
of meeting with another that would forward his progress. He determined
therefore to proceed in the same vessel, on her southward course from
Trogyllium to Miletus. Yet the same watchful zeal which had urged
him to employ the last precious moments of the stay at Troas in his
Master's cause, suggested to his prompt mind a method of re-impressing
the lessons of eternal truth on the minds of the Christians at Ephesus,
though unable to revisit them in person. He found that the vessel would
be detained at Miletus 4 a sufficient time to enable him to send for the
> See what is said of Cayster, Vol. H. pp. 18, 69, 70.
* See again on these Ephesian mountains, pp. 69, 70.
3 Trogyllium, as we have seen, is at the point where the coast projects and forms a
narrow strait between Asia Minor and Samos. It recedes northwards towards Ephesus,
and southwards towards Miletus, each of these places being about equidistant from
Trogyllium. Up to this point from Chios St. Paul had been nearly following the line
of the Ephesian merchant vessels up what is now called the gulf of Scala Nuova. By
comparing the Admiralty Chart with Strabo and Chandler, a very good notion is
obtained of the coast and country between Ephesus and Miletus.
* It is surely quite a mistake to suppose, with some commentators, that St. Paul had
the command of the movements of the vessel. His influence with the captain and the
ncamen might induce them to do all in their power to oblige him ; and perhaps w?

214 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
presbyters of the Ephesian Church, with the hope of their meeting hiie
there. The distance between the two cities was hardly thirty miles, and a
good road connected them together.' Thus, though the stay at Miletus
would be short, and it might be hazardous to attempt the journey himself,
he could hope for one more interview,— if not with the whole Ephesian
Church, at least with those members of it whose responsibility was the
greatest. The sail from Trogyllium, with a fair wind, would require but little
time. If the vessel weighed anchor at daybreak on Wednesday, she would
be in harbour long before noon.3 The message was doubtless sent to

COIN OF MIUTUS.

Ephesus immediately on her arrival : and Paul remained at Miletus
waiting for those whom the Holy Spirit, by his hands, had made "over
seers" over the flock of Christ (v. 28). The city where we find the
Christian Apostle now waiting, while those who had the care of the vessel
were occupied with the business that detained them, has already been
referred to as more aneient than Ephesus,4 though in the age of St. Paul
inferior to it in political and mercantile eminence. Even in Homer,5 the
may trace some such feeling in the arrangements at Assos, just as afterwards at Sidon
(Acts xxvii. 3), when on bis voyage to Rome. But he must necessarily have been
content to take advantage of such opportunities as were consistent with the business
on which the vessel sailed. She evidently put in for business to Troas, Miletns, and
Patara. At the other places she seems to have touched merely for convenience, in
consequence of the state of the weather or the darkness.
' Pliny says that Magnesia is fifteen miles from Ephesus (" Magnesia abest ab Epheso
XV. M. P.," v. 31), and Magnesia was about equidistant froa Epnesas, Tralles, and
Miletus. See Leake's map, with this road marked from the Peut. Table. It does not
go beyond Magnesia in the direction of Miletus, bmt follows the great eastern road
towards leonium, which we have so often mentioned. These is, however, a shortei
read from Ephesus to Miletus in the Peut. Table, passing through Panionium and
Priene, and close behind the ridge ©f Mycale. This seems to have been the road
which Sir ft Fellows took (pp. 266-274). Some of ihe -wanderings of Dp. Chandlei
(ch. XL xii. xlvi. xlvii. xlviii. xlix. Iii. liii.) were moare in the direction o£ the longer
route by Magnesia. See also for the part between Ephesus >md Magnesia, Pecocke's
Travels, n. ii. 54.
3 The distance is about seventeen nautical miles and a hall If the vessel sailed at
six in the morning from Trogy/Uium, she would easily be in harbour at nine.
s From the British Museum. The common type of the coins of Miletus, a lion look
ing back on a star, is an astrological emblem, like the ram on those of Antioch.
¦" See above, in this volume, p. 18. Compare p. 70. Thus the imperial coins «t
Miletus are rare, and the autonomous coins begin very early.
* Horn. IU ii. 868. Herodotus (i. 142) speaks of it as ib« chief city in Ionia.

MILETUS. 215
"Carian Miletus" appears as a place of renown. Eighty colonies went
forth from the banks of the Maeander, and some of them were spread even
to the eastern shores of the Black Sea, and beyond the pillars of Hercules
to the west.1 It received its first blow in the Persian war, when its
inhabitants, like the Jews, had experience of a Babylonian captivity.3. It
Buffered once more in Alexander's great campaign ; 3 and after his time
it gradually began to sink towards its present condition of ruin and decay,
from the influence, as it would seem, of mere natural causes, — the increase
of alluvial soil in the delta having the effect of removing the city gradually
further and further from the sea. Even in the Apostle's time, there was
between the city and the shore a considerable space of level ground, through
which the ancient river meandered in new windings, like the Forth at
Stirling.4 Pew events connect the history of Miletus with the transactions
of the Roman empire. When St. Paul was there, it was simply one of
the second-rate sea-ports on this populous coast, ranking, perhaps, with
Adramyttium or Patara, but hardly with Ephesus or Smyrna.5
The excitement and joy must have been great among the Christians
Of Ephesus, when they heard that their honoured friend and teacher, to
whom they had listened so often in the school of Tyrannus, was in the
harbour6 of Miletus, within the distance of a few miles. The presbyters
must have gathered together in all haste to obey the summons, and gone
with eager steps out of the southern gate, which leads to Miletus. By
those who travel on such an errand, a journey of twenty or thirty miles is
not regarded long and tedious, nor is much regard paid to the difference
' Strabo. Plin. Senec. ad Helv. 6. In an inscription given by Chandler, Miletus
boasts itself as " primam in Ionia f undatam et matrem niultar uni et magnarum urbium
in Ponto et ^Egypto et undique per orbem."
3 Herod, v. 30, vi. 18. 3 Arrian. Anab. i. 19, 20.
« This is the comparison of Sir C. Fellows. The Mseander was proverbial among
the ancients, both for the sinuosities of its course, and the great quantity of alluvial
soil brought down by the stream. Pliny tells us that islands near Miletus had been
joined to the continent (ii. 91. See v. 31), and Strabo relates that Priene, once a sea
port, was in his time forty stadia from the sea. Fellows (p. 264) says that Miletus
was once a headland in a bay, which is now a "dead fiat" ten miles in breadth.
Chandler (p. 202), on looking down from Priene on the "bare and marshy plain"
says, "How different its aspect, when the mountains were boundaries of a gulf, and
Miletus, Myus, and Priene maritime cities," — and again (p. 207) he looks forward to
the time when Samos and other islands will nnite with the shore, and the present pro
montories will be seen inland. See Kieppert's Hellas, for a representation of the coast
as it was in the early Greek times ; and for a true delineation of its present state, see
the Admiralty Chart, No. 1555.
- For Smyrna, see again pp. 18, 70.
6 Strabo says that Miletus had four harbours, one of which was for vessels of war.
No trace of them is to be seen now : and, indeed, there seems to be some doubt whethei
the remains called Palatsha, and generally supposed to be those of Miletus, are ncri
Mlly tbife of Myi'S. See Forbiger, pp. 213, 214, and the notes.

216 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
between day and night.1 The presbyters of Ephesus might easily reach
Miletus on the day after that on which the summons was received.3 And
though they might be weary when they arrived, their fatigue would so«n
be forgotten at the sight of their friend and instructor ; and God, also,
'' who comforts them that are cast down" (2 Cor. vii. 6), comforted hiir
by the sight of his disciples. They were gathered together— probably in
some solitary spot upon the shore— to listen to his address. This little
company formed a singular contrast with the crowds which used to assem
ble at the times of public amusement in the theatre of Miletus.3 But that '
vast theatre is now a silent ruin, — while the words spoken by a careworn
traveller to a few despised strangers are still living as they were that day,
to teach lessons for all time, and to make known eternal truths to all who
will hear them,— while they reveal to us, as though they were merely
human words, all the tenderness and the affection of Paul, the individual
speaker.4He reminds Brethren,1 ye know yourselves,6 from the first
pas™ labour day that I came into Asia after what manner I
have been with you throughout all the time; serv-
1 For a notion of the scenery of this journey of the presbyters over or round the
ridge of Mycale, and by the windings of the Maeander (MaiuvSpov re fioug, MvKakyg t*
aiiretvd Kapyva. Horn. II. ii. 869), the reader may consult Chandler and Fellows.
The latter says, " The ride of fifteen miles from Sansfin [Priene'] to Chanly, probably
the ancient Neapolis [more probably Panionium\, standing not far beyond the pro-:
montory of Trogyllium, is up the steepest track I ever rode over. From the summit
of the main range, of which Trogyllium forms the termination (although Samos is geo
logically a continuation of it), is seen on either side ~ perfect and beautiful map, on
one side extending to the mountains forming' the Dorian Gulf, and on the other to
those of Chios and Smyrna" (p. 272). Dr. Chandler describes the ascent on the
northern side (p. 180). He was travelling, like these presbyters, in April ; and " the
weather was unsettled : the sky was blue and the sun shone, but a wet wintry north
wind swept the clouds along the top of the range of Mycale" (p. 184).
3 We may remark here, in answer to those who think that the iirloKoiroi mentioned
in this passage were the bishops of various places in the province of Asia, that there
was evidently no time to summon them. On the convertibility of iKiBKonoc. and
¦KpioKrepog, see below.
a Compare a view in the first volume of the Transactions of the Dilettanti Society,
and a vignette in the second volume, which shows the great size of the theatre. There
are three German monographs on Miletus, by Eambach (Hal. 1790), Schroder (Stral-
sund, 1827), Soldan (Darmstadt, 1829).
- For a very instructive practical commentary on this speech, see the concluding
sections of Mencken's Blicke in das Leben des Ap. P. For the points of resemblance
between the expressions used by the Apostle here and in his Epistles, we have used. a
valuable essay by Tholuck in Studien u. Kritiken.
s 'ASekfol is found here in the Uncial Manuscript D and in some early versions ¦ and
we have adopted it, because it is nearly certain that St. Paul would not have begun
his address abruptly without some such word. Compare all his other recorded speechel
in the Acts.
6 'Tpelc. emphatic.

SPEECH TO THE EPHESIAN PEESBTTEES. 217
ing tlie Lord Jesus1 with all3 lowliness of mind, and in many
tears3 and trials which befel me through the plotting4 of the
Jews. And how I kept5 back none of those things which are
profitable for yon, but declared them to you, and taught you
both publicly and from house 6 to house ; testifying both to
Jews and Gentiles their' need of repentance towards God, and
faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. And now as for me,8 behold
I go to Jerusalem,9 in spirit foredoomed to chains; yet I
know not the things which shall befal me there, save that in
every city |0 the Holy Spirit gives the same testimony, that
bonds and afflictions abide me. But none of these things move
me,11 neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might
finish my course with joy,12 and the ministry which I received
from the Lord Jesus, to testify the Glad-tidings of the grace of
God.
His fareweu And now, behold I know that ye all,'3 among whom
I have gone from city to city, proclaiming the king
dom of God, shall see my face no more. Wherefore I take you
1 To Kvpiu. With this self-commendation Tholuck compares 1 Thess. ii. 10, and 2
Cor. vi. 3, 4. See note on verse 33, below. " Felix," says Bengel, " qui sic exordiri
potest conscientiam auditorum testando."
3 " All." Tholuck remarks on the characteristic use of nag in St. Paul's Epistles.
3 " Tears." Compare 2 Cor. ii. 4, and Phil. iii. 18.
4 "Plotting of Jews." Compare 1 Cor. xv. 31.
6 " Kept back nothing." Compare 2 Cor. iv. 2, and 1 Thess. ii. 4.
e " House to house." Compare 1 Thess. ii. 11.
' Observe the article ryv. 8 Observe the iyu.
» AeSepivog iyu is the true reading. St. Paul was SeSepivog, i. e. a prisoner in
chains, but as yet only in the Spirit, tu irvevpan, not in body. Td mievpa here is not
the Holy Spirit, from which it is distinguished by the addition of dyiov in the verse
below. This explanation of the passage (which agrees with that of Grotius and Chry
sostom) seems the natural one, in spite of the objections of De Wette and others.
w We have tyo examples of this afterwards, namely at Tyre (Acts xxi. 4) and at
Csesarea (Acts xxi. 10, 11). And from the present passage we learn that such warn
ings had been given in many places during this journey. St. Paul's own anticipations
of danger appear Rom. xv. 31.
» The reading adopted by Tischendorf here, though shorter, is the same in sense.
13 Compare 2 Tim. iv. 7, and Phil. ii. 17. See the remarks which have been made
In the early part cf this Chapter on this favourite metaphor of St. Paul, especially p.
198, n. 1.
13 This " all " includes not only the Milesian prf sby ters but also the brethren from
Macedon (See Acts xx. 4). Observe also the SiekBuv. With regard to the expects
tion expressed by St. Paul, it must be regarded as a human inference, from the danger
which he knew to be before him. If (as we think) he was liberated after his first im
prisonment at Eome, he did see some of his present audience again. Tholuck com
pares Phil. i. 20, i. 25, and ii. 24.

218 THE LDTE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
to witness this day, that I am clear from the blood > of all. Foi
I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God.
Take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock in
which the Holy Spirit has made you overseers,8 to feed the
Church of God3 which He has purchased with His own blood.
For this I know, that after my departure grievous wolves shall
enter in among you, who will not spale the flock. And from
your own selves will men arise speaking perverted words, that
they may draw away the disciples after themselves.4 Therefore,
be watchful, and remember that for the space of three years 5 I
ceased not to warn every one of you, night and day, with tears.6
rinai commen- And ' now, brethren, I commend you to God, and
and0nex°horta- to the word of His grace ; even to H'm who is able to
tested exer- build you up and to give you an inheritance among all
them that are sanctified. When I was with you," I
coveted no man's silver or gold, or raiment. Yea, ye know
yourselves,9 that these hands ministered to my necessities, and to
those who were with me. And all this I did for your example ;
to teach you that so labouring we ought to support the helpless, w
1 See xviii. 6. " Tour blood be upon your own heads : I am clean."
3 'EmaKonovg. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that in the New Testament the
words iirioKonog and itpeafivTepog are convertible. Compare verse 17 and Tit. i. 5, 7,
and see Vol. I. p. 434. Tholuck remarks, that this reference to the Holy Spirit as the
author of church government is in exact accordance with 1 Cor. xii. 8, 11 and 28.
3 We have retained the T. B. here, since the MSS. and fathers are divided between
the readings Biov and Kvptov. At the same time, we must acknowledge that the
balance of authority is rather in favour of Kvplov. A very candid and able outline of
the evidence on each side of the question is given by Mr. Humphiy. The sentiment
exactly agrees with 1 Cor. vi. 20.
" We read iavruv with Lachmann on the authority of some of the best MSS.
5 This space of three years may either be used (in the Jewish mode of reckoning)
for the two years and upwards which St. Paul spent at Ephesus ; or, if we suppose
him to speak to the Macedonians and Corinthians also (who were present), it may
refer to the whole time (about three years and a half), since he came to reside at
Ephesus in the autumn of 54 a. d.
6 See p. 217, n. 3. We have much satisfaction in referring here to the second of A.
Monod's recently published sermons. (Saint Paul, Cinq. Discours. Paris, 1851.)
i This conclusion reminds us of that of the letter to the Romans so recently written
Compare Rom. xvi. 25.
d This is the force of the aorist, unless we prefer to suppose it used (as often by St.
Paul) for a perfect.
, » This way of appealing to the recollection of his converts in proorof his disinter
estedness IS highly characteristic of St. Paul. Compare 1 Thess. ii. 5-11. 2 Thess. iii
7-9. 1 Cor. ix. 4-15. 2 Cor. xi. 7. 2 Cor. xii. 14, &c.
¦° 'AaBevovvruv, i. e. the poor. This interpretation is defended by Chrysostom, and
confirmed by Aristophanes (Pax. 636), quoted by Wetstein. The interpretation of

DEPARTURE FROM MTLETTJB. 219
and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how He said " It

5>

The close of this speech was followed by a solemn act of united sup
plication (Acts xx. 36). St. Paul knelt down on the shore with all1
those who had listened to him, and offered up a prayer to that God who
was founding His Church in the midst of difficulties apparently insuperable ;
and then followed an outbreak of natural grief, which even Christian faith
and resignation were not able to restrain. They fell on the Apostle's neck
and clung to him, and kissed him again and again,2 sorrowing most because
of his own foreboding announcement, that they should never behold that
countenance again, on which they had often gazed 3 with reverence and
love (ib. 37,. 38). But no long time could be devoted to the grief of
separation. The wind was fair,4 and the vessel must depart. They
accompanied the Apostle to the edge of the water (ib. 38). The Christ
ian brethren were torn from the embrace of their friends ; b and the ship
sailed out into the open sea, while the presbyters prepared for their weary
and melancholy journey to Ephesus.
The narrative of the voyage is now resumed in detail. It is quite
clear, from St. Luke's mode of expression, that the vessel sailed from
Miletus on the day of the interview. With a fair wind she would easily
run down to Cos in the course of the same afternoon. The distance is
about forty nautical miles ; the direction is. due south. The phrase used
implies a straight course and a fair wind ; 6 and we conclude, from the
well-known phenomena of the Levant, that the wind was north-westerly,
which is the prevalent direction in those seas.7 With this wind the vessel
would make her passage from Miletus to Cos in six hours, passing the
shores of Caria, with the high summits of Mount Latmus on the left, and
with groups of small islands (among which Patmos (Rev. i. 9) would be
seen at times8) studding the sea on the right. Cos is an island aboul
twenty-three miles in length, extending from south-west to north-east, and
Calvin (who takes it as the weak in faith), which is supported by Neander and others,
seems hardly consistent with the context.
' Oelg rd ybvara avrov avv nuaiv airroig Ttpoayv^aTO, v. 36.
' Kareipikovv, v. 37. Observe the imperfect.
3 Td wpoaairov abrov ¦deapelv, v. '38. Observe &eupelv, and contrast it with tha
word (npeoBe, used by St. Paul himself above, v. 25. Meyer says justly of the wnde
scene : " Welche einfach schone und ergreifende Schilderung."
* See below. 6 Observe dnooizaoBivTag, xxi. 1.
» 'EvBvSpopyaavreg, xxi. 1. See what has been said before on this nautical phrase,
Vol. I. p. 285.
7 For what relates to this prevalent wind, see below.
8 Dr. Clarke describes a magnificent evening, with the sun setting behind Patmoa
wiich he saw on the voyage from Samos to Cos. Travels, ii. 194.

2,jO THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
separated by a narrow channel from the mainland.1 But we should rathei
conceive the town to be referred to, which lay at the eastern extremity of
the island. It is described by the ancients as a beautiful and well-built
city ; 3 and it was surrounded with fortifications erected by Alcibiadea
towards the close of the Peloponnesian war.3 Its symmetry had been
injured by an earthquake, and the restoration had not yet been effected ; 4
but the productiveness of the island to which it belonged, and its position
in the Levant, made the city a place of no little consequence. The wine
and the textile fabrics of Cos were well known among the imports of Italy.6
Even now no harbour is more frequented by the merchant vessels of the
Levant.6 The roadstead is sheltered by nature from all winds except the
north-east, and the inner harbour was not then, as it is now, an unhealthy
lagoon.7 Moreover, Claudius had recently bestowed peculiar privileges on
the city.* Another circumstance made it the resort of many strangers,
and gave it additional renown. It was the seat of the medical school
traditionally connected with ^Esculapius ; and the temple of the god of
healing was crowded with votive models, so as to become in effect a
museum of anatomy and pathology.9 The Christian physician St. Luke,

£W

COIN OF COS

' This is to be distinguished from the channel mentioned below, between the southern
Eide of Cos and Cape Crio.
3 Strabo and Diodorus. 3 Thuc. viii. 100.
4 The city was restored after the earthquake by Antoninus Pius. Pausan. viii. 43.
6 Amphorae Coaa, Plin. tlw. 12, 46. Coa? Vestes, Hor. Od. iv. 13.
6 " No place in the Archipelago is more frequented by merchant vessels than this-
port." Purdy, p. 115.
7 See the description of the town and anchorage in Purdy : — " The town is sheltered
from westerly winds by very high mountains," p. 114. " The road is good in all
winds except the E.N. E.," p. 115. A view of the modern city of Cos from the anchor
age, as well as the present soundings, and the traces of the ancient port, is given in
the Admiralty Chart, No. 1550
8 Tac. Ann. xii. 61.
' See Forbiger's Alte Geographie, p. 240. The medical clan of the Asclepiadse be
longed to this island. [See Vol. I. p. 313, n. 2.] Perhaps the fullest account of Co*
is that given by Dr. Clarke, vol. ii. pp. 196-213, and again after his return from Egypt,
vol. iii. 321-329. He describes the celebrated plane-tree, and from this island he
brought the altar which is now in the Public Library at Cambridge. We may refer
also to a paper on Cos by Col. Leake in the second vol. of the Transactions of the
Royal Society of Literature. There is a monograph on the subject by Kiister (de Cc
Insula. Hal. 1833).
io From the British Museum. It is a coin of Augustus, exhibiting a club and a ser
pent, the emblems of Hercules and ^sculapius. The earliest type on the coins of Cos
is a crab ; after this, a crab with the bow of Hercules.

COS AND EH0DES. 221
who knew these coasts so well, could hardly be ignorant of the scientific!
and religious celebrity of Cos. We can imagine the thankfulness with
which he would reflect — as the vessel lay at anchor off the city of Hippo
crates — that he had been emancipated from the bonds of superstition,
without becoming a victim to that scepticism which often succeeds it,
especially in minds familiar with the science of physical phenomena.'
On leaving the anchorage of Cos, the vessel would have to procee
through the channel which lies between the southern shore of the island and
that tongue of the mainland which terminates in the Point of Cnidus. If
the wind continued in the north-west, the vessel would be able to hold a
straight course from Cos to Cape Crio (for such is the modern name of the
promontory of Triopium, on which Cnidus was built), and after rounding
the point she would run clear before the wind all the way to Rhodes.3
Another of St. Paul's voyages will lead us to make mention of Cnidus.3
We shall, therefore, only say, that the extremity of the promontory
descends with a perpendicular precipice to the sea, and that this high rock
is separated by a level space from the main, so that, at a distance, it
appears like one of the numerous islands on the coast.4 Its history, as
1 If we attached any importance to the tradition which represents St. Luke as a painter,
we might add that Cos was the birth-place of Apelles as well as of Hippocrates.
3 We shall return again to the subject of the north-westerly winds which prevail
during the fine season in the Archipelago, and especially in the neighbourhood of
Rhodes. For the present the following authorities may suffice. Speaking of Rhodes,
Dr. Clarke says (vol. ii. p. 223), " The winds are liable to little variation ; they are
N. or N. W. during almost every month, but these winds blow with great violence :'-'
and again, p. 230, " A N. wind has prevailed from the time of our leaving the Darda
nelles." Again (vol. iii. p. 378), in the same seas he speaks of a gale from the N. W. :
— " It is surprising for what a length of time, and how often, the N. W. rages in the
Archipelago. It prevails almost unceasingly through the greater part of the year,"
380. And in a note he adds, " Mr. Spencer Smith, brother of Sir Sidney Smith, in-
formed the author that he was an entire month employed in endeavouring to effect
a passage from PJiodes to Stanchio [Cos]: the JY. W. wind prevailed all the time
with such force, that the vessel in which he sailed could not double Cape Crio."
We find the following in Norie's Sailing Directory, p. 127 : — " The Etesian winds,
which blow from the N. E. and N. W. quarters, are the monsoons of the Levant, which
blow constantly during the summer, and give to the climate of Greece so advantageous
a temperature. At this season the greatest part of the Mediterranean, but particularly
the eastern half, including the Adriatic and Archipelago, are subject to N. W. winds.
. . . When the sun, on advancing from the North, has begun to rarefy the atmosphere
of southern Europe, the Etesians of spring commence in the Mediterranean Sea. These
blow in Italy during March and April." In Purdy's Sailing Directory, p. 122, of the
neighbourhood of Smyrna and Ephesus : " The northerly winds hereabout continue all
the summer, and sometimes blow with unremitting violence for several weeks." See
again what Admiral Beaufort says of the N. W. wind at Patara.
3 See Acts xxvii. 7.
* In the Admiralty Chart of the gulf of Cos, &c. (No. 1604), a very good view of
Cape Crio is given. We shall speak of Cnidus more fully hereafter. Meantime wa
may refer to a view in Laborde, which gives an admirable representation of the passage
between Cos and Cape Crio.

222: THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
well as its appearance, was well impressed on the mind of the Greek navi,
gator of old ; for it was the scene of Conon's victory ; and the memory
of their great admiral made the south-western corner of the Asiatic
peninsula to the Athenians, what the south-western corner of Spain is to
us, through the memories of St. Vincent and. Trafalgar.
We have supposed St. Paul's vessel to have rounded Cape Crio, to
have left the western shore of Asia Minor, and to be proceeding along
the southern shore. The current between Rhodes and the main runs
strongly to the westward;' but the north-westerly wind3 would soon
carry the vessel through the space of fifty miles to the northern extremity
of the island, where its famous and beautiful city was built.
Until the building of its metropolis, the name of this island was com
paratively unknown. But from the time when the inhabitants of the
earlier towns were brought to one centre,3 and the new city, built by
Hippodamus (the same architect who planned the streets of the Piraeus),
rose in the midst of its perfumed gardens and its amphitheatre of hills,
with unity so symmetrical, that it appeared like one house,4 — Rhodes has
held an illustrious place among the islands of the Mediterranean. Prom
the very effect of its situation, lying as it did on the 'verge of two of the
basins of that sea, ft became the intermediate point of the eastern and
western trade.5 Even now it is the harbour at which most vessels touch ,
on their progress to and from the Archipelago.6 It was the point from
which the Greek geographers reckoned their meridians of latitude and
longitude. And we may assert, that no place has been so long renowned
for ship-building, if we may refer to the "benches, and masts, and ship
boards " of " Dodanim and Chittim," with the feeble constructions of the
modern Turkish dockyard, as the earliest and latest efforts of that Rhodian
'- Purdy. 3 See above.
3 Herodotus simply mentions Rhodes as forming part of the Dorian confederacy
with Cos and Cnidus (i. 144, ii. 178). It was about the time of the Peloponnesian
war that the three earlier cities of Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus were centralised in
the new city of Rhodes. (Diod. xiii. 75. Strabo, xiv.) " We find the Rhodian navy
rising in strength and consequence towards the time of Demosthenes ;" and, after
this period, it " makes nearly as great a figure in history as Venice does in the annals
of Modern Europe." — Cramer's Asia Minor, ii. 229, 230.
'- Diod. Sic. xiii. 75.
o An interesting illustration of the trade of Rhodes will be found in vol. iii. of the
Trans, of the Royal Society of Literature, in a paper on some inscribed handles of
wine-vessels found at Alexandria. We shali refer to this paper again when we come
to speak of Cnidus.
e " Vessels bound to the ports of Karamania, as well as to those of Syria and Egypt*
generally touch here for pilots or for intelligence." Beaufort. " The southern har
bour is generally full of merchant-vessels." Purdy, p. 232. "The chief source of
what little opulence it still enjoys is in the number of vessels which touch here oa
their passage from the Archipelago to the eastward." Va.

RHODES. 223
skill, which was celebrated by Pliny in the time of St Paul.1 To the
copious supplies of ship timber were added many other physical advantages.
It was a proverb, that the sun shone every day in Rhodes ; " and hei
inhabitants revelled in the luxuriance of the vegetation which surroundec
them. , We find this beauty and this brilliant atmosphere typified in her
coins, on one side of which is the head of Apollo radiated like the sun,
while the other exhibits the rose-flower, the conventional emblem which
bore the name of the island. But the interest of what is merely outward

COIN OF RHODES/

fades before the moral interest associated with its history. If we rapidly
run over its annals, we find something in every period, with which elevated
thoughts are connected. The Greek period is the first, — famous not
merely for the great Temple of the Sun,4 and the Colossus, which, like
the statue of Borromeo at Arona, seemed to stand over the city to protect
it,6 — but far more for the supremacy of the seas, which was employed to
put down piracy, for the code of mercantile law, by which the commerce of
later times was regulated, and for the legislative enactments, framed almost
in the spirit of Christianity, for the protection of the poor.6 This is fol
lowed by the Roman period, when the faithful ally, which had aided by
her naval power in subduing the East, was honoured by the Senate and
> Plin. ' Plin. See Forbiger, p. 244.
= From the British Museum. There was a notion that the island had emerged from
the sea under the influence of the sun. (See Pindar. Olymp. vii.) The flower on most
of the Rhodian coins (as here) was like a tulip ; and Spanheim thought that it was
that of the Malum punicum, which was used for dyeing ; but there is no doubt that
it was the rose conventially represented : and sometimes it appears in a form exactly
similar to the heraldic roses in our own Tudor architecture. There are Rhodian coins
of Nero's reign in which the emperor is himself represented as the sun, with the inscrip
tion KAISAP ATTOKPATflP NEPQN, and the device of a Victory on the rostrum
of a ship, with a rose-flower in the field. See Eckhel, p. 605.
* Forbiger, 245.
5 The Colossus was in ruins even in Strabo's time (xiv.). It had been overthrown
by an earthquake according to Polybius (v. 88, 1). It seems to be a popular mistake
that this immense statue stood across the entrance of one of the harbours. The only
parallel in modern times is the statue of San Carlo Borromeo [which has been alluded
to before in reference to Athens, Vol. I. p. 376] ; and iu height they were nearly iden
tical, the latter being 106 feet, the former 105 (70 cubits) . See the paper referred to,
p. 222, n. 5.
• Strabo xiv. See Polyb. v. Cic. de Rep. and Sallust. Compare Miiller's Doriana

22*. THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the Emperors with the name and privileges of freedom : ' and this by the
Byzantine, during which Christianity was established in the Levant, and
the city of the Rhodians, as the metropolis of a province of islands, if no
longer holding the Empire of the Mediterranean, was at least recognised
as the Queen of the JEgean.3 During the earlier portion of the middle
ages, while mosques were gradually taking the place of Byzantine churches,
Rhodes was the last Christian city to make a stand against the advancing
Saracens ; and again during their later portion, she reappears as a city
ennobled by the deeds of Christian chivalry ; so that, ever since the suc
cessful siege of Solyman the Magnificent,3 her fortifications and her stately
harbour, and the houses in her streets, continue to be the memorials of the
knights of St. John. Yet no point of Rhodian history ought to move our
spirits with so much exultation as that day, when the vessel that conveyed
St. Paul came round the low northern point 4 of the island to her moor
ings before the city. We do not know that he landed, like other great
conquerors who have visited Rhodes. It would not be necessary even to
enter the harbour : for a safe anchorage would be found for the night in
the open roadstead 5 " The kingdom of God cometh not with observation ; "
and the vessel which was seen by the people of the city to weigh anchor in
the morning, was probably undistinguished from the other coasting craft
with which they were daily familiar.
No view in the Levant is more celebrated than that from Rhodes
towards the opposite shore of Asia Minor. The last ranges of Mount
Taurus 6 come down in magnificent forms to the sea ; and a long line of
snowy summits is seen along the Lycian coast, while the sea between is
1 After the defeat of Antiochus, Rhodes received from the Roman senate some
valuable possessions on the mainland, including part of Caria and the whole of Lycia.
Liv. xxxviii. 39. Polyb. xxii. 7, 7, 27, 8. [See what has been said on the province
of Asia, Vol. I. pp. 239, 240, comparing p. 243.] These continental possessions were
afterwards withdrawn ; but the Rhodians were still regarded as among the allies of
Rome. Liv. xiv. xlvi. They rendered valuable aid in the war against Mithridates,
and were not reduced to the form of a province tiM the reign of Vespasian. Sueton.
Vesp. c. 8. Tac. Ann. xii. 58. In this interval, the island was plundered by Cassius
(App. B. C. iv. 72), and Tiberius resided here during part of the reign of Augustus
(Tac. Ann. i. 4, iv. 15).
* It appears as the metropolis of the Provincia Insularum in Hierocles, pp. 685, 686.
3 For a curious account of this siege, see Fontani, Libri tres de Bello Rhodio.
Borne, 1524.
« Compare Purdy's Sailing Directory with the Admiralty Chart (No. 1639), attached
to which is an excellent view of Rhodes.
¦> See Purdy, p. 231. Von Hammer gives a plan of the harbour of Rhodes as it wai
in the siege of Solyman. Topogr. Ansichten, Vienna, 1811.
<• Compare Vol. I. p. 20. For the appearance of this magnificent coast on a nearer
approach, see Dr. Clarke. For a description of these south-western mountains of Asi»
Minor the travels of Spratt and Forbes may be consulted.

PATARA. 225
often an unruffled expanse of water under a blue and brilliant sky.1
Across this expanse, and towards a harbour near the further edge of these
Lycian mountains, the Apostle's course was now directed (Acts xxi. 1).
To the eastward of Mount Cragus, — the steep sea-front of which is known
to the pilots of the Levant by the name of the "Seven Capes,"3 — the
river Xanthus winds through a rich and magnificent valley, and past the
ruins of an ancient city, the monuments of which, after a long concealment,
have lately been made familiar to the British public.3 The harbour of the
city of Xanthus was situated a short distance from the left bank of the
river. Patai a was to Xanthus what the Piraeus was to Athens ; 4 and,
though this comparison might seem to convey the idea of an importance
which never belonged to the Lycian sea-port, yet ruins still remain to show
that it was once a place of some magnitude and splendour. The bay, into
which the river Xanthus flowed, is now a " desert of moving sand," which
is blown by the westerly wind into ridges along the shore, and is gradually
hiding the remains of the ancient city ; 5 but a triple archway and' a vast
theatre have been described by travellers.0 Some have even thought that
1 See the description in Von Hammer.
3 " These capes (called in Italian, the usual language of the pilots, selte capi) are
the extremities of high and rugged mountains, occupying a space of ten miles." Pur
dy, p. 236.
3 The allusion is of course to the Xanthian room in the British Museum.
* Thus Appian speaks of Patara as the port of Xanthus : Bpovrog ig Jlurapa dird
SavBov Karyei, nbkiv ioiKvtav imveiu SavBiuv. B. C. iv. 81. In the following chap
ter he says that Andriace had the same relation to Myra. (Acts xxvii. 5.)
6 Admiral Beaufort was the first to describe Patara. Karamania, chap. i. It was
also visited by the Dilettanti Society. (See two views in vol. ii. of the Ionian Anti
quities.) It is described by Sir C. Fellows both in his " Lycia " and his " Asia Minor."
See especially the former work, pp. 222-224. In the travels of Spratt and Forbes the
destruction of the harbour and the great increase of sand are attributed to the rising
of the coast, i. 32, n. 189, 196. The following passage is transcribed at length from
this work. i. 30 : — " A day was devoted to an excursion to Patara, which iies on the
coast at some distance from the left bank of the river, about ten miles from Xanthus.
We rode along the river side to the sand-hills, passing large straw-thatched villages
of gipsies on the way, and then crossed the sand-hills to the sea-side. ... At Patara
is the triple arch which formed the gate of the city, the baths, and the theatre, ad
mirably described long ago by Captain Beaufort. The latter is scooped out of the
side of a hill, and is remarkable for the completeness of the proscenium and the stoep-
ness and narrowness of the marble seats. Above it is the singular pit excavated en
the summit of the same hill, with its central square column, conjectured, with pro
bability, by Captain Beaufort, to have been the seat of the oracle of Apollo Patareus.
The stones of which the column is built are displaced from each other in a singular
manner, as if by the revolving motion of an earthquake. A fine group of palm, trees
rises among the ruins, and the aspect of the city when it was flourishing must have
been very beautiful. Now its port is an inland marsh, generating poisonous malaria ;
and the mariner sailing along the coast would never guess that the sand-hills before
him blocked up the harbour into which St. Paul sailed of old."
* A drawing of the gateway is given by Beaufort, p. 1. Views of the theatre, &c
VOL II. — 15

226

THE LDTE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

they have discovered the seat of the oracle of Apollo, who was worshipped
here as his sister Diana was worshipped at Ephesus or Perga ; ' and the

COEf OF PATARA.

city walls can be traced among the sand-hills, with the castle 3 that com
manded the harbour. In the war against Antiochus, this harbour was
protected by a sudden storm from the Roman fleet, when Livius sailed
from Rhodes.4 Now we find the Apostle Paul entering it with a fair
wind, after a short sail from the same island.
It seems that the vessel in which St. Paul had been hitherto sailing
either finished its voyage at Patara, or was proceeding further eastward
along the southern coast of Asia Minor, and not to the ports of Phoenicia.
St. Paul could not know in advance whether it would be "possible" for
him to arrive in Palestine in time for Pentecost (xx. 16) ; but an oppor
tunity presented itself unexpectedly at Patara. Providential circumstances
conspired with his own convictions to forward his journey, notwithstanding
the discouragement which the fears of others had thrown across his path. In
the harbour of Patara they found a vessel which was on the point of
of Patara will be found in the first volume of the Ionian Antiquities, published by the
Dilettanti Society.
i See Vol. I. pp. 161, 162, and Vol. II. p. 74, &c.
* From the British Museum. For the oracle of the Patarean Apollo, see Herod, i.
182. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 4, 64. Sir C. Fellows says (Asia Minor, pp. 179-183) that the
coins of all the district show the ascendancy of Apollo.
3 Beaufort, p. 3.
« The Roman fleet had followed nearly the same course as the Apostle from the
neighbourhood of Ephesus. " Civitates, quas pratervectus est, Miletus  Cnidus,
Cous. Rhodum ut est ventum . . . navigat Patara. Primo secundus ventus ad ip-
gam urbem ferebat eos : postquam, circumagente se vento, fluctibus dubiis volvi coep-
tum est mare, pervicerunt quidem remis, ut tenerent terram ; sed neque circa urbem
tuta statio erat, nee ante hostium portus in salo stare poterant, aspero mari et nocte
imminente." Liv. xxxvii. 16. We may add another illustration from Roman history,
in Pompey's voyage, where the same places are mentioned in a similar order. After
describing his departure from Mitylene, and his passing by Asia and Chios, Lucan
Ephesonque relinquens
Radit saxa Sami: Spirat de littore Coo
Anra fluens : Cnidon inde fugit, claramque relinquit
Sole Rhodon. — Phars. viii.

VOYAGE TO PHOENICIA. 2^7
Mossing the open sea to Phoenicia (xxi. 2). They went on board without
a moment's delay ; and it seems evident, from the mode of expression, that
they sailed the very day of their arrival.1 Since the voyage lay across
the open sea,3 with no shoals or rocks to be dreaded, and since the north
westerly winds often blow steadily for several days in the Levant during
spring,3 there could be no reason, why the vessel should not weigh anchor
in the evening, and sail through the night.
We have now to think of St. Paul as no longer passing through nar
row channels, or coasting along in the shadow of great mountains, but as
sailing continuously through the midnight hours, with a prosperous breeze
filling the canvass, and the waves curling and sounding round the bows of
the vessel. There is a peculiar freshness and cheerfulness in the prosecu
tion of a prosperous voyage with a fair wind by night. The sailors on the
watch, and the passengers also, feel it, and the feeling is often expressed
in songs or in long-continued conversation. Such cheerfulness might be
felt by the Apostle and his companions, not without thankfulness to that
God "who giveth songs in the night" (Job xxxv. 10), and who
hearkeneth to those who fear Him, and speak often to one another, and
think upon His name (Mai. iii. 16). If we remember, too, that a month
had now elapsed since the moon was shining on the snows of Hasmus,4 and
that the full moonlight would now be resting on the great sail 5 of the
ship, we are not without an expressive imagery, which we may allowably
throw round the Apostle's progress over the waters between Patara and
Tyre. The distance between these two points is three hundred and. forty
geographical miles ; and if we bear in mind that the north-westerly winds
in April often blow like monsoons in the Levant,6 and that the rig of
ancient sailing-vessels was peculiarly favourable to a quick run before the
wind,' we come at once to the conclusion that the voyage might easily be
accomplished in forty-eight hours.8 Everything in St. Luke's account
> This is shown not only by the participle iirifUdvTeg, but by the omission of any
such phrase as ry iinovay, ry irepa, or Ty ixopivy. Compare xx. 15.
3 Observe the word tiiairepuv.
3 See above. 4 See above, p. 203.
5 See Smith's " Voyage and Shipwreck," p. 151.
« See above. i Smith, p. 180.
0 i. e. the rate would be rather more than seven knots an hour. The writer once
aeked the captain of a vessel engaged in the Mediterranean trade, how long it would
take to sail with a fair wind from the Seven Capes to Tyre ; and the answer was,
"About thirty hours, or perhaps it would be safer to say forty-eight." Now, vessels
rigged like those of the ancients, with one large main-sail, would run before the wind
more quickly than our own merchantmen. Those who have sailed before the mon
soons in the China seas have seen junks (which are rigged in this respect like Greek
and Roman merchantmen) behind them in the horizon in the morning, and befora
('"¦in in the horizon in the evening.

228 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
gives a strong impression that the weather was in the highest degree
favourable ; and there is one picturesque phrase employed by the narrator,
which sets vividly before us some of the phenomena of a rapid voyage.1
That which is said in the English version concerning the " discovering" of
Cyprus, and "leaving it on the left hand," is, in the original, a nautical
expression, implying that the land appeared to rise quickly,3 as they
sailed past it to the southward.3 It would be in the course of the second
day (probably in the evening) that " the high blue eastern land appeared."
The highest mountain of Cyprus is a rounded summit, and there would
be snow upon it at that season of the year.4 After the second night, the
first land in sight would be the high range of Lebanon6 in Syria (xxi. 3),
and they would easily arrive at Tyre before the evening.
So much has been written concerning the past history and present
condition of Tyre, that these subjects are familiar to every reader, and it is
unnecessary to dwell upon them here.6 When St. Paul came to this city,
it was neither in the glorious state described in the prophecies of Ezekiel
and Isaiah,' when "its merchants were princes, and its traffickers the
honourable of the earth," nor in the abject desolation in which it now
fulfils those prophecies, being " a place to spread nets upon," and showing
only the traces of its maritime supremacy in its ruined mole, and a port
hardly deep enough for boats.8 It was in the condition in which it had
1 'Ava<j>avivTeg Trjv Kvirpov Kal KarakmovTeg avryv ebuvvpov. The word dvaQaivtin,
in reference to sea voyages, means " to see land, to bring land into view," by a similar
figure of speech to that in which our sailors speak of " making land." The correspond
ing word for losing sight pf land is dnoKpiirTeiv. See the commentators on Plat. Protag.
xxiv., and Thucyd; v. 65. The terms in Latin are aperire and abscondere." Virg.
Ma. iii. 205, 275, 291. Heyne says "Terra aperit montes, dum in conspectum eos
admoret." (Compare the use of the verb " open " by our own sailors.) As to the
construction, De Wette compares nenicTevpai rb evayyikiov ; but the cases are not
quite parallel. Confusions of grammar are common in the language of sailors. Thus
an English S'laman speaks of " rising the land," which is exactly what is meant here
by dvaQavcvreg. One of the Byzantine writers uses the same phrase in reference to
an expedition in the tame sea. 'EkBbvreg iug ril MOpa oi arparyyoi elaykBov im rbv
Kokizov ryg Arrakeiag' ol Si ' Apabeg ' KivyaavTeg divb ryg Kvirpov, Kal evSiag avrovg
Karaka6ovayg. irepieQipovro hi Tip irekdyei' dva(j>avivTuv 6i aiiTuv ri)v yyv, elSov
abrade ol orpuTyyoi. Theophanes, i. p. 721., Ed. Bonn.
3 Mr. Smith says in a MS. note : 4,The term dva<j>avivreg indicates both the rapid
approach to land, and that it was seen at a distance by daylight."
3 We shall hereafter point out the contrast between this voyage and that which
mentioned afterwards in Acts xxvii. 4.
4 The island is traversed by two chains, running nearly east and west : and they
are covered with snow in winter. Norie, p. 144. See the map of Cyprus in Vol. L
The writer has been informed by Captain Graves, R. N., that the highest part is of a
rounded form.
» Compare Vol. I. pp. 20, 52.
6 One of the fullest accounts of Tyre will be found in Dr. Robinson's third volume
' Ezek. xxvL xxvii. Isa. xxiii. 8 Sailing Directory, p. 259.

TTEE. 229
been left by the successors of Alexander, — the island, Which once held
the city, being joined to the mainland by a causeway, — with a harbour
on the north, and another on the south.1 In honour of its ancient great>
ness, the Romans gave it the name of a free city ; 3 and it still commanded
some commerce, for its manufactures of glass and purple were not yet
decayed,3 and the narrow belt of the Phoenician coast between the moun
tains and the sea required that the food for its population should be
partly brought from without.4 It is allowable to conjecture that the ship,
which we have just seen crossing from Patara, may have brought grain
from the Black Sea, or wine from the Archipelago,5 — with the purpose of
taking on from Tyre a cargo of Phoenician manufactures. We know that.
whatever were the goods she brought, they were unladed at Tyre (v. 3) ;
and that the vessel was afterwards to proceed6 to Ptolemais (v. 7). For
this purpose some days would be required. She would be taken into the
inner dock ; ' and St. Paul had thus some time at his disposal, which he
could spend in the active service of his Master. He and his companions
lost no time in "seeking out the disciples." It is. probable that the
Christians at Tyre were not numerous ; 8 but a Church had existed there
ever since the dispersion consequent upon the death of Stephen (Vol. I.
pp. 81, 117), and St. Paul had himself visited it, if not on his mission oi
charity from Antioch to Jerusalem (ib. p. 127), yet doubtless on his way
1 Strabo, xvi. Old Tyre (Uakairvpog) was destroyed. New Tyre was built on a
small island, separated by a very narrow channel from the mainland (See Diod. Sic
xvii. 60, Plin. v. 19, 17, Q. Curt. iv. 2), with which it was united by a dam in Alexan
der's siege : and thenceforward Tyre was on a peninsula.
3 Strabo, L c. The Emperor Severus made it a Roman colonia with the Jus Itali
cum. (See Vol. L p. 282, n. 2.) For the general notion of a free city (libera civitas)
under the empire, see p. 333. Tyre seems to have been honoured, like Athens, for the
sake of the past
- For the manufactures of Tyre at a much later period, see Vol. I. p. 212, n. 3.
* The dependence of Phoenicia on other countries for grain is alluded to in Acts,
xii. 20. (See Vol. I. p. 128, note.)
- For the wine trade of the Archipelago, see what has been said in reference to
Rhodes. We need not suppose that the vessel bound for Phoenicia sailed in the first
instance from Patara. St. Paul afterwards found a westward-bound Alexandrian ship
in one of the harbours of Lycia. Acts xxvii. 5.
6 We infer that St. Paul proceeded in the same vessel to Ptolemais, partly from the
phrase rb ir?.oiov (v. 6), and partly because it is not said that the vessel was bound
for Tyre, but simply that she was to unlade there (tKelae yv to irXolov dito(j>opTi(6pevov
rbv ybpov, v. 3). With regard to iKeiae, it seems best to consider it simply to mean
" she was to go thither and unlade there." The explanation of De Wette and Meyer,
who distinguish between the harbour and the town, is too elaborate.
' Scylax, p. 24, mentions a harbour within the walls.
8 Observe the article in roiig dSekfodg. The word dvevpbvreg implies that some
search was required before the Christians were found. Perhaps the first enquiries
would be made at the synagogue. [See Vol. I. p. 407.] For a notice of the Jews at
Tyre in later times, we may again refer to p. 212, n. 3.

230 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. I'AtTL.
to the Council (ib. p. 212). There were not only disciples at Tyre, but
prophets. Some of those who had the prophetical power foresaw the
danger which was hanging over St. Paul, and endeavoured to persuade
him to desist from his purpose of going to Jerusalem.1 We see that dif
ferent views of duty might be taken by those who had the same spiritual
knowledge, though that knowledge were supernatural. St. Paul looked
on the coming danger from a higher point. What to others was an over
whelming darkness, to him appeared only as a passing storm. And he
resolved to face it, in the faith that He who had protected him hitherto,
would still give him shelter and safety.
The time spent at Tyre in unlading the vessel, and probably taking in
a new cargo, and possibly, also, waiting for a fair wind,3 was " seven
days," including a Sunday.3 St. Paul "broke bread" with the disciples,
and discoursed as he had done at Troas (p. 206) ; and the week days,
too, would afford many precious opportunities of confirming those who
were already Christians, and in making the Gospel known to others, both
Jews and Gentiles. When the time came for the ship to sail, a scene was
witnessed on the Phoenician shore, like that which had made the Apostle's
departure from Miletus so impressive and affecting.4 There attended him
through the city gate,5 as he and his companions went out to join the
vessel now ready to receive them, all the Christians of Tyre, and even
their "wives and children." And there they knelt down and prayed
together on the level shore.6 We are not to imagine here any Jewish
place of worship, like the proseueha at Philippi ;7 but simply that they
were on their way to the ship. The last few moments were precious, and
could not be so well employed as in praying to Him, who alone can give
true comfort and protection. The time spent in this prayer was soon
passed. And then they tore themselves from each others' embrace ;9 the
1 Tu Tlavkcp ileyom Sid tov flvevparag py imfiaiveiv elg 'lepoaakitpa, v. 4.
' These suppositions, however, are not necessary ; for the work of taking the cargo
from the hold of a merchant-vessel might easily occupy six or seven days.
3 'Hpepac i-Kra, v. 4. We may observe, however, that this need not mean more
than "six days." As to the phrase i&priaai rag ypepag, Meyer and Olshausen take it
to mean " employed the time in making ready for the journey," comparing 2 Tim. iii.
17. [See on v. 15.]
4 See above, p. 219.
5 Observe ifjekBbvre? and lag e{w ryg iroktag. There is a dramatic force, too, In
the imperfect inoptvbpe&a.
« 'E-kI tIv aiyiaXbv, the word used in Acts xxvii. 39, 40, and denoting, a sandy ex
pebbly beach, as opposed to uKry.
- Hammond supposes that there was a proseucha near the place of embarkation.
But we need not suppose any reference to a Jewish place of worship either here or at
Miletus, though it is interesting to bear in mind the oratianes liitorales of the Jews,
See Vol. I. p. 294.
8 The MSS. vary here. Lachmann and Tischendorf have irpoaev$dpevoi dnyoizaad.
ueBa instead of the common reading, iraaatpi^upeBa kciI iairaauut^n. See v. 1

tTOLEMAIS. 231
strangers went on board,1 and the Tyrian believers returned home sorrow
ful and anxious, while the ship sailed southwards on her way to Ptolemais.
There is a singular contrast in the history of those three cities on the
Phoenician shore, which are mentioned in close succession in the conclud
ing part of the narrative of this apostolic journey. Tyre, the city from
which St. Paul had just sailed, had been the seaport whose destiny formed
the burden of the sublimest prophecies in the last days of the Hebrew
monarchy. Caesarea, the city to which he was ultimately bound, was the
work of the family of Herod, and rose with the rise of Christianity.
Both are fallen now into utter decay. Ptolemais, which was the interme
diate stage between them, is an older city than either, and has outlived
them both. It has never been withdrawn from the field of history ; and
its interest has seemed to increase (at least in the eyes of Englishmen)
with the progress of centuries. Under the ancient name of A ceo it appears
in the Book of Judges (i. 31) as one of the towns of the tribe of Assher.
It was the pivot of the contests between Persia and Egypt.3 Not un
known in the Macedonian and Roman periods, it reappears with brilliant
distinction in the middle ages, when the Crusaders called it St. Jean d'Acre.
It is needless to allude to the events which have fixed on this sea-fortress,'
more than once, the attention of our own generation.3 At the particular
time when the Apostle Paul visited this place, it bore the name of Ptole
mais,4 — most probably given to it by Ptolemy Lagi, who was long in pos
session of this part of Syria,5 — and it had recently been made a Roman
colony by the emperor Claudius.6 It shared with Tyre and Sidon,' Anti
och and Caasarea, the trade of the eastern coast of the Mediterranean
Sea. With a fair wind, a short day's voyage separates it from Tyre. To
speak in the language of our own sailors, there are thirteen miles from
Tyre to Cape Blanco, and fifteen from thence to Cape Carmel; and Acre —
the Ancient Ptolemais — is situated on the further extremity of that bay,
which sweeps with a wide curvature of sand to the northwards, from the
headland of Carmel.8 It is evident that St. Paul's company sailed from
Tyre to Ptolemais within the day.9 At the latter city, as at the former,
1 See on rb nkolov, above. ' Forbiger, 672.
3 The events at the close of the last century and others still more recent. It is
surely well that we should be able to associate this place with the Apostle of the Gen
tiles as much as with Sir Sidney Smith and Sir Charles Napier.
4 So it is called in 1 Mac. v. 15, x. i., &c.
5 See his life in Smith's Dictionary of Biography.
6 Pliny, v. 19, 17.
' In the Acts of the Apostles, we find Tyre mentioned in connection with the
voyages of merchantmen, xxi. 3, and Sidon, xxvii. 3.
8 For a nautical delineation of this bay, with the anchorage Kaifa, &c., see the Ad
miralty Chart. The travellers who have described the sweep )f this bay from Carmel
are so numerous, that they need not be specified.
' V 7 Instead of the words ol irepl rbv Tlavkov, the best MSS. have simply ypelc .

2312 THE LIFE AND EPIPTLES OF ST. PAUL,
there were Christian disciples,1 who had probably been converted at the
same time, and under the same circumstances, as those of Tyre. Another
opportunity was afforded for the salutations3 and encouragement of bro
therly love ; but the missionary party staid here only one day.3. Though
they had accomplished the voyage in abundant time to reach Jerusalem at
Pentecost, they hastened onwards, that they might linger some days at
Caesarea.4 One day's travelling by land5 was sufficient for this part of their jour
ney. The distance is between thirty and forty miles.6 At Caesarea there
was a Christian family, already known to us in the earlier passages of the
Acts of the Apostles, with whom they were sure of receiving a welcome.
The last time we made mention of Philip the Evangelist (Vol. I. p. 80),
was when he was engaged in making the Gospel known on the road which
leads southwards by Gaza towards Egypt, about the time when St. Paul
himself was converted on the northern road, when travelling to Damascus.
Now, after many years, the Apostle and the Evangelist are brought to
gether under one roof. On the former occasion, we saw that Caesarea
was the place where the labours of Philip on that journey ended.'
Thenceforward it became his. residence if his life was stationary, or it
was the centre from which he made other missionary circuits through Ju
daea.8 He is found, at least, residing in this city by the sea, when St. Paul
arrives in the year 58 from Achaia and Macedonia. His family consisted
of four daughters, who were an example of the fulfilment of that predic
tion of Joel, quoted by St. Peter, which said that at the opening of the
new dispensation, God's spirit should come on His " handmaidens " as well
as His bondsmen, and that the " daughters," as well as the sons, should
which seems to have been altered into the longer phrase, as being the opening of a
separate section for reading in churches. The meaning of tov -nkovv Siaviaavreg
seems to be " thus accomplishing our voyage." The rest of the journey was by land.
1 Tovg dSekfoig, with the article as above, v. 4.
3 'Aaizaadpevoi. 3 'Epeivapev ypipav piav.
4 See IniptvbvTuv ypipag irkeiovg below, v. 10.
6 Ty itavoiov ykB. eig K., v. 8. We may observe, that the word i^ekBovreg is far
more suitable to a departure by land than by sea.
6 The Jerusalem Itinerary gives the distance as thirty-one miles, and the stages
from " Civitas Ptolemaida " as follows : — Mutatio Calamon. M. xn. ; Mansio Sica-
menos,M. in. (ibi est mons Carmelus, ibi Helias sacrificium faciebat) ; Mutatio
certa, M. vm. (fines Syria et Palestince) ; Civitas Ceesarea Palestina, M. vm. The
.^ntonine Itinerary makes the distance greater, viz. twenty-four miles to Sycamina,
and twenty from thence to Caesarea. See Wess. pp. 149, 584. Compare our itinerary
map of Palestine in the first volume, p. 84.
' Acts viii. 40. See Vol. I. p. 80, n^ 5.
8 The term "Evangelist" seems to have been almost synonymous with our word
" Missionary." It is applied to Philip and to Timothy. See Vol. I. p. 436 • also
p. 435. n. 2.

EVENTS AT OESAEEA. 233
prophesy.1 The prophetic power was granted to these four women at
Caesarea, who seem to have been living that life of single devotedness
which is commended by St. Paul in his letter to the Corinthians (1
Cor. vii.), and to have exercised their gift in concert for the benefit of the
Church. It is not improbable that these inspired women gave St. Paul some
intimation of the sorrows which were hanging over him.3 But soon a
more explicit voice declared the very nature of the trial he was to expect.
The stay of the Apostle at Caesarea lasted some days (v. 10). He had
arrived in Judaea in good time before the festival, and haste was now un
necessary. Thus news reached Jerusalem of his arrival ; and a prophet
named Agabus — whom we have seen before (Vol. I. p. 127) coming from
the same place on a similar errand — went down to Caesarea, and communi
cated to St. Paul and the company of Christians by whom he was sur
rounded, a clear knowledge of the impending danger. His revelation was
made in that dramatic form which impresses the mind with a stronger
sense of reality than mere words can do, and which was made familiar to
the Jews of old by the practice of the Hebrew prophets. As Isaiah (ch.
xx.) loosed the sackcloth from his loins, and put off his shoes from his
feet, to declare how the Egyptian captives should be led away into Assy
ria naked and barefoot, — or as the girdle of Jeremiah (ch. xiii.), in its
strength and its decay, was made a type of the people of Israel in their
privilege and their fall, — Agabus, in like manner using the imagery of ac
tion,4 took the girdle of St. Paul, and fastened it round his own a hands
and feet, and said, " Thus saith the Holy Ghost : so shall the Jews at Je
rusalem bind the man to whom this girdle belongs, and they shall deliver
him into the hands of the Gentiles."
The effect of this emphatic prophecy, both on Luke, Aristarchus, and
Trophimus,6 the companions of St. Paul's journey, and those Christians of
Caesarea,7 who, though they had not travelled with him, had learnt to love
> Joel ii. 28, 29. Acts ii. 17, 18. Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 34. 1 Tim. ii. 12 ; and see
Vol. I. p. 431.
' Meyer sees only in v. 9 " eine gelegentliche Reminiscenz fiir den Leser an eine
damals bekannte merkwiirdige Erscheinung in jener Familie." But it is difficult nof
to see more emphasis in irapBivoi. See Matt. xix. 12. .
3 Perhaps the force of irpofyTevovoai (v. 9) is to be found in the fact, that they did
foretell what was to come. The word, however, has not necessarily any relation to
the future. See Vol. I. p. 429.
4 See another striking instance in Ezek. iv. Compare what has been said before in
reference to the gestures of Paul and Barnabas when they departed from Antioch in
Pisidia, Vol. I. p. 181.
- It would be a mistake to suppose that Agabus bound Paul's hands and tx t Th«
correct reading is lavrov. Besides, Agabus says, not " the man whom I bind," but
the man whose girdle this is."
For the companions of St. Paul at this moment, see p. 202 with p. 203, n. 2.
'liuelc re Kal ol ivTotnoi, v. 12>

834.- THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
him, was very great. They wept,1 and implored him not to go to Jerusa
lem.1 But the Apostle himself could not so interpret the supernatural in-
timation. He was placed in a position of peculiar trial. A voice of
authentic prophecy had been so uttered, that, had he been timid and
wavering, it might easily have been construed into a warning to deter him.
Nor was that temptation unfelt which arises from the sympathetic grief of
loving friends. His affectionate heart was almost broken3 when he heard .
their earnest supplications, and saw the sorrow that was caused by the
prospect of his danger. But the mind of the Spirit had been so revealed
to him in his own inward convictions, that he could see the Divine counsel
through apparent hindrances. His resolution was " no wavering between
yea and nay, but was yea in Jesus Christ." 4 His deliberate .purpose did
not falter for a moment.5 He declared that he was " ready not only to be
bound, but to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus." And
then they desisted from their entreaties. Their respect for the Apostle
made them silent.6 They recognised the will of God in the steady purpose
of his servant ; and gave their acquiescence in those words in which Chris
tian resignation is best expressed : " The will of the Lord be done."
The time was now come for the completion of the journey. The festi
val was close at hand. Having made the arrangements that were neces
sary with regard to their luggage,' — and such notices in Holy Scripture8
should receive their due attention, for they fyelp to set before' us all the
reality of the Apostle's journeys, — he and the companions who had attend
ed him from Macedonia proceeded to the Holy City. Some of the Chris
tians of Caesarea went along with them, not merely, as it would seem, tc
1 Tt iroietre Kkaiovreg, v. 13. ' V. 12.
3 ivvSpvizTovrig pov ryv KapSiav, v. 13.
4 2 Cor. i. See above, p. 99.
5 Observe how this is implied in the present tense (pi) ireiBopevov Si avrov, v. 14).
6 'Hovxdaapev. Ib.
7 'AnooKevaoducvoi. " Sublatis sarcinis." ErasmJs. " Praeparati." Vulg. " We
weran made redi." Wiclif. " We made oure selfes redy." Tyndale. " We toke up
oure burthens." Cranmer. " We trussed up our fardeles." Geneva. " Being pre
pared." Rheims. The word " carriage " in the authorised version is used as in Judg.
xviii. 21, 1 Sam. xvii. 22. The correct reading, however, is probably imoKsvaodpevoi '
(Tisch.). So Chrys., iiuaKevaadpevoc Tovrean, rd irpbg rijv bSomopiav kaj3bvreg.
" Qui profiscuntur, non deponunt sarcinas, sed instruunt se necessariis ad iter." Ro-
eenmiiller. The former word would mean, '• Having stowed away our luggage,
' weggepackt,' sarcinis, impedimentis quippe itineris, depositis : " the latter, " having
packed up our luggage, ' aufgepackt,' quum accepissemus res ad iter necessarias."
In answer to Olshausen, who retains dnoaK., and supposes the bulk of the lugo-a°-e to
have been left at Caesarea in order to lighten the land-journey, — it must be remarked
that, in that case, it would have been left -at Ptolemais. But we may very well sup
pose that St. Paul hoped to stay only a short time in Jerusalem, and to sail soon from
Casarea to Rome. Greswell sees, in the allusion to the baggage, some indication of
haste ; but the contrary seems rather implied.
8 See for instance 2 Tim. iv, 13.

JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. 5236
show their respect and. sympathy for the Apostolic company,1 but to
secure their comfort on arriving, by taking him to the house of Muason, a
native of Cyprus, who had been long ago , converted to Christianity,3 —
possibly during the life of our Lord Himself,3 — and who may have been
one of those Cyprian Jews who first made- the Gospelknown to the Gieeka
at Antioch (see Vol. I. p. 116).
Thus we have accompanied St. Paul on his last recorded journey to
Jerusalem. It was a journey full of incident ; and it is related more
minutely than any other portion of his travels. We know all the places
by which he passed, or at which he stayed ; and we are able to connect
them all with familiar recollections of history. We know, too, all the
aspect of the scenery. He sailed along those coasts of Western Asia, and
among those famous islands, the beauty of which is proverbial. The very
time of the year is known to us. It was when the advancing season was
clothing every low shore, and the edge of every broken cliff, with a beau
tiful and refreshing verdure ; when the winter storms had ceased to be
dangerous, and the small vessels could ply safely in shade and sunshine
between neighbouring ports. Even the state of the weather and the direc
tion of the wind are known. We can point to the places on the map
where the vessel anchored for the night ; 4 and trace across the chart the
track that was followed, when the moon was full.5 Yet more than this.
We are made fully aware of the state of the Apostle's mind, and of the
burdened feeling under which this journey was accomplished. The expres
sion of this feeling strikes us the more, from its contrast with all the out
ward circumstances of the voyage. He sailed in the finest season, by the
brightest coasts, and in the fairest weather ; and yet his mind was occu
pied with forebodings of evil from first to last ; — so that a peculiar shade
of sadness is thrown over the whole narration. If this be true, we should
expect to find some indications of this pervading sadness in the letters
written about this time ; for we know how the deeper tones of feeling
make themselves known in the correspondence of any man with his friends.
Accordingly, we do find in The Epistle written to the Romans shortly before
leaving Corinth, a remarkable indication of discouragement, and almost
1 The frequent use of the word npoizipiteiv in the accounts of the movements of the
Apostles and their companions, is worthy of observation. See Acts xv. 3. xx. 38.
Rom. xv. 24, &c.
* 'Apxaup paByry. Compare Iv dpxy. Acts xi. 15.
a He can hardly have been converted by St. Paul during his journey through
Cyprus, or St. Paul would have been acquainted with him, which does not appear to
have been the case. He may have been converted by Barnabas. (See, Acts xv. 39.)
But he was most probably one of the earliest disciples of Christ. With regard to the
words dyovTig izap' £ IjevioBupev Uvdauvii we may remark, that the English version
introduces a new difficulty without overcoming that which relates to the grammatical
sonstruction. [See Vol. I. p. 117, and Chap. V.)
See pp. 217, 218. 5 See p. 227.

236 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
despondency, when he asked the Christians at Rome to pray that, on Ida
arrival iu Jerusalem, he might be delivered from the Jews who hated him,
and be well received by those Christians who disregarded his authority.1
The depressing anxiety with which he thus looked forward to the journey
weald not be diminished, when the very moment of his departure from
Corinth was beset by a Jewish plot against his life.3 And we find the
cloud of gloom, which thus gathered at the first, increasing and becoming
darker as we advance. At Philippi and at Troas, indeed, no direct inti
mation is given of coming calamities ; but it is surely no fancy which sees
a foreboding shadow thrown over that midnight meeting, where death so
suddenly appeared among those that were assembled thtre with many
lights in the upper chamber, while the Apostle seemed unable to intermit
his discourse, as " ready to depart on the morrow." For indeed, at Miletus
he said, that already "in every city?'3 the Spirit had admonished him that
bonds and imprisonment were before him. • At Miletus it is clear that the
heaviness of spirit, under which he started, had become a confirmed antici
pation of evil. When he wrote to Rome, he hoped to be delivered from
the danger he had too much reason to fear. Now his fear predominates
over hope ;* and he looks forward, sadly but calmly, to some imprison
ment not far distant. At Tyre, the first sounds that he hears on landing
are the echo of his own thoughts. He is met by the same voice of warn
ing, and the same bitter trial for himself and his friends. At Casarea his
vague forebodings of captivity are finally made decisive and distinct, and
he has a last struggle with the remonstrances of those whom' he loved.
Never had he gone to Jerusalem without a heart full of emotion, — neither
in those early years, when he came an enthusiastic boy from Tarsus to the
school of Gamaliel, — nor on his return from Damascus, after the greatest
change that could have passed over an inquisitor's mind, — uor when he
went with Barnabas from Antioch to the council, which was to decide an
anxious controversy. Now he had much new experience of the insidious
progress of error, and of the sinfulness even of the converted. Yet his
trust in God did not depend on the faithfulness of man ; and he went to
Jerusalem calmly and resolutely, though doubtful of his reception among
the Christian brethren, and not knowing what would happen on the
morrow. 1 Rom. xv. 31. We should remember that he had two causes of apprehension, — one
arising from the Jews, who persecuted him everywhere, — the other from the Judaising
Christians, who sought to depreciate his apostolic authority.
1 See p. 202.
3 See p. 217.
* Acts xx. 23 should be closely compared with Rom. xv. 30, 31. See also the note
above on Sekpevog tu irvevpan. St. Paul seems lo have suffered extremely both
from the anticipation and the experience of imprisonment.

WEOEPTION AT JEEUSALEM. 237

CHAPTEE XXI.
Tov avdpa Syaovaiv tig 1epovaaAi)p ol 'lovSaioi sal jrapaSuanvaiv elg xllPc( iBv&v.—
Acts xxi. 11.
RECEPTION AT JERUSALEM.— ASSEMBLING OF THE PRESBYTERS.— ADVICE GIVEN TO ST.
PAUL.— THE FOUR NAZARITES.— ST. PAUL SEIZED AT THE FESTTVAL.— THE TEMPLE AND
THE GARRISON.— HEBREW SPEECH ON THE STAIRS.— THE CENTURION AND THE CHIEF
CAPTAIN.— ST. PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN.— THE PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.— VISION
IN THE CASTLE.— CONSPIRACY.— ST. PAUL'S NEPHEW.— LETTER OF CLAUDIUS LYSIAS TO
FELIX.— NIGHT JOURNEY TO ANTD7ATRIS.— OESAREA.
" When we were come to Jerusalem, the Brethren received us gladly."
Such is St. Luke's description of the welcome which met the Apostle of
the Gentiles on his arrival in the metropolis of Judaism. So we shall find
afterwards • " the brethren " hailing his approach to Rome, and " coming
to meet him as far as Appii Forum." Thus, wherever he went, or what
ever might be .the strength of hostility and persecution which dogged his
footsteps, he found some Christian hearts who loved the Glad-tidings
which he preached, and loved himself as the messenger of the Grace of
God. The Apostle's spirit, which was much depressed, as we have seen,2 by
anticipations of coldness and distrust on the part of the Church at Jerusa
lem, must have been lightened by his kind reception. He seems to have
spent the evening of his arrival with these sympathising brethren ; but on
the morrow, a more formidable ordeal awaited him. He must encounter
the assembled Presbyters of the Church ; and he might well doubt
whether even the substantial proof of loviDg interest in their welfare, of
which he was the bearer, would overcome the antipathy with which (as
he was fully aware) too many of them regarded him. The experiment,
however, must be tried ; for this was the very end of his coming to Jeru
salem at all, at a time when his heart called him to Rome.3 His purpose
was to endeavour to set himself right with the Church of Jerusalem, to
overcome the hostile prejudices which had already so much impeded his
labours, and to endeavour, by the force of Christian love and forbearance,
• Ol dSekQoi (Acts xxviii.' 15), the same expression in both cases. This is sufficient
to refute the cavils which have been made, as though this verse (xxi. 17) implied a
unanimous cordiality on the part of the Church at Jerusalem.
' See the preceding chapter.
' See Acts xix. 21. Rom. i. 10-15. xv. 22-29.

238 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 6T. TAUL.
to win the hearts of those whom he regarded, in spite of all their weak
nesses and errors, as brethren in Christ Jesus. Accordingly, when tlie
morning came,1 the Presbyters or Elders of the Church were called
together by James,3 (who, as we have before mentioned, presided over the
Church of Jerusalem), to receive Paul and his fellow-travellers, the mes
sengers of the Gentile Churches. We have already seen how carefully St
Paul had guarded himself from the possibility of suspicion in the adminis
tration of his trust, by causing deputies to be elected by the several
Churches whose alms he bore, as joint trustees with himself of the fund
collected. These deputies now entered together with him3 inio the
assembly of the Elders, and the offering was presented, — a proof of love
from the Churches of the Gentile3 to the mother Church, whence their
spiritual blessings had been derived.
The travellers were received with that touching symbol of brotherhood,
the kiss of peace,4 which was exchanged between the Christians of those
days on every occasion of public as well as private meeting. There the
main business of the assembly was commenced by an address from St. Paul.
This was not the first occasion on which he had been called to take a
similar part, in the same city, and before the same audience. Our thoughts
are naturally carried back to the days of the Apostolic Council, when he
first declared to the Church of Jerusalem the Gospel which he preached
among the Gentiles, and the great things which God had wrought there
by.5 The majority of the Church had then, under the influence of the
Spirit of God, been brought over to his side, and had ratified his views by
their decree. But the battle was not yet won ; he had still to contend
against the same foes with the same weapons.
We are told that he now gave a detailed account 6 of all that " God
had wrought among the Gentiles by his ministry " since he last parted from
Jerusalem four years before.7 The foundation of the great and flourishing
Church of Ephesus doubtless furnished the main interest of his narrative ;
but he would also dwell on the progress of the several Churches in Phrygia,
Galatia, and other parts of Asia Minor, and likewise those in Macedonia
and Achaia, from whence he was just returned. In such a discourse,. he
could scarcely avoid touching on subjects which would excite painful
feelings, and rouse bitter prejudice in many of his audience. He could
hardly speak of Galatia without mentioning the attempted perversion of.
» Tji imovay, v. 18. 3 See Vol. I. p. 215.
3 O Tlavkog oiv ypiv. ib.
« So we understand doiraodpevog airovg, v. 19. See 1 Thess. v. 26, and the note
Vol. I. p. 397.
» See Vol. I. p. 214, &c. e Ka0' iv Ikootov, v. 19.
i He had then endeavoured to reach Jerusalem by the feast of Pentecost
21, and see Wieseler), as on the present occasion.

ADVICE GIVEN TO ST. PAUL. 239
his converts there. He could not enter into the sta^e of Corinth without
alluding to the emissaries from Palestine, who had introduced confusion
and strife among the Christians of that city. Yet we cannot doubt that
St. Paul, with that graceful courtesy which distinguished both his writings
and his speeches, softened all that was disagreeable, and avoided what was
personally offensive to his audience, and dwelt, as far as he could, on topics
iu which all present would agree. Accordingly, we find that the majority
of the assembled Elders were favourably impressed by his address, and by
the tidings which he brought of the progress of the Gospel. The first
act of the assembly was to glorify God for the wonders He had wrought.1
They joined in solemn thanksgiving with one accord ; and the Amen (ICor.
xiv. 16), which followed the utterance of thanks and praise from apostolic
lips, was swelled by many voices.
Thus the hope expressed by St. Paul on a former occasion,3 concerning
the result of this visit to Jerusalem, was in a measure fulfilled. But
beneath this superficial show of harmony there lurked elements of discord,
which threatened to disturb it too soon. We have already had occasion
to remark upon the peculiar composition of the Church at Jerusalem, and
we have seen that a Pharasaic faction was sheltered in its bosom, which
continually strove to turn Christianity into a sect of Judaism. We have
seen that this faction had recently sent emissaries into the Gentile Churches,
and had endeavoured to alienate the minds of St. Paul's converts from
their converter. These men were restless agitators, animated by the
bitterest sectarian spirit, and although they were numerically a small
party, yet we know the power of a turbulent minority. But besides these
Judaizing zealots, there was a large proportion of the Christians at Jeru
salem, whose Christianity, though more sincere than that of those just
mentioned, was yet very weak and imperfect. The " many thousands of
Jews which believed," had by no means all attained to the fulness of Chris
tian faith. Many of them still knew only a Christ after the flesh, — a
Saviour of Israel, — a Jewish Messiah. Their minds were in a state of
transition between the Law and the Gospel, and it was of great consequence
not to shock their prejudices too rudely, lest they should be tempted to
make shipwreck of their faith, and renounce their Christianity altogether.
Their prejudices were most wisely consulted in things indifferent by St.
James ; who accommodated himself in all points to the strict requirements
of the law, and thus disarmed the hostility of the Judaizing bigots. He
was, indeed, divinely ordained to be the Apostle of this transition-Church.
Had its councils been less wisely guided, had the Gospel of St. Paul been
really repudiated by the Church of Jerusalem, it is difficult to estimate the
evil which might have resulted. This class of Christians was naturally
' Oi Si dKovaavreg iSoi-a^ov rbv Qebv, v. 20. 3 2 Cor. ix. 12.

240 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
very much influenced by the declamation of the more violent partizans of
Judaism. Their feelings would be easily excited by an appeal to theii
Jewish patriotism. They might without difficulty be roused to fury
against one whom they were taught to regard as a despiser of the Law,
and a reviler of the customs of their forefathers. Against St. Paul their
dislike had been long and artfully fostered ; and they would from the first
have looked on him perhaps with some suspicion, as not being, like them
selves, a Hebrew of the Holy City, but only a Hellenist of the Dispersion.
Such being the composition of the great body of the Church, we
cannot doubt that the same elements were to be found amongst the Elders
also. And this will explain the resolution to which the assembly came, at
the close of their discussion on the matters brought before them. They
began by calling St. Paul's attention to the strength of the Judaical party
among the Christians of Jerusalem. They told him that the majority even
of the Christian Church had been taught to hate his very name, and to
believe that he went about the world "teaching the Jews to forsake
Moses, saying that they ought not to circumcise their children, neither to
walk after the customs." They further observed that it. was impossible
his arrival should remain unknown ; his renown was too great to allow
him to be concealed : his public appearance in the streets of Jerusalem
would attract a crowd ¦ of curious spectators, most of whom would be
violently hostile. It was therefore . of importance that he should do
something to disarm this hostility, and to refute. the calumnies which had
been circulated concerning him. The plan they recommended was, that
he should take charge of four Jewish Christians,3 who were under a Naza-
ritic vow, accompany them to the Temple, and pay for them the neces
sary expenses attending the termination of their vow. Agrippa I., not
long before, had given the same public expression of his sympathy with the
Jews, on his arrival from Rome to take possession of his throne.3 And
what the King had done for popularity, it was felt that the Apostle might
do for the sake of truth and peace. His friends thought that he would thus.
in the most public manner, exhibit himself as an observer of the Mosaic
ceremonies, and refute the accusations of his enemies. They added that,
by so doing, he would not countenance the errors of those who sought to
impose the Law upon Gentile converts ; because it had been already
decided by the church of Jerusalem, that the ceremonial observances of the
Law were not obligatory on the Gentiles.4
i UkrjBog, v. 22. Not " the multitude," nor the laity of the Church, as some have
imagined. Were such the meaning, we should have had rb irkyBog. There seems to
be some doubt about the genuineness of the clause. See Tischendorf.
3 That these Nazarites were Christians is evident from the words eialv yplv.
* Elg 'lepoobkvpa tkBuv xapiarypiovg ifrnkypuoe Svaiag, ovbiv tuv Kara vopov
vapakinuv • Sib Kal tia&paiuv SvpuaBai Siira^e puka avxvovg. Joseph. Ant. xix. 6 1
4 v. 25, comparing xv. 28.

THE FOUR NAZAEITES. 241
It is remarkable that this conclusion is attributed expressly, in the
Scriptural narrative, not to James (who presided over the meeting), but
to the assembly itself. The lurking shade of distrust implied in the terms
of the admonition, was certainly not shared by that great Apostle, whc
had long ago given to St. Paul the right hand of fellowship. We have
already seen indications that, however strict might be the Judaical obser
vances of St. James, they did not satisfy the Judaizing party at Jerusalem,
who attempted, under the sanction of his name,1 to teach doctrines and
enforce practices of which he disapproved. The partizans of this faction,
indeed, are called by St. Paul (while anticipating this very visit to Jerusa
lem), " the disobedient party." 3 It would seem that their influence was not
unfelt in the discussion which terminated in the resolution recorded. And
though St. James acquiesced (as did St. Paul) in the advice given, it
appears not to have originated with himself.
The counsel, however, though it may have been suggested by suspicious
prejudice, or even by designing enmity, was not in itself unwise. St.
Paul's great object (as we have seen) in this visit to Jerusalem, was to
jpnciliate the Church of Palestine. If he could win over that Church to
ihe truth, or even could avert its open hostility to himself, he would be doing
more for the diffusion of Christianity than even by the conversion of
Ephesus. Every lawful means for such an end he was ready gladly to
adopt. His own principles, stated by himself in his Epistles, required this
of him. He had recently declared that every compliance in ceremonial
observances should be made, rather than cast a stumbling-block in a
brother's way.3 He had laid it down as his principle of action, to become
a Jew to Jews that he might gain the Jews ; as willingly as he became a
Gentile to Gentiles, that he might gain the Gentiles.4 He had given it as
a rule, that no man should change his external observances because he
became a Christian ; that the Jew should remain a Jew in things outward.3
Nay more, he himself observed the Jewish festivals, had previously counte
nanced his friends in the practice of Nazaritic vows,6 and had circumcised
Timothy the son of a Jewess. So false was the charge that he had for
bidden the Jews to circumcise their children.' In fact, the great doctrine
' Acts xv. See Gal. ii. 12. " Rom. xv. 31. tuv direiBovvruv.
s Rom. xiv.
* 1 Cor. vii. 17-19. Such passages are the best refutation of Baur, who endeavours
to represent the conduct here assigned to St. Paul as inconsistent with his teaching.
6 See the discussion in Vol. I. pp. 267-269.
« Acts xviii. 18, which we conceive to refer to Aquila. (See Vol. I. p. 422.) But
saany interpreters of the passage think that St. Paul himself made the vow. We
Cannot possibly assent to Mr. Lewin's view, that St. Paul was still, on his arrival at
Jerusalem, under the obligation of a vow taken in consequence of his escape at
Ephesus. 7 Baur argues that this charge was true, because the logical inference from St. Paul's

242 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
of St. Paul concerning the worthlessness of ceremonial observances,
rendered him equally ready to practise as to forsake them, . A mind so
truly Catholi;; as his, was necessarily free from any repugnance to mere
outward observances ; a repugnance equally superstitious with the formalism
which clings to ritual. In his view, circumcision was nothing, and uncir
cumcision was nothing ; but faith, which worketh by love. And this love
rendered him willing to adopt the most burdensome ceremonies, if by so
doing he could save a brother from stumbling. Hence he willingly com
plied with the advice of the assembly, and thereby, while he removed the
prejudices of its more ingenuous members, doubtless exasperated the factious
partizans who had hoped for his refusal.
Thus the meeting ended amicably, with no open manifestation of that
hostile feeling towards St. Paul which lurked in the bosoms of some who
were present. On the next day, which was the great feast of Pentecost,1
St. Paul proceeded With the four Christian Nazarites to the temple. It
is necessary here to explain the nature of their vow, and of the office
which he was to perform for them. It was customary among the Jews
for those who had received deliverance from any great peril, or who from
other causes desired publicly to testify their dedication to God, to take
upon themselves the vow of a Nazarite, the regulations of which are pre
scribed in the sixth chapter of the book of Numbers.3 In that book no
rule is laid down as to the time during which this life of ascetic rigour was
to continue :3 but we learn from the Talmud4 and Josephus that thirty
doctrines was the nselessness of circumcision. But he might as well say that the
logical inference from the decree of the council of Jerusalem was the uselessness of
circumcision. The continued observance of the law was of course only transitional.
1 T37 ixopivy ypepif, v. 26. We here adopt Wieseler's view of the vexata qumstio
concerning the iirrd ypipai (v. 27). His arguments will be found in his Chronologic,
pp. 99-113. This view entirely removes the difficulty arising out of the " twelve days,"
of which St. Paul speaks (xxiv. 11) in his speech before Felix. Yet it cannot be denied
that, on reading consecutively the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh verses of the
twenty-first chapter, it is difficult (whether or not we identify tuv ypipuv tov byviopov
with al enrd ypipai) to believe that the same day is referred to in each verse. And
when we come to xxiv. II we shall see that other modes of reckoning the time are
admissible. 3 " When either man or woman shall separate themselves to vow a vow of aNazariic,
to separate themselves unto the Lord ; he shall separate himself from wine and strong
drink  All the days of the vow of his separation there shall no razor come upon
his head : until the days be fulfilled, in the which he separateth himself unto the Lord,
he shall be holy and shall let the locks of the hair of his head grow." Numb. vi. 2-5.
3 Sometimes the obligation was for life, as in the cases of Sampson, Samuel, and
John the Baptist. That "seven days" in the instance before us was the whole dura
tion of the vow, seems impossible, for this simple reason, that so short a time could
produce no perceptible effect on the hair. Hemsen makes a mistake here in referring
to the " seven days" in Numb. vi. 6, which contemplates only the exceptional case of
defilement in the course of the vow.
4 Tract Nazii. (Vol. iii. pp. 148, 149 of the translation of the Mischna by Suxen-
bueiuB.)

THE FOUR NAZAETTES. 243
(fays was at least a customary period.1 During this time the Nazarite was
bound to abstain from wine, and to suffer his hair to grow uncut. At
the termination of the period, he was bound to present himself in the
temple, with certain offerings, and his hair was then cut off and burnt
upon the altar. The offerings required a were beyond the means of the
very poor, and consequently it was thought an act of piety for a rich
man 3 to pay the necessary expenses, and thus enable his poorer country
men to complete their vow. St. Paul was far from rich ; he gained his
daily bread by the work of his own hands ; and we may therefore natu
rally ask how he was able to take upon himself the expenses of these four
Nazarites. The answer probably is, that the assembled Elders had
requested him to apply to this purpose a portion of the fund which he had
placed at their disposal. However this may be, he now made himself
responsible for these expenses, and accompanied the Nazarites to the
temple, after having first performed the necessary purifications together
with them.4 On entering the temple, he announced to the priests tha*;
the period of the Nazaritic vow which his friends had taken was accom
plished, and he waited5 within the sacred enclosure till the necessary
* 1 After mentioning Berenice's vow (B. J. ii. 15, 1) Josephus continues, Toig ydp y
voau KaraKOVovpivovg y naiv dkkaig dvuyKaig iBo$ evxeoBai irpb rpidKovra ypepuv
yg diroSuaetv pikkoiev 'Svaiag olvov re dipigeoBat Kal ZvpyoeaBai rag Kopag.
3 " And this is the law of the Nazarite, when the days of his separation are fulfilled :
he shall be brought unto the door of the tabernacle of the congregation ; and he shall
offer his offering unto the Lord, one he lamb of the first year without blemish for a
burnt offering, and one ewe lamb of the first year without blemish for a sin offering,
an* one ram without blemish for peace offerings, and a basket of unleavened bread,
cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, and wafers of unleavened bread anointed with oil,
and their meat offering, and their drink offerings. And the priest shall bring them
before the Lord, and shall offer his sin offering and his burnt offering : and he shall
offer the ram for a sacrifice of peace offerings unto the Lord, with the basket of un
leavened bread : the priest shall offer also his meat offering, and his drink offering.
And the Nazarite shall shave the head of his separation at the door of the tabernacle
of the congregation, and shall take the hair of the head of his separation, and put it iu
the fire which is under the sacrifice of the peace offerings." Numb. vi. 13-18.
3 Compare the case of Agrippa mentioned above.
4 'AyviaByn avv abroig (24), dyviaBelg eiorjei (26), evpbv pe yyvtopivov (xxiv. 18;.
We do not agree with those commentators who interpret the expression dyvloByn to
mean " dedicate thyself as a Nazarite along with them." We doubt whether it could
bear this meaning. At all events the other is by far the most natural and obvious.
Compare the use of dyvi^opai in Numbers xix. 12. (LXX.)
5 The obvious translation of v. 26 seems to be " He entered into the temple, giving
public notice that the days of purification were fulfilled, [and staid there] till the
offering for each one of the Nazarites was brought." The emphatic force of hbt
iKuorov should be noticed. Publicity is implied in Siayyikkuv. The persons to whom
notice was given were the priests.
This interpretation harmonises with Wieseler's view of the whole subject. If we
believe that several days were yet to elapse before the expiration of the Nazaritic cere-
v.onies, we must translate with Mr. Humphrey -"making it known that the days o/

244 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
offerings were made for each of them, and their hair cut off and burnt in
the sacred fire.
He might well have hoped, by thus complying with the legal ceremo
nial, to conciliate those, at least, who were only hostile to him because
they believed him hostile to their national worship. And, so far as the
great body of the Church at Jerusalem was concerned, he probably suc
ceeded. But the celebration of the festival had attracted multitudes to
the Holy City, and the temple was thronged with worshippers from every
land ; and amongst these were some of those Asiatic Jews who had been
defeated by his arguments in the Synagogue of Ephesus, and irritated
against him during the last few years daily more and more, by the con
tinual growth of a Christian Church in that city, formed in great part of
converts from among the Jewish proselytes. These men, whom a zealous
feeling of nationality had attracted from their distant home to the metro
polis of their faith, now beheld, where they least expected to find him, the
apostate Israelite, who had opposed their teaching and seduced their con
verts. An opportunity of revenge which they could not have hoped for
in the Gentile city where they dwelt, had suddenly presented itself. They
sprang upon their enemy, and shouted while they held him fast, " Men of
Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men every where against
the People and the Law, and this Place." ¦ Then as the crowd rushed
tumultuously towards the spot, they excited them yet further by accusing
Paul of introducing Greeks into the Holy Place, which was profaned by
the presence of a Gentile. The vast multitude which was assembled on
the spot, and in the immediate neighbourhood, was excited to madness by
these tidings, which spread rapidly through the crowd. The pilgrims who
flocked at such seasons to Jerusalem were of course the most zealous of
their nation ; very Hebrews of the Hebrews. We may imagine the
horror and indignation which would fill their minds when they heard that
an apostate from the faith of Israel had been seized in the very act of
profaning the Temple at this holy season. A furious multitude rnshed
upon the Apostle ; and it was only their reverence for the holy place
which preserved him from being torn to pieces on the spot'. They hurried
him out of the sacred enclosure, and assailed him with violent blows.3
separation which must be fulfilled before the offering should be made, were in the
course of completion." So it is taken by De Wette, who acknowledges the solecism in
irpoayvixBy. i " This place,"— tov tottov tovtov, v. 28. " This holy place,"— rbv uyiov roirov
tovtov, ib. We should compare here the accusation against Stephen vi. 13. 04
¦xavsrai fiypara kakuv /cord tov toitov tov dyiov. The -two cases are in many respects
parallel. We cannot but believe that Paul must have remembered Stephen and felt
as though this attack on himself were a retribution. See belcw on xxii. 20 Cf. Vol
I. p. 69, also p. 196.
3 See Acts xxi. 31, 32.

THE TEMPLE-AREA. 245
Their next course might have been to stone him or to hurl him over the
precipice into the valley below. They were already in the Court of the
Gentiles, and the heavy gates ¦ which separated the inner from the outer
enclosure were shut by the Levites, — when an unexpected interruption
prevented the murderous purpose.
It becomes desirable here to give a more particular description than
we have yet done of the Temple-area and the sanctuary which it enclosed.
Some reference has been made to this subject in the account of St.
Stephen's martyrdom (Vol. I. p. 69), especially to that " Stone Chamber''
— the Hall Gazith — where the Sanhedrin held their solemn conclave.
Soon we shall see St. Paul himself summoned before this tribunal, and
hear his voice in that hall where he had listened to the eloquence of the
first martyr. But meantime other events came in rapid succession : for
the better understanding of which it is well to form to ourselves a clear
notion of the localities in which they occurred.
The position of the Temple on the eastern side of Jerusalem, the rela
tion of Mount Moriah to the other eminences on which the city was built,
the valley which separated it from the higher summit of Mount Zion, and
the deeper ravine which formed a chasm between the whole city and the
Mount of Olives, — these facts of general topography are too well known
to require elucidation.3 On the other hand, when we turn to the descrip
tion of the Temple-area itself and that which it contained, we are met with
considerable difficulties. It does not, however, belong to our present task
to reconcile the statements in Josephus 3 and the Talmud 4 with each other
and with present appearances. Nor shall we attempt to trace the archi
tectural changes by which the scene has been modified, ia the long inter
val between the time when the Patriarch built the altar on Moriah for his
mysterious sacrifice,5 and our own day, when the same spot 6 is the " wail-
1 For an account of these gates see below.
' In our account of the Temple, we have used Dr. Robinson's Researches (vol. i.),
the Memoir of Jerusalem, with the plan of the Ordnance Survey, by Mr. Williams, pub
lished separately, 1849. (We have not had the opportunity of consulting the Second
Edition of " The Holy City," of which this Memoir properly forms a part.) Schulz's
" Jerusalem," with Kiepert's Map, Berlin, 1845 (from which Map our own is taken,
Vol. I. p. 74. Compare the notes, pp. 138, 140) ; also the Articles on the Temple in
Winer's Realworterbuch and Kitto's Cyclopedia, with Lightfoot's treatise on the
subject. 3 The two places in Josephus were Herod's temple is described at length are Ant
XT. 11, and B. J. v. 5. See also Ant. xx. 9, 7.
4 The tract Middoth (Measures) in the Mischna treats entirely of this subject. It
will be found in the fifth volume of the Latin translation by Surenhusius. It was also
published with notes by L'Empereur (6mall quarto, Leyden, 1630). This work is re
ferred to below. When we quote the tract itself, the references are to the pages in
gurenhusius. • Gen. xxii.
« The situation of the place is marked (17; on the Map. See Robinson, i. 350. " Ii

246 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ing-place" of those who are his children after the. flesh, but not ytt the
heirs of his faith. Keeping aloof from all difficult details, and withdraw-
ing ourselves from the consideration of those events which have invested
this hill with an interest unknown to any other spot on the earth, we con
fine ourselves to the simple task of depicting the Temple of Herod, as it
was when St. Paul was arrested by the infuriated Jews.
That rocky summit, which whs wide enough for the threshing-floor of
Araunah,1 was levelled after David's death, and enlarged by means of la
borious substiuctions, till it presented the appearance of one broad uniform
area. On this level space the temples of Solomon and Zerubbabel
were successively built : and in the time of the Apostles there were
remains of the' former work in the vast stones which formed the support
ing wall on the side of the valley of Jehosaphat,3 and of the latter in the
eastern gate, which in its name and its appearance continued to be a mon
ument of the Persian power.4 The architectural arrangements of Herod's
temple were, in their general form, similar to the two which had preceded
it. When we think of the Jewish sanctuary, whether in its earlier or later
periods, our impulse is to imagine to ourselves some building .like a syna
gogue or a church : but the first effort of our imagination should be to real
ize the appearance of that wide open space, which is spoken of by the
prophets as the " Outward Court" or the " Court of the Lord's House ;"5
and is named by Josephus the " Outer Temple," and both in the Apocry
pha and the Talmud, the "Mountain of the House."6 That which was
the " House " itself, or the temple, properly so called,7 was erected on the
highest of a series of successive terraces, which rose in an isolated uiass
¦s the nearest point in which the Jews can venture to approach their ancient temple ;
and, fortunately for them, it is sheltered from observation by the narrowness of the
lane and the dead walls around." It seems that the custom is mentioned even by
Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century.
> 1 Chron. xxi. 18. 2 Chrou. iii. 1. 4
3 See, the description of this work in Josephus, B. J. v. 5. 1. Ant. xv. 11. 3.
3 The lower courses of these immense stones still remain, and are described by all
travellers. * The Shushan Gate, which had a sculptured representation of the oity of Susa, and
was preserved from the time of Zerubbabel. Middoth, p. 326. That which is now
called the Golden Gate, " a highly ornamental double gateway of Roman construe-
tion," is doubtless on the same spot. See the Map.
» Ezek. xiv. 17. Jer. xix. 12. xxvi. 2. Iu 2 Chron. iv. 9, it is called the Great
Court. 6 The term with which we are most familiar,— the Court of the Gentiles,— is nevel
applied to this space by Jewish writers.
' In the LXX. we find ohtog and vab{ used for that which was properly the Temple,
The expression rb lepbv, in the N.T., is a general term, inclusive of the whole series of
courts. So it is used by Josephus, who speaks of the outer court as rb iraCtrav itpov.
t<) f jjofcv lepbv, while he uses vahc for the Temple itself.

THE TEMPLE-AEEA. 247.
from the centre of .the Court, or rather nearer to its north-western
corner.' In form the Outer Court was a square ; a strong wall enclosed it ; the
sides corresponded to the four quarters of the heavens, and each was a
stadium or a furlong in length.3 Its pavement of stone was of various
colours : 3 and it was surrounded by a covered colonnade, the roof of
which was of costly cedar, and was supported on lofty and massive columns
of the Corinthian order, and of the whitest marble.4 On three sides there
were two rows of columns : but on the southern side the cloister deep
ened into a fourfold colonnade, the innermost supports of the roof being
pilasters in the enclosing wall. About the south-eastern angle, where the
valley was most depressed below the plateau of the Temple, we are to
look for that " Porch of Solomon" (John x. 3, Acts iii. 11) which is familiar
to us in the New Testament : 5 and under the colonnades, or on the open
area in the midst, were the " tables of the money-changers and the seats
of them who sold doves," which turned that which was intended for a
house of prayer into a " house of merchandise" (John ii. 16), and " a den
of thieves" (Matt. xxi. 13). Free access was afforded into this wide en
closure by gates6 on each of the four sides, one of which on the east was
the Royal Gate, and was perhaps identical with the " Beautiful Gate " of
Sacred History,7 while another on the west was connected with the
crowded streets of Mount Zion by a bridge over the intervening valley.6
Nearer (as we have seen) to the north-western corner than the centre
of the square, arose that series of enclosed terraces on the summit of
which was the sanctuary. These more sacred limits were fenced off by a
1 In Middoth it is distinctly said that the space from the east and south is greater
than that from the west and north. " Mons aedis erat quadratus, ita ut singula latera
essent cubitorum quingentorum. Maximum spatium erat ab austro ; proximnm ei ab
oriente ; tertium ab aquilone ; minumum vero ab occidente. Eo loco, ubi majus erat
spatium, major erat ejus usus," p. 334. It appears that Hirt (whose work on the
Temple we have not' been able to consult) erroneously places the Temple in the centre.
3 We do not venture to touch the difficulties connected with the dimensions of the
Temple. Josephus is inconsistent both with the Talmud and himself. In one of his
estimates of the size of the whole area, the ground on which Antonia stood is included.
» To Si vwaiBpov uizav ireiroiKikro navroSaizuv klBuv KareaTpupevov. B. J. v. 5, 2.
4 Amkai piv al aroal iruaai, Kibveg <S' avralg povoKiBoi kevKordryg papudpov, KeSpi-
voig Si (parvupamv upbfyuvro. Ibid. Kiovoxpdvav aiiroig Kard tov KopivBiov rpbirov
iireljeipyaapivuv ykvfyaig, ipizkyiiv iptrotovaaig Sid ryv tov iravrog peyakoypyiav
Ant. xv. 11, 5. He adds that the height of the columns was 25 cubits (?), and theii
number 162, while each column was so wide that it required three men with out-
etr itched arms to embrace it.
6 See Jos. Ant. xx. 9, 7.
6 The statements of Josephus and Middoth with regard to the gates into the otter
court are absolutely irreconcileable.
' The Shushan Gate, mentioned above.
e The supposed remains of this bridge, with some of the different theories respecting
them, have been alluded to before. See Vol. I. pp. 27, 28, and the engraving.

248 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
low balustrade of stone, with columns at interval?, on which inscriptioni)
in Greek and Latin warned all Gentiles against advancing beyond them
on pain of death. ¦ It was within this boundary that St. Paul was accused
of having brought his Heathen companions. Besides this balustrade, a
separation was formed by a flight of fourteen steps leading up to the first
platform,3 which in its western portion was a narrow terrace of fifteen
feet wide round the walls of the innermost sanctuary,— while the eastern
portion expanded into a second court, called the Court of the. Women.3
By this term we are not to understand that it was exclusively devoted to
that sex, but that no women were allowed to advance beyond it. This
court seems to have contained the Treasury4 (Mark xii. 41, Luke xxi. 1)
and various chambers, of which that at the south-eastern corner should be
mentioned here, for there the Nazarites performed their vows ; ° and the
whole Court was surrounded by a wall of its own, with gates on each
side, — the easternmost of which was of Corinthian brass, with folding-
doors and strong bolts and bars, requiring the force of twenty men to
i ApvifiaKTog ¦KcpifiifikyTO XiBivog, rpiinixvg piv vipog, rtdvv Si xaPleVTUS Sieipyaa-
pei-og • iv ainip <P eloTyKeoav e£ iuov Siaaryparog arykai, rbv ryg dyveiag irpoaypaivov-
aai vopov, al pev 'EkkyviKolg, al Si 'PupaiKoig ypdppaai, py Setv dk7.otyvkov ivrhg
tov dylov irapievai • rb ydp Sevrepov lepbv, uyiov iKakeVro. Joseph. B. J. v. 5, 2. In
the Antiquities (xv. 11, 7) he does not say that the inscription was in different lan
guages, but he adds that it announced death as the penalty of transgression. [Tbv
SeHrepov ¦xepiPokov'] wepulxe ipKiov kiBivov SpvtyuKTOv, ypafy Kukvov elaiivai rbv
dkkoeBvy, BavariKyg dneikovpivyg ryg Zypiag. A similar statement occurs in Philo de
Virt. Qdvarog dirapaiTyrog upiarai Kurd tuv elg rovg ivrbg izepii3b?.ovg irapekBlrvruv
(Sixovrai ydp elg rovg i^urepu roiig iravraxb&ev irdvrag) Tuv ovx Opoe&vuv. Vol. H.
p. 577. Ed. Mangey. This fence is mentioned again by Josephus in a striking pas
sage, where Titus says to the Jews : 'A/)' ovx vpeig, u piapuraroi, rbv SpvQaKrov tovtov
npovPdkeoBe tuv uy'iuv ; oi>x ipelg Si rug iv avru arykag Siearyaare ypdppaaiv 'Ekky-
viKoig Kal iipeTepoig Kexapaypivag, d pySiva rb yeiaiov bnepftaiveiv napayyikkei ; ovx
tipclg Si rovg vnepbavrag vplv dvaipelv inerpiipapev, kuv 'Pupaiuv ng y ; B. J. vi. 2,
4. From this it appears that the Jews had full permission from the Romans to kill
even a Roman, if he went beyond the boundary. [These inscriptions have been
alluded to before in this work, Vol. I. p. 3.]
3 With this platform begins what is called rb Sevrepov lepbv by Josephus. Kal
TisnapeoKaiSeKa piv f3aBpolg yv dvafiarbv dub toC itpurov • perd Si Toiig SeKariaaapag
j3aBpovg to pixpi tov relxovg Sidarypa iryxuv yv SiKa, tzdv laoxeSov. B. J. v. 5, 2.
In Middoth we find the following : " Ab interiori parte erat cancellata sepes, altitu-
dine decern palmarum, cui inerant effractura tredecim quas effregerunt reges Gracise.
.... Citra illam erat intermurale decern cubitorum latitudine, ubi duodecim gradns,"
S35. Leaving aside the discordance as to numbers, we may remark that we are left
in doubt as to whether the balustrade was above or below the steps.
3 'H yvvaiKuvlTig. B. J. v. 5, 2. See Ant. xv. 11, 5.
* In Joseph. B. J. v. 5, 2, we find yatptyvkuKia in the. plural. Compare vi. 5. 2.
L'Empereur (p. 47) places the treasury, or treasuries, in the wall of the Court of ths
Women, but facing the Outer Court.
,« " Ad ortum brumalem erat atrium Nazyraeorum : quod ibi Nazyrsei coquerenl
eacharistica sua, et detonderent capillos suos, eosque ollse submitterent." Middoth,
p. 341.

THE TEMPLE. 24V>
close them for the night.1 We conceive that it was the closing of these
doors by the Levites, which is so pointedly mentioned by Luke (Acts xxi.
30) : and we must suppose that St. Paul had been first seized within them,
and was then dragged down the flight of steps into the Outer Court.
The interest, then, of this particular moment is to be associated with
the eastern entrance of the Inner from the Outer Temple. But to com
plete our description, we must now cross the Court of the Women to its
western gate. The Holy Place and the Holy of Holies were still within
and above the spaces we have mentioned. Two courts yet intervened be
tween the court last described and the Holy House itself. The first was
the Court of Israel, the ascent to which was by a flight of fifteen semi
circular steps ;3 the second, the Court of the Priests, separated from the
former by a low balustrade.3 Where these spaces bordered on each other.
to the south, was the hall Gazith,4 the meeting-place of the Sanhedrin
partly in one court, and partly in the other. A little further towards thi
north were all those arrangements which we are hardly able to associate
with the thought of worship, but which daily reiterated in the sight of the
Israelites that awful truth that " without shedding of blood there is no
remission," — the rings at which the victims were slaughtered, — the beams
and hooks from which they were suspended when dead, — and the marble
tables at which the entrails were washed:5 — here, above all, was. the
Altar, the very place of whioh has been now identified by the bore in the
1 We can hardly doubt that this is the gate mentioned by Josephus, E. J. vi. 5, 3 :
'H dvarokiKi) izvky tov ivSoripu, xakKy piv oiaa Kal an^apuruTy, Kkeiopivy Si wepl
Seikyv pbkig bit' dvSpuv eiKoai, Kal poxkolg piv iirepeiSopevy aiSypoSirotg, Karairyyag
S' exovoa (SaBvTuTovg eig rbv ovbbv bvra SiyveKovg kiBov KaBiepivovg. And this, we
think, must be identical with that of B. J. v. 8, 3. Mia y il-uBev tov veu KopivBlov
XakKov. This again is determined to be the gate by which the Court of the Women
was entered fron the east, by Ant. xv. 11 ; Elxev b ivrbg nepifiokog Kard yklov jiokdg
iva rbv piyav, Si' ov irapyeipev dyvol perd yvvaiKuv. Such is the position assigned to
the gate of Corinthian brass by L'Empereur and Winer. Others (Lightfoot, De Wette,
Williams) make it the western gate of the Court of the Women.
3 BaBpol SeKairivTe izpbg tj)v pei£ova itvkyv dirb tov tuv yvvaiKuv SiareixiapaTot,
dvyyov. B. J. v. 5, 3. " Quindecim gradns ascendebant ex ejus medio in atrium
Israelis, respondentes quindecim gradibus qui in Psalmis occurrunt : in quibus Levitaa
csiiiebant. Non erant gradus recti, sed gyrati instar dimidii rotundas arese." Mid
doth, p. 342.
» The information which Josephus gives concerning these two courts (or rather two
parts of one court) is scanty. Under the Court of Israel were rooms for the musical
instruments of the priests. Middoth, p. 344.
4 " In conclavi csesi lapidis consessus magnus Israelis sedebat, &c." Middoth, p. 378.
See L'Empereur, p. 183. "Partim in atrid, partim in luco oommuni sive intermurali."
Reference has been made before to this hall, in the narrative of Stephen's trial. Vol.L
p. 70, n. 1. See below, p. 260. Rabbinical authorities say that the boundary line of
Judah and Benjamin passed between Gazith and the Holy Place.
" Middoth, pp. 358, 359. The position of these rings, &c. was on the north side of
the altar of burnt offering, — to which the ascent -vas by a gradual slope on the south
side

250 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
sacred rock of the Moslems, which corresponds exactly with the descrip
tion given in the Mischna of the drain and cesspool which communicated
with the sewer that ran off into the Eedron.1
The House itself remains to be described. It was divided into three
parts, the Vestibule, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holm. From the
Alter and the Court of the Priests to the Vestibule was another flight of
twelve steps,3 the last of the successive approaches by which the Temple
was ascended from the east. The Vestibule was wider3 than the rest of
the House : its front was adorned with a golden vine of colossal propor
tions :4 and it was separated by a richly-embroidered curtain or veil from
the Holy Place, which contained the Table of Shew-bread, the Candle
stick, and the Altar of Incense. After this was the " second veil " (Heb.
ix. 3) closing the access to the innermost-shrine, which in the days of the
Tabernacle had contained the golden censer and the ark of the covenant,
but which in Herod's Temple was entirely empty, though still regarded as
the " Holiest of All." (Ib.) The interior height of. the Holy Place and
the Holy of Holies was comparatively small": but above them and on each
side were chambers so arranged that the general exterior effect was that of
a clerestory 6 rising above the aisles : and the whole was surmounted with
gilded spikes,6 to prevent the birds from settling on the sacred roof.
Such is a bare outline of the general plan of the Jewish Temple.
Such was the arrangement of its parts, which could be traced, as in a
map, by those who looked down from the summit of the Mount of Olives,
as the modern traveller looks now from the same place upon the mosque
of Omar and its surrounding court. As seen from this eminence, — when
the gilded front of the vestibule flashed back the rays of the sun, and all
the courts glittered (to use the comparison of Josephus) with the white
ness of snow 7 — while the column of snioke rose over all, as a perpetual
i This identification is due to Prof. Willis. See Williams' Memoir, p. 95.
* Avrbg b vabg SuSexa flaBpoig yv dvajSarbg.
3 Josephus says that there were shoulders on each side (ipnpoaBev uairep upoi irap'
iKarepov). Hence the Rabbis explained the use of the word Ariel or Lion in Isaiah
xxix. 1, inasmuch as a lion is broader in front than behind. Middoth, p. 373.
* " Vitis aurea expandebatur super portam templi." Middoth, p. 362. Tdg xpvauc,
apicikovg, dp' uv pbrpveg dvSpopyKtig KareKpipavro. Ant. XV. 11, 3. Qavpa Kal
rov peyiBovg Kal ryg rixvyg roig ISovaw. B. J. v. 5, 4. " Vitis aurea Templo re-
perta." Tac. Hist. v. 5.
* Williams, p. 97
6 Kara Kopvfyv Si xpvaeovg bjlekoig dvelxe reByypevovg, tig py tivi npooKaBe&pivi?
uokvvoiTo tuv bpviuv. B. J. v. 5, 6. From the word Kopvfy we may conclude
(as De Wette remarks, in his Archaologie) that the roof, like that oi Greek and Roman
temples, was tectum, fastigiatum. Lightfoot (Ch. xi.) thinks that the roof had pinna
cles, " as King's Colledge Chappelle in Cambridge is decked in like manner, to ita
great beauty :" and he adds that the roof was not flat, but rising in the middle, " as
King's Colledge Cluipp.lle may be. lu-rein a parallel also."
7 Toig eioatfiLhvovpLioit; StvuLi: irappuUeii bpoiog bpei xLbvog irkijpei haretyaivtm'
Kal yao KaBd pi/ /u^/jiiauiT-o kevKOTaroc uv, lb.

THE FOETEESS ANTONIA. 252
Soken of acceptable: sacrifice, — and worshippers were closely crowded on
the eastern steps and terraces in front of the Holy House, and pilgrims
from all countries under heaven were moving through the outer court and
flocking to the same point from all streets in the city, — the Temple at the
time of the festival must have been a proud spectacle to the religious Jew.
It must have been with sad and incredulous wonder that the four Disciples
heard from Him who wept over Jerusalem, that all this magnificence was
presently to pass away.1 None but a Jew can understand the -passionate
enthusiasm inspired by the recollections and the glorious appearance of
the national Sanctuary. And none but a Jew can understand the bitter
grief and deep hatred which grew out of the degradation in which his
:ation was sunk at that particular time. This ancient glory was now
ander the shadow of an alien power. The Sanctuary was all but trodden
under foot by the Gentiles. The very worship was conducted under the
surveillance of Roman soldiers. We cannot conclude this account of the
Temple without describing the fortress which was contiguous, and almost
a part of it.
If we were to remount to the earlier history of the Temple, we might
perhaps identify the tower of Antonia with the " palace " of which we
read iD the book of Nehemiah (ii. 8. vii. 2). It was certainly the build
ing which the Asmonean princes erected for their own residence under the
name of Baris.3 Afterwards rebuilt with greater strength and splen
dour by the first Herod, it was named by him, after his Romanising
fashion, in honour of Mark Antony.3 Its situation is most distinctly
marked out by Josephus, who tells us that it was at the north-western4
corner of the Temple-area, with the cloisters of which it communicated by
means of staircases (Acts xxi. 35, 40).5 -It is difficult, however, to define
the exact extent of ground which it covered in its renewed form during
the time of the Herods. There is good reason for believing that it ex
tended along the whole northern side of the great Temple court, from the
north-western corner where it abutted on the city, to the north-eastern
where it was suddenly stopped by the precipice which fronted the valley ;
and that the tank, which is now popularly called the Pool of Bethesda,
1 Mat. xxiv. 2, 3. Mark xiii. 2, 3. Luke xxi. 6.
3 Joseph. Ant. xv. 11, 4.
3 Josephus says of it : — irdkai piv Bdpig bvopa^bpevov, aiBig Si ravryg rvxbv tj?j
irpoayyopiag, iiriKparyoavTog 'Avruviov, KaBdnep dizb re tov 2e(3aoTov Kal 'Aypiinra
SeBaoTi) Kal \yparmdg rrbketg irepat peruvopdoByoav. B. J. i. 5, 4. See Vol. I. pp.
27, 28.
4 'H Si 'A/Tuvia Kard yuvlav Svo btouv Ikcito toS Kpurov iepov, ryg irpbg ioirepav
Kal ryg irpb; upKrov. B. J. v. 5, 8. Elsewhere we find: Kard Tyv jibpeiov irkevpdv.
Ant. xv. 11, 4. Tip popeiip Kkipan tov lepov. B. J. i. 5, 4. To jSSpeiov irt airtf
opovpwv. i. 21, 1. Compare also v. 4, 2.
6 See the next note but two for the clear description which Josephus gives of thi«
communication between the fortress and the cloisters.

252 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
was part of the fosse which protected it on the north.' Though the
ground on which the tower of Antonia stood was lower than that of the
Temple itself, yet it was raised to such a height, that at least the south
eastern of its four turrets 3 commanded a view of all that went on within
the Temple, and thus both in position and in elevation it was in ancient
Jerusalem what the Turkish governor's house is now, — whence the best
view is obtained over the enclosure of the mosque of Omar. But this is
an inadequate comparison. If we wish to realise the influence of this
fortress in reference to political and religious interests, we must turn
rather to that which is the most humiliating spectacle in Christendom, the
presence of the Turkish troops at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre,
where they are stationed to control the fury of the Greeks and Latins at
the most solemn festival of the Christian year. Such was the office of the
Roman troops that were quartered at the Jewish festivals in the fortress
of Antonia.3 Within its walls there were barracks for at least a thousand
soldiers.4 Not that we are to suppose that all the garrison in Jerusalem
was always posted there. It is probable that the usual quarters of the
"whole cohort" (Mat. xxvii. 27), or the greater part of it, were towards
the western quarter of the city, in that "prsetorium" (John xviii. 28) or
official residence 5 where Jesus was mocked by the soldiers, and on the
tessellated pavement6 in front of which Pilate sat, and condemned the
Saviour of the world. But at the time of the greater festivals, when a
vast concourse of people, full of religious fanaticism and embittered by
i This view is ably advocated by Dr. Robinson, in his account of Antonia (Res. i. pp.
431-436), and as Mr. Williams remarks (Memoir, p. 100), this reservoir (the Birket
Israel) may still be the Bethesda of the Gospel. See a confirmation of Dr. Robinson's
hypothesis, from the observations of Mr. Walcott, Bib. Sac. i. p. 29. Compare Traill's
Josephus, xiii. and Taylor's Continuation, lxxxviii. Pompey found a trench on the
northern side of the Temple (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 4, 2. B. J. i. 7, 3.) Compare the ac
count of the occupation of Antonia by Titus. B. J. vi.
3 It had four smaller towers rising from its angles, like the Tower of London, save
that that on the S. E. was higher than the others. fivpyoetSijg ovaa to izdv axypa
Kara yuviav riaoapaiv iripoig Sieikynro izvpyoig • uv ol piv dkkoi nevryKovTo. to iiiiog,
6 Si ini ry peaypfipivy Kal kut' dvarokyv yuvia ifiSopyKovra nyxuv yv, ug KaBopuv
bkov dir' avrov rb lepbv. B. J. v. 5, 8.
3 KaBd Si ovvynro ralg tov iepov aroalg, elg dpiporipag elxe KaTafidceig' Si' uv
Kanbvreg ol Qoovpol (KaSyaro ydp del irr' avryg rdypa 'Pupaluv) Kal Siiardpevoi jrtyiZ
rag arodg ptrZ Tuv bitkuv, iv ralg iopraig, rbv Sypov ug py n veurepioBeiy irape^ukar
rov. Ib.
4 See below, p. 265, note on airelpa.
s This Praetorium seems to have been the old palace of Herod, connected with tt»
tower called Hippicus, which is identified by existing remains. It was on the western
side of the city, and is one of our fixed points in tracing the course of the ancient
walls. See the Map.
6 'EkuBiosv M /Syparog elg rbnov keybpevov AiBbaroarov, 'E^palarl Si VaBBada.
John xix. 13. Something has been said before (Vol. I. p. 419, n. 1 1, on the (iyna oi
tribunal as the symbol of Roman power in the provinces.

THE FOKTEESS ANTONIA. 253
hatred of iheir rulers, flocked into the Temple courts, it was found neces
sary to order a strong military force into Antonia, and to keep them under
*rms, so that they might act immediately and promptly in the case of any
outbreak. A striking illustration of the connection between the Fortress and the
Temple is afforded by the history of those quarrels, which arose in refer
ence to the pontifical vestments. These robes were kept in Antouia
during the time of Herod the Great. When he died, they came under
the superintendence of the Roman procurator. Agrippa I., during his
short reign, exercised the right which had belonged to his grandfather.
At his death the command that the Procurator Cuspius Fadus should
take the vestments under his care raised a ferment among the whole
Jewish people ; and they were only kept from an outbreak by the presence
of an overwhelming force under Longiuus, the Governor of Syria. An
embassy to Rome, with the aid of the younger Agrippa, who was then at
the imperial court, obtained the desired relaxation : and the letter is still
extant in which Claudius assigned to Herod, King of Chalcis, the privi
lege which had belonged to his brother.1 But under the succeeding Pro
curators the relation between the fortress Antonia and the religious cere
monies in the Temple became more significant and ominous. The hatred
between the embittered Jews and those soldiers who were soon to take
part in their destruction, grew deeper and more implacable. Under Ven
tidius Cumanns,3 a frightful loss of life had taken place on one occasion at
the passover, in consequence of an insult perpetrated by one of tho
military.3 When Felix succeeded him, assassination became frequent in
Jerusalem : the high priest Jonathan was murdered, like Becket, in tlie
Temple itself, with the connivance of the Procurator : 4 and at the very
moment of which we write, both the soldiers and the populace were in
great excitement in consequence of the recent " uproar " caused by an
Egyptian impostor (Acts xxi. 38), who had led out a vast number of
fanatic followers "into the wilderness " to be slain or captured by the
troops of Felix.5
This imperfect description of the Temple-area and of the relations sub
sisting between it and the contiguous fortress, is sufficient to set the scene
1 Joseph. Ant. xx. 1, 2. The letter is quoted in the fifteenth chapter of Mr. Lewin's
work on the Life and Epistles of St. Paul, a chapter which contains much miscellaneous
Jiformation concerning Jerusalem and the Jews at this time.
8 Tiberius Alexander, a renegade Jew, intervened between Fadus and Cumanns
IVe shall recur to the series of procurators in the beginning of the next chapter.
s Joseph. Ant. xx 5, 2. B. J. ii. 12, 1. In this narrative the tower of Antonia and
its guards are particularly mentioned.
4 B. J. ii. 13, 3.
* The passages in Josephus, which relate to this Egyptian, are Ant. xx. 8, 6. B. J
IX 13 fi.

25J THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
^efore us, on which the events we are now to relate occurred in rapid
succession. We left St. Paul at the moment when the Levites had closed
the gates, lest the Holy Place should be polluted by murder,— and when
the infuriated mob were violently beating the Apostle, with the full intep-
tion of putting him to death. The beginning and rapid progress of the
commotion must have been seen by the sentries on the cloisters and the
tower : and news was sent up ' immediately to Claudius Lysias, the com
mandant of the garrison, that " all Jerusalem wa3 in an uproar " (v. 31).
The spark had fallen on materials the most inflammable, and not a mo
ment was to be lost, if a conflagration was to be averted. Lysias himself
rushed down instantly, with some of his subordinate officers, and a strong
body of men,2 into the Temple court. At the sight of the flashing arms
and disciplined movements of the Imperial soldiers, the Jewish mob
desisted from their murderous violence. " They left off beating of Paul."
They had for a moment forgotten that the eyes of the sentries were upon
them : but this sudden invasion by their hatred and dreaded tyrants, re
minded them that they were " in danger to be called in question for that
day's uproar." (Acts xix. 40.)
Claudius Lysias proceeded with the soldiers promptly and directly to
St. Paul,3 whom he perceived to be the central object of all the excite
ment in the Temple court : and in the first place he ordered him to be
chained by each hand to a soldier : 4 for he suspected that he might be
the Egyptian rebel,5 who had himself baffled the pursuit of the Roman
force, though his followers were dispersed. This being done, he proceeded
to question the bystanders, who were watching this summary proceeding,
half in disappointed rage at the loss of their victim, and half in satisfac
tion that .they saw him at least in captivity. But " when Lysias de
manded who he was and what he had done, some cried one thing, and
some another, among the multitude" (v. 33, 34) ; and when he found
that he could obtain no certain information in consequence of the tumult,
he gave ofders that the prisoner should be conveyed into the barracks
within the fortress.6 The multitude pressed and crowded on the soldiers,
as they proceeded to execute this order : so that the Apostle was actually
" carried up " the staircase, in consequence of the violent pressure from
' 'AvS6y. Compare this with KareSpapev in the next verse, and the dvabaBpoi men
tioned below.
3 Tiapakabuv oTpanurag Kal iKarovrupxag, v. 32. The full complement of cenhv
rions in the castle would be ten.
3 Tore iyyioag b xiklapxog. k. t. k.
< 'AkvaeaiP Svalv. So St. Peter was bound. Acts xii.
6 This is evident from his question below, v. 38. Ovk upa m\ el a Alymrrmg ;
6 Elg ri)v irapeppokyv, v. 34. So below, xxii. 24, xxiii. 16. The word denotes not
" the castle," but soldiers' barracks within it. It is the word used of the camp of th«
Israelites in the Wilderness. (LXX.)

BT. PAUL TAKEN TNTO THE BAEEACK8. 255
oelow.1 And meanwhile deafening shouts arose from the stairs and from
the court, — the same shouts which, nearly thirty years before, surrounded
the praetorium of Pilate,3 — " Away with him, away with him."
• . A.t this moment,3 the Apostle, with the utmost presence of mind,
turned to the commanding officer who was near him, — and, addressing him
in Greek, said respectfully, " May I speak with thee ?" Claudius Lysias
was startled when he found himself addressed by his prisoner in Greek,
and asked him whether he was then mistaken in supposing he was the
Egyptian ringleader of the late rebellion. St. Paul replied calmly that
he was no Egyptian, but a Jew ; and he readily explained his knowledge
of Greek, and at the same time asserted his claim to respectful treat
ment,4 by saying that he was a native of " Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of
no mean city :" and he proceeded to request that he might be allowed to
address the people. The request was a bold one : and we are almost
surprised that Lysias should have granted it : but there seems to have
been something in St- Paul's aspect and manner, which from the first
gained an influence over the mind of the Roman officer : and his consent
was not refused. And now the whole scene was changed in a moment.
St. Paul stood upon the stairs and turned to the people, and made a mo
tion with the hand,5 as about to address them. And they too felt the in
fluence of his presence. Tranquillity came on the sea of heads below :
there was " a great silence :" and he began, saying,
Brethren and Fathers,6 hear me, and let me now defend my
self before you.
The language which he spoke was Hebrew. Had he spoken in Greek,
the majority of those who heard him would have understood his words.
But the sound of the holy tongue in that holy place fell like a calm on
1 "Ore Si iryevero iirl roig dva/3a8povg, ovvifiy j3aoTa^ea8ai avrov imb tuv arpa-
tiutuv Sid ryv @iav tov bxkov, v. 35.
3 Compare Luke xxiii. 18. John xix. 15.
3 Mikkuv eladyeaBai elg ryv irapepjiokyv.
4 We need not repeat all that has been said before concerning the importance of
Tarsus. See Vol. I. pp. 22, 48-50, 105, 106, 255, 256. We may refer, however, to the
History of the place by the Abbe Belley in the twenty-seventh volume of the Ac. des
Inscriptions. 5 'Eorug inl ruv dvaj3aBpuv Kariaeiae ry xeipi, v. 40. Compare xiii. 16. xxvLl,
also xx. 34.
6 To account for this peculiar mode of address, we must suppose that mixed with
the crowd were men of venerable age and dignity, perhaps members of the Sanhedrin,
ancient Scribes and Doctors of the Law, who were stirring up the people against th«
heretic. "AvSpeg dSekfol generally translated in A. V. "Men and brethrtn " literally
Men who are my brethren, may be equally translated Brethren ; just as 'AvSoe,
'AByvdioi Athenians.

256 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the troubled waters. The silence became universal and breathless : and
the Apostle proceeded to address his countrymen as follows : —
hu birth ana * am myself an Israelite, born indeed at Tarsus in
education. Cilicia, yet brought up in this city, and taught at the
feet of Gamaliel, in the strictest doctrine of the law of our
fathers ; and was zealous * in the cause of God, as ye all are this
nis persecution dav. And I persecuted this sect unto the death, bind-
of the Christ- J r , .
ians. ing -with chains and casting into prison both men and
women. And of this the High Priest is my witness, and all tlie 3
Sanhedrin ; from whom I received letters to the brethren,4 and
went5 to Damascus, to bring those also who were there to Jeru
salem, in chains, that they might be punished.
But it came to pass that as I journeyed, when I
drew nigh to Damascus, about mid-day, suddenly there
shone from heaven a great light round about me.. And I fell to
the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, Saul, Saul, why
persecutest thou me ? And I answered, Who art thou, Lord t
and he said unto me, I am Jesus of JVasareth,e whom thou per
seeutest. And the men who were with me saw the light, and
were terrified ; ' but they heard not the voice of Him that spake
unto me. And I said, What shall I do, Lord f And the Lord
said unto me, Arise, and go into Damascus, and there thou shalt
he told of all things which are appointed for thee to do.
His blindness, And when I could not see, from the brightness ot
cure, and bap- . . _ , °
usm. that light, my companions led me by the hand, and
so I entered into Damascus. And a certain Ananias, a devout 8
man according to the law, well reported of by all the Jews who
dwelt there, came and stood beside me, and said to me, Brother
Saul, receive thy sight j and in that instant I received my sio-ht8
' The iyi> is emphatic. ' Zykuryg. See the note on Gal. i. 14.
3 llpeoovrepiov. Compare Luke xxii. 66. The high priest here appealed to was the
person who held that office at the time of St. Paul's conversion, probably Theophilus,
who was high priest in 37 and 38, a. d.
4 i. e. the Jews resident at Damascus.
5 'Ercopevbpyv, literally, I was on my road (imperf.).
* Literally, Jesus the JYazarene. Saul was going to cast the JVazarenes (so flio
Christians were called, see Acts xxiv. 5) into chains and dungeons, when he wsj
stopped by the Lord, announcing himself from heaven to be Jesus the JVazarene.
" The clause Kal IpQopoi tyevovro is omitted in some of the best MSS.
8 Evaebyg. This word is omitted in some of the best MSS., probably because the
copyists were perplexed at finding it not here used in its usual technical sense of a
Jewish proselyte.
8 'AvaSkeiru has the double meaning of to recover sight and to look up • in the

HEBEEW SPEECH ON THE STATES. 257
and saw him. And he said, The God of our fathers hath or
dained thee to know Mis will, and to behold the Just One, and to
/tear the voice cf His mouth. For thou shalt be His witness to
all the world ' of what thou hast seen and heard. And now, why
dost thou delay ? Arise and be baptized ! and wash away thy
sins, calling on the name of Jesus.3
And it came to pass, after I had returned to Jeru- Hi3 return to
salem, and while I was praying in the Temple, that I Jei'usalem-
was in a trance, and saw Him saying unto me, Hake HcUcomniana
haste and go forth quickly from Jerusalem; for they g„~ ^he'Gcn"
will not receive thy testimony concerning me. And I tUe3,
said,4 Lord, they themselves know that J continually 5 imprisoned
and scourged in every synagogue the believers in Thee. And
wlien tlie blood of thy martyr* Stephen was shed, I also myself
was standing by and consenting gladly ' to his death,8 and keeping
the raiment of them who slew him. And He said unto me, De
part / for Lwill send thee far hence unto the Gentiles.
At these words St. Paul's address to his countrymen was suddenly in
terrupted. Up to this point he had riveted their attention.9 They lis
tened, while lie spoke to them of his early life, his persecution of the
Church, his mission to Damascus. Many were present who could testify,
on their own evidence, to the truth of what he said. Even when he told
them of his miraculous conversion, his interview with Ananias, and his
vision in the Temple, they listened still. "With admirable judgment he
i deferred till the last all mention of the Gentiles.16 He spoke of Ananias
former of which it is used in the accounts of blind men healed in the gospels. Here
the A. V. translates the same verb by two different words.
' Tlavrag dvBpunovg, rather stronger than all men.
3 Bdirnaai, literally, cause thyself to be baptized (mid.). With the following
uirbkovaai, compare 1 Cor. vi. 11.
3 The best MSS. read avrov, and not rot) Kvpiav. The reference is to the confession
of faith in Jesus, which preceded baptism.
4 St. Paul expected at first that the Jews at Jerusalem (the members of his own
party) would listen to him readily, because they could not be more violent against
the Nazarenes than they knew him to have been : and he therefore thought that they
must feel that nothing short of irresistible- truth could have made him join the sect
which he had hated.
» "Hunv fvkaKi£ov. I was imprisoning, I kept on imprisoning.
6 Mdprvg had not yet acquired its technical sense, but here it may be translated
Martyr, because the mode in which Stephen bore testimony was by his death.
i 'ZvevSoKsiv, to consent gladly. Compare Rom. i. 32.
e Ty dvaipioci avrov, though omitted in the best MSS., is implied in the sense.
» Notice the imperfect yKovov as contrasted with iirypav which follows. See the
remarks on Stephen's speech. Vol. I. p. 71.
w As an illustration of St. Paul's wisdom, it is instructive to observe that in xxvL
VOL. II. — 17

258 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
as a " devout man according to the law" vv. 12), as one " well reported
Of by all the Jews " (16), as one who addressed him in the name of " the
God of their Fathers" (v. 14). In his vision he showed how he had
pleaded before that God the energy of his former persecution, as a proof
that his countrymen must surely be convinced by his conversion : and
when he alluded to the death of Stephen, and the part which he had taken
himself in that cruel martyrdom (v. 20), all the associations of the place
where they stood > must (we should have thought) have brought the
memory of that scene with pathetic force before their minds. But when
his mission to the Gentiles was announced,— though the words quoted were
the words of Jehovah spoken in the Temple itself, even as the Lord had
once spoken to Samuel,3 — one outburst of frantic indignation rose from
the Temple-area and silenced the speaker on the stairs. Their national
pride bore down every argument which could influence their reason or
their reverence. They could uot bear the thought of uncircumcised Hea
thens being made equal to the sons of Abraham. They cried out that
such a wretch ought not to pollute the earth with his presence,3— that it
was a shame to have preserved his life : 4 and in their rage and impa-.
tience they tossed off their outer garments (as on that other occasion,
when the garments were laid at the feet of Saul himself5), and threw up
dust into the air with frantic violence.6 This commotion threw Lysias into
new perplexity. He had not been able to understand the Apostle's He
brew speech : and, when he saw its results, he concluded that his prisoner
must be guilty of some enormous crime. He ordered him therefore to be
17, it is distinctly said that Jesus himself announced from heaven Paul's mission to
the Gentiles; and that in ix. 15, the same announcement is made to Ananias; —
whereas in the address to the Jews this is kept out of view for the moment, and re
served till after the vision in the Temple is mentioned. And again we should observe
that while in ix. 10, Ananias is spoken of as a Christian (see 13), here he is described
as a strict and pious Jew. He was, in fact, both the one and the other. But for the
purposes of persuasion, St. Paul lays stress here on the latter point.
1 See above, p. 244, n. 1.
3 1 Sam. iii. 3 Alpe dirb ryg yyg rbv toiovtov.
4 The correct reading appears to be KaOyKev. It will be remembered that they were
on the point of killing St. Paul, when Claudius Lysias rescued him, xxi. 31.
5 'PntTovvTav tu Ipuna, xxii. 23. Kal ol pdprvpeg direBevro rd Ipdna avTCrv napd
roig iroSag veaviov Kakovpevov Savkov Kal ikudojibkovv rbv Drfyavov, vi.58. We need
not, however, suppose, with Meyer, that this tossing of the garments and throwing of
Suit, was precisely symbolical of their desire to stone Paul. It denoted simply im
patience and disgust. So in Lucian we find : rb Jtearpov dirav ovvepeuyvei, Kal iiry-
bin, Kal ifibuv, Kal rdg ia&yrag dne^'mTovv. De Salt. 83. See the next note.
6 " Sir John Chardin, as quoted by Harmer (Obs. iv. 203) says that it is common for
the peasants in Persia, when they have a complaint to lay before their governors, to
repair to them by hundreds, or a thousand, at once. They place themselves near the
gate of the palace, where they suppose they are most likely to be seen and heard, and
then set up a horrid outcry, rend their garments, and throw dust into the air at the
same time demandingjusti.ee." Hackett.

THE CENTURION AND THE CHIEF CAPTAIN. 259
taken immediately from the stairs into the barracks ; ' and to be examined
by torture,3 in order to elicit a confession of his guilt. Whatever instru
ments were necessary for this kind of scrutiny would be in readiness
within a Roman fortress : and before long the body 3 of the Apostle was
" stretched out," like that of a common malefactor, " to receive the
lashes," with the officer standing by,4 to whom Lysias had entrusted the
superintendence of this harsh examination.
Thus St. Paul was on the verge of adding another suffering and dis
grace to that long catalogue of afflictions, which he gave in the last letter
he wrote to Corinth, before his recent visit to that city (2 Cor. xi. 23-25).
Five times scourged by the Jews, once beaten with rods at Philippi, and
twice on other unknown occasions, he had indeed been " in stripes above
measure." And now he was in a Roman barrack, among rude soldiers,
with a similar indignity s in prospect ; when he rescued himself, and at the
same time gained a vantage-ground for the Gospel, by that appeal to his
rights as a Roman citizen, under which he had before sheltered his sacred
cause at Philippi.6 He said these few words to the centurion who stood
by : " Is it lawful to put to the rack one who is a Roman citizen and
uncondemned ? " The magic of the Roman law produced its effect in a
moment. The centurion immediately reported the words to his command
ing officer, and said significantly, " Take heed what thou doest : for this
man is a Roman citizen." Lysias was both astonished and alarmed. He
knew full well that no man would dare assume the right of citizenship, if
it did not really belong to him : ' and he hastened in person s to his prisoner.
A hurried dialogue took place, from which it appeared, not only that St.
Paul was indeed a Roman citizen, but that he held this privilege under
circumstances far more honourable than his interrogator : for while Claudius
Lysias had purchased 9 the right for " a great sum," Paul was " free-born."
1 'EKekevaev abrbv dyeaBai elg ryv napepboAijv. See above, pp. 253, 4, 5.
3 iHdan^tv dveTatyaBai.
3 The correct reading appears to be irpoereivav. We take rolg Ipuatv to mean " for
the thongs," i. e. the straps (vevpoig) of which the pdanyeg were made. Others con
sider the words to denote the thongs or straps with which the offender was fastened to
the post or pillar. In either case, the use of the article is explained.
* We see this from v. 25, elite irpbg rbv iarura iKarovrapxav. Claudiun Lysias
himself was not on the spot (sse v. 26), but had handed over the Apostle to a centn-
ion, who " stood by," as in the case of a military flogging with us.
s We must distinguish between pdanyeg, paarlfciv here (24, 25) and fiaBSifcn,
ippafiSiadyv (Acts xxvL 22. 2 Cor. xi. 25). In the present instance the object was
not punishment, but examination.
<• See Vol. I. p. 310.
' Such pretensions were liable to capital punishment. " Civitatem Romanam usnr-
pantes in Campo Esquilino securi percuss it." Suet. Claud. 25.
9 Xlooaekd&v 6 xikidoxog k. t. k.
* We learn from Dio Cassius, that the civitas of Rome was, in the early part of th«

260 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Orders were instantly given ' for the removal of the instruments of torture :
and those who had been about to conduct the examination retired. Lysias
was compelled to keep the Apostle still in custody : for he was ignorant of
the nature of his offence : and indeed this was evidently the only sure
method of saving him from destruction by the Jews. But the Roman
officer was full of alarm: for in his treatment of the prisoner3 he had
already been guilty of a flagrant violation of the law.
On the following day 3 the commandant of the garrison adopted a milder
method of ascertaining the nature of his prisoner's offence. He summon
ed a meeting of the Jewish Sanhedrin with the high-priests, and brought
St. Paul down from the fortress and set him before them,— doubtless
taking due precautions to prevent the consequences which might result
from a sudden attack upon his safety. Only a narrow space of the Great
Temple Court intervened4 between the steps which led down from the
tower of Antonia, and those which led up to the hall Gazith, the Sanhedrin's
accustomed place of meeting. If that hall was used on this occasion no
heathen soldiers would be allowed to enter it : for it was within the balus
trade which separated the sanctuary from the Court. But the fear of ,
pollution would keep the Apostle's life in safety within that enclosure.
There is good reason for believing that the Sanhedrin met at that period
in a place less sacred,5 to which the soldiers would be admitted ; but this
is a question into which we need not enter. Wherever the council sat, we
are suddenly transferred from the interior of a Roman barrack to a scene
entirely Jewish.
reign of Claudius, sold at a high rate (y irokireia peyukuv rb i:purov xpyparu*
vpaBeioa) and afterwards for a mere trifle.
1 This is not expressed, but it is implied by what follows : evBiug ditioTyoav. h.t.?..
It is unnecessary to repeat here what has been said concerning the citizenship of
Paul and his father. See Vol. I. pp. 45, 46. For the laws relating to the privileges
of citizens, see again Vol. I. p. 310.
3 'E<po/3y6y on yv abrbv SeStKug. We cannot agree with Bottger in referring the
last word to irpoireivav rolg ipuai (v. 25). Nor can we see any ground for De Wetie's
notion of an inconsistency between this word and what follows. Lysias was afraid,
because he had so " bound" the Apostle, as he could not have ventured to do, had he
known he was a Roman citizen. It seems, that in any case it would have been illegal
to have had immediate recourse to torture. "Non esse a tormentis incipiendum, Div.
Augustus constituit." Digest. L. 48, tit. 18. Certainly it was contrary to the Roman law
to put a uy Roman citizen to the torture, either by scourging or in any other way. Under
the Imperial regime, however, so early as the time of Tiberius, this rule was violated ;
and torture was applied to citizens "of the highest rank, more aad more rreely. See
Geib (Geschichte des romischeu Criuiinalprocesses bis zum Tode Justlnians; p. 615,
and the instances which he quotes from Tacitus, Suetonius, Dio, and Seneca.
3 Tj? inavpiov. * See above.
5 The Rabbinical way of expressing this was as follows : " Migravit suoremus sena
tes oranimodo ab exedra lapidum csesorum ad tabernas, et a tatxrnis ail Jerusalem."
L'Emp'-rijiir on Middoth, p. 48. See Vol. I. p. 6!).

ST. PAUL BEF0EE THE SANHEDEIN. 261
Paul was now in presence of that council, before which, when he was
aiinself a member of it, Stephen had been judged. That moment could
hardly he forgotten by him : but he looked steadily at his inquisitors ; '
amoug whom he would recognize many who had been his fellow-pupils in
the school of Gamaliel, and his associates in the persecution of the Chris
tians. That unflinching look of conscious integrity offended them, — and his
confident words — " Brethren,3 I have always lived a conscientious 3 life
before God, up to this very day," — so enraged the high-priest, that he
commanded those who stood near to strike him on the mouth. This brutal
insult roused the Apostle's feelings, and he exclaimed, " God shall smite
thee, thou whited wall : 4 sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and
then in defiance of the law dost thou command me to be struck." If we
consider these words as an outburst of natural indignation, we cannot
severely blame them, when we remember St. Paul's temperament,5 and how
they were provoked. If we regard them as a prophetic denunciatiou, they
were terribly fulfilled, when this hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin
was murdered by the assassins in the Jewish war.6 In whatever light we
view them now, those who were present in the Sanhedrin treated them
as profane and rebellious. " Revilest thou God's high-priest ? " was the
indignant exclamation of the bystanders. And then Paul recovered him
self, and said, with Christian meekness and forbearance, that he did not
consider 7 that Ananias was high-priest ; otherwise he would not so have
spoken, seeing that it is written in the Law 8 " thou shalt not revile the
1 'Areviaag tu GvveSp'iu. See Vol. I. p. 14S, n. 2.
3 It should be observed that, both here and below (vv. 5, 6) he addresses the Sanhe
drin as equals, — uvSpeg ddek<j)oi, — whereas in xxii. 1, he says ubek<pol Kal iraripeg.
3 This assertion of habitual conscientiousness is peculiarly characteristic of St. Paul
See 2 Tim. i. 3, where there is also a reference to his forefathers, as in v. 6, below
Compare ch. xxvi.
" With To'ixe KeKoviapive, compare Our Saviour's comparison of hypocrites with
" whited sepulchres " (Matt, xxiii. 27). Lightfoot goes so far here, as to say that the
words themselves mean that Ananias had the semblance of the high-priest's office with
out the reality.
* See Vol. I. p. 49.
« He was killed by the Sicarii. Joseph. B. J. ii. 17, 9.
' The use of this English word retains something of the ambiguity of the original
ovk ySeiv, bn tonv dpxtepevg. It is difficult to decide positively on the meaning of
the words. Some think that St. Paul meant to confess that he had been guilty of a
want of due reflection, — others that he spoke ironically, as refusing to recognize a
man like Ananias as high-priest, — others have even thought that there was in the
words an inspired reference to the abolition of the sacerdotal system of the Jews, and
the sole priesthood of Christ. Another class of Interpreters regard St. Paul as igno
rant of the fact that Ananias was high-priest ; or argue that Ananias was not really
installed in this office. And we know from Josephus, that there was the greatest irre
gularity in the appointments about this time. Lastly, it has been suggested (Vol. I.
p. 148, n. 2) that the imperfection of St. Paul's vision (supposed to be implied in
irevlaag) was the cause of the mistake.
« Ex. xxii. 28.

262 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ruler of thy people." But the Apostle had seen enough to be convinced
that there was no prospect before this tribunal of a fair inquiry and a just
decision. He therefore adroitly adopted a prompt measure for enlisting
the sympathies of those who agreed with him in one doctrine, which, though
held to be an open question in Judaism, was an essential truth in Chris
tianity.1 He knew that both Pharisees and Sadducees were among hia
judges, and well aware that, however united they might be in the outward
work of persecution, they were divided by an impassible line in the deeper
matters of religious faith, he cried out,3 " Brethren, I am a Pharisee, and
all my forefathers3 were Pharisees : it is for the hope of a resurrection from
the dead that I am to be judged this day." This exclamation produced
an instantaneous effect on the assembly. It was the watchword which
marshalled the opposing forces in antagonism to each other.4 The Phari
sees felt a momentary hope that they might use their ancient partizan as
a new weapon against their rivals ; and their hatred against the Sadducees
was even greater than their hatred of Christianity. They were vehement
in their vociferations ; s and their language was that which Gamaliel had
used more calmly many years before6 (and possibly the aged Rabban may
have been present himself in this very assembly) : 7 "If this doctrine be
of God, ye cannot destroy it : beware lest ye be found to be fighting against
God." " We find no fault in this man : what, if (as he says) 8 an angel
or a spirit have indeed spoken to him,  " The sentence was left incom
plete or unheard in the uproar.9 The judgment-hall became a scene of
1 Tvoig Sti to ev pepog iarl ZaSSovKaiuv, rb Si irepov iiapiaaiuv. n.. r. k. For
these two sects, see the early part of Chap. II.
3 'EKpafrv. Lachmann and Tischendorf read iKpafrv. But the MSS. are divided,
and surely the aorist is more natural than the imperfect.
3 Qaptoaluv, not Qaptaaiov is the reading best supported by MSS., and the plural is
far more forcible. See Vol. I. pp. 33, 34.
4 'Eyivero oTaoig  Kal iaxloBy rb nky&og. v. 7. Compare StepdxovTo, v. 9.
s 'Eyipero Si Kpavyil peydky, v. 9. 6 Acts v. 39.
7 It appears that he died about two years after this time. See Vol. I. p. 57. We
may refer here to the observations of Mr. Birks in the Horse Apostolic* (No. xvi.) ap
pended to his recent edition of the HorsB Paulinse, where he applies the jealousy and
mutual antipathy of the Sadducees and Pharisees, to explain the conduct of Gamaliel at
the former trial, and thus traces "an unobtrusive coincidence " between this passage
and the narrative in Acts v. " First, the leaders in the persecution were Sadducees (v.
17). In the next place, it was a doctrinal offence which was charged upon them (v.
28). Again, the answer of Peter, while an explicit testimony to the claims of Jesus
is an equally plain avowal of the doctrine of the resurrection (v. 30). When Gama
liel interposes, it is noted that he was a Pharisee, &c." (v. 34.)
6 There is probably a tacit reference to what St. Paul had said, in his speech on tha
stairs, concerning his vision in the Temple.
9 There seems no doubt that the words py ¦Qeopax'upev ought not to be in the text •
and that there is an aposiopesis, either voluntary for the sake of emphasis, or compul
sory because of the tumult. Perhaps the word debpaxoi in Acts v. 39 may havo led
to the interpolation.

VISION IN THE CASTLE. 263
the most violent contention ; and presently Claudius Lysias received infor
mation of what was taking place, and fearing lest the Roman citizen, whom
he was bound to protect, should be torn in pieces between those who sought
to protect him, and those who thirsted for his destruction, he ordered the
troops to go down instantly, and bring him back into the soldiers' quarters
within the fortress.1
So passed this morning of violent excitement. In the evening, when
Paul was isolated, both from Jewish enemies and Christian friends, and
surrounded by the uncongenial sights and sounds of a soldiers' barrack, —
when the agitation of his mind subsided, and he was no longer strung up
by the presence of his persecutors, or supported by sympathizing brethren,
— can we wonder that his heart sank, and that he looked with dread on the
vague future that was before him ? Just then it was that he baa one of
those visions by night, which were sometimes vouchsafed to him, at critical
seasons of his life, and in providential conformity with the circumstances
in which he was placed. The last time when we were informed of such
an event, was when he was in the house of Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth,
and when he was fortified against the intimidation of the Jews by the
words " Fear not : for I am with thee." (Acts xviii 9, 10.) The next
instance we shall have to relate is in the worst part of the storm at
sea, between Fair Havens and Malta, when a similar assurance was given
to him : " Fear not : thou must stand before Caesar." (Ib. xxvii. 24.)
On the present occasion events were not sufficiently matured for him to
receive a prophetic intimation in this explicit form. Ho had, indeed, long
looked forward to a visit to Rome : but the prospect now seemed further
off than ever. And it was at this anxious time that he was miraculously
comforted and strengthened by Him, who is " the confidence of all the
ends of the earth, and of them that are afar off upon the sea ; who by
His strength setteth fast the mountains ; who stilleth the noise of the
seas and the tumult of the people." In the visions of the night, the Lord
himself stood by him and said : " Be of good cheer, Paul ; for as thou
hast testified of me at Jerusalem, so must thou testify also at Rome."
(Ib. xxiii. 11.)
The contrast is great between the peaceful assurance thus secretly
given to the faith of the Apostle in his place of imprisonment, and the
active malignity of his enemies in the city. When it was day, more than
forty of the Jews entered into a conspiracy to assassinate Paul :3 and that
they might fence round their crime with all the sanction of religion, they
bound themselves by a curse, that they would eat and drink nothing till
1 EikaftyBeig b X- pi) SiaairdaBy .... uyeiv re elg rtjv irapepbokyv.
* With the direct narrative, v. 12-15, we should compare closely the account given
by St. Paul's nephew, vv. 20, 21.

264 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the deed was accomplished.' Thus fortified by a dreadful oath, they came
before the chief priests and members of the Sanhedrin,3 and proposed the
following plan, which seems to have been readily adopted. The Sana*
drists were to present themselves before Claudius Lysias, with the request '<
that he would allow the prisoner to be brought once more before the
Jewish Court, that they might enter into a further investigation:3 and
the assassins were to lie in wait, and murder the Apostle on his way
down" from the fortress. The plea to be brought before Lysias was very
plausible : and it is probable that, if he had received no further informa
tion, he would have acted on it : for he well knew that the proceedings of
the Court had been suddenly interrupted the day before,5 and he would
be glad to have his perplexity removed by the results of a new inquiry.6
The danger to which the Apostle was exposed was most imminent : and
there has seldom been a more horrible example of crime masked under
the show of religious zeal.
The plot was ready:7 and the next day8 it would have been carried
into effect, when God was pleased to confound the schemes of the conspi-
1 So we are told by Josephus that ten Jews bound themselves by a solemn oath to
assassinate Herod, and that before their execution they maintained Kakug Kal avv
eiaejieia ti)v awupociav avrolg yevioBai, Ant. xv. 8, 3, 4. Hackett quotes from
Philo a formal justification of such assassinations of apostates. In illustration of the
form of the oath, Wetstein cites the following from a Rabbinical authority : " Post
jusjurandum non edam nee bibam, qui edit et bibit dupliciter reus est." Lightfoot,
however, shows from the Talmud (Hor. Heb.) that those who were implicated in such
an oath could obtain absolution.
3 IlpoaekBovrsg rolg dpxiepevaiv Kal roig irpeaflvripoig, v. 14. Most of the com
mentators are of opinion that only the Sadducean party is contemplated here, the
Pharisees having espoused St. Paul's cause. But it is far more natural to suppose that
their enthusiasm in his behalf had been only momentary, and that the temporary
schism had been healed in the common wish to destroy him. The Pharisees really
hated him the most. It would seem, moreover, from xxiv. 15, that Pharisees appeared
as accusers before Felix.
3 'Qg pikkovrag SiaytvuoKetv aKpiUarepov rd irepl avrov. See the next note but
two. 4 Karaydyy, v. 15 ; Karaydyyg, v. 20. So Karaj3dv, v. 10, and Karayayuv, xxii. 30.
The accurate use of these words should be compared with what is said by Josephus and
by St. Luke himself of the stairs between the temple and the fortress. They present
us with an undesigned consistency in a matter of topography ; and they show that the
writer was familiar with the place he is describing.
5 See above.
« We believe, with Meyer, that in v. 20 the correct reading is that adopted by Lach
mann and Tischendorf, pikkuv, not pikkovreg. If the Sanhedrin were about to inves
tigate (see v. 15), it would be in order that Claudius Lysias might obtain more infor
mation : and it would be more natural for the young man to put the matter before
him in this point of view.
7 Observe the young man's words, v. 21 : Kal viv eialv iroipoi izpooSexbpevoi rip
dirboov inayyekiov.
6 Avpiov. v. 20. It is in the young man's statement that this precise reference tc
time occurs. In v. 15 the word appears to be an interpolation.

CONSPEKACY. 265
rators. The instrument of St. Paul's safety was one of his own relations,
the son of that sister whom we have before mentioned (Vol. I. p. 49) ae
the companion of his childhood at Tarsus. It is useless to attempt tc
draw that veil aside, which screens the history of this relationship from
our view : though the narrative seems to give us hints of domestic inter
course at Jerusalem,3 of which, if it were permitted to us, we would
gladly know more. Enough is told to us to give a favourable impression
both of the affection and discretion of the Apostle's nephew : nor is he
the only person, the traits of whose character are visible in the artless
simplicity of the narrative. The young man came into the barracks, and
related what he knew of the conspiracy to his uncle ; to whom he seems
to have had perfect liberty of access.3 Paul, with his usual prompti
tude and prudence, called one of the centurions to him, and requested him
to take the youth 4 to the commandant, saying that he had a communica
tion to make to him.5 The officer complied at once, and took the young
man with this message from " the prisoner Paul," to Claudius Lysias ;
who — partly from the interest he felt in the prisoner, and partly, we need
not doubt, from the natural justice and benevolence of his disposition, —
received the stranger kindly, " took him by the hand, and led him aside,
and asked him in private " to tell him what he had to say.. He related
the story of the conspiracy in full detail, and with much feeling. Lysias
listened to his statement and earnest entreaties ; ° then, with a soldier's
promptitude, and yet with the caution of one who felt the difficulty of the
situation, he decided at once on what he would do, but without communi
cating the plan to his informant. He simply dismissed him,7 with a sig
nificant admonition, — " Be careful that thou tell no man that thou hast
laid this information before me."
When the young man was gone, Claudius Lysias summoned one or two
of his subordinate officers,8 and ordered them to have in readiness two
hundred of the legionary soldiers, with seventy of the cavalry, and two
i Vv. 16-22.
3 Two questions easily asked, but not easily answered, suggest themselves — whether
St. Paul's sister and nephew resided at Jerusalem, and, if so, why he lodged not with
them but with Mnason (above, p. 235).
3 So afterwards at Csesarea xxiv. 23, Staralju/ievog ixeiv dveoiv Kal pySiva Kukieiv
tov ISluv avrov iirypereiv abru. See the next chapter for a description of the na
ture of the Custodia, in which St. Paul was kept, both at Jerusalem and CiESarea.
4 The word veaviag is indeterminate, but the whole narrative gives ihe impression
that he was a very young man. See "Vol. I. p. 106, n. 2.
6 Vv. 17, IS.
s 20 ovv pi) neiaByg avrotg, v. 21.
' 'O piv ovv x- dnikvaev rbv veavlai irapayyeikag. k. t. k.
9 Avo nvdg tuv iKarovTapx&v, v, 23. The full complement of centurions wcnM
v ten. See below, p. 270, n. 2.

266 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
hundred spearmen ; ' so as to depart for Csesarea at nine in the evening,
and take Paul in safety to Felix the governor.3 The journey was long,
and it would be requisite to accomplish it as rapidly as possible. He
therefore gave directions that more than one horse should be provided fo
the prisoner.4 We may be surprised that so large a force was sent to se
cure the safety of one man ; but we must remember that this man was a
Roman citizen, while the garrison in Antonia, consisting of more than a
thousand men,5 could easily spare such a number ioi one day on such a
service ; and further, that assassinations, robberies, and rebellions were
frequent occurrences at that time in Judsea,6 and that a conspiracy always
wears a formidable aspect to those who are responsible for the public
peace. The utmost secrecy, as well as promptitude, was evidently required;
and therefore an hour was chosen, when the earliest part of the night
would be already past. At the time appointed, the troops, with St. Paul
in the midst of them, marched out of the fortress, and at a rapid pace
took the road to Csesarea.
It is to the quick journey and energetic researches of an American
traveller, that we owe the power of following the exact course of this
night march from Jerusalem to Caesarea.7 In an earlier part of this work,
we have endeavoured to give an approximate representation of the Roman
1 The rendering in the English version is probably as near as any other to the true
meaning of the singular word Sel;i,okd(3ovg, which is evidently distinguished here from
legionary soldiers and from cavalry, and therefore doubtless means light-armed
troops. Again, it is distinguished from bowmen and targeteers in the following pas
sage, which is the only other place where it occurs : Oi Si keybpevoi rovppdpxai elg
bivovpyiav tuv arparyyuv irdxByaav aypaivei Si toiovtov d^'iupa rbv ixovra if'
iavrbv arpanuTag ro!;o<pSpovg irevTaKooiovg, Kal irekraardg rpiaKoaiovg Kal Set;to-
ku/iovg iKurbv. Constant. Porphyr. Moreover the word Setjiokapog (or SeZwfiokog,
as it is in manuscript A.) seems to imply the use of some weapon simply carried in the
right hand. As to to the mixture of troops in the escort sent by Claudius Lysias, we
may remark that he sent forces adapted to act on all kinds of ground, and from the
imperfect nature of his information he could not be sure that an ambuscade might not
be laid in the way ; and at least banditti were to be feared.
1 'A7rd rp'iTyg upag ryg vvKTog.
s tktaauauaiv. 4 Kryvy re irapaaryaai.
5 The cxelpa was a cohort. There were ten cohorts in a legion ; and each legion
contained more than 6000 men, besides an equal number of auxiliaries and a squadron
of horse. See the next chapter.
6 See the next chapter.
' See "A Visit to Antipatris," by the Rev. Eli Smith, missionary in Palestine, in
tic Bibliotheca Sacra, vol. i. p. 478-496. The journey was expressly taken (on the way
from Jerusalem to Joppa) for the purpose of ascertaining St. Paul's route to Antipatris ;
and the whole- of this circuitous route to Joppa was accomplished in two days. The
article is followed by some valuable remarks by Dr. Robinson, who entirely agrees with
Mr. E, Smith, though he had previously assumed (Bibl. Res. iii. 46, 60) that St. Paul's
escort had gone by the pass of Bethoron, a route sometimes used, as by Cestius Galluf
nn his march from Caesarea by Lydda to Jerusalem. Joseph. B. J. ii. 19. l.

NIGHT JOUENET. 267
roads, as they existed in Palestine ; ' and we have had occasion more
than once to allude to the route which lay between the religious and politi
cal capitals of the country.3 To the roads delineated on the map (Vol. I,
p. 92) we must add another, which passes, not by Lydda3 (or Diospolis),
but more directly across the intermediate space from Gophna to Antipatris.
We have thus the whole route to Caesarea before us ; and we are enabled
to picture to ourselves the entire progress of the little army, which took
St. Paul in safety from the conspiracies of the Jews, and placed him under
the protection of Felix the governor.
The road lay first, for about three hours, northwards,4 along the high
mountainous region which divides the valley of the Jordan from the great
western plain of Judaea.5 About midnight they would reach Gophna."
Here, after a short halt, they quitted the northern road which leads to
Neapolis 7 and Damascus, — once travelled by St. Paul under widely differ
ent circumstances, — and turned towards the coast on the left. Presently
they began to descend among the western eminences and valleys of the
mountain-country,8 startling the shepherd on the hills of Ephraim, and
rousing the village peasant, who woke only to curse his oppressor, as he
¦ Chap. HI. and the map, Vol. I. p. 84.
3 Vol. I. pp. 53, 104, 424. Vol. II. p. 234.
3 See Acts ix. 32. For geographical illustration, we may refer to the movements
of Peter in reference to Lydda, Joppa, Caesarea, and Jerusalem (ix. 38. x. 23, 24.
xi. 2), and also those of Philip in reference to Sebaste (?) in Samaria, Azotus, Gaza,
and Caesarea (viii.).
4 This part of the road has been mentioned before (Vol. I. p. 85) as one where Dr.
Robinson followed the line of a Roman pavement. With the very full description in
his third volume, pp. 75-80, the map in the first volume should be compared. Mr. E.
Smith mentions this part of the route briefly. B. S. pp. 478, 479.
5 Vol. I. p. 85.
6 "We rode hastily to Bireh. . . . reached Bireh in 2 h. 20 m. . . . 35 m. from
Bireh, we came to ruins. Here we found we had mistaken our path. ... 30 m. from
hence we took the following bearings, &c. . . . reached Jufna in 30 m." B. S. 479.
Compare the time in Dr. Robinson's account.
7 Vol. I. p. 84.
6 We started [from Jufna] by the oldest road to Kefr Saba. ... In 20 m. reached
Bir Zeit. In this distance, we found evident remains of the pavement of a Roman road,
affording satisfactory proof that we had not mistaken our route." B. S. 480. " The
whole of our way down the mountain was a very practicable, and, for the most part, a
very easy descent. It seemed formed by nature for a road, and we had not descended
far from the point where our observations were made, before we came again upon the
Roman pavement. This we continued to find at intervals during* the remainder of the
day. Id some places, for a considerable distance, it was nearly perfect; and then,
again, it was entirely broken up, or a turn in our path made us lose sight of it. Yet
we travelled hardly half an hour at any time without finding distinct traces of it.
I do not remember observing anywhere before so extensive remains of a Roman road."
p. 482. " A few minutes beyond the village [Urn Sufah], a branch of the road led off
c>> the right, where, according to our guides, it furnishes a more direct route to Keft
Vub» . But just at this point the Roman road was fortunately seen following tho pati

268 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
heard the hoofs of the horses on the pavement, and the well-known tramp
of the Roman soldiers. A second resting-place might perhaps be found at
Thamna,' a city mentioned byJosephus in the, Jewish wars, and possibly
the "Timnath Heres," where Joshua3 was buried "in Mount Ephraim, in
the border of his inheritance." And then they proceeded, still descending
over a rocky and thinly cultivated tract,3 till about daybreak they came to
the ridge of the last hill,4 and overlooked " the great plain of Sharon,
coming quite up to its base on the west." The road now turned north
wards,5 across the rich land of the plain of Sharon, through fields of wheat
and barley,6 just then almost ready for the harvest. " On the east were
the mountains of Samaria, rising gradually above each other, and bounding
the plain in that direction : on the left lay a line of low wooded hills, shutting
on the left ; and thus informed us very distinctly that this was the direction for us to
take." p. 483.
1 One of the collateral results of Mr. Eli Smith's journey is the identification of the
site of this city — not the Timnath of Josh. xv. 10 — but a place mentioned in the fol
lowing passages of Josephus, Ant. xiv. 11,2. B. J. iii. 3, 5. iv. 8, 1 ; also 1 Mac. ix. 50.
It would appear that in our map, p. 84, this city ought to be placed considerably to
the northward, though still between Gophna and Diospolis. The ruins are now called
Tibneh. 3 Josh. xix. 49, 50. xxiv. 30. Judg. ii. 8, 9. Mr. E. Smith observed some remark
able sepulchres at Tibneh. •
3 B. S. 486, 487. The traveller was still guided by the same indications of the
ancient road. " Hastening on [from tibneh] and passing occasionally portions of the
Roman road, we reached in 40 m. the large town of Abud. ... To the left of our
road we passed several sepulchral excavations, marking this as an ancient place. Our
path led us for a considerable distance down a gentle but very rocky descent, which
was the beginning of a Wady. Through nearly the whole of it, we either rode upon
or by the side of the Roman road. At length the Wady became broader, and with its
declivities was chiefly occupied with fields of grain and other cultivation. . . . After
Clearing the cultivation in the neighbourhood, we passed over a hilly tract, with little
cultivation, and thinly sprinkled with shrubbery. ... In our descent, which was not
great, we thought we could discern further traces of the Roman road. But it was
nearly dark, and we may possibly have been mistaken."
4 At this point is the village of Mejdel Yaba in the province of Nablous. " It stands
on the top of a hill, with the valley of Belat on the south, a branch Wady running into
it on the east, and the great plain of Sharon coming quite up to its base on the west "
p. 488. Mr. E. Smith arrived there at eight in the evening, havin°- ridden about
thirty miles since the morning. The next day he says : " I was disappointed in not
procuring so many bearings from Mejdel Yaba as I had hoped. The rising sun shoot
ing his rays down the side of the mountain, prevented our seeing much in that direc
tion." p. 490.
e From Mejdel Yaba Mr. E. Smith did not take the direct road to Kefr Saba "which
would have led northward, probably in the direction of the Roman road " but went
more to the west, by Ras-el-Ain, and across the river Anjeh near its source and then
by Jiljulieh. '
¦ 6 " Its soil is an inexhaustible black loam, and nearly the whole of it was now under
cultivation, presenting a scene of fertility and rural beauty rarely equalled Immense
fields of wheat and barley waving in the breeze, were advancing rapidly to maturilv »
|>. 491. This was on the 27th of April, almost the exact time of St Paul's journey

ANTIPATEIS. 269
it in from the sea." Between this higher and lower range, but on the
Level ground, in a place well watered and richly wooded, was the town of
Antipatris. Both its history and situation are described to us by Josephus
The ancient Caphar-Saba, from which one of the Asmonean princes had
dug a trench and built a wall to Joppa, to protect the country from inva
sion,! was afterwards rebuilt by Herod, and named in honour of his
father Antipater.3 It is described in one passage as being near the
mountains ; 3 and in another, as in the richest plain of his dominions, with
abundance both of water and wood.4 In the narrative of the Jewish war,
Antipatris is mentioned as one of the scenes of -Vespasian's first military
proceedings.5 It afterwards disappears from history ; » but the ancient
name is still familiarly used by the peasantry, and remains with the physi
cal features of the neighbourhood to identify the site.7
The foot-soldiers proceeded no further than Antipatris, but returned
from thence to Jerusalem (xxii. 32). They were no longer necessary to
secure St. Paul's safety ; for no plot by the way was now to be apprehen-
1 Aeiaag Se 'Aki£avSpog rijv itpoSov Avnbxov, rdippov bpvrrei fiaBeiav, dirb ryg
Xa6apfa/3(7. Karap^upevog, y vvv Avnirarpig Kakelrat, dxpl ryg elg \b-nyv Ba?.dooyg, y
Kal pbvov yv inipaxov. Joseph. Ant. xiii. 15, 1. Tovtov Seiaag arpaTeveoBai iirl rovg
'Apabag uppypivov, to piv pera^i ryg iirip AvTtirarpiSog izapopeiov Kal tuv lbm;g
diyia?.uv SiaTafpevei <f>upayyi flaBe'ia. B. J. i. 4, 7.
3 flbkiv dkkyv uvyyeipev iv r$> irebiu tu keyopivu Kafapoaflg, totzov ivvSpov Ktii
Xupav dploryv Qvrolg iKke£ag, noTapov tc, neptppiovTog ryv vokiv avrijv, Kal Kukklorov
Kara piyeBog tuv <)ivtuv irepteikytpbrog ukaovg. Tdvryv airb 'Av-indrpov tov narpbg
'AvTiizarpiSa irpoayybpevaev. Ant. xvi. 5, 2. Qikoirurup ye pijv ^~HpuSyg~[, el Kal rig
irepog- k<u ydp rip irarpl pvypeiov KaTearyoe nbkiv, yv iv Tip Kakkiaru ryg j3acikeiag
neS'iu Knoag norapolg re Kal SivSpeai irkovoiav uvbpaaev AvTinarpiSa. B. J. i. 21, 9.
3 B. J. i. 4, 7. 4 Ant. xvi. 5, 2. B. J. i. 21, 9.
5 Hearing of the revolt of Vindex from Nero, iiirb ryv dpxijv tov iapog dvakajiuv rb
izkiov ryg Svvdpeug, yyayev airb ryg Kaiaapeiag tnl AvnirarpiSog. B. J. iv. 8, 1.
6 It is mentioned by Jerome as " Semirutum oppidulum." Its name appears in the
Syecdemus and in the Jerusalem Itinerary, where the distances from Jerusalem are as
follows : Civitas J\ricopoli, M. XXII. ; Civitas Lidda, M. X. ; Mutatio Antipatrida,
M. X.; Mutatio Betthar, M. X.;~ Civitas Ceesarea, M. XVI. Dr. Robinson thinks
the distance between Lydda and Antipatris ought to be XX. instead of X. Bib. Res.
iii. 46, note.
' The existence of a place called Kafar Saba in this part of the jdain was known to
Prokesch, and its identity with Antipatris was suggested by Raumer, Rob. Bib. Res.
iii. 45-47. This may be considered now as proved beyond a doubt. There are soma
minor difficulties connected with distances, and especially .with the trench of Alexan
der Balas, — which at first sight would lead us to look for Antipatris further south than
the modern Caphar Saba. B. S. 493, 494. But here we may remark (what appears
to have escaped the notice both of Mr. E. Smith and Dr. Robinson) that the trench is
not said to have been dug from Antipatris itself, but pera£i> rT/g ixip Avt. irapopeiov;
and, again, that ihe plain and not the town is said to have been called Caphar Saba:
so that we may well place it further south, towards Mejdel Yaba. Even if the town
had been so called, it might possibly have moved its place without changing its name,
just as Capua has done.

270 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ded ; but they might very probably be required in the fortress of Antonia.1
It would be in the course of the afternoon that the remaining soldiers with
their weary horses entered the streets of Caesarea. The centurion who
remained in command of them" proceeded at once to the governor, and
gave up his prisoner ; and at the same time presented the dispatch,3 with
which he was charged by the commandant of the garrison at Jerusalem.
We have no record of the personal appearance of Felix ; but if we
may yield to the impression naturally left by what we know of his sensual
and ferocious character,4 we can imagine the countenance with which he
read the following dispatch. " Claudius Lysias sends greeting to the most
Excellent » Fdix the governor. This man was apprehended by the Jews, and
on the point of being killed by them, when I came and rescued him with my
military guard : " for I learnt that he was a Roman citizen.'' And when I
wished to ascertain the charge which they had to allege against him, I took
him down 8 to their Sanhedrin : and there I found that the charge had refer
ence to certain questions of their law, and that he was accused of no offence
worthy of death or imprisonment. And now, having received information,
that a plot is about to be formed against the man's life, I send 9 him to thei
forthwith, and I have told his accusers that they must bring their chargi
before thee.10 Farewell." "
1 It is explicitly stated that they came back to their quarters at Jerusalem (elg ryv
irapepbokyv). 3 One centurion would remain, while the others returned. Possibly he is the same
officer who is mentioned, xxiv. 23.
3 'AvaSovreg rijv iiriaroki)v rip yyipovi, irapeoryoav Kal tov Tlavkov abru, v. 33.
• See next chapter.
6 Tu KparioTip yyepbvi, v. 26. " His Excellency the Governor." This is evidently
an official title. Tertullus uses the same style, Kpdnore $»5/Uf, xxiv. 3, and Paul him
self, Kpdnare i>yare, xxvi. 25.
6 2w rip oTparevpan, which is unfortunately translated in the English version
" with an army."
7 This statement was dexterously inserted by Claudius Lysias to save himself from
disgrace. But it was false : for it is impossible not to see that paBuv intends to con
vey the impression that Paul's Roman citizenship was the cause of the rescue, whereas
this fact did not come to his knowledge till afterwards. Some of the commentators
have justly observed that this dexterous falsehood is an incidental proof of the genuine
ness of the document.
3 Karyyayov. Here we may repeat what has been said above concerning the tppo-
Braphy of Antonia and the Temple.
9 This is the natural English translation of lirepipa. Our letters are expressed as
from the writer's point of view, those of the ancients were adapted to the position of
the reader.
io 'Eirl aov, at the termination, emphatic.
» 'Ef>(>uao. The MSS. vary as to the genuineness of this word. If the evidence is
equally balanced, we should decide in its favour ; for it is exactly the Latin " Vale."
Such dispatches from a subordinate to a commanding officer would naturally be in
Latin. See Vol. I. p. 3, where however it ought to be added that Elogium is rather
a report from a lower to' a higher oourt, upon appeal.

HEEODS PE^ETORIUM. S71
Felix raised his eyes from the paper, and said, " To what province
does he belong ?" it was the first question which a Roman governor
would naturally ask in such a case. So Pilate had formerly paused,
when he found he was likely to trespass on " Herod's jurisdiction." Be
sides the delicacy required by etiquette, the Roman law laid down strict
rules for all inter-provincial communications. In the present case there
could be no great difficulty for the moment. A Roman citizen with cer
tain vague charges brought against him, was placed under the protection
of a provincial governor, who was bound to keep him in safe custody till
the cause should be heard. Having therefore ascertained that Paul was
a native of the province of Cilicia,1 Felix simply ordered him to be kept
in " Herod's praetorium," and said to Paul himself, " I will hear and
decide thy cause,3 when thy accusers are come." Here then we leave the
Apostle for a time. A relation of what befel him at Caesarea will be
given in another chapter, to which an account of the political state of
Palestine, and a description of Herod's city, will form a suitable intro
duction. 1 'Etc icoiag brapxiag ... /cat miBbpevog on dnb KikiKiag, v. 34. It has already
been observed (Vol. I. p. 143) that inapxia is a general term for both the emperor's
and the senate's provinces, just as yyepuv is a general term for the government of
either. For the province of Cilicia see pp. 249, 250.
' AiaKovc iuai oov, a. r, k„ v. 35. Compare SiayvdxKpai, xxiv 22.

273 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

CIIAPTEE XXII.
TlapaSuaovaiv ipug elg STNEAPIA- Kal iirl HTEMONAZ Si Kal I3A2IAEI2
txByaeaBe iveKev ipov ejg paprvpiov avrolg Kal rolg iBveaiv. "Orav Si napaSuaiv
bpdg, pi) pepipvyayn izug y t'l kakyaere- SoByaerai ydp vplv iv iKeivy rij upa n
kakyaere • ov ydp bpelg iari ol kakovvreg, dkkd rb Xlvevpa rov Uarpbg vpuv rb ka?.om
tv vplv. Matt. x. 17-20.
HISTORY OF JUDiEA RESUMED.— ROMAN GOVERNORS.— FELIX.— TROOPS QUARTERED IN
PALESTINE.— DESCRIPTION Or CiESABEA.— ST. PAUL ACCUSED THERE.— SPEECH BEFORS
FELIX.— CONTINUED IMPRISONMENT.— ACCESSION OF FESTUS.— APPEAL TO THE EMPE.
ROR.— SPEECH BEFORE AGRIPPA.
We have pursued a long and varied narrative, since we last took a gene
ral view of the political history of Judaa. The state of this part of the
Empire in the year 44 was briefly summed up in a previous chapter (Vol
I. Ch. IV.). It was then remarked that this year and the year CO were
the two only points which we can regard as fixed in the annals of the
earliest Church, and, therefore, the two best chronological pivots of the
Apostolic history.1 We have followed the life of the Apostle Paul
through a space of fourteen years from the former of these dates : and
now we are rapidly approaching the second. Then we recounted the mis
erable end of King Agrippa I. Now we are to speak of Agrippa II.,
who, like his father, had the title of King, though his kingdom was not
identically the same.3
The life of the second Agrippa ranges over the last period of national
Jewish history, and the first age of the Christian Church : and both his
life and that of his sisters Drusilla and Berenice 3 are curiously connected,
• ' We assume that Festus succeeded Felix in the year 60. In support of this opinion
we must refer to the note (C) upon the Chronological Table in the Appendix.
3 Agrippa II. was made king of Chalcis A. d. 48— he received a further accession of
territory a. d. 53, and died, at the age of 70, A. d. 99. He was intimate with Josephus,
and was the last prince of the Herodian house.
3 Titus seems to have been only prevented from marrying this beautiful and profit-
gate princess by the indignant feeling of the Romans. See Dio Cass. lxvi. 15. Bepe-
/iKy ig rijv 'Pupyvt perd tov dSek^ov tov '\ypimra ykBe . . . . y Si 'v rip irakaria
pKyce', Kal rv T'nu avveyiyvero- wpoaeboKuTO Si yapyByaeoBai abiip, Kal ndvra ySi)
if Kal yvvi) avrov obaa inoier uar' inelvov ,-dvaxepahiovrag rovg 'Pu'paicv; iirl rovroig
yoByphov, dirowipipaaBai abryv. The name of Berenice is so mixed up with the his
tory -if the times, and she is so often mentioned, both by Josephus and by Roman

EOMAN GOTEENOES IN rUDJEA. 273
by manifold links, with the general history of the times. Agrippa saw
the destruction of Jerusalem, and lived till the first century was closed in
the old age of St. John, — the last of a dynasty eminent for magnificence
and intrigue. Berenice concluded a life of profligacy by a criminal con
nection with Titus the conqueror of Jerusalem. Drusilla became the wife
of Felix, and perished with the child of that union in the eruption of Ve
suvius.

COIN OF HEROD iGIUFPA II.
We have said that the kingdom of this Agrippa was not coincident
with that of his father. He was never, in fact, King of Judcea. The
three years, during which Agrippa I. reigned at Cassarea, were only an
interpolation in the long series of Roman procurators, who ruled Judaea
in subordination to the governors of Syria, from the death of Herod the
Great to the final destruction of Jerusalem. In the year 44, the second
Agrippa was only sixteen years old, and he was detained about the court
of Claudius, whilst Cuspius Fadus was sent out to direct the provincial
writers, that it is desirable to put together here some of the principal notices of her
life and character. She was first married to her uncle, Herod, King of Chalcis ; and
after his death she lived with her brother, Agrippa, not without suspicion of the most
criminal intimacy (fypyg imaxovoyg on rip dSekfu ovvyei. Joseph. Ant. xx. 7, 3.)
Compare Juvenal, vi. 155 : — " Adamas notissimus et Berenices
In digito factus pretiosior : hunc dedit olim
Barbaras inceste, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori."
It was during this period of her life that she made that marriage with Polemo, king
of Cilicia, which has been alluded to in the earlier part of this work. (Vol. I. p. 25.)
Soon she left Polemo and returned to her brother : and then it was that St. Paul was
brought before them at Casarea. After this time, she became a partisan of Vespasian.
(Berenice partes juvabat, florens setate fbrmaque, et seni quoque Vespasiano magnifi
centia munerum grata, Tac. Hist. ii. 81.) Her connection with Vespasian's son is
mentioned by Suetonius (Tit. 7) and by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 2), as well as by Dio Cassius
The one redeeming passage in her life is the patriotic feeling she displayed on the
occasion alluded to Vol. H. p. 243. (See Joseph. B. J. II. 15, 16.)
1 From the British Museum. " This prince, notwithstanding the troubles which
now began to afflict his ill-fated country, spent large sums in improving and beautify
ing Jerusalem, Berytus, and Caesarea Philippi. Of the latter there is a coin extant,
bearing the head of Nero : reverse EJJ.I BASIAE. ArPIIHIA NEPCNIE, within a
laurel garland, confirming the account of Josephus (Ant. xx. 9, 8), who says Herod
enlarged and called the city Neronias, in honour of the Emperor." Akerman, Num.
111. p. 57. There seems to be some doubt about the coins, one of which Mr. Akerman
gives, bearing the name of Agrippa, with the umbrella or tabemaculum (the Oriental
symbol of power) on one side, and on the other some ears of corn (perhaps having a
symbolical reference to the oblation of the first-fruits, or perhaps only a substitute for
the representations which were repugnants to the Jews).
vol. ll — 18

274 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
affairs at Cssarea.1 It was under the administration of Fadus that those
religious movements took place, which ended (as we have seen above, p.
253) in placing under the care of the Jews the sacred vestments kept ia
the tower of Antonia, and which gave to Herod king of Chalcis the
management of the temple and its treasury, and the appointment of the
high priests. And in other respects the Jew? had reason to remember his
administration with gratitude ; for he put down the banditti which had .
been the pest of the country under Agrippa ; aud the slavish compliment
of Tertullus to Felix (Acts xxiv. 2, 3) might have been addressed to him
with truth, — that " by him the Jews enjoyed great quietness, and that
very worthy deeds had been done to the nation by his providence." He
was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander, a renegade Alexandrian Jew, and
the nephew of the celebrated Philo.3 In relation to the life of this offi
cial in Judsea, there are no incidents worth recording : at a later period
we see him at the siege of Jerusalem in command of Roman forces under
Titus : 3 and the consequent inscriptions in his honour at Rome served to
point the sarcasm of the Roman satirist.4 Soon after the arrival of Ven-
tidius Cumanus to succeed him as governor ° in the year 48, Herod King
of Chalcis died, and Agrippa II. was placed on his throne, with the same
privileges in reference to the temple and its worship, which had been pos
sessed by his uncle. " During the government of Cumanus, the low and
sullen murmurs which announced the approaching eruption of the dark
volcano now gathering its strength in Palestine, became more distinct.
The people and the Roman soldiery began to display mutual animosity." 6
One indication of this animosity has been alluded to before,7 — the dread
ful loss of life in the temple, which resulted from the wanton insolence of
one of the soldiers in Antonia at the time of a festival. Another was the
excitement which ensued after the burning of the Scriptures by the Ro
man troops at Beth-Horon, on the road between Jerusalem and Caesarea.
An attack made by the Samaritans on some Jews who were proceeding
through their country to a festival, led to wider results.8 Appeal was
made to Quadratus, governor of Syria : and Cumanus was sent to Rome
to answer for his conduct to the emperor. In the end he was deposed,
and Felix, the brother of Pallas the freedman and favourite of Claudius
• Joseph. Ant. xix. 9. xx.5.1. B. J. ii. 11,6.
* Joseph. Ant. xx. 5, 2.
3 B. J- v. 1, 6. Compare ii. 18, 7 ; and iv. 10, 6.
4 Atque triumpbales inter quos ausus habere
Nescio quis titulos ^Egyptius atque Alabarches. Juv. i. 129.
» Ant. xx. 5, 2. B. J. ii. 12, 1.
• Milman's History of the Jews, ii. 203.
i See the preceding chapter, p. 253. For Beth-Horon see p. 266, n. 7.
• Ant. xx. 6. B. J. ii. 12.

FELIX. 275
was (partly by the influence of Jonathan the high priest) appointed to
succeed him.1
The mention of this governor, who was brought into such intimate re
lations with St. Paul, demands that we should enter now more closely into
details. The origin of Felix and the mode of his elevation would prepare
us to expect in him such a character as that which is condensed into a few
words by Tacitus,3 — that " in the practice of all kinds of lust and cru
elty he exercised the power of a king with the temper of a slave." The
Jews had, indeed, to thank him for some good services to their nation.
He cleared various parts of the country from robbers ; 3 and he pursued
and drove away that Egyptian fanatic,4 with whom Claudius Lysias too
hastily identified St. Paul.5 But the same historian, from whom we
derive this information, gives us a terrible illustration of his cruelty in the
story of the murder of Jonathan, to whom Felix was partly indebted for
his own elevation. The high priest had presumed to expostulate with the
governor on some of his practices, and assassins were forthwith employed
to murder him in the sanctuary of the temple.6 And as this crime illus
trates one part of the sentence, in which Tacitus describes his character,
so we may see the other parts of it justified and elucidated in the narra
tive of St. Luke ; — that which speaks of him as a voluptuary, by his
union with Drusilla, whom he had enticed from her husband by aid of a
magician, who is not unreasonably identified by some with Simon Magus,'
— and that which speaks of his servile meanness, by his trembling with
out repentance at the preaching of Paul, and by his detention of him in
prison from the hope of a bribe. When he finally left the Apostle in
bonds at Caesarea, this also (as we shall see) was done from a mean de
sire to conciliate those who were about to accuse him at Rome of mal
administration of the province. The final breach between him and the
provincials seems to have arisen from a quarrel at Caesarea, between the
' > Josephus and Tacitus differ as to the circumstances of his first coming into the
East. According to one account he was joint-procurator for a time with Cumanus, the
latter holding Galilee, the former Samaria. From the circumstance of his being called
Antonius Felix, it has been supposed that he was manumitted by Antonia, the mother
of Claudius. p
3 " Claudius, defunctis regibus aut ad modicum redactis, Judxam provinciam equi-
tibus Romanis aut libertis permisit ; e quibus Antonius Felix per omnem savitiam
ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit." Hist. v. 9. In another place,
he says, comparing him with bis brother Pallas : — " At non frater ejus, cognomento
Felix, pari moderatione agebat, jam pridem Judaese impositus et cuncla malefacta sibi
impune ratus tanta potentia subnixo." Ann. xii. 54.
* B. J. ii. 13, 2. * Ant. xx. 8, 6. B. J. ii. 13, 5.
* See the preceding Chapter.
« Ant. xx. 8, 5. His treachery to Eleazar the arch-robber, mentioned by Josephus
•r. the same section, should not be unnoticed.
' See Vol. I. p. 80, n. 1. By Suetonius (Claud. 28) Felix is called " Trium regina-
nam Maritus." One of these was another Drusilla.

76 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Jewish and Heathen population, which grew so serious, that ths foops
were called out into the streets, and both slaughter and plunder was the
result. The mention of this circumstance leads us to give some account of the
troops quartered in Palestine, and of the general distribution of the Roman
army : without some notion of which no adequate idea can be obtained of
the empire and the provinces. Moreover, St. Paul is brought, about this
part of his life, into such close relations with different parts of that mili
tary service, from which he draws some of his most forcible imagery,1 that
our narrative would be incomplete without some account both of the
Praetorian guards and the legionary soldiers. The latter force may be
h<;ly described in connection with Caesarea, and we shall see that it is not
out of place to allude here to the former als**, though its natural associa
tion is with the city of Rome.
That division between the armed and unarmed provinces, to which
attention has been called before (Vol. 1. pp. 141-145),3 will serve to
direct us to the principle on which the Roman legions were distributed.
They were chiefly posted in the outer provinces or along the frontier, the
immediate neighbourhood of the Mediterranean being completely subdued
under the sway of Rome.3 The military force, required in Gaul and Spain
was much smaller than it had been in the early days of Augustus.4 Even in
Africa the frontier was easily maintained : ° for the Romans do not seem to
have been engaged there in that interminable war with native tribes, which
occupies the French in Algeria. The greatest accumulation of legions was
on the northern and eastern boundaries of the empire, — along the courses
of the three frontier rivers, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates;"
and, finally, three legions were stationed in Britain and three in Jud«a.
We know the very names of these legions. Just as we find memorials of
1 See especially Eph. vi. 10-18 : also 1 Thess. v. 8 ; and 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4.
3 We m<\y add her», that the division of the provinces under the Emperors arose out
of an earlier division under the republic, when a Proconsul with a large military force
was sent to some provinces, and a Propraetor with a smaller force to others. See
Hoeck's Rom. Gesch. I. ii. 180, 181.
a It is enough here to refer to secondary authorities. Hoeck (I. ii. 183) enumerates
the legions and their stations in the time of Augustus : Gibbon (Ch. i.) describes the
" peace establishment of Hadrian," a hundred years later. The original sources of in
formation are Tac. Ann. iv. 5 ; Dio Cass. Iv. 23 ; and Joseph. B. J. ii. 16.
* " Hispaniae recens perdomitaj tribus [legionibus] habebantur." Tac. 1. c. At the
later period Gibbon assigns only one legion to the whole of Spain.
» Tacitae (1. c.) assigns two legions to Africa: but loth before and afterwards only
one was required there. See Ann. ii. 52. Hist. ii. 97 iv. 23. It must be remembered
that Egypt is not included.
e At the earlier period we find four legions in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates,
eight on the Rhine-frontier, and six along the Danube (two in Mcesia, two in Pauno-
nia, and two in Daimatia). At the later period the force on each of these rivers was
considerably greater. See Hoeck and Gibbon.

TROOPS QTj.VBTERED IN PALES'nNE. 277
the second, the ninth, and the twentieth in connection with Chester1 or
York, so by the aid of historians or historic monuments wc can trace tlie
presence of the fifth, the tenth, and the fifteenth in Ca;sarea, Ptolemais, or
Jerusalem.3 And here two principles must be borne in mind which regu
lated the stations of the legions. They did not move from province to
province, as our troops are taken in succession from one colony to another ;
but they remained on one station for a vast number of years. And they
were recruited, for the most part, from the provinces where they were
posted : for the time had long passed away when every legionary soldier
was an Italian and a freeborn Roman citizen.3 Thus Josephus tells us
repeatedly that the troops quartered in his native country were reinforced
from thence ; 4 net, indeed, from the Jews, — for they were exempt from
the duty of serving,6 — but from the Greek and Syrian population.
But what were these legions ? We must beware of comparing them
too exactly with\our own regiments of a few hundred men ; for they ought
rather to be called brigades, each consisting of more than 6,000 infantry,
with a regiment of cavalry attached. Here we see the explanation of
one part of the force sent down by Claudius Lysias to Antipatris. Within
the fortress of Antonia were stables for the horses of the troopers, as well
as quarters for a cohort of infantry. But, moreover, every legion had
attached to it a body of auxiliaries levied in the province, of almost equal
number ; and here, perhaps, we find the true account of the 200 " spear
men," who formed a part of St. Paul's escort, with the 200 legionary
soldiers. Thus we can form to ourselves some notion of those troops
(amounting, perhaps, to 35,000 men), the presence of which was so
familiar a thing in Judasa, that the mention of them appears in the most
1 Antiquarians acquainted with the monuments of Chester are familiar with the
letters leo. xx. v. v. Valens Victrix). ,
3 In the History of Tacitus (v. 1) these three legions are expressly mentioned.
•' Tres Titum in Juda;a legiones, quinta et decuma et quinta decuma, vetus Vespasiani
miles, excepere." Compare i. 10, ii. 4. The same legions are mentioned byJosephus
See, for instance, B. J. v. 1, 6, v. 2, 3. Orelli says that they, were the V. Macedonica,
X. Freteusis, and XV. Apollinaris. The fifth is mentioned in one of his Inscriptions
(No. 1170) in connection with the names of Vespasian and Titus. The same legion is
mentioned on coins of Berytus and Heliopolis in Syria ; and the tenth on a coin of
Ptolemais. See Mionnet, as referred to by Akerman, p. 35
3 At first under the Republic all Roman soldiers were Roman citizens. " But in
proportion as the public freedom was lost in extent of conquest, war was gradually
improved into an art and degraded into a trade." The change began with Marius.
The alauda of Caesar was formed of strangers : but these troops afterwards received
the Roman citizenship. With the distinction between the Praetorian and legionary
soldiers, all necessary connection between citizenship and military service ceased to
exist. In strict conformity with this state of things we find that Claudius Lysias waj
a citizen by purchase, not because he was a military officer.
* Ant xiv. 15, 10. B. J. i. 17, L-
* Ins. Ant. xiv. 10, 11 -19.

278 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
solemn passages of the Evangelic and Apostolic history,1 while a Jewish
historian gives us one of the best accounts of their discipline and
exercises.3 But the legionary soldiers, with their cavalry and auxiliaries, were not
the only military force in the empire, and, as it seems, not the only one
in Judsea itself. The great body of troops at Rome (as we shall see when
we have followed St. Paul to the metropolis) were the Pratorian Guards,
amounting at this period to 10,000 men.3 These favoured forces were
entirely recruited from Italy ;" their pay was higher, and their time of
service shorter ; and, for the most part, they were not called out on
foreign service.5 Yet there is much weight in the opinion which regards
the Augustan Cohort of Acts xxvii. 1, as a part of this Imperial Guard.0
Possibly it was identical7 with the Italic Cohort of Acts x. 1. It might
well be that the same corps might be called " Italic," because its men
were exclusively Italians ; and " Augustan," because they were properly
part of the Emperor's guard, though a part of them might occasionally be
attached to the person of a provincial governor. And we observe that,
1 It must be borne in mind that some of the soldiers mentioned in the Gospels be
longed to Herod's military force : but since his troops were disciplined on the Roman
model, we need hardly make this distinction.
3 B. J. iii. 5.
3 Under Augustus there were nine cohorts. Tac. Ann. iv. 5. "Under Tiberius they
were raised to ten. Dio C. Iv. 24. The number was not increased again till after St
Paul's time.
4 "Etruria ferme Umbriaque delectse aut vetere Latio et coloniis antiquitus Ro-
manis." Tac. 1. c. Hence Otho compliments them with the titles " Italise alumni,
Romana vere juventus."
a Such a general rule would have exceptions — as when our own Guards were at
Waterloo. 0 This is a question of some difficulty. Two opinions held by various commentators
may, we think, readily be dismissed. 1. This cohors Augusta was not a part of any
legio Augusta: for though three legions at least had this designation, it does hot
appear that any of them ever served in Syria or Judaea. 2. It was not identical with
the Sebasteni (so named from Sebaste in Samaria) mentioned by Josephus. Ant. xix.
9, 2. xx. 8, 7. xx. 6, 1. B. J. ii. 12, 5 ; for, in the first place, this was a troop of
horse (Iky inniuv Kakovpivy "Leiaaryvuv), and secondly, we should expect a different
term to be used, such as airelpa Kak. 2e6. Wieseler's view may be seen in a long and
valuable note, p. 389. He thinks this cohort was a special corps enrolled by Nero under
the name of Augustani (Tac. Ann. xiv. 15). Augustiani (Suet. Nero. 20, 25). 'Avyova-
retoi. (Dio. lxi. 20. lxiii. 8). They were the ilite of the Praetorians and- accompanied
Nero to Greece. The date of their enrolment constitutes a difficulty. But might not
the cohort in question be some other detachment of the Praetorian guards?
' If this is so, we must modify what has been said in Vol. I. p. 28, n. 2. The subject
has been alluded to again, in the account of Cornelius, p. 116, n. 2. It is there shown
that this corps cannot have been a cohort of Nero's Legio prima Italica. One objec
tion to the view of Meyer, who identifies the two, is that Judsea was not under procu
rators at the time of the conversion of Cornelius. But there is great obscurity about
tl*e early dates in the Acts. If the Augustan cohort is identical with the Augustani
of Nero, it is clear that the Italic cohort is not the same.

(LESAKEA. 279
while Cornelius (x. 1) and Julius (xxvii. 1) are both Roman names, it is
at Caesarea that each of these cohorts is said to have been stationed. As
regards the Augustan cohort, if the view above given is correct, one result
of it is singularly interesting : for it seems that Julius, the centurion, who
conducted the Apostle Paul to Rome, can be identified with a high degree
of probability with Julius Priscus, who was afterwards prefect of the
Praetorian Guards under the Emperor Vitellius.1
This brief notice may suffice, concerning the troops quartered in
Palestine, and especially at Caesarea. The city itself remains to be de-

COIN OF OESAREA.
scribed. Little now survives on the spot to aid us in the restoration of
this handsome metropolis. On the wide area once occupied by its busy
population there is silence, interrupted only by the monotonous washing of
the sea ; and no signs of human life, save the occasional encampment of
Bedouin Arabs, or the accident of a small coasting vessel anchoring off
the shore. The best of the ruins are engulphed by the sand, or concealed
by the encroaching sea. The nearest road passes at some distance, so
that comparatively few travellers have visited Caesarea.3 Its, glory was
short-lived. Its decay has been complete, as its rise was arbitrary and
sudden. Strabo, in the reign of Augustus, describes at this part of the
inhospitable coast of Palestine nothing but a landing-place, with a castle
called Strato's tower"4 Less than eighty years afterwards we read in
Tacitus and Pliny of a city here, which was in possession of honourable
privileges, and which was the " Head of Judaea," as Antioch was of Syria.5
' See Wieseler'j argument, p. 393, and the Addenda at the end of his Chronologic.
The passages on which it is based are Tac. Hist. ii. 92. iv. 11.
1 From the British Museum. For the coins of Cassarea see Sestini. 149. Eckhel
iii, 428. Mionnet v. 486. Supp. viii. 334.
3 Thus Dr. Robinson was prevented from visiting or describing what remains. The
fullest account is perhaps that in Buckingham's Travels (I. 197-215). See also Irby
and Mangles, and Lamartine. There is an excellent description of the place, with
illustrations, at the end of the first volume of Dr. Traill's Josephus. Woodcuts will
be found in Kitto's Cyclopedia, and in the first volume of Scripture Topography pub
lished by the Chr. Kn. Society : but the sources are not given. Our illustration, at
the close of this chapter, is from Bartlett's Footsteps of Our Lord and His Apostks.
4 Herd Si rijv 'AKyv, ^Tpdruvog ttvpyog irpbaoppov tyw ' pera^b Si Kdppykog rt
bpog. Strab. xvi. 2.
s " Stratonis turrie, eadem Caesarea, ab Herode rege condita : nunc Colouia prima
Flavia, a Vespasiano imperatore deducta." Plin. H. N. v. 14. " Mucianus Antiocliiam
Vespasianus Csesaream : ilia Suriae, haec Judajae caput esl." Tac. Hist. ii. 79.

280 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Josephus explains to us the change which ttok place in so short an in
terval, by describing the work which Herod the Great began and com
pleted in twelve years.1 Before building Antipatris in honour of his
father (see p. 269), he built on the shore between Dora and Joppa, where
Strato's castle stood near the boundary of Galilee and Samaria, a city of
sumptuous palaces » in honour of Augustus Caesar. The city was provided
with everything that could contribute to magnificence,3 amusement,4 and
health.5 But its great boast was its harbour, which provided for the
ships which visited that dangerous coast, a safe basin, equal in extent to
the Piraeus.6 Vast stones were sunk in the sea to the depth of twenty
fathoms,7 and thus a stupendous breakwater8 was formed, curving round
so as to afford complete protection from the south-westerly winds,8 and
open only on the north.10 Such is an imperfect description of that city,
which in its rise and greatest eminence is exactly contemporaneous with
the events of which we read in the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles.
It has, indeed, some connection with later history. Vespasian was here
declared Emperor, and he conferred on it the title of a colony, with the
additional honour of being called by his own name." Here Eusebius ¦" and
Procopius were born, and thus it is linked with the recollections of Con-
stantine and Justinian. After this time its annals are obscured, though
the character of its remains — which have been aptly, termed ." ruins cf
ruins," — show that it must have long been a city of note under the succes-
> Antiq. xv. 9, 6. B. J. i. 21, 5-8.
3 AapirpordToig Hbapyae fiaaikeioig. B. J. Below he says of the harbour : — . i
kdk?.og ug iizl pySevl SvaKoku KeKocpyoBai.
- It contained both a theatre and an amphitheatre. The former possesses great in
terest for us, as being the scene of the death of Agrippa, . (Vol. I. p. 128.) Some
traces of it are said to remain.
4 The buildings were of white stone. Of the harbour it is said : iizewaKroig Kal
irokkalg i^erekeuBy ralg Saxdvaig. Ant.
5 The arrangement of the sewers is particularly mentioned by Josephus. The re
mains of aqueducts are still visible.
6 Meyr.Bog piv Kara tov Hepaiu. k. t. k. Ant. In the " War " he says it was greater
than tne Piraeus.
' Most of the stones were 50 feet long, 18 feet broad, and 9 feet deep. Josephus,
however, is not quite consistent with himself in his statement of the dimensions.
» UpoKvpia. This breakwater has been compared to that of Plymouth : but it was
more like that of Cherbourg, and the whole harbour may more fitly be compared to
the harbours of refuge now (1852) in construction at Holyhead and Portland.
s Josephus particularly says that the places on this part of the coast were Svaoppa
iid rdr Kard kiba ¦KpoaCokdg, — a passage which deserves careful attention, as illus
trating Acts xxvii. 12.
io 'O Si eloirkovg Kal rb crbpa ireizoiyrai npbg /3o/5j5di<, of dvepov aiBpiuTarog.
11 See Plin. quoted above.
" He was the first biblical geographer (as Forbiger remarks, in his account of Ca:sa
rea), and to him we owe the Onomasticon, translated by Jerome. This place was als,
one of the scenes of Origen's theological labours.

c^esaeea. 281
sire occupants of Palestine.1 Its chief association, however, must always
be with the age of which we are writing. Its two great features were its
close connection with Rome and the Emperors, and the large admixture of
heathen strangers in its population. Not only do we see here the resi
dence of Roman procurators,3 the quarters of imperial troops,3 and the
port by which Judasa was entered from the west, but a Roman impress
was ostentatiously given to everything that belonged to Caesarea. The
conspicuous object to those who approached from the sea was a
temple dedicated to Cassar and to Rome : 4 the harbour was called
the "Augustan harbour:"6 the city itself was "Augustan Caesarea."6
And, finally, the foreign influence here was so great, that the Septua-
gint translation of the Scriptures was read in the Synagogues.7
There was a standing quarrel between the Greeks and the Jews, as to
whether it was a Greek city or a Jewish city. The Jews appealed to the
fact that it was built by a Jewish prince'. The Greeks pointed to the
temples and statues.8 This quarrel was never appeased till the great war
1 See the appendix to Dr. Traill's Josephus. Vol. i. xlix — lvi., where a very copious
account is given of the existing state of Caesarea. Its ruins are described as " remains
from which obtrude the costly materials of a succession of structures, and which fur
nish a sort of condensed commentary upon that series of historical evidence which wo
derive from books." Of late years they have been used as a quarry, furnishing shafts
and ready-wrought blocks, &c. for public buildings at Acre and elsewhere. A marked
change seems to have taken place since the visit of Count Forbin in 1817, who says,
" Cesaree renforme encore des colonnes superbes, et en grand nombre, dont quelqu'unes
sont parfaitement eutieres ; plusieurs, dans le moyen age, furent employees a la con
struction du mole ; cet edifice s'avangait tres loin dans la mer ; les maUriaux les plus
riches servirent & former sa base." Voy. dans le Levant, p. 77. . This last circum
stance — the appearance of rich materials in the lowest courses of the present ruins —
is shown in Mr. Tipping's third plate. He visited Caesarea in 1842, approaching from
the south, whence the point of the ruins appears " stretching into the sea and backed by
the sweep of Carmel." On leaving it, and advancing towards Carmel, ho found evi
dences of the former existence of a great population, — " the face of the limestone rock,
which for the most part walls in the shore, being hewn into innumerable tombs."
3 We are inclined to think that the " praetorium " or " palace " of Herod (Acts xxviii.
35) was a different building from the official residence of Felix and Festus. See how
irapayevbpevog is used xxiv. 24, and compare xxv. 23. We shall have occasion again
to refer to the word irpanupiov.
3 See above on the Augustan cohort.
• This temple has been alluded to before, Vol. I. p. 115. The words of Josephus
are : TlepUeivra hi KvKkip rbv kipiva keiordrov kiBov KaraoKevy cvvexeig oUyoeig,
Kuv rip piaip Kokuvbg ng, i<j>' ob veug Kaiaapog diroir^og rolg elankeovoiv, ex"V
dydkuara, to piv Tupyg, rb Si Kaiaapog. Ant. In B. J. he says that the statueg
were colossal, that of Csesar equal in size to the Olympian Jupiter, and that of Rome
to the Argive Juno.
* We may refer here to the inscription on the coin of Agrippa I., given in p. 2 of
the first volume : KAICAPIA H IIPOC TQ CfcBACTfi AiMENI.
e So it is called by Josephus. Ant. xvi. 51 : Tiepl Si tov xpovov -ovtov avirekttm
lka6ev y Kaicdpeia ieboary.
' Lightfoot on Acts vi. 1. See Vol. L p. 36, n. 3.
> Ant. xx. 8, 7. B. J. ii. 13, 7.

282 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
broke out, the first act of which was the slaughter of 20,000 Jews in the
streets of Caasarea.1
Such was the city in which St. Paul was kept in detention among the
Roman soldiers, till the time should come for his trial before that unscru
pulous governor, whose character has been above described. His accusers
were not long in arriving. The law required that causes should be heard
speedily ; and the Apostle's enemies at Jerusalem were not wanting in zeal.
Thus, " after five days," 3 the high priest Ananias and certain members of
the Sanhedrin 3 appeared, with one of those advocates, who practised in
the law courts of the provinces, where the forms of Roman law were im.
perfectly known, and the Latin language imperfectly understood.4 The
man whose professional services were engaged on this occasion, was called
Tertullus. The name is Roman, and there is little doubt that he was an
Italian, and spoke on this occasion in. Latin.5 The criminal information
was formally laid before the governor.6 The prisoner was summoned,7 and
Tertullus brought forward the charges against him in a set speech, which
we need not quote at length. He began by loading Felix with unmerited
praises,8 and then proceeded to allege three distinct heads of accusation
against St. Paul,- — charging him, first, with causing factious disturbances
among all the Jews throughout the Empire 9 (which was an offence against
the Roman Government, and amounted to Majestas or treason against the
Emperor), — secondly, with being a ringleader of "the sect of the Naza-
renes"10 (which involved heresy against the Law of Moses), — and thirdly,
' B. J. ii. 18, 1.
3 It is most natural to reckon these five days from the time of Paul's departure from
Jerusalem, 3 Merd tuv irpeobvTipuv • by which we are to understand representatives or depu
ties from the Sanhedrin.
4 The accuser and the accused could plead in person, as St. Paul did here : but
advocati (Jn'/Topeg) were often employed. Geib. p. 602. It was a common practice
for young Roman lawyers to go with consuls and praetors to the provinces, and to
" qualify themselves by this provincial practice for the sharper struggles of the forum
at home"' We have an instance in the case .of Caelius, who spent his- youth in this
way iu Africa (in qua provincia cum res erant et possessiones paternae, turn usus,
quidam proviucialis non sine causa a magistratibus hnic setati tributus. Cic. pro
CseL 30). It must be remembered that Latin was the proper language of the law
courts in every part of the empire. See the quotation from Valerius Maximus in
Vol. I. p. 3, u. 1.
6 See again Vol. I. p. 3 and 4 for remarks on Tertullus and the peculiarly Latin
character of the speech here given.
6 Evetyuviaav tu yyepbvi Kard ijv llavkov.
' KkyBivrog avrov. The presence of the accused was required by the Roman law.
8 See above. It is worth while to notice here one phrase, Sid ryg cyg npovotag
which is exactly the Latin tub) providentib\. It may be illustrated by the inscription :
Fbovid. aug. on the coin of Commodus in the next chapter.
& Kivovvra ardoiv iruoi rolg 'lovSaioig roig Kara ryv oiKovpivyv.
10 TloonooTuryv ryg tuv Na&paiuv atpiaeur See the note on alpeaig beloW, OS

TEETULLUS. 283
with an attempt to profane the temple at Jerusalem,1 (an offence not only
against the Jewish, but also against the Roman Law, which protected the
lews in the exercise of their worship). He concluded by asserting (with
serious deviations from the truth) that Lysias, the commandant of the
garrison, had forcibly taken the prisoner away1, when the Jews were about
to judge him by their own ecclesiastical law, and had thus improperly
brought the matter before Felix.3 The drift of this representation, was
evidently to persuade Felix to give up St. Paul to the Jewish courts, in
which case his assassination would have been easily accomplished.3 i nd
the Jews, who were present, gave a vehement assent to the statement? of
Tertullus, making no secret of their animosity against St. Paul, and 4 as
serting that these things were indeed so.
The governor now made a gesture 5 to the prisoner to signify that he
might make his defence. The Jews were silent : and the Apostle, after
briefly expressing his satisfaction that he had to plead his cause before one
so well acquainted with Jewish customs, refuted Tertullus step by step.
He said that on his recent visit to Jerusalem at the festival (and he added
that it was only " twelve days " since he had left Caesarea for that pur
pose),0 he had caused no disturbance in any part of Jerusalem, — that, as
to heresy, he had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the
Prophets, and that in conformity with that belief, he held the doctrine of a
resurrection, and sought to live conscientiously before the God of his
fathers,7 — and, as to the Temple, so far from profaning it, he had been
v. 14. The authorised version unfortunately readers the same Greek word, in one
case by " sect," in the other " heresy," and thus conceals the link of connection. Aa
regards NaCupalog, this is the only place where it occurs in this sense. See Vol. I.
p. 119. In the mouth of Ananias it was » term of reproach, as Xpiariavog below
(xxvi. 28) in that of Agrippa.
1 "Of Kal rb lepbv iiteipaae /3e6ykuaai. ,
3 We have before observed that the' Sanhedrin was still allowed to exercise Criminal
Jurisdiction over Ecclesiastical offenders.
3 Compare the two attempts xxiii. 15 and xxv. 3.
¦> ZvveiziBevro appears to be the correct reading.
5 Nevoavrog aiiTip tov yyepbvog kiyeiv, v. 10. It is some help towards our real
ising the scene in our imagination, if we remember that Felix was seated on the tribu
nal (jiypa) like Gallio (xviii. 12) and Festus (xxv. 6).
8 In reckoning these twelve days (v. 11) it would be possible to begin with the ar
rival in Jerusalem instead of the departure for Caesarea, — or we might exclude th«
days after the return to Caesarea. Wieseler's arrangement of the time is as follows
1st day: Departure from Caesarea. 2nd: Arrival at Jerusalem. 3rd: Meeting of
the Elders. 4th (Pentecost) : Arre3t in the Temple. 5th : Trial before the Sanhe
drin. 6th (at night) : Departure to Caesarea. 7th : Arrival. 12th (five days after) •
Ananias leaves Jerusalem. 13th : Ananias reaches Caesarea. Trial before Felix.
' It has been well observed that the classical phrase rip itarpuu Qeu (v. 14) was ju
diciously employed before Felix. " The Apostle asserts that, according to the Roman
law which allowed all men to worship the gods j>f their own nation, he is 'not open t«
any charge of irreligion." Humphry.

284 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
found in it deliberately observing the very strictest ceremonies. The
Asiatic Jews, he added, who had been his first accusers, ought to have
been present as witnesses now.. Those who were present knew full well
that no other charge was brought home to him before the Sanhedrin,
except what related to the belief that he held in common with the Phari
sees. But, without further introduction, we quote St. Luke's summary of
his own words.
He denies the Knowing, as I do, that thou hast been judge over
charge* agam3t ^ nation for many years, I defend myself iu the
matters brought against me with greater confidence. For ' it is
in thy power to learn, that only twelve days have passed since
I went up to Jerusalem to worship. And neither in the temple,
nor in the synagogues, nor in the streets, did they find me disput
ing witli any man, or causing any disorderly concourse3 of
people ; nor can they prove against me the things whereof they
now accuse me.
His own state- But this I acknowledge to thee, that I follow the
case. opinion,3 which they call a sect,4 and thus worship the
God of my fathers. And I believe all things which are written
in the law and in s the Prophets ; and I hold a hope towards God,
which my accusers themselves6 entertain, that there will be a
resurrection of the dead, both of the just and of the unjust.7
• The connexion of this with the preceding is that Felix, having so long governed
the province, would know that Paul had not been resident there before, during several
years ; besides which he could easily ascertain the date of his recent arrival.
3 'Eiriavaramg is a Pauline word found nowhere else in N. T. except 2 Cor. xi. 28.
ImavaTacrig bxkov would be literally translated a mob.
3 "OSov, a religious opinion or sect. (See chap. xxii. 4.)
4 'Alpeaiv, properly a sect or religious party ; not used in a bad sense. See Acts
v. 17, and xv. 5, and especially xxvi. 5. Kard ryv uKpibeardryv alpeaiv ryg ypirepag
dpyoKeiag. St. Paul means to say (or rather did say in the argument of which St.
Luke here gives the outline) : " Our nation is divided into religious parties, which
are called sects (aipiaeig) ; thus there is the sect of the Pharisees, and the sect of the
Sadducees, and so now we are called the sect of the Nazarenes. I do not deny that I
belong to the latter sect ; but I claim for it the same toleration which is extended by
the Roman law to the others. I claim the right which you allow to all the nations
under your government, of worshipping their national Gods (rip irarpuip 6ey)."
» The MSS. vary here. Our translation follows the reading of the Vatican MS.
« This shows that the Pharisees were the principal accusers of St. Paul ; and that
the effect produced upon them by his speech before the Sanhedrin was only momentary,
' Compare 2 Cor. v. 9 (Sib Kai k. r. k.) where the same conclusion is derived from
the same premises.

FELIX AND DEUSTLLA. 285
Wherefore also ' 1 myself strive earnestly to keep a conscience
always void of offence * towards God and man.
Now after several 3 years I came 4 hither, to bring alms 6 to my
nation, and offerings to the Temple.6 And they found me so
doing in the Temple, after I had undergone purification ; noi
gathering together a multitude, nor causing a tumult ; but certain
Jews from Asia discovered me, who ought to have been here
before thee to accuse me, if they had anything to object against
me. Or let these my accusers themselves say whether He appeal3 t„
they found me guilty of any offence, when I was qJHtSTby u»
brought before the Sanhedrin ; except it be for these Sanhed'"to-
words only which I cried out as I stood in the midst of them :
" Concerning the resurrection of the dead, I am called in question
before you this day." 8
There was all the appearance of truthfulness in St. Paul's words : and
they harmonised entirely with the statement contained in the dispatch of
Claudius Lysias. Moreover, Felix had resided so long in Caesarea,9 whero
the Christian religion had been known for many years,10 and had penetrated
even among the troops,'1 that he had a more accurate knowledge of their
religion" (v. 22) than to be easily deceived by the misrepresentations of
the Jews.13 Thus a strong impression was made on the mind of this wicked
' The best MSS. read Kal not Si, but De Wette is surely wrong in joining it with
avrbg (auch ich wie andere). Compare the Sib Kal quoted in last note.
3 'AirpboKoirov, literally containing no cause of stumbling. This alsc is a Pauline
word occurring only 1 Cor. x. 32 and Phil. i. 10 in N. T.
3 Ilkeiovuv, not so strong as " many."
» Tlapeyevbpyv, I came into this country.
6 This is the only mention of this collection in the Acts, and its occurrence heie is a
striking undesigned coincidence between the Acts and Epistles.
6 Rpoaipopdg. .We need not infer that.St. Paul brought offerings to the temple with
him from foreign parts; this. in itself would have, been not unlikely, but it seems in
consistent with St. James's remarks (Acts xxi. 23, 24). The present is only a conden
sation for " I came to Jerusalem to bring alms to my nation, and I entered the temple
to make offerings to the temple."
' We read nvig Si with the best MSS.
t The best MSS. read <ty!.not inhere.
o If these events took place in the year 58 a. d. he had been governor six years.
10 See Acts viii. 40.
11 Acts x. Besides other means of information, we must remember that Drusilla, bis
present wife, was a Jewess.
i3 Such is the turn given by Wieseler and Meyer to the words uKpibiorepov elSug ri
rrepl ryg bSov. Or they may be taken to denote that he was too well informed con
cerning the Christian religion to require any further informatiou that might be elicited
bv the trial : it was only needful to wait for the coming of Lysias.

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
man. But his was one of those characters, which are easily affected by
feelings, but always drawn away from right action by the overpowering
motive of self-interest. He could not make up his mind to acquit St.
Paul. He deferred all inquiry into the case for the present. "When
Lysias comes down," he said, "I will decide finally1 between you."
Meanwhile he placed him under the charge of the centurion who had
brought him to Cajsarea,3 with directions that he should be treated with
kindness and consideration. Close confinement was indeed necessary, both
to keep him in safety from the Jews, and because he was not yet acquit
ted : but orders were given that he should have every relaxation which
could be allowed in such a case,3 and that any of his friends should be
allowed to visit him, and to minister to his comfort.4
We read nothing, however, of Lysias coming to Caesarea, or of any
further judicial proceedings. Some few days afterwards 5 Felix came into
the audience-chamber 6 with his wife Drusilla, and the prisoner was sum
moned before them. Drusilla, "being a Jewess" (v. 24), took a lively
interest in what Felix told her of Paul, and was curious to hear something
of this faith which had " Christ" for its object.7 Thus Paul had an op
portunity in his bonds of preaching the Gospel, and such an opportunity
as he could hardly otherwise have obtained. His audience consisted of a
Roman libertine and a profligate Jewish princess : and he so preached, as
a faithful Apostle must needs have preached to such hearers. In speaking
of Christ, he spoke of " righteousness and temperance and judgment to
come," and while he was so discoursing, " Felix trembled." Yet still we
hear of no decisive result. " Go thy way for this time :, when I have a
convenient season, I will send for thee," — was the response of the con
science-stricken but impenitent sinner, — the response which the Divine
Word has received ever since, when listened to in a like spirit.
1 Aiayvuaopai
3 Tip iKarovT. — not "a centurion"— as in A. V. A natural inference from the use
of the article is, that it was the same centurion who had brought St. Paul from Anti
patris (see above) and Mr. Birks traces here an undesigned coincidence. . But no stress
can be laid on this view. The officer might be simply the centurion who was present
and on duty at the time.
3 'Exeiv re dveaiv. See below. .
4 Kcj pybiva Kukveiv tuv ISiav avrov iiryperelv ai/Tip.
* Men} ypepag nvdg.
6 By irapayevbpevog we must understand that Felix and Drusilla came to some
place convenient for an audience, probably the uKpoarypiov mentioned below (xxv. 23)
where the Apostle spoke before Festus with Drusilla's brother and sister, Agrippa and
Berenice. 7 Observe the force of bvay TovSatf. We should also notice the phrase by which
the Gospel is. here described, ryg elg Xpiarbv mareug, i. e. the faith in CAW** or the
Messiah. The name "Christian" was doubtless familiarly known at Caesarea. And
& Jewish princess must necessarily have been curious to hear some account of whal
professed to be the fulfilment of Jewish prophecy. Compare xxv. 22.

CONTINUED IMPEISONMENT. 287
We are explicitly informed why this governor shut his ears to convic
tion, and even neglected his official duty, and kept his prisoner in crue'.
suspense/ " He hoped that he might receive from Paul a bribe for his
liberation." He was not the only governor of Judaea, against whom a
similar accusation is brought : ' and Felix, well knowing how the Chris
tians aided one another in distress, and possibly having some information
of the funds with which St. Paul had recently been entrusted,3 and igno
rant of those principles which make it impossible for a true Christian to
tamper by bribes with the course of law, — might naturally suppose that he
had here a good prospect of enriching himself. " Hence he frequently
sent for Paul, and had many conversations3 with him." But his hopes
were unfulfilled. Paul, who was ever ready to claim the protection of the
law, would not seek to evade it by dishonourable means : 4 and the Chris
tians who knew how to pray for an Apostle in bonds (Acts xii.), would
not forget the duty of " rendering unto Cassar the things that are Caesar's."
Thus Paul remained in the Praetorium ; and the suspense continued " two
years.'' Such a pause in a career of such activity, — such an arrest of the Apos
tle's labours at so critical a time, — two • years taken from the best part of
a life of such importance to the world,--would seem to us a mysterious
dispensation of Providence, if we did not know that God has an inner
work to accomplish in those, who are the chosen instruments for effecting
His greatest purposes. As Paul might need the repose of preparation in
Arabia, before he entered on his career',5 so his prison at Caesarea might
be consecrated to the calm meditation, the less interrupted prayer, —
which resulted in a deeper experience and knowledge of the power of the
Gospel.6 Nor need we assume that his active exertions for others were
entirely suspended. " The care of all the churches" might still be resting
on him : many messages, and even letters,7 of which we know nothing,
may have been sent from Cassarea to brethren at a distance. And a plau-
1 Albinus, who succeeded Festus, is said to have released many prisoners, but those
only from whom he received a bribe. Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, 5. B. J. ii. 14, 1.
3 This suggestion is made by. Mr. Birks. For the contributions which St. Paul had
recently brought to Jerusalem, see above.
3 We may contrast upikei (v. 26) with Siakeyopivov (v. 25) as we have done before
in the narrative of the night-service at Troas, xx. 9. 11.
* It is allowable here to refer to the words in which Socrates refused the aid of his
friends, who urged him to escape from prison : while in comparing the two cases we
cannot but contrast the vague though overpowering sense of moral duty in the heathen
philosopher, with the clear and lofty perception of eternal realities in the inspired
Apostle. s See Vol. I. pp. 96, 97.
' See Olshausen's excellent remarks. Komm. p. 898.
"- It is well known that some have thought that the Ephesians, Colossiana, »nd
Philemon, were written here. This question will be considered hereafter.

288 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
sible conjecture fixes this period and place for the writing of St. Luke's
Gospel under the superintendence of the Apostle of the Gentiles.1
All positive information, however, is denied as concerning the employ
ments of St. Paul, while imprisoned at Caesarea. We are the more dis
posed, therefore, to turn our thoughts to the consideration of the nature
and outward circumstances of his confinement : and this inquiry is indeed
necessary for the due elucidation of the narrative.
When an accusation was brought against a Roman citizen, the magis
trate, who had criminal jurisdiction in the case, appointed the time for
hearing the cause and detained the accused in custody during the interval.
Be was not bound to fix any definite time for the trial, but might defer it
at his own arbitrary pleasure ; and he might also commit the prisoner at
his discretion to any of the several kinds of custody recognised by the Ro
man law. These were as follows : 3 — first, confinement in the public gaol
(custodia publico) which was the most severe kind; the common gaols
throughout the empire being dungeons of the worst description, where the
prisoners were kept in chains, or even bound in positions of torture. Of
this we have seen an example in the confinement of Paul and Silas at
Philippi. Secondly, free custody (custodia libera), which was the mildest
kind. Here tlie accused party was committed. to the charge. of a magis
trate or senator, who became responsible. for his appearance on. the day of
trial ; but this species of detention was only employed in the case of men
of high rank. Thirdly, military custody (custodia militaris), which was
introduced at the beginning of the Imperial 3 regime. In this last species
of custody the accused person was given in charge to a soldier, who was
responsible with his own life for the safe keeping of his prisoner. This
was further secured by chaining the prisoner's right hand4, to the soldier's
left. The soldiers of course relieved one another 5 in this duty. Their
prisoner was usually kept in their barracks, but sometimes allowed to reside
in a private house under their charge.
It was under this latter species of custody that St. Paul was now
placed by Felix, who " gave him in charge to the centurion, that he should
be kept in custody" (Acts xxiv. 23) ; but (as we have seen) he added
the direction, that he should be treated with such indulgence 6 as this kind
' See some good observations on this subject in Appendix E. of Tate's Continuous
History. Compare Mr. Humphry's note on v. 27.
• The authorities for the following statements will be found in Geib, pp. 561-569.
* Tac. Ann. iii. 2. xiv. 60.
4 Seneca de Tranquil! c. 10. Alligati sunt etiam qui alligavernnt, nisi tu forte
leviorem in sinistra catenam putas.
5 See Wieseler, Chron. p. 306.
o 'Exetv dveaiv (Acts xxiv. 23). Meyer and De Wette have understood this as
though St. Paul was committed to the custodia libera; but we have seen that this
kind of detention was only employed in the case of men of rank ; and, moreover, the

ACCESSION OF FE8TUS. 28t»
of detention permitted. Josephus tells us that, when the severity of
Agrippa's imprisonment at Rome was mitigated, his chain was relaxed at
mealtimes.1 This illustrates the nature of the alleviations which such con
finement admitted ; and it is obvious that the centurion might render it
more or less galling, according to his inclination, or the commands he had
received. The most important alleviation of St. Paul's imprisonment con
sisted in the order, which Felix added, that his friends should be allowed
free access to him.
Meantime, the political state of Judaaa grew more embarrassing. The
exasperation of the people under the mal-administration of Felix became
more implacable ; and the crisis was rapidly approaching. It was during
the two years of St. Paul's imprisonment that the disturbances to which
allusion has been madei before, took place in the streets of CaDsarea. The
troops, who were chiefly recruited in the province, fraternised with the
heathen population, while the Jews trusted chiefly to the influence of
their wealth. In the end Felix was summoned to Rome, and the Jews
followed him with their accusations. Thus it was that he was anxious,
even at his departure, "to confer obligations upon them" (v. 27), and one
effort to diminish his unpopularity was " to leave Paul in bonds." In so
doing, he doubtless violated the law, and trifled with the rights of a Roman
citizen ; but the favour of the provincial Jews was that which he needed,
and the Christians were weak in comparison with them ; nor were sach
delays in the administration of justice unprecedented, either at Rome or in
the provinces. Thus it was, that as another governor of Judaea a opened
the prisons that he might make himself popular, Felix, for the same motive,
riveted the chains of an innocent man. The same enmity of the world
against the Gospel, which set Barabbas free, left Paul a prisoner.
No change seems to have taken place in the outward circumstances of
mention of the centurion excludes it. But besides this, it is expressly stated (Acts
xxiv. 27) that Felix left Paul chained (SeSepivov). The same word dveaig (relaxa
tion) is applied to the mitigation of Agrippa's imprisonment (Jos. Ant. xviii. 6, 10)
on the accession of Caligula although Agrippa was still left under custodia militaris,
and still bound with a chain. (See Wieseler, p. 381, note 2.) We shall have occasion
to refer again to this relaxation of Agrippa's imprisonment, as illustrating that of
St. Paul at Rome. There was, indeed, a lighter form of custodia militaris sometimes
employed, under the name of observatio, when the e oldier kept guard over his prisoner,
and accompanied him wherever he went, but was not chained to him. (Tac. Ann. iv.
60-67.) To this we might have supposed St. Paul subjected, both a? Caesarea and at
Rome, were not such an hypothesis excluded as to Caesarea by the SeSepivov (A.
xxiv. 27) and Seapuv (A. xxvi. 29), and as to Rome by irpeabeva iv ikvaei (Eph. vi.
20), and roiig Seapovg pov (Phil. i. 13). Compare Acts xxviii. 16, 21.
1 Such seems the meaning of dveaeug ryg elg ryv Siairav in the passage referred
to in the preceding note.
3 Albinus. See above, p. 287. Josephus says that, though he received bribes foe
opening the prisons, he wished by this act to make himself popular, when Uc found he
was to be superseded by Geseias Florus.
VOL. II — 19

290 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the Apostle, when Festus came to take command of the province. H«
was still in confinement as before. But immediately on the accession of
the new governor, the unsleeping hatred of the Jews made a fresb attempt
upon his life ; and the course of their proceedings presently changed the
whole aspect of his case, and led to unexpected results.
When a Roman governor came to his province— whether his character
was coarse and cruel, like that of Felix, or reasonable and just, as that of
Festus seems to have been— his first step would be to make himself ac
quainted with the habits and prevalent feelings of the people he was come
to rule, and to visit such places as might seem to be more peculiarly asso
ciated with national interests. The Jews were the most remarkable people
in the whole extent of the Jewish provinces : and no city was to any other
people what Jerusalem was to the Jews. We are not surprised, therefore,
to learn that " three days " after his arrival at the political metropolis,
Festus "went up to Jerusalem." Here he was immediately met by an
urgent request against St. Paul,1 preferred by the chief priests and leading
men among the Jews,3 and seconded, as it seems, by a general con
course of the people, who came round him with no little vehemence and
clamour.3 They asked as a favour4 (and they had good reason to hope
that the new governor 5 on his accession would not refuse it), that he would
allow St. Paul to be brought up to Jerusalem. The plea, doubtless, was,
that he should be tried again before the Sanhedrin. But the real purpose
was to assassinate him 6 on some part of the road, over which he had been
safely brought by the escort two years before. So bitter and so enduring
was their hatred against the Apostate Pharisee. The answer of Festus
was dignified and just, and worthy of his office. He said that Paul was
in custody' at Caesarea, and that he himself was shortly to return thither
(v. 4), adding that it was not the custom of the Romans to give up an
uncondemned person as a mere favour8 (v. 16). The accused must have
the accuser face to face,9 and full opportunity must be given for a defence
i 'Evefydviaav, v. 2. Alrovpevoi Ka-f avrov SUyv, v. 15. We should compare St.
Luke's statement with the two accounts given by Festus himself to Agrippa, below.
3 0/' dpxiepelg Kal ol irpuroi tuv 'lovSaiuv /card tov Hav?i.ov, v. 2. ol dpxtepelg Kal
el Toea^vrepoi tuv 'I. v. 15. Thus the accusers were again representatives of the
Sanhedrin. 3 See the second account given by Festus himself to Agrippa, below, v. 24. 'Airav
rd n?.yBog tuv TovSaiuv ivirvxbv poi iv re 'lepoaokvpoig Kal IvBdSe, iitibouvreg ui)
Stlv C,yv avrbv pyKen.
4 Alrovpevoi xdpiv kot avrov. v. 16.
» Compare the conduct of Albinus and Agrippa I., alluded to before.
• 'EveSpav iroiovvreg uvekelv avrbv Kard tj/v bSbv.
i TypelaBai. The English version ' should be kept " is rather too peremptory,
Pectus doubtless expresses this decision, but in the most conciliating form.
& XapJfe»ftu. See above, v. 11. Compare the case of Pilate and Barabbas.
9 Uolv y b Koryyopovpevog Kara npboairov tx° roig Karyybpovg. Soe Gcib. p. SO*

APPEAL TO THE EMPEEOE. 291
(ib) Those, therefore, who were competent to undertake the task of
accusers,1 should come down with him to Caesarea, and there prefer the
accusation (v. 5).
Festus remained " eight or ten days " in Jerusalem, and then returned
to Caesarea ; and the accusers went down the same day.3 No time was
lost after their arrival. The very next day 3 Festus took his seat on the
judicial tribunal,4 with his assessors near him (v. 12), and ordered Paul
to be brought before him. " The Jews who had come down from Jeru
salem" stood round, bringing various heavy accusations against him
(which, however, they could not establish5), and clamorously asserting
that he was worthy of death.6 We must not suppose that the charges
now brought were different in substance from those urged by Tertullus.
The Prosecutors were in fact the same now as then, namely, delegates
from the Sanhedrin ; and the prisoner was still lying under the former
accusation, which had never been withdrawn.7 We see from what is
said of Paul's defence, that the charges were still classed under the same
three heads as before ; viz. Heresy, Sacrilege, and Treason.8 But Festus
saw very plainly that St. Paul's offence was really connected with the
religious opinions of the Jews, instead of relating, as he at first suspected, to
some political movement (vv. 18, 19) ; and he was soon convinced that he
had done nothing worthy of death (v. 25). Being, therefore, in per
plexity (v. 20), and at the same time desirous of ingratiating himself with
the provincials (v. 9), he proposed to St. Paul that he should go up to
Jerusalem, and be tried there in his presence, or at least under his pro
tection.9 But the Apostle knew full well the danger that lurked in this
proposal, and conscious of the rights which he possessed as a Roman
citizen, he refused to accede to it, and said boldly to Festus :
I stand before Caesar's tribunal, and there ought my trial
to be. To the Jews I haye done no wrong, as thou knowest
p. 595, and p. 689. Compare the following passages: Acts xxiii. 30. xxiv. 19.
xxv. 5.
i Oi oiv iv iiplv Svvarol avyKarafiavTeg. k. r. k. v. 5.
3 The course of the narrative shows that they went immediately. This is also as
serted in the word avyKaTaj3dvreg, which does not necessarily imply that they went
down in the same company with Festus.
3 Ty iiravpiov, v. 6. ry i§yg, v. 17.
4 KaBiaag M tov fiyparog, vv. 6, 17. " V. 7.
6 See v. 24, where the impouvreg pi) Selv £yv avrbv pyKen is said to have taken
place both at Jerusalem and Caesarea.
i At this period, an accused person might be kept in prison indefinitely, by the
delay of the accuser, or the procrastination of the magistrate. See our note on thai
Bubject, at the beginning of Chap. XXIV.
» Acts xxv. 8. (1) elg rbv vopov ; (2) elg rb lepbv ; (3) elg Kaitapa.
* 'Frf ipav. v. 6. In v. 2 this is omitted.

292 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
full well. If I am guilty of breaking the law, and have done
anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die,: but if the tilings
whereof these men accuse me are nought, no man can give me
up to them. I APPEAL UNTO (LESAK.
Festus was probably surprised by this termination of the proceedings,
but no choice was open to him. Paul had urged his prerogative as a
Roman citizen, to be tried, not by the Jewish but by the Roman law ;' a
claim which, indeed, was already admitted by the words of Festus, who
only proposed to transfer him to the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin with his
own consent.3 He ended by availing himself of one of the most important
privileges of Roman citizenship, the right of appeal. By the mere pro
nunciation of those potent words "I appeal unto Caesar,"3 he instantly
removed his cause from the jurisdiction of the magistrate before whom
he stood, and transferred it to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor at
Rome. To explain the full effect of this proceeding, we must observe that in
the provinces of Rome, the supreme criminal jurisdiction (both under the
Republic and the Empire) war exercised by the Governors, whether they
were Proconsuls, Propraetors, or (as in the case of Judaaa) Procurators.
To this jurisdiction the provincials were subject without appeal, and it is
needless to say that it was often exercised in the most arbitrary manner.
But the Roman citizens in the provinces, though also liable to be brought
before the judgment-seat of the Governor, were protected from the abuse
of his authority ; for they had the right of stopping his proceedings against
them by appealing to the Tribunes, whose intervention at once transferred
the cognizance of the cause to the ordinary tribunals at Rome.4 This
power was only one branch of that prerogative of intercession (as it was
called) by which the Tribunes could stop the execution of the sentences
of all other magistrates. Under the Imperial regime, the Emperor stood
Ob be: pe xpiveoBau ' Qikeig. k. r. k.
» Kalaapa iiztKakovpai. This was the regular technical phrase for lodging an ap
peal : HiKckeloBai being used for the Latin appellare. Compare intKakioaaBai
roig Syudpxw;, Plutarch, Caesar, c. 4. The Roman law did not require any written
appeal to be lodged in the hands of the Court ; pronunciation of the single word
Appello was sufficient to suspend all further proceedings. (See Gelb, p. 686.)
4 We must not confound this right of Appellatio to the Tribunes with the right of
appeal (Provocatio) to the Comitia which belonged to every Roman citizen. This
latter right was restricted, even in the Republican era, by the institution of the
Quasi • iones Perpetual ; because the judices appointed for those Quaestiones being re
garded as representatives of the Comitia, there was no appeal from their decisions.
In the time of the Emper6*rs, the Comitia themselves being soon discontinued, thie
right of Provocatio could be no longer exercised. On this subject see Geib, p. 152- 168
and 387-392.

AGKIPPA AND BERENICE. 293
in the place of the Tribunes ; Augustus and his successors being invested
with the Tribunician power, as the most important of the many Republican
offices which were concentrated in their persons. Hence the Emperors
constitutionally exercised the right of intercession, by which they might
stop the proceedings of inferior authorities. But they extended this
prerogative much beyond the limits which had confined it during the Re
publican epoch. They not only arrested the execution of the sentences of
other magistrates, but claimed and exercised the right of reversing or
altering them, and of re-hearing ' the causes themselves. In short, the
Imperial tribunal was erected into a supreme court of appeal from all
inferior courts either in Rome or in the provinces.
Such was the state of things, when St. Paul appealed from Festus to
Caspar. If the appeal was admissible, it at once suspended all further
proceedings on the part of Festus. Tliere were, however, a few eases in
which the right of appeal was disallowed ; a bandit or a pirate, for ex
ample, taken in the fact, might be condemned and executed by the Pro
consul, notwithstanding his appeal to the Emperor. Accordingly, we read
that Festus took counsel with his Assessors,3 concerning the admissibility
of Paul's appeal. But no doubt could be entertained on this head ; and
he immediately pronounced the decision of tlie Court. "Thou hast
appealed3 unto Caesar ; to Cassar thou shalt be sent."
Thus the hearing of the cause, as far as Festus was concerned, had
terminated. There only remained for him the office of remitting to the
supreme tribunal, before which it was to be carried, his official report 4
upon its previous progress. He was bound to forward to Rome all the
acts and documents bearing upon the trial, the depositions of the wit
nesses on both sides, and the record of his own judgment on the case
And it was his further duty to keep the person of the accused in safe
custody, and to send him to Rome for trial at the earliest opportunity.
Festus, however, was still in some perplexity. Though the appeal
had been allowed, yet the information elicited on the trial was so vague,
1 According to Dio, this was already the case so early as the time of Augustus ; who
(he says) established the principle pyr' abrbSiKog pyr" avrorekyg ovtu rig to rcapdirav
eaTa, uaTe pi) ovk tyeaipov air' avrov S'iKyv yiyveaBai. (Dio 52-33.) It may be
doubted whether the Emperor at first claimed the right of reversing the sentences pro
nounced by the judices of the Quaestiones Perpetuae, which were exempt from the In-
tercessio of the Tribune (Geib, 289-290). But this question is of less importance,
because the system of Quasstiones Perpetuae was soon superseded under the Empire, as
we shall afterwards have an opportunity of remarking.
* For a notice of such consiliarii in a province, see Sueton. Tib. 33. Their office
was called assessura. Sueton. Galb. 14. Compare Juvenal's " Quando in consilio
estssdilibus?" 3 The sentence is not interrogative, as in A. V., but the words express a scleinu
decision of the Procurator and his Assessors.
4 This report was termed Apistoli, or litera dimissorice. See Geib, p. 689

294 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
that he hardly knew what statement to insert in his dispatch to the
Emperor : and it seemed " a foolish thing to him to send a prisoner tc
Rome without at the same time specifying the charges against him"
(v. 21). It happened about this time that Herod Agrippa II., King of
Chalcis, with his sister Berenice, came on a complimentary visit to the
new governor, and staid " some days " at Caesarea. This prince had been
familiarly acquainted from his youth with all that related to the Jewish
law, and moreover was at this time (as we have seen1) superintendent of
the Temple, with the power of appointing the high-priest. Festus took
advantage of this opportunity of consulting one better informed than him
self on the points in question. He recounted to Agrippa what has been
summarily related above : 3 confessing his ignorance of Jewish theology
and alluding especially to Paul's reiterated assertion •> concerning " one
Jesus who had died and was alive again." This cannot have been the
first time that Agrippa had heard of the resurrection of Jesus or of the
Apostle Paul.'1 His curiosity was aroused, and he expressed a wish to see
the prisoner. Festus readily acceded to the request, and fixed the next
day for the interview.
At the time appointed Agrippa and Berenice came with great pomp
and display and entered into the audience-chamber, with a suite of mili- :
tary officers and the chief men of Cassarea : 5 and at the command of
Festus, Paul was brought before them. The proceedings were opened by
a ceremonious speech from Festus himself,6 describing the circumstances
under which the prisoner had been brought under his notice, and ending
with a statement of his perplexity as to what he should write to "his
Lord"' the Emperor. This being concluded, Agrippa said condescend
ingly to St. Paul, that he was now permitted to speak for himself. And
the Apostle, "stretching out the hand" which was chained to the soldier
who guarded him, spoke thus -. —
„^&o" 1 think myself haPP-y' KirsS -Agrippa, that I shall
Agrippa. defend myself to-day, before thee, against all the
' See above. " V. 14-21. 3 'EipaaKev.
4 The tense of ibovkbpyv (v. 22) might seem to imply that he had lone wished to
see St. Paul.
» TAerd -rokkyg ^avraaiag . . . elg rb dKpoar^piov ovv re X^dpXoig Kol dvSpdam
rolg Kaf ifrxilv ryg irbkeug. For dKpoarypiov see above. We may remark that the
presence of several xiktupxoi implies that the military force at Csesarea was verv lam
« Vv. 24-27. J ° "
' The title Kvpiog (Dominus) applied here to the Emperor should be noticed. Au
gustus and Tiberius declined a title, which implied the relation of master and slat
(domini appellationem ut maledictum et opprobrium semper exhorruit. Suet. Aua.
53. Dominus appellatus a quodam denunciavit, ne se amplius contumeliss causa nc^
minaret. Tib. 27), but their successors sanctioned the use of it, and Julian tried in
vain to break through the custom.

SPEECH BEF0EE AGETPPA. 295
charges of my Jewish accusers; especially because thou art
expert in all Jewish customs and questions. Wherefore I pray
thee to hear me patiently.
My ' life and conduct from my youth, as it was at He defends
J , . x i • i himself against
first amona: my own nation at Jerusalem, is known to the char8e «<
° ^ ' heresy.
all the Jews. They knew me of old * (I scy) from the
beginning, and can testify (if they would) that following the
strictest sect of our religion, I lived a Pharisee. And now I
stand here to be judged, for the hope of the promise 3 made by
God unto our fathers. Which promise is the end whereto, in all
their zealous worship,4 night and day, our twelve tribes hope to
come. Yet this hope, O king Agrippa, is charged against ine as
a crime, and that by Jews.5 What ! 6 is it judged among you a
thing incredible that God should raise the dead ? 7
Now I myself8 determined, in my own mind, that He describe*
d his former per-
I ought exceedingly to oppose the name of Jesus the SjJ^j?11 s of
Nazarene. And this I did in Jerusalem, and many of
the holy people9 1 myself shut up in prison, having received from
the chief priests authority so to do ; ,0 and when they were con
demned " to death, I gave my vote against them. And in every
synagogue I continually punished them, and endeavoured'3 to
compel them to blaspheme ; and being exceedingly mad against
them, I went even to foreign cities to persecute them.
1 Mlv oi)v here is rightly left untranslated in A. V. It is a conjunction denoting
that the speaker is beginning a new subject, used where no conjunction would be ex
pressed in English.
3 JlpoyivuaKovreg is present.
3 The promise meant is that of the Messiah. Compare what St. Paul says in the
speech at Antioch in Pisidia. Acts xiii. 32. Compare also Rom. xv. 8.
4 Aarpevu properly means to perform the outward rites of worship, see note on
Rom. i. 19.
6 Here again the best MSS. read TovSaiov without tuv.
6 The punctuation adopted is, a note of interrogation after t'l.
' This is an argumentum ad homines to the Jews, whose own Scriptures furnished
them with cases where the dead had been raised, as for example by Elisha.
8 The i-iu from its position must be emphatic.
8 This speech should be carefully compared with that in Ch. xxii., with the view oi
observing St. Paul's judicious adaptation of his statements to his audience. Thus,
here he calls the Christians dyioi, which the Jews in the Temple would not have tole
rated. See some useful remarks on this subject by Mr. Birks. Hor. Ap. vii. viii.
io Tiyv.
11 ' Avaipovpivuv literally when they were being destroyed. On the KaryveyKt
•pyfov see Vol. I. p. 78.
>3 'HvdyKaJiav. For this, well known signification of the imperfect sei Winer
$ 41, 3. .

296 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
His tom-emion With this purpose I was on my road to Damascus,
and divine com- , « ,v -i • /.,
mission. bearing my authority and commission from tile cniet
priests, when I saw in the way, O King, at midday * a light from
heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me
and those who journeyed with me. And when we all were fallen
to the earth, I heard a voice speaking to me, and saying in the
Hebrew tongue,. Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou met it is hard
for thee to kick against the goad. And I said, Who art thou,
Lord ? And the Lord 3 said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest.
But rise and stand upon thy feet; for to this end L have ap
peared unto thee, to ordain* thee a minister and a witness both
of those things which thou hast seen, and of those things wherein
J shall appear unto thee. And thee have I chosen5 from tlie
house of Jsrael,6 and from among the Gentiles ; unto whom nmv
L send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn ' from dark
ness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God; that by
faith in me, they may receive forgiveness of sins, and an inherit
ance among the sanctified.
His execution Whereupon, O King Agrippa, I was not disobe-
brought on him dient to the heavenly vision. But first 8 to those at
the hatred of ^
the jews. Damascus and Jerusalem, and throughout all the land
of Judsea,9 and also to the Gentiles, I proclaimed the tidings that
1 By dpxiepelg here, and above, verse 10, is meant (as in Luke xxii. 52. Acts v. 24)
the presidents of the 24 classes (iijyypepiai) into which the priests were divided. These
were ex officio members of the Sanhedrin, see Winer's Real- Worterbuch, p. 271. In
the speech on the stairs accordingly St. Paul states that he had received bis commis
sion to Damascus from the high priest and Sanhedrin (Acts xxii. 5).
3 The circumstance of the light overpowering even the blaze of the mid-day sun is
mentioned before (Acts xxii. 6).
3 All the best MSS. read b Si Kvpiog; this also agrees better with what follows, where
St. Paul relates all which the Lord had revealed to him, both at the moment of his
conversion, and, subsequently, by the voice of Ananias, and by the vision at Jeru
salem. See Acts xxii. 12-21.
- We have here the very words of Ananias (Acts xxii. 14, 15) ; observe especially
the unusual word irpoxetp%opat.
* E^aipovpevog, not "delivering" (A. V.).
e To* kaov. See Vol. I. p. 177, note 2.
' 'EiztaTpetpai, neuter, not active, as in A. V. Compare, for the use of this word by
St. Paul (to signify the conversion of the Gentiles) 1 Thess. i. 9, and Acts xiv. 15.
Also below, verse 20.
s This does not at all prove, as has sometimes been supposed, that Saul did no!
preach in Arabia when he went there soon after his conversion ; see Vol. I. pp. 95 97.
• How are we to reconcile this with St. Paul's statement (Gal. i. 22) that he con
tinued personally unknown to the Churches of Judaea for many years after his conver-
lion ? We must either suppose that, in the present passage, he means to speak not in
the order of time, but of all which he had done up to the present date • or else we

SPEECH BEFORE AGEIPPA. 297
they should repent and turn to God, and do works worthy of their
repentance. For these causes the Jews, when they caught me in the
temple, endeavoured to kill me.
Therefore,1 through the succour which I have re- Yet us teach-
ceived from God, I stand firm unto this day, and bear with thTj^
my testimony both to small and great; but I declare
nothing else than what the Prophets and Moses foretold, That. 3 the
Messiah should suffer, and that He should be the first3 to rise
from the dead, and should be the messenger 4 of light to the house
of Israel, and also to the Gentiles.
Here Festus broke out into a loud exclamation,5 expressive of ridicule
and surprise. To the cold man of the world, as to the inquisitive Athe
nians, the doctrine of the resurrection was foolishness : and he said, " Paul,
thou art mad ; thy incessant study 6 is turning thee to madness." The
Apostle had alluded in his speech to writings which had a mysterious
sound, to the Prophets and to Moses7 (vv. 22, 23) : and it is reasonable to
believe that in his imprisonment, such " books' and parchments," as he
afterwards wrote for in his second letter to Timotheus," were brought to
him by his friends. Thus Festus adopted the conclusion that he had
before him a mad enthusiast, whose head had been turned by poring over
strange learning. The Apostle's reply was courteous and self-possessed,
but intensely earnest
I am not mad, most noble Festus, but speak forth the words
of truth and soberness : For the king has knowledge of these
may perhaps suppose that St. Luke did not think it necessary to attend to a minute
detail of this kind, relating to a period of St. Paul's life with which he was himself
not personally acquainted, in giving the general outline of this, speech.
' Ovv here cannot mean " however." See Winer's remarks, § 57, p. 425.
' El occurs here when we should expect on ; because the doctrines mentioned wero
subjects of dispute and discussion.
3 Compare Col. i. 18, irparoTOKog ix veKpuv. Also airapxi) tuv KeKotpypcvov. 1
Cor. xv. 20.
4 Karayyikkeiv.
6 Observe peydky ry <pavy and dirokoyovpivov. Both expressions show taat he wai
suddenly interrupted in the midst of his discourse.
s T<2 irbkka ypdppara. Observe the article.
' See again v. 27, where St. Paul appeals again to the prophets, the writings (rd
ypdppara) to which he had alluded before.
8 2 Tim. iv. 12. These, we may well believe, would especially be the Old Testa
ment Scriptures, — perhaps Jewish commentaries on them, and possibly also the work*
of heathen poets and philosophers.

298 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
matters; and moreover I speak to him with boldness; because
I am persuaded that none of these things is unknown to him,—
for this has not been done in a corner
Then, turning to the Jewish voluptuary who sat beside the governor,
he made this solemn appeal to him :
King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that
thou believest.
The King's reply was: "Thou wilt soon1 persuade me to be a
Christian." The words were doubtless spoken ironically and in contempt ;
but Paul took them as though they had been spoken in earnest, and made
that noble answer, which expresses, as no other words ever expressed
them, that union of enthusiastic zeal with genuine courtesy, which is the
true characteristic of " a Christian."
I would to God, that whether soon or late," not only thou,
but also all who hear me to-day, were such as I am, excepting
these chains.
This concluded the interview. King Agrippa had no desire to hear
more : and he rose from his seat,3 with the Governor and Berenice and
those who sat with them. As they retired, they discussed the case with
one another 4 and agreed that Paul was guilty of nothing worthy of death
or even imprisonment. Agrippa said positively to Festus, "This man*
might have been set at liberty,6 if he had not appealed to the Emperor."
But the appeal had been made. There was no retreat either for Festus or
Paul. On the new Governor's part there was no wish to continue the
procrastination of Felix ; and nothing now remained but to wait for a
convenient opportunity of sending his prisoner to Rome.
' 'Ev bkiyu cannot mean " almost " (as it is in the Authorised version) which would
be irap' bkiyov. It might mean either " in few words " (Eph. iii. 3), or " in a small
measure," or " in a small time." The latter meaning agrees best with the following,
iv bkiyip Kal iv nokktp (or peydkip as the best MSS. read). We might render the pas
sage thus: "Thou thinkest to make me a Christian with little persuasion." We
should observe that neiBeig is in the present tense, and that the title " Christian " was
one of contempt. See 1 Pet. iv. 16.
3 The best MSS. have peydkip, not nokkip.
> 'Aviary b jiaoikevg, k. t. k. v. 30.
< 'Avaxupyoavreg ikukovv irpbg dkkijkovg, v. 31.
s *o dvBpuirog ovto;, which again is contemptuous. See th> remarks on roig dv$pu~
rovg iKeivovg, Acts xvi. 39. (Vol. I. p. 309.) Claudius Lysias uses the expression
rdi> uvSpa tovtov, in his letter to Felix, xxiii. 27.
s Compare xxviii. 18.

HAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. 299

CHAPTEE XXILT.
lmmcr, immer nach West ! Dort muss die Kiiste sich zeigen.
Traue dem leitendcn Gott. Schiixek.
SHIPS AND NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS.  ROMAN COMMERCE IN THE MEDI
TERRANEAN.  CORN TRADE BETWEEN ALEXANDRA AND PUTEOLI.  TRAVEL
LERS by sea. — st. Paul's voyage from cesarea, by sidon, to myra. —
FROM MYRA, BY CNIDUS AND CAPE SALMONE, TO FAIR HAVENS.  PHCENICE. 
THE STORM.  SEAMANSHIP DURING THE GALE.  ST. PAUL'S VISION.  ANCHOR
ING IN THE NIGHT.  SHIPWRECK.  PROOF THAT IT TOOK PLACE IN MALTA. — •
WINTER IN THE ISLAND.  OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.  VOYAGE, BY SYRACUSE
AND RHEGIUM, TO PUTEOLI.
Before entering on the narrative of that voyage ' which brought the
Apostle Paul, through manifold and imminent dangers, from Caesarea to
Rome, it will be convenient to make a few introductory remarks concern
ing the ships and navigation of the ancients. By fixing clearly in the
mind some of the principal facts relating to the form and structure of
Greek aud Roman vessels, the manner in which these vessels were worked,
the prevalent lines of traffic in the Mediterranean, and the opportunities
afforded to travellers of reaching their destination by sea, — we shall be
better able to follow this voyage without distractions or explanations, and
with a clearer perception of each event as it occurred.
With regard to the vessels and seamanship of the Greeks and Ro
mans, many popular mistakes have prevailed, to which it is hardly neces-
1 The nautical difficulties of this narrative have been successfully explained by
two independent inquirers; and so far as we are aware, by no one else. A practical
knowledge of seamanship was required for the elucidation of the whole subject ; and
none of the ordinary commentators seem to have looked on it with the eye of a sailor.
The first who examined St. Paul's voyage in a practical spirit was the late Admiral
Sir Charles Penrose, whose life has been lately published (Murray, 1851). His MSS.
have been kindly placed in the hands of the writer of this chapter, and they are fre
quently referred to in the notes. A similar investigation was made subsequently, but
independently, and more minutely and elaborately, by James Smith, Esq. of Jordan-
hill, whose published work on the subject (Longmans, 1848) has already obtained an
European reputation. Besides other valuable aid, Mr. Smith has examined the sheets
of this chapter, as they have passed through the press. We have also to express our
acknowledgments for much kind assistance received from Admiral Moorsom and othet
naval officers.

300 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL
sary to allude, after the full illustration which the subject has now re
ceived.1 Ws must not entertain the notion that all the commerce of the
ancients was conducted merely by means of small craft, which proceeded
timidly in the day time, and only in the summer season, along the coast
from harbour to harbour,— and which were manned by mariners almost
ignorant of the use of sails, and always trembling at the prospect of a
storm. We cannot, indeed, assert that the arts either of ship building 01
navigation were matured in the Mediterranean so early as the first century
of the Christian era. The Greeks and Romans were ignorant of the use
of the compass : a the instruments with which they took observations
must have been rude compared with our modern quadrants and sextants :'
and we have no reason to believe that their vessels were provided with
nautical charts : * and thus, when " neither sun nor stars appeared," and
the sky gave indications of danger, they hesitated to try the open sea.5
But the ancient sailor was well skilled in the changeable weather of the
Levant, and his very ignorance of the aids of modern science made him
the more observant of external phenomena, and more familiar with hia
own coasts.1' He was not less prompt and practical than a modern sea-
1 The reference here is to the dissertation on " The Ships of the Ancients " in Mr,
Smith's work on the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, pp. 140-202. This treatise
may be regarded as the standard work on the subject, not only in England, but in
Europe. It has been translated into German by H. Thiersch (Uber den Schiffbau der
Griechen und Rbmer : Marb. 1.851), and it is adduced by K. F. Hermann, in his recently
published Lehrbuch der Griech. Privatalterthuraer (Heidelb. 1852), as the decisive
authority on the difficult points connected with the study of ancient eLs.ip-building. It
is hardly necessary to refer to any of the older works on the subject. A full catalogue
is given in Mr. Smith's Appendix. Bayf and Schefler will be found in the eleventh
volume of Gronovius. We shall have occasion to refer to Bockh's Urkiinden pre
sently. * See Humboldt's Kosmos, Vol. H., for the main facts relating to the history of the
Compass. 3 We have no information of any nautical instruments at the time when we read of
Ptolemy's mural quadrant at Alexandria; nor is it likely that any more effectual
means of taking exact observations at sea, than the simple quadrant held in the hand,
were in use before the invention of the reflecting quadrants and sextants by Hooke
and Hadley. The want of exact chronometers must also be borne in mind.
4 The first nautical charts were perhaps those of Marinus of Tyre (a.d. 150) whom
Forbiger regards as the founder of mathematical geography.— Handb. der A. G., I. p.
365. See the life of Ptolemy in Smith's Dictionary.
* See Acts xxvii. 9-12, also, xxviii. 11. "We are apt to consider the ancients as
timid and unskilful sailors, afraid to venture out of sight of land, or to make long
voyages in the winter. I can see no evidenoe that this was the case. The cause of
their not making voyages after the end of summer, arose, in a great measure, from the
comparative obscurity of the sky during the winter, and not from tho gales which pre
vail at that season. With no means of directing their course, except by observing the
heavenly bodies, they were necessarily prevented from putting to sea when they could
not depend on their being visible." — Smith, p. 180.
s See again what is said below in reference to Acts- xxvii. 12.

6HIPS OF THE ANCIENTS. 301
man in the handling ot his ship, when overtaken by stormy weathei on a
dangerous coast.
The ship of the Greek and Roman mariner was comparatively rude,
both in its build and its rig. The hull was not laid down with the fine
lines, with which we are so familiar in the competing vessels of England
and America,1 and the arrangement of the sails exhibited little of that
complicated distribution yet effective combination of mechanical forces,
whicli we admire in the East-Indiaman or modern frigate. With the
war-ships1 of the ancients we need not here occupy ourselves or the
reader : but two peculiarities in the structure of Greek and Roman mer
chantmen must be carefully noticed : for both of them are much con
cerned in the seamanship described in the narrative before us.
The ships of the Greeks and Romans, like those of the early-North
men,3 were not steered by means of a single rudder, but by two paddle-
rudders, one on each quarter. Hence "rudders" are mentioned in the
plural4 by St. Luke (Acts xxvii. 40) as by heathen writers: and the
fact is made still more palpable by the representations of art, as in
the coins of Imperial Rome or the tapestry of Bayeux : nor does the
hinged rudder appear on any of the remains of antiquity, till a late period
in the middle ages.5
And as this mode of steering is common to the two sources, from
which we must trace our present art of ship-building, so also is the same
mode of rigging characteristic of the ships both of the North Sea and the
Mediterranean.6 We find in these ancient ships one large mast, with
strong ropes rove through a block at the mast head, and one large sail,
fastened to an enormous yard.r We shall see the importance of attend-
1 "As both ends were alike, if we suppose a full-built merchant-ship of the present
day, cut in two, and the stern half replaced by one exactly the same as that of the bow,
we shall have a pretty accurate notion of what these ships were." — Smith, p. 141.
2 For a full description and explanation of ancient triremes, &c. see Mr. Smith's Dis
sertation. 3 See Vorsaee on the Danes and Northmen in England. He does not describe the
structure of their ships ; but this peculiarity is evident in the drawing given at p. Ill,
from the Bayeux tapestry.
4 Tug (evKryplag tuv nySakiuv. The fact of irySukta being in the plural is lost
Bight of in the English version ; and the impression is conveyed of a single rudder,
worked by tiller ropes, which, as we shall see, is quite erroneous. Compare ^Eliau.
V. H. ix. 40. See Smith, p. 143, and Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, under
" Guberuaculum." » Smith, p. 146. He traces the representation of ancient rudders from Trajan's
column to the gold nobles of our king Edward HI., and infers that " the change in the
mode of steering must have taken place about the end of the thirteenth cr early in th«
fourteenth century."
* See Vorsaee, as above, and the representations of classical ships in Mr. Smith's
Work. ' By this it is not meant that topsails were not used, or that there w re never more

302 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ing to this arrangement, when we enter upon the incidents of St.- Paul's
voyage (xxvii. 11, 19). One consequence was, that instead of the strain
being distributed over the hull, as in a modern ship, it was concentrated
upon a smaller portion of it : and thus in ancient times there must have
been a greater tendency to leakage than at present ; » and we have the
testimony of ancient writers to the fact, that a vast proportion of the
vessels lost were lost by foundering. Thus Virgil,2 whose descriptions of
everything which relates to the sea are peculiarly exact, speaks of the
ships in the fleet of JSneas as lost in various ways, some on rocks and
some on quicksands, but " all with fastenings loosened :" and Josephus re
lates that the ship from which he so narrowly escaped, foundered3 in
" Adria," and that he and his companions saved themselves by swimming4
through- the night, — an escap* which found its parallel in the experience
of the Apostle, who in one of those shipwrecks, of which no particular
narration has been given to us, was " a night and a day in the deep" (2
Cor. xi. 25). The same danger was apprehended in the ship of Jonah;
from which " they cast forth the wares that were in the ship into the sea
to lighten it " (i. 5) ; as well as in the ship of St. Paul, from which,
after having "lightened" it the first day, they "cast out the tackling" on
the second day, and finally " threw out the cargo of wheat into the sea "
(xxvii. 18, 19, 38).
This leads us to notice what may be called a third peculiarity of the
appointments of ancient ships, as compared with those of modern times.
In consequence of the extreme danger to which they were exposed from
leaking, it was customary to take to sea, as part of their ordinary gear,
" undergirders " (imo&paTa), which were simply ropes for passing round
the hull of the ship and thus preventing the planks from starting.5 One
masts than one. Topsails (suppara) are frequently alluded to : and we shall have
occasion hereafter to refer particularly to a second mast, besides the mainmast. See
Mr. Smith's Dissertation, p. 151, and the engraving there given from M. Jal's Archio-
logie Navale.
' See Smith, p. 63.
* " Laxis laterum compagibus omnes
Accipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt."
a Vit. c. 3. Mr. Smith remarks here (p. 62) that, since Josephus and some of his
companions saved themselves by swimming, " the ship did not go down during the
gale, but in consequence of the damage she received during its continuance." For
the meaning of the word " Adria," see below.
¦* Probably with the aid of floating spars, &c. See note on 2 Cor. xi. 25.
5 This is what is called "frapping" by seamen in the English navy, who are always
taught how to frap a ship. The only difference is that the practice is now resorted to
much less frequently, and that modern ships are not supplied with "undergirders"
specially prepared. The operation and its use are thus described in Falconer's Marine
Dictionary : " To frap a ship is to pass four or five turns of a large cable-laid rope
round the hull or frame of a ship, to support her in a great storm, or otherwise, when
it is apprehended that she is not strong enough to resist the violent v-fforts of the sea."

NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. d\)8
of the most remarkable proofs of the truth of this statement is to be found
in the inscribed marbles dug up within the last twenty years at the Pi
raeus, which give us an inventory of the Attic fleet in its flourishing pe
riod ; ' as one of the most remarkable accounts of the application of these
artificial "helps" (xxvii. 11) in a storm, is to be found in the narrative
before us.
If these differences between ancient ships and our own are borne in
mind, the problems of early seamanship in the Mediterranean are nearly
reduced to those with which the modern navigator has to deal in the same
seas. The practical questions which remain to be asked are these. What
were the dimensions of ancient ships 1 How near the wind could they
sail ? And, with a fair wind, at what rate ?
As regards the first of these questions, there seems no reason why we
should suppose the old trading vessels of the Mediterranean to be much
smaller than onr own. We may rest this conclusion, both on the charac
ter of the cargoes with which they were freighted,2 and on the number
of persons we know them to have sometimes conveyed. Though the
great ship of Ptolemy Philadelphus 3 may justly be regarded as built for
ostentation rather than for use, the Alexandrian vessel, which forms the
subject of one of Lucian's dialogues,4 and is described as driven by stress
In most of the European languages the nautical term is, like the Greek, expressive of
the nature of the operation. Fr. ceintrer ; Ital. cingere; Germ, umgurten; Dutch,
omgorden ; Norw. omgyrte ; Portug. cinlrar. In Spanish the word is tortorar : a
circumstance which possesses some etymological interest, since the word used by Isidore
of Seville for a rope used in this way is tormentum. See the next note.
1 The excavations were made in the year 1834 ; and the inscriptions were published
by A. Bockh, under the title Urkunden iiber das Seewesen des Attischen Staates
(Berlin, 1840). A complete account is given of everything with which the Athenian
ships were supplied, with the name of each vessel, &c. : and we find that they all
carried iiro&para, which are classed among the aKevy Kpepaara, or hanging gear, as
opposed to the ok. gvkiva, or what was constructed of timber. See especially No. XIV.,
where mention is made of the ships which were on service in the Adriatic, and which
carried several imo&uaTa. Bockh shows (pp. 133-138) that these were ropes passed
round the body of the ship, but he strangely supposes that they were passed from stem
to stern (vom Vordertheil bis zum Hintertheil) identifying them with a certain appa
ratus called tormentum by Isidore (Orig. xix. 4, 4), who, however, seems to describe
the common undergirding ropes under the term mitra (funis quo navis media vincitur,
Ib. 4, 6). See Smith, p. 174. Bockh says that Schneider (on Vitruv. x. 15, 6) was
the first to think that the iirbfrpa was not of wood, but tauwerk. He refers, in illus
tration, to Hor. Od. i. 14, 6, and Plat. Rep. x. 3, 616, c. ; to ima^uvvvvai as used by
Polyb. xxvii. 3, 3, and Sialjuvvvvai by Appian, B.C. v. 91, and Zpwvvai by App. Rhod,
i. 368 ; to a representation of Jonah's ship in Boeii Roma Subterranea ; to a small re
lief in the Berlin Museum (No. 622), and in Beger Thes. Brand, iii. 406. The ship
of Ptolemy described by Athenseus, carried (i?.dp^ave) twelve ixo&uaTa.
' See below on the traffic between the provinces and Rome.
s Described in Athenseus, v. 204.
- Navigium seu Vota. From the length and breadth of this ship as given by Loeian,
Mr. Smith infers that her burthen was between 1000 and 1100 tons, pp. 147-150.

304

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

of weather into the Piraeus, furnishes us with satisfactory data for the
calculation of the tonnage of ancient ships. Two hundred and seventy-
six souls ' were on board the ship in which St. Paul was wrecked (xxvii.
31), and the "Castor and Pollux" conveyed them, in addition to her
own crew, from Malta to Puteoli (xxviii. 11) : while Josephus informs
us" that there were six hundred on board tlie ship from which he, with
about eighty others, escaped. Such considerations lead us to suppose
that the burthen of many ancient merchantmen may have been from five
hundred to a tlwusand tons.
A second question of greater consequence in reference to the present
subject, relates to the angle which the course of an ancient ship could be
made to assume with the direction of the wind, or to use the language 3 of
English sailors (who divide the compass into thirty-two point*), within

how many points of the wind she should sail ? That ancient vessels could
not work to windward, is one of the popular mistakes4 which need not be
1 " The ship must have been of considerable burden, as we find there were no less
than 276 persons embarked on board her. To afford fair accommodation for troops
m a transport expressly fitted for the purpose, we should allow at the rate of a ton
and a half to each man, and, as the ship we are considering was not expressly fitted
for passengers, we may conclude that her burden was fully, or at least nearly double
the number of tons, to the souls on board, or upwards of 500 tons."— Penrose, MS.
* Vit c. 3.
» As it is essential, for the purpose of elucidating the narrative, that this language
should be clearly understood, a compass has been inserted on this page, and some
words of explanation are given both here and below. This will be readily excused
by those who are familiar with nautical phraseology.
* Yet we sometimes find the mistake when we should hardly expect it Thus Hemsen
says (p. 570, note), with reference to the " Kreuzfahrt," which bitoirkelv implies in
Acts xxviu 7, « Doch ist cs wohl zweifelhaft, ob die Aiten diese Art gegen den Wind
eu segeln kannten.*

NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. 305
refuted. They doubtless took advantage of the Etesian winds," just a3
the traders in the Eastern Archipelago sail with the monsoons : but those
who were accustomed to a seafaring life could not avoid discovering that
a ship's course can be made to assume a less angle than a right angle
with the direction of the wind, or, in other words, that she can be made
to sail within less than eight points of the wind : a and Pliny distinctly
says, that it is possible for a ship to sail on contrary tacks.3 The limits
of this possibility depend upon the character of the vessel and the vio
lence of the gale. We shall find, below, that the vessel in which St.
Paul was wrecked, " could not look at the wind," — for so the Greek word
(xxvii. 15) may be literally translated in the language of English sailors,
— though with a less violent gale, an English ship, well-managed, could
easily have kept her course. A modern merchantman, in moderate wea
ther, can sail within six points of the wind. In an ancient vessel the yard
could not be braced so sharp, and the hull was more clumsy : and it would
not be safe to say that she could sail nearer the wind, than within seven
points.4 To turn now to the third question, the rate of sailing, — the very na
ture of the rig, which was less adapted than our own for working to
windward, was peculiarly favourable to a quick run before the wind. In
the China seas, during the monsoons, junks have been seen from the deck
of a British vessel behind in the horizon in the morning, and before in the
horizon in the evening.5 Thus we read of passages accomplished of old
ia the Mediterranean, which would do credit to a well appointed modern
ship. Pliny, who was himself a seaman, and in command of a fleet at the
time of his death, might furnish us with several instances. We might
quote the story of the fresh fig, which Cato produced in the Senate at
Rome, when he urged his countrymen to undertake the third Punic war,
by impressing on them the imminent nearness of their enemy. " This fruit,"
he says, " was gathered fresh at Carthage three days ago." 6 Other voy
ages, which he adduces, are such as these, — seven days from Cadiz to Ostia,
— seven days from the straits of Messina to Alexandria — nine days from Pu-
1 The classical passages relating to these winds — the monsoons of the Levant — ara
collected in Forbiger's first volume, p. 619.
* See Smith, p. 178.
3 " Iisdem ventis in contrarium navigatur prolatis pedibus." H. N. ii. 48.
4 Smith, ibid.
6 See above, in this volume, p. 227, n. 8.
6 " Cum clamaret Carthaginem delendam, attulit quodam die in Curiam prsecocem
ex ca provincia ficum: osteridensque Patribus; Interrogo vos, inquit, quando haac
pomum decerptam putatis ex arbore ? Cum inter omnes recentem esse constaret ;
Atqui tertium, inquit, ante diem scitote decerptam Carthagine : tam prope a niuris
babemus hostem." Plin. H. N. xv. 20. We may observe that the interval of time
need not be regarded as so much as three entire days : though Mr. Greswell appears
to estimate it at " four days." Diss. Vol. IV. p. 517.
vol. ii. — 20

300 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
teoli to Alexandria.1 These instances are quite in harmony with what we
read in other authors. Thus Rhodes and Cape Salmone, at the eastern extre-
mity of Crete, are reckoned by Diodorus and Strabo as four days from Alex
andria : a Plutarch tells us of a voyage within the day from Brundusium to
Corcyra :3 Procopius describes Belisarius as sailing on one day with his fleet
from Malta, and landing on the next day some leagues to the south of Car
thage.4 A thousand stades (or between 100 and 150 miles), is reckoned by
the geographers a common distance to accomplish in the twenty-four hours.5
And the conclusion to which we are brought, is, that with a fair wind an
ancient merchantman would easily sail at the rate of seven knots an hour,
—a conclusion in complete harmony both with what we have observed in
a former voyage of St. Paul (Chap. XX.), and what will demand our
attention at the close of that voyage, which brought him at length from
Malta by Rhegium to Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13).
The remarks which have been made will convey to the reader a suffi
cient notion of the ships and navigation of the ancients. If to the above-
mentioned peculiarities of build and rig we add the eye painted at the
prow, the conventional ornaments at stem and stern, which are familiar to
us in remaining works of art,6 and the characteristic figures of heathen di
vinities,7 we shall gain a sufficient idea of an ancient merchantman. And
a glance at the chart of the Mediterranean will enable us to realise in
our imagination the nature of the voyages that were most frequent in the
ancient world. With the sanie view of elucidating the details of our sub
ject beforehand, we may now devote a short space to the prevalent lines
of traffic, and to the opportunities of travellers by sea, in the first cen
tury of the Christian era.
Though the Romans had no natural love for the sea, and though a
' " Afreto Sicilias Alexandriam septima die- ... a Puteolis nono die lenissimo fiatu.
. . Gades ad Herculis columnas septimo die Ostiam." H. N. xix. 1.
* Diod. iii. 33. Plin. H. N. iv. 20. Strabo. x. 4.
3 Plut. Paul. ./Emu. c. 36. \
4 'Apdpevoi Kard rdxog rd laria, Tuvkip re Kal Mekiry ralg vyaoig irpbaeaxov, di
Tore 'ASpianKov Kal TvfifiyviKbv trikayog Siopi£ovaiv. ivBa Sr) avrolg Evpnv n wvevpo
iiriircabv ry vorepaia, rug vavg ig ri)v Ai(3vyg uKryv yveyKev. Procop. Bell. Vand. i
14. (I. 372. Ed. Bonn.). This is one of the passages which will be referred to here
after, in considering the boundaries of the sea called Adria (Acts xxvii. 27).
4 Such is the estimate of Marinus, Ptolemy, and Scylax. See Greswell's Disserta
tions, Vol. IV. p. 517. Herodotus (iv. 86) reckons a day and a night's sail in the
summer time, and with a favourable wind, at 1300 stadia, or 162 Roman miles.
6 For the xviaKog, a tall ornament at the stern or prow, in the form of the neck ol
a water-fowl, see Smith, p. 142, and Hermann, 50, 31. And see the Dictionary of An
tiquities under " Aplustre."
i Ilapaaypu AiocKvpoig, Acts xxviii. 11. Tyg veug rb irapdaypav. Plut. Sept.
Sapp. c. 18. 'H wpupa ryv iiruvvpov ryg ve&g Bebv ix<»>aa t})v laiv iKaripaBev.
Lucian. Nav. c. 5. See the Scholiast on Aristoph. Ach. 547. 'Ev ralg noupaig tuv
rpiypuv yv dydkpard nva Hikiva ryg 'AByvdg KaBiSpupiva.

SOMAN COMMERCE. 307
commercial life was never regarded by them as an honourable occupation,
and thus both the experience of practical seamanship, and the business of
the carrying trade remained in a great measure with the Greeks, yet a
vast development had been given to commerce by the consolidation of the
Roman Empire. Piracy had been effectually put down before the close
of the Republic.1 The annexation of Egypt drew towards Italy the rich
trade of the Indian seas. After the effectual reduction of Gaul and
Spain, Roman soldiers and Roman slave-dealers " invaded the shores of
Britain. The trade of all the countries which surround the Mediterra
nean began to flow towards Rome. The great city herself was passive,
lor she had nothing to export. But the cravings of her luxury, and the
necessities of her vast population, drew to one centre the converging lines
of a busy traffic from a wide extent of provinces. To leave out of view
what hardly concerns us here, the commerce by land from the North,3 some
of the principal directions of trade by sea may be briefly enumerated as
follows. The harbours of Ostia and Puteoli were constantly full of ships
from the West, which had brought wool and other articles from Cadiz :4
a circumstance which possesses some interest for us here, as illustrating
the mode in which St. Paul might hope to accomplish his voyage to
Spain (Rom. xv. 24). On the South was Sicily, often called the Store
house of Italy,5 — and Africa, which sent furniture-woods to Rome, and
heavy cargoes of marble and granite.6 On the East, Asia Minor was
the intermediate space through which the caravan-trade ' passed, convey
ing silks and spices from beyond the Euphrates to the markets and
wharves of Ephesus.8 We might extend this enumeration by alluding to
the fisheries of the Black Sea,9 and the wine-trade of the Archipelago.10
But enough has been said to give some notion of the commercial activity
of which Italy was the centre : and our particular attention here is re-
¦ Compare Vol. L pp. 20, 21. See Hor. "Pacatum volitant per mare navifze," and
Plin. 1 See the passage in Pitt's speeches, referred to in Milman's Gibbon, i. p. 70.
- For example, the amber trade of the Baltic, and the importing of provisions aud
rough-cloths from Cisalpine Gaul. See Strabo, v. Polyb. ii. 15. Columella de R. R.
vii. 2.
4 See Hoeck's Rom. Geschichte, I. ii. p. 276.
6 Taptelov ryg 'Pupyg. Strabo, v. See Cic. in Verr. ii. 2.
6 Hoeck, p. 278.
i There seem to have been two great lines of inland -trade through Asia Minor, one
near the southern shore of the Black Sea, through the districts opened by the cam
paigns of Pompey, and the other through the centre of the country from Mazaca, on
the Euphrates, to Ephesus.
e Strabo, xii. xiv. In the first of these passages, he Says of Ephesus, tuv and t^t
\rakiag xal ryg 'EkkdSog biroSoxelov koivov Ian.
» Aul. Gell. vii. 16. Mart. ii. 37.
P!in.N. H. xiv. 16, 17.

308 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL.
quired only to one branch of trade, one line of constant traflis across the
waters of the Mediterranean to Rome.
Alexandria has been mentioned already* as a city, which, next after
Athens, exerted the strongest intellectual influence over the age in which
St. Paufs appointed work was done : and we have had occasion to notice
some indirect connection between this city and the Apostle's own labours.1
Bnt it was eminent commercially not less than intellectually. The pro
phetic views of Alexander were at that time receiving an ampler fulfilment
than at any former period. The trade with the Indian Seas, whicb, nad
been encouraged under the Ptolemies, received a vast impulse in the reign
of Augustus : 2 and under the reigns of his successors, the valley of the
Nile was the channel of an active transit trade in spices, dyes, jewels, and
perfumes, which were brought by Arabian mariners from the far East, and
poured into the markets of Italy.3 But Egypt was not only the medium
of transit trade. She had her own manufactures of linen, paper, and
glass,4 which she exported in large quantities. And one natural product
of her soil has been a staple commodity from the time of Pharaoh to our
own. We have only to think of the fertilizing inundations cf the Nile,
on the one hand, and, on the other, of the multitudes composing the free
and slave population of Italy, in order to comprehend the activity and im
portance of the Alexandrian corn-trade. At a later period the Emperor
Commodus established a company of merchants to convey the supplies
from Egypt to Rome ; and the commendations which he gave himself for
this forethought may still be read in the inscription round the ships repre
sented on his coins.5 The harbour, to which the Egyptian corn-vessels

1 See Vol. I. pp. 10, 11, 35 ; Vol. II. p. 14.
¦ See the history of this trade in Dean Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of the
Ancients. » There is an enumeration of the imports into Egypt from the East in the Periplaa
Maris Erythnci, about the time of Nero, and also in the Pandects. The contents of
these lists are analysed by Dean Vincent.
4 Plin. H. N. xiii. 22, 23. xix. 1. Martial, xiv. 150, 115. . Cic. pro Rabir. post, 14.
For the manufactures of Alexandria, see Vopisc. Saturn. 8.
5 This engraving is from Mr. Smith's work (p. 162), and was taken from a coin at
Avignon. See another from Capt. Smyth's Collection, p. 163. That which is here
represented gives a gdod representation of the dprepuv (Acts xxvii 40), which, as we
shall see. was probably the foresail.

TEAVELLEES BY SEA. 309
were usually bound, was Puteoli. At the close of this Chapter we shall
refer to some passages which gave an animated picture of the arrival of
these ships. Meanwhile, it is well to have called attention to this line of
traffic between Alexandria and Puteoli; for iu so doing we have described
the means which Divine Providence employed for bringing the Apostle to
Rome. The transition is easy from the commerce of the Mediterranean to the
progress of travellers from point to point in that sea. If to this enumera
tion of the main lines of traffic by sea we add all the ramifications of the
coasting-trade which depended on them, we have before us a full view of
the opportunities which travellers possessed of accomplishing their voy
ages. Just in this way we have lately seen St. Paul completing the
journey, on which his mind was set, from Philippi, by Miletus and Patara,
to Caesarea (Ch. XX.). We read of no periodical packets for the con
veyance of passengers sailing between the great towns of the Mediterra
nean. Emperors themselves were usually compelled to take advantage of
the same opportunities to which Jewish pilgrims and Christian Apostles
were limited. When Vespasian went to Rome, leaving Titus to prose
cute the siege of Jerusalem, " he went on board a merchant-ship, and
sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes," and thence pursued his way through
Greece to the Adriatic, and finally went to Rome through Italy by land.1
And when the Jewish war was ended, and when, suspicions having arisen
concerning the allegiance of Titus to Vespasian, the son was anxious " to
rejoin his father," he also left Alexandria" in a " merchant-ship," and
" hastened to Italy," touching at the very places at which St. Paul
touched, first at Rhegium (xxviii. 13), and then at Puteoli (lb.).
If such was the mode in which even royal personages travelled from the
provinces to the metropolis, we must of course conclude that those who
travelled on the business of the state must often have been content to
avail themselves of similar opportunities. The sending of state prisoners to
Rome from various parts of the empire was an event of frequent occurrence.
Thus we are told by Josephus,3 that Felix " for some slight offence, bound
and sent to Rome several priests of his acquaintance, honourable and good
men, to answer for themselves to Caesar." Such groups must often have
left Caesarea and the other Eastern ports, in merchant-vessels bound for the
West : and such was the departure of St. Paul, when the time at length
1 Neug tyOpriSog Oveairaaiavbg iiribug dirb ryg 'AkegavSpeiag elg 'PbSov SUbaivev
'EvrevBev Si izkeov iirt rpiypuv . ... elg ryv 'EkkdSa .... kukciBcv dirb KepKvpag
lif dapav 'lairvyiav, bBev ySy Kard yyv tnoielro ryv nopeiav. Joseph, B. J. vii. 2, 1.
' " Nata snspicio est, quasi descisceret a patre .... Quam suspicionem auxit, post-
quain Alexandriam petens , . . . diadema gestavit. . . Quare festinans in Italiam,
cum Bhegium, deinde Puteolos oneraria nave appulisset, Somam inde contendit."
Suet. Tit. c. 5.
a Joseph, V it e. 3.

310 THE LIFE .AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
came for that eventful journey, which had been so long and earnestly
cherished in his own wishes ; ' so emphatically foretold by Divine revela.
tion ; ' and which was destined to involve such great consequences to the
whole future of Christianity.
The vessel in which he sailed, with certain other state-prisoners, was
"a ship of Adramyttium" apparently engaged in the coasting trade3 and
at that time (probably the end of summer or the beginning of autumn)4
bound on her homeward voyage. Whatever might be the harbours at
which she intended to touch, her course lay along the coast of the province
of Asia.5 Adramyttium was itself a seaport in Mysia, which (as we have
seen) was a subdivision of that province : and we have already described
it as situated in the deep gulf which recedes beyond the base of Mount
Ida, over against the island of Lesbos, and as connected by good roads
with Pergamus and Troas on the coast, and the various marts in the inte
rior of the peninsula.6 Since St. Paul never reached the place, no descrip
tion of it is required.7 It is only needful to observe that when the vessel
reached the coast of "Asia," the travellers would be brought some con
siderable distance on their way to Rome ; and there would be a good
1 Rom. xv. 23.
'Acts xix. 21. xxiii. 11. See xxvii. 24.
¦• The words pekkovn nkelv rovg Kard ryv Aaiav rbitovg seem to imply that she
was about to touch at several places on her way to Adramyttium. Probably she was
a small coaster similar to those of the modern Greeks in the same seas : and doubtless
the Alexandrian corn-ship mentioned afterwards was much larger. The reading
uikkovn rests on better authority than pikkovreg.
4 This we infer, partly because it is reasonable to suppose that tbey expected to
reach Italy before the winter, partly because of the delays which are expressly men
tioned before the consultation at Fair Havens. See p. 332.
» For the meaning of the word "Asia" in the New Testament, we need only refer
again to Vol. I. p. 237, &c. It is of the utmost consequence to bear this in mind. If
the continent of Asia were intended, the passage would be almost unmeaning. Yet
Falconer says (Diss, on St. Paul's Voyage, on the wind Euroclydon and the Apostle's
shipwreck fin the island Melita, by a layman. Oxf. 1817), " They who conducted the
ship meant to sail on their return by the coasts of Asia ; accordingly, the next day
after they set sail, they touched at Sidon," p. 4. Nor are we to suppose Asia Minor
intended, which seems to be the supposition even of Meyer and De Wette. As to the
text, the general sense is unaltered, whether we read pikkovreg or pikkovn.
6 Vol. I. p. 278. See Vol. II. p. 210, n. 4. We need hardly allude to the error of
Grotius, who supposed Adrumetum, on the African coast, to be meant. Mr. Lewin
assumes that the intention of Julius was to proceed (like those who afterwards took
Ignatius to his martyrdom) by the Via Egnatia through Macedonia : but the narrative
gives no indication of such a plan : and indeed the hypothesis is contradicted by tha
word dnoirketv.
i A short notice of it is given by Sir C. Fellows (a. m. p. 39). Mr. Weston, in big
MS. journal, describes it as a filthy town, of about 1500 houses, 150 of which are in
habited by Greeks, and he saw no remains of antiquity. It was a flourishing seaport
in the time of the kings of Pergamus ; and Pliny mentions it as the seat of a conventus
juridi us. In Pococke's Travels (U. ii. 16), it is stated that there is much boat-
building still at Adramyti.

DEPARTURE FEOM C.ESAEEA. 311
prospect of finding some other westward-bound vessel, in which they might
complete their voyage, — more especially since the Alexandrian corn-ships
(as we shall see) often touched at the harbours in that neighbourhood.
St. Paul's two companions — besides the soldiers, with Julius their com
manding officer, the sailors, the other prisoners, and such occasional pas
sengers as may have taken advantage of this opportunity of leaving
Caesarea, — were two Christians already familiar to us, Luke the Evange
list, whose name, like that of Timotheus, is almost inseparable from the
Apostle, and whom we may conclude to have been with him since his
arrival in Jerusalem,1 — and "Aristarchus the Macedonian, of Thessalonica,"
whose native country and native city have been separately mentioned
before (Acts xix. 29. xx. 4), and who seems, from the manner in which he
is spoken of in the Epistles written from Rome (Philem 24. Col. iv. 10),
to have been, like St. Paul himself, a prisoner in the cause of the Gospel.
On the day after sailing from Caesarea the vessel put into Sidon (v. 2).
This may be readily accounted for, by supposing that she touched there
for the purposes of trade, or to land some passengers. Or another
hypothesis is equally allowable. Westerly and north-westerly winds pr«-

COD.' OF SIDON. '

vail in the Levant at the end of summer and the beginning of autuuM ;
and we find that it did actually blow from these qnarters soon afterwwrds,
in the course of St. Paul's voyage. Such a wind would be sufficiently fair
for a passage to Sidon ; and the seamen might proceed to that port it. the
hope of the weather becoming more favourable, and be detained thern by
> See above. * From the British Museum.
3 See the quotation already given from Norie's Sailing Directions in this volume,
p. 221, u. 2. A similar statement will be found in Purdy, p. 59. Mr. Smith (pp. 22,
23, 27, 41) gives very copious illustrations of this point, from the journal written by
Lord De Saumarez, on his return from Aboukir, in the months of August and Sep
tember, 1798. He stood to the north towards Cyprus, and was compelled to run to the
south of Crete. " The wind continues to the westward. I am sorry to find it almost
•s prevailing as the trade-winds (July 4). . . . We have just gained sight of Cyprus,
near' y the track we followed six weeks ago ; so invariably do the westerly winds pro-
vail at this season (Aug. 19). ... We are still off the island of Rhodes. Our present
route is to the northward of Candia (Aug. 28). . . . After contending three days
against the adverse winds which are almost invariably encountered here, and getting
sufficiently to the northward to have weathered the small islands that lie more immediately
between the Archipelago and Candia, the wind set in so strong from the westward that I wits
compelled to desist from that passage, and to bear up between Scarp an to and Saxo.''

312 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the wind continuing in the same quarter.1 The passage from Caesarea tc
Sidon is sixty-seven miles, a distance easily accomplished, under favoura
ble circumstances, in less than twenty-four hours. In the course of the
night they would pass by Ptolemais and Tyre, where St. Paul had visited
the Christians two years before.2 Sidon is the last city on the Phoenician
shore in which the Apostle's presence can be traced. It is a city associa
ted, from the earliest times, with patriarchal and Jewish History : The
limit of " the border of the Canaanites" in the description of the peopling
of the earth after the Flood (Gen. x. 19),— "the haven of the sea, the
haven of ships" in the dim vision of the dying Patriarch (Lb. xlix. 13),—
the "great Sidon" of the wars of Joshua (Josh. xi. 8), — the city that
never was conquered by the Israelites (Judg. i. 31), — the home of the
merchants that "passed over the sea" (.Isa. xiii.), — its history was linked
with all the annals of the Hebrew race. Nor is it less familiarly known in
the records of heathen antiquity. Its name is celebratedoboth in the Iliad
and the Odyssey,3 and Herodotus ' says that its sailors were the most ex
pert of all the Phoenicians. Its strong and massive fortifications were '
pulled down, when this coast fell under the sway of the Persians ; ' but its
harbour remained uninjured till a far later period. The prince of the
Druses, with whose strange and brilliant career its more recent history is
most closely connected, threw masses of stone and earth into the port, in
order to protect himself from the Turks : 6 — and houses are now standing
on the spot where the ships of King Louis anchored in the last Crusade,7
and which was crowded with merchandize in that age, when the Geogra
pher of the Roman Empire spoke of Sidon as the best harbour of Phoeni
cia.8 Nor is the history of Sidon without a close connection with those years
in which Christianity was founded. Not only did its inhabitants, with
those of Tyre, follow the footsteps of Jesus, to hear His words, and to be
healed of their diseases (Luke vi. 11) : but the Son of David Himself
visited those coasts, and rewarded the importunate faith of a Gentile sup
pliant (Mat. xv. Mark vii.) : and soon the prophecy which lay, as it were,
involved in this miracle, was fulfilled by the preaching of Evangelists and
Apostles. Those who had been converted during the dispersion which
followed the martyrdom of Stephen were presently visited by Barnabas
and Saul (Acts x). Again, Paul with Barnabas passed through these
1 " They probably stopped at Sidon for the purposes of trade." Smith, p. 23. "It
may be concluded that they put in, because of contrary winds." Penrose MS.
' See what has been said above on these two cities, Ch. XX. p. 231, &c.
3 II. vi. 290, &c. Od. iv. 84. < Herod, vii. 89, 96.
5 See Diod. Sic. xvi. 44. Arrian. ii. 15.
6 A compendious account of Fakrid-din will be found in the " Modern Traveller."
' For the history of Sidon during the Middle Ages, see Dr. Robinson's third volume
8 Strabo. xvi. See Joseph. Ant. v., also Scylax and Ach. Tat. i. 1.

SIDON. 813
cities vi their return from the first victorious journey among the Gentile*
{lb. xi. 3). Nor were these the only journeys which the Apostle had
taken through Phoenicia ; > so that he well knew, on his arrival from
Caesarea, that Christian brethren were to be found in Sidon. He, doubt
less, told Julius that he had "friends" there, whom he wished to visit,
and, either from special commands which had been given by Festus in favour
of St. Paul, or through an influence which the Apostle had already gained
over the centurion's mind, the desired permission was granted. If we bear
in our remembrance that St. Paul's health was naturally delicate, and that
he must have suffered much during his long detention at Caesarea, a new
interest is given to the touching incident, with which the narrative of this
voyage opens, that the Roman officer treated this one prisoner " courteous
ly, and gave him liberty to go unto his friends to refresh himself." We
have already considered the military position of this centurion, and seen
that there are good grounds for identifying him with an officer mentioned
by a heathen historian." It gives an additional pleasure to such investiga
tions, when we can record our grateful recollection of kindness shown by
him to that Apostle, from whom we have received our chief knowledge of
the Gospel. >
On going to sea from Sidon, the wind was unfavourable. Hence, what
ever the weather had been before, it certainly blew from the westward
now. The direct course from Sidon to the " coasts of Asia " would havo
been to the southward of Cyprus, across the sea over which the Apostle
had sailed so prosperously two years before.3 Thus when St. Luke says,
that " they sailed under the lee * of Cyprus, because the winds were contrary,"
he means that they sailed to the north-east and north of the Island. If
there were any doubt concerning his meaning, it would be made clear by
> See Vol. I. p. 425. ' See the preceding chapter. 3 See Chap. XX.
4 'TireirXevaapev. So the word is used below, v. 7, and birobpapelv, v. 16. It is a
confusion of geographical ideas to suppose that a south shore is necessarily meant.
Falconer, who imagines the south coast of Cyprus to be intended, was misled by his
view of the meaning of the word Asia. Hemsen thinks the same, and adds that the
vessel was afterwards driven northwards into the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia. De
Wette gives the correct interpretation : " Schifften wir unter (der Kiiste von) Cypern
hin, so das dieses links (westlich) liegen blieb," i. e. sailed under the lee of this
island, or so that the wind blew from the island towards the ship. The idea of sailing
near the coast (the explanation of Meyer and Kuinoel) is no doubt included : but th«
two things are distinct. Humphrey seems to blend the two — " sailed under the lee of
Cyprus, — not leaving it at a distance, as they had done in their former voyage, xxi. 3."
The best note is that of Wetstein ; and we should expect a Dutch commentator to bfl
better acquainted with the sea than the Germans. " Si ventns favisset alto se commi-
sissent, et Cyprum ad dextram partem -sliquissent, ut Act. xxi. 3. Nunc autem cogun-
tur legere littus Cilicia;. inter O^prum et Asiam [Minorem]. Hoc fit vento adverso,
cum navis non possit dvrofbaApelv (onder ein zeekere plaats zeylen: laveeren).
ITbi navis vento contrario cogitur a recto cursu recedere, ita ut tunc insula sit inter
D&*ita inter ventum et navem, dicitur ferri infra insulam." See Hackstt.

314 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL
what is said afterwards, that they "sailed through1 the sea which is wet
against Cilicia and Famphylia." The reasons why this coiiise was taken
will be easily understood by those who have navigated those seas in modern
times. By standing to the north, the vessel would fall in with the current
which sets in a north-westerly direction past the eastern extremity of Cyprus,
and then westerly along the southern coast of Asia Minor, till it is lost at
the opening of the Archipelago.2 And besides this, as the land was neared,
the wind would draw off the shore, and the water would be smoother ; and
both these advantages would aid the progress of the vessel.3 Hence, she
would easily work to windward,4 under the mountains oi" Cilicia, and
through the bay of Pamphylia, — to Lycia, which was the first district in
the province of Asia.5 Thus we follow the Apostle once more across the
sea over which he had first sailed with Barnabas from Antioch to Salamis,: —
and within sight of the summits of Taurus, which rise above his native
city, — and close by Perga and Attaleia, — till he came to a Lycian harbour
not far from Patara, the last point at which he had touched on his return
from the third Missionary journey.
The Lycian harbour, in which the Adramyttian ship came to anchor
on this occasion, after her voyage from Sidon, was Myra, a city which has
been fully illustrated by some of those travellers, whose researches have,
within these few years, for the first time provided materials for a detailed
1 Aiaizkevaavreg , i. e. sailed through or across. So Siatyepopevav, v. 27. We should
observe the order in which the following words occur. Cilicia is mentioned first.
* " From Syria to the Archipelago there is a constant current to the westward,
slightly felt at sea, but very perceptible near the shore, along this part of which
[Lycia] it runs with considerable but irregular velocity : between Adratchan Cape
and the small adjacent island we found it one day almost three miles an hour 
The great body of water, as it moves to the westward, is intercepted by the western
coast of the gulf of Adalia ; thus pent up and accumulated, it rushes with augmented
violence towards Cape Khelidonia, where, diffusing itself in the open sea, it again
becomes equalized." Beaufort's Karamania, p. 41. See Vol. I. p. 138. II. p. 222.
[Of two persons engaged in the merchant-service, one says that he has often "tricked
other fruit-vessels" in sailing westward, by standing to the north to get this current,
while they took the mid-channel course ; the other, that the current is sometimes so .
strong between Cyprus and the main, that he has known " a steamer jammed" there,
in going to the East.]
3 It is said in the Sailing Directory (p. 243), that "at night the great northeru
valley conducts the land-wind from the cold mountains of the interior to the sea;"
and again (p. 241), that " Captain Beaufort, on rounding Cape Khelidonia, found the
land-breezes, which had generally been from the west, or south-west, coming down
the Gulf of Adalia from the northward."
* The vessel would have to beat up to Myra. This is indicated in the map. The
wind is assumed to be N.W. : and the alternate courses marked are about N.N.E. on
the larboard tack, and W.S.W. on the starboard tack.
s Lycia was once actually part of the province of Asia (Vol. I. p. 23!)) ; but shortly
before the time of St. Paul's voyage to Rome it seems to have been united under one
jurisdiction with Pamphylia (Ib. p. 243). The period when it was a separate province,
¦vith Myra for its metropolis, was much later.

8IDON.TO MTEA.

315

geographical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostlos.1 Its situation
was at the opening of a long and wonderful gorge, which conducts the
traveller from the interior of the mountain-region of Lycia to the sea." A
wide space of plain intervened between the city and tha port. Strabo
says that the distance was twenty stadia, or more than two miles.3 If we

oonr of amiA.4
draw a natural inference from the magnitude of the theatre,5 which remains
at the base of the cliffs, and the traces of ruins to some distance across the
plain, we should conclude that Myra once held a considerable population :
while the Lycian tombs, still conspicuous in the rocks, seem to connect it
with a remote period of Asiatic history.6 We trace it, on the other hand,
in a later though hardly less obscure period of history ; for in the middle
ages it was called the port of the Adriatic, and was visited by Anglo-Saxon
travellers.7 This was the period when St. Nicholas, the saint of the
modern Greek sailors, — born at Patara, and buried at Myra, — had usurped
the honour which those two cities might more naturally have given to the
Apostle who anchored in their harbours.8 In the seclusion of the deep
1 The two best accounts of Myra will be found in Fellows's Asia Minor, pp. 194, &c.
and Spratt and Forbes's Lycia, vol. i. ch. iii. In the former work is a view : in the
latter sketches of sculpture, &c. A view is also given in Texier's Asie Mineure. The
port was visited by Admiral Beaufort (Karamania, pp. 26-31), but he did not explore
the ruins of Myra itself. For Myra (and also Patara), see vol. iii. of the Trans, of the
Dilettanti Society.
3 This gorge is described in striking language, both by Sir C. Fellows and by Spratt
and Forbes.
3 See note 7. 4 From the British Museum.
5 Mr. Cockerell remarks that we may infer something in reference to the population
of an ancient city from the size of its theatre. A plan of this theatre is given in
Leake's Asia Minor, and also in Texier's Asie Mineure.
6 It is well known that there is much difference of opinion concerning the history of
Lycian civilisation, and the date of the existing remains.
' Early Travels in Palestine, quoted by Mr. Lewin, vol. ii. p. 716. It h erroneously
said there that Myra was at that time the metropolis of Lycia, on the authority of the
Synecdemus (Myrpbirokig ryg AvKiag Mvpa), which belongs to a period much later.
The river Andriaki is also incorrectly identified with the Limyrus, though Strabo's
own words are quoted : Elra Mvpa iv eiKoai araSloig birip ryg tiakdrryg im
uertupov kbfyov. EW y ixfivky tov Atpvpov rorapov, xiv. 3.
* The relics of St. Nicholas were taken to St. Petersburg by a Russian frigate during
the Greek revolution, and a gaudy picture sent instead. Sp. & F. Compare Fellows

316 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
gorge of Dembra is a magnificent Byzantine church,1— probably the cathe
dral of the diocese, when Myra was tne ecclesiastical and political metropo-
lis of Lycia.3 Another building, hardly less conspicuous, is a granary
erected by Trajan near the mouth ot the little river Andraki.3 This is the
ancient Andriace, which Pliny mentions as the port of Myra, and which is
described to us by Appian, in his narrative of the civil wars of Rome, as
closed and protected by a chain.4
Andriace, the port of Myra, was one of the many excellent harbours
which abound in the south-western part of Asia Minor. From this eir
cuinstance, and from the fact that the coast is high and visible to a great
distance,— in addition to the local advantages which we have mentioned
above, the westerly current and the off-shore wind,— it was common for
ships bound from Egypt to the westward to be found in this neighbourhood
when the winds were contrary.5 It was therefore a natural occurrence,
and one which could have caused no surprise, when the centurion met in
the harbour at Myra with an Alexandrian corn-ship on her voyage to
Italy (v. 6). Even if business had not brought her to this coast, she was
not really out of her track in a harbour in the same meridian as that of
her own port.6 It is probable that the same westerly winds which had
hindered St. Paul's progress from Caesarea to Myra, had caused the Alex
andrian ship to stand to the North.
Thus the expectation was fulfilled, which had induced the centurion to
place his prisoners on board the vessel of Adramyttium.7 That vessel pro
ceeded on her homeward route up the coast of the JSgean, if the weather
permitted : and we now follow the Apostle through a more eventful part
of his voyage, in a ship which was probably much larger than those that
were simply engaged in the coasting trade. From the total number of souls
1 See the description of this grand and solitary building, and the vignette, in Spratl
and Forbes. They remark that " as Myra was the capital of the bishopric of Lycia
for many centuries afterwards, and as there are no remains at Myra itself indicating
the* existence of a cathedral, we probibly behold in this ruin the head-church of the
diocese, planted here from motives of seclusion and security," vol. i. p. 107
' Hierocl. Synecd. See Wesseling's note, p. 684.
3 The inscription on the granary is given by Beaufort.
4 App. B. C. iv. 82. Arvrkog, i-rv reptpBelg AvSpiuKy, ilvpiuv irziveiip, ryv re ukvoiv,
lj>t>y£e tov kipevog, Kal ig W'pa d"yei. See above, p. 225, n. 4.
5 See the references to Socrates, Sozomen, and Philo, in Wetstein. It is possible, as
Kuincel suggests, that the ship might have brought goods from Alexandria to Lycia,
and then taken in a fresh cargo for Italy : but not very probable, since she was full
of wheat when the gale caught her. [A captain in the merchant service told th*
writer that in coming from Alexandria in August he has stood to the north towards
Asia Minor, for the sake of the current, and that this is a very common course.]
" Mr. Lewin supposes that the r/ian of Julius was changed, in consequence of thii
ship being found in harbour here. " At Myra the centurion most unluckily changed
iisT>lan," &c., vol. ii. p. 716.
See above, p. 310.

MTEA. 317
on ocaid (v. 31), and the known fact that the Egyptian merchantmen
were among the largest in the Mediterranean,1 we conclude that she was a
vessel of considerable size. Everything that relates to her construction is
interesting to us, from the minute account which is given of her misfortunes,
from the moment of her leaving Myra. The weather was unfavourable
from the first. They were "many days" before reaching Cnidus (v. 1) :
and since the distance from Myra to this place is only a hundred and thirty
miles, it is certain that they must have sailed "slowly" (ib.). The delay
was of course occasioned by one of two causes, by calms or by contrary
winds. There can be no doubt that the latter was the real cause, not only
because the sacred narrative states that they reached Cnidus '' " with diffi
culty," but because we are informed that, when Cnidus was reached, they
could not make good their course 3 any further, " the wind not suffering them "
(ibid.). At this point they lost the advantages of a favouring current, a
weather shore and smooth water, and were met by all the force of the
sea from the westward : and it was judged the most prudent course, instead
of contending with a head sea and contrary winds, to run down to the
southward, and, after rounding Cape Salmone, the easternmost point of
Crete, to pursue the voyage under the lee 4 of that island.
Knowing, as we do, the consequences which followed this step, we are
inclined to blame it as imprudent, unless indeed it was absolutely necessary.
For while the south coast of Crete was deficient in good harbours, that of
Cnidus was excellent, — well sheltered from the north-westerly winds, fully
1 See the Scholiast on Aristides, quoted by Wetstein. At vyeg tuv Alyvitriuv pei^evg
eloi tuv dkkuv, ug dneipov irkyBog x<Jpelv.
* The Greek word is pbkig, which is only imperfectly rendered by " scarce" in the
English version. It is the same word which is translated " hardly " in v. 8, and it
occurs again in v. 16.
3 Their direct course was about W. by S. : and, when they opened the point, they
were under very unfavourable circumstances even for beating. The words pi) irpo-
aeuvrog yudg tov dvipov Mr. Smith understands to mean that the wind would not
allow the vessel to hold on her course towards Italy, after Cnidus was passed. So Sir
C. Penrose, in whose MS. we find the following : " The course from Myra towards
Italy was to pass close to the Island of Cythera (Cerigo), or the south point of the
Morea; the island of Rhodes lying-in the direct track. It appears that the ship
passed to the northward of that island, having sailed slowly many days from the light
and baffling winds, usual in those seas and at that season. Having at last got over
against Cnidus (C. Crio.), the wind not suffering them to get on in the direct course,
it having become steady from the west or north-west, they sailed southwards, till
coming near to the east end of Crete, they passed, &c."
The word? may, however, mean that the wind would not allow them to put into the
harbour of Cnidus. So they are understood by Meyer, De Wette, Humphry, and
Hackett ; and it must be confessed that this seems the most natural view. But even
if this be the correct interpretation, it is equally evident that the wind must hs^s be#o
nearly north-west.
« 'Vntn?.evoauev

318 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
supplied with all kinds of stores, and in every way commodious, if nsedful,
for wintering.1 And here, according to our custom, we pause again in the narrative,
that we may devote a few lines to the history and description of the place.
In early times it was the metropolis of the Asiatic Dorians, who worship
ped Apollo, their national Deity, on the rugged headland,3 called the
Triopian 3 promontory (the modern Cape Crio), which juts out beyond the
city to the West. From these heights the people of Cnidus saw that en
gagement between the fleets of Pisander and Conon, which resulted in ihe
maritime supremacy of Athens.4 To the north-west is seen the island of
Cos (p. 219) : to the south-east, across a wider reach of sea, is the larger
island of Rhodes (p. 223), with which, in their weaker and more voluptu
ous days,5 Cnidus was united in alliance with Rome, at the beginning of
the struggle between Italy and the East.6 The position of the city of
Cnidus is to the east of the Triopian headland, where a narrow isthmus
unites the promontory with the continent, and separates the two harbours
which Strabo has described.7 " Few places bear more incontestable proofs
of former magnificence ; and fewer still of the ruffian industry of their
destroyers. The whole area of the city is one promiscuous mass of ruins ;
among which may be traced streets and gateways, porticoes and theatres."8
But the remains which are the most worthy to arrest our attention are
those of the harbours ; not only because Cnidus was a city peculiarly asso
ciated with maritime enterprise,9 but because these remains have been less
obliterated by violence or decay. " The smallest harbour has a narrow
entrance between high piers, and was evidently the closed basin for
1 If the words pi) irpooiuvrog tov dvepov really mean that the wind would not allow
them to enter the harbour of Cnidus, these remarks become unnecessary.
3 Herod, i. 174.
3 For a view of this remarkable promontory, which is the more worthy of notice,
since St. Paul passed it twice (Acts xxi. 1. xxvii. 7), see the engraving in the Admi-
ralty Chart, No. 1604.
' Xen. Hell, iv. 3, 6. See above, p. 222.
5 We can hardly avoid making some allusion here to the celebrated Venus of Praxi
teles (quam ut viderent multi navigaverunt Cnidum. Plin, H. N. xxxvi. 5, 4). Toil
object of universal admiration was there when St. Paul passed by ; for it is mentioned
by Lucian (Amor. c. 11), and by Philostratus, in the life of Apollonius of Tyana.
6 Dio. xxvii. 6. It was afterwards made " a free city." Plin. H. N. v. 38.
» Strabo.xiv. 6. The ruins are chiefly on the east side of the Isthmus (see Hamil
ton, as referred to below). Pausanias says that the city was divided into two parts by
an Euripus, over which a bridge was thrown ; one half being towards the Triopian
promontory, the other towards the east. Eliac. i. 24. Arcad. 30.
s Beaufort's Karamania, p. 81. The fullest account of the ruins will be found ia
the third volume of the Transactions of the Dilettanti Society, and in Hamilton's Asia
Minor, vol. i. pp. 39-45.
» It was Sostratus of Cnidus who built the Pharos of Alexandria. The same place
gave birth to Ctesias and Agatharchides, and others who have contributed much to
geographical knowledge.

CNIDUS. 319
triremes, which Strabo mentions." But it was the southern and larger
port which lay in St. Paul's course from Myra, and in which the Alexan
drian ship must necessarily have come to anchor, if she had touched at
Cnidus. " This port is formed by two transverse moles ; these noble works
were carried into the sea to a depth of nearly a hundred feet ; one of them
is almost perfect ; the other, which is more exposed to the south-west swell,
can only be seen under water."1 And we may conclude our description,
by quoting from another traveller, who speaks of " the remains of an
ancient quay on the S. W., supported by Cyclopian walls, and in some
places cut out of the steep limestone rocks, which rise abruptly from the
water's edge."3
This excellent harbour then, from choice or from necessity, was left
behind by the seamen of the Alexandrian vessel. Instead of putting back
there for shelter, they yielded to the expectation of being able to pursue
their voyage under the lee of Crete, and ran down to Cape Salmone : after
rounding which, the same " difficulty" would indeed recur (v. 8), but still
with the advantage of a weather shore. The statements at this particular
point of St. Luke's narrative enable us to ascertain, with singular minute
ness, the direction of the wind : and it is deeply interesting to observe how
this direction, once ascertained, harmonizes all the inferences which we
should naturally draw from other parts of the context. But the argument
has been so well stated by the first writer who has called attention to this
question, that we will present it in his words rather than our own.3 " The
course of a ship on her voyage from Myra to Italy, after she has reached
Cnidus, is by the north side of Crete, through the Archipelago, W. by S.
Hence a ship which can make good a course of less than seven points from
the wind, would not have been prevented from proceeding on her course,
unless the wind had been to the west of N. N. W. But we are told that
she ' ran under Crete, over against Salmone,' which implies that she was
able to fetch that cape, which bears about S. W. by S. from Cnidus ; but,
unless the wind had been to the north of W.N.W., she could not have
done so. The middle point between N.N.W. and W.N.W. is north-west,
which cannot be more than two points, and is probably not more than one,
from the true direction. The wind, therefore, would in common language
1 Here and above we quote from Beaufort. See his Sketch of the Harbour. The
same may be seen in the Admiralty chart, No. 1533. Another chart gives a larger
plan of the ruins, &c. For a similar plan, with views on a large scale, see the third
volume of the Trans, of the Dilettanti Society. See also the illustrated works of La-
borde and Texier. A rude plan is given in Clarke's Travels, ii. 216. Perhaps there
is no city in Asia Minor which has been more clearly displayed, both by description
and engravings.
2 Hamilton, p. 39.
3 For what may be necessary to explain the nautical terms, see the compasB on
p. 304.

320 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
hare been termed north-west." ¦ And then the author proceeds to quote
what we have quoted elsewhere (Vol. II. p. 221, n. 2), a statement from
the English Sailing Directions regarding the prevalence of north-westeriy
winds in these seas during the summer months ; and to point out that the
statement is in complete harmony with what Pliny says of the Etesian
monsoons.2 Under these circumstances of weather, a reconsideration of what has
been said above, with the chart of Crete before us, will show that tlie
voyage could have been continued some distance from Cape Salmone
under the lee of the island, as it had been from Myra to Cnidus,3— but
that at a certain point (now called Cape Matala), where the coast trends
suddenly to the north, and where the full force of the wind and sea from
the westward must have been met, this possibility must have ceased once
more, as it had ceased at the south-western corner of the Peninsula. At
a short distance to the east of Cape Matala is a roadstead, which was
then called "Fair Havens,", and still retains the same name,4 and which
the voyagers successfully reached and came to anchor. There seems to
have been no town at Fair Havens ; but there was a town near it called
Lasaea,5 a circumstance which St. Luke mentions (if we may presume to
say so), not with any view of fixing the locality of the roadstead, but
simply because the fact was impressed on his memory.6 If the vessel was
detained long at this anchorage, the sailors must, have had frequent inter
course with Lasaea, and the soldiers too might obtain leave to visit it ;
and possibly also the prisoners, each with a soldier chained to his arm.
We are not informed of the length of the delay at Fair Havens : but be
fore they left the place, a " considerable time " had elapsed since they
¦ Smith, p. 35. * H. N. ii. 4. See Aristot. De Mundo, c. 4.
3 See above. It is of importance to observe here that the pronoun in pbkig irapa-
keybpevoi dvryv refers, not to Salmone, but to Crete. With the wind from the NW.
they would easily round the point : but after this they would " beat up with difficulty
along the coast " to the neighbourhood of Cape Matala.
4 It is no doubt the same place which is mentioned by Pococke (ii. 250) under the
name of Aipioveg Kdkovg, and also the Calismene spoken of in the voyage of Rauwolf
(in Ray's Collection), and the Calls Miniones of Fynes Morison. In ancient sailing
directions, Dutch and French, it is described as " een schoone bay, une belle baie."
See all these references in Smith, pp. 30, 38, 44. The place was visited by Mr. Pashley,
but is not described by him. Meyer considers the name euphemistic. As regards
wintering, the place was certainly dvevBerog ; but as regards shelter from some winds
(including N.W.), it was a good anchorage.
- Mr. Smith says thatLasaea is not mentioned by any ancient writer. It is, however,
probably the Lasia of the Peutingerian Tables, stated there to be sixteen miles to the
east of Gortyna. [See the short Appendix on the "Paraplus des Ap. Paulus," at the
end of the first volume of Hoeck's Kreta, p. 439. and compare p. 412.] Some MSS.
have Lasea, others Alassa. The Vulgate has Thalassa, and Cramer mentions coins of
a Cretan town so called. — Ancient Greece, iii. 374.
• The allusion is, in truth, an instance of the autoptic style of St. Luke, on whicli
we have remarked in the narrative of what took place at Philippi.

FADS HAVENS. 321
had sailed irom Caesarea > (v. 9) ; and they had arrived at that season of
the year when it was considered imprudent to try the open sea. This is
expressed by St. Luke by saying that " the fast was already past ;" a
proverbial phrase among the Jews, employed as we should employ the
phrase " about Michaelmas," and indicating precisely that period of the
year.3 The fast of expiation was on the tenth of Tisri, and corresponded
to the close of September or the beginning of October;3 and is exactly
the time when seafaring is pronounced to be dangerous by Greek and
Roman writers.4 It became then a very serious matter of consultation
whether they should remain at Fair Havens for the winter, or seek some
better harbour. St. Paul's advice was very strongly given that they
should remain where they were. He warned them lhat if they ventured
to pursue their voyage, they would meet with violent weather,5 with great
injury to the cargo and the ship, and much risk to the lives of those on
board. It is sufficient if we trace in this warning rather the natural pru
dence and judgment of St. Paul than the result of any supernatural reve
lation : though it is possible that a prophetic power was acting6 in combi
nation with the insight derived from long experience of " perils in the sea"
(2 Cor. xi. 26). He addressed such arguments to his fellow-voyagers as
would be likely to influence all : the master 7 would naturally avoid what
might endanger the ship : the owner8 (who was also on board) would be
anxious for the cargo : to the centurion and to all, the risk of perilling
their lives was a prospect that could not lightly be regarded. That St.
Paul was allowed to give advice at all, implies that he was already held
in a consideration very unusual for a prisoner in the custody of soldiers ;
and the time came when his words held a commanding sway over the
1 'lKavov Si xpbvov Siayevopevov Kal bvrog ySy, k. t. k. When they left Caesarea
they had every reasonable prospect of reaching Italy before the stormy season.
* Just so Theophrastus reckons from a Heathen festival, when he says ryv ¦Qukarrav
Ik Aiovvaluv nkuipov elvai.
3 Levit. xvi. 29. xxiii. 27. See Philo. Vit. Mos. ii. 657, c.
• See what the Alexandrian Philo says : Aiayyekeiayg ovv ryg on vooel inipyg,
in nkoipuv ovtuv dpxy ydp yv peroirupov, Te\evraiog irkoig rolg SakuTTtuovoiv,
dirb ruv navraxbBev ipiropiuv elg roiig oUetovg ktpivag Kal viroSpopovg iiravtovai,
Kal pdkiara olg npbvoia tov pi) Siaxeipu^eiv lirl iivyv eariv. De Virtut. Opp. ii.
548, 14. Compare Hesiod. Op. et Di.,671, and Aristoph. Av. 709 (Kal irySdktov tots
vavK?.yptp Qpdfri Kpepdaavn KaBevSciv), and Vegetius (v. 9), as quoted by Mr. Smith,
" Ex die tertio Iduum Novembris, usque in diem sextum iduum Martiarum, maria
clauduntur. Nam lux minima noxque prolixa, nubium densitas, aeris obscuritas, ven-
torum imbrium vel nivium geminata sawitia."
» "T^peug, v. 10. See again, v. 21. Compare Hor. Od. I. xi. 14. Ventis defies
ludibnum. « Observe the vagueness of the words vyaiov n.
' KvdepvyTyg, translated "shipmaster" in Rev. xviii. 11
s TiavKkypog. He might be the skipper, or little more than supercargo. For the
froper relation of the Kvpepvyryg to the vawkypog, see Xen. Mem. n. vi. 8. m. ix. 11.
VOL. II. — 21

.22

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

whole crew : yet we cannot be surprised that on this occasion the centu-
rion was more influenced1 by the words of the owner and the master than
those of the Apostle. There could be no doubt that their present anchor
age was " incommodious to winter in" (v. 12), and the decision of " the
majority" was to leave it, so soon as the weather should permit,
On the south coast of the island, somewhat further to the west, wag a
harbour called Phoenix," with which it seems that some of the sailors
were familiar. They spoke of it in their conversation, during the delay at

I

ahapous-Ju'phCENICE

The Soundings are in fathoms.
Variation of Compass 13? W.

B0UNMNG8, ETC., OP LtJTTtO.J
1 "ErciBtTo. Imperf.
* $OiV/f. So the name is written by St. Luke and by Strabo. See below. The
name was probably derived from the palm-trees, which are said by Theopbxastus and
Pliny to be indigenous in Crete. See Hoeck's Kreta, i. 38, 388,
3 The writer was kindly permitted to trace this portion of the south coast of Crete
from the drawing by Capt. Spratt, R.N., just arrived at the Admiralty (April, 1852).
On comparing it with what is said by Mr. Smith, p. 50, it will be seen to bear out his
conclusions in all main points. At the time when his work was published, our infor
mation regarding the coast of Crete was very imperfect : and he found it to be the
general impression of several officers acquainted with the navigation of those seas [and
the writer of this note may add that he has received the same impression from persons
engaged in the merchant service, and familiar with that part of the Levant], that there
are no ship-harbours on the south side of the island. The soundings, however, of
Lutro, as here exhibited, settle the question.
In further conSrmation of the point, Mr. Smith allows us to quote part of a letter
he received, after the publication of his work, from Mr. TJrquhart, m.p., who is alluding
to what occurred to him, when on board a Greek ship of war and chasing a pirate,
" Lutro is an admirable harbour. You open it like a box ; unexpectedly, the rocks stand
•part, and the town appears within. . . . We thought we had cut him off, and that W

FHC3NIX.

328

Fair Havens, and they described it as " looking1 toward the south-west
wind and north-west wind." If they meant to recommend a harbour, into
which these winds blew dead on shore, it would appear to have been un-
sailorlike advice : and we are tempted to examine more closely whether

were driving him right upon the rockB. Suddenly he disappeared ; — and, rounding in
after him, like a change of scenery, the little basin, its shipping and the town, pre
sented themselves. . . . Excepting Lutro, all the roadsteads looking to the southward
are perfectly exposed to the south or east." For a view of Lutro, see Pashley's Tra
vels in Crete.
i Bkeirovra, which is inadequately translated in the English version.
' This chart is taken from Mr. Smith's work, with some modifications. The part

324 THE LIFE AKD EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the expression really means what at first sight it appears to mcar, and
then to enquire further whether we can identify this description with any
existing harbour. This might indeed be considered a question of mere
curiosity, — since the vessel never reached Phoenix, — and since the descrip
tion of the place is evidently not that of St. Luke, but of the sailors,
whose conversation he heard.1 But everything has a deep interest for lis
which tends to elucidate this voyage. And, first, we think there cannot
be a doubt, both from the notices in ancient writers and the continuance
of ancient names upon the spot, that Phceuix is to be identified with the
modern Lutro." This is a harbour which is sheltered from the winds above-
mentioned : and, without entering fully into the discussions which have
arisen from this subject, we give -it as our opinion that the difficulty is tc
be explained, simply by remembering that sailors speak of everything
from their own point of view, and that such a harbour does " look " —
from the water towards the land which endoses — in the direction of " south
west and northwest." 3
near Lutro is corrected from the tracing mentioned above. The spot marked '¦' Spring
and Church of St. Paul " is from the English Admiralty survey. The cape marked
" C. St. Paul " is so named on the authority of Lapie's map and last French govern
ment chart of the eastern part of the Mediterranean. The physical features are aftei
Lapie and Pashley. For a notice of St. Paul's Fountain, see Pashley, ii. 259.
' Observe the parenthetic way in which the description of Phcenix is introduced, v. 12.
* Hierocles, in the Synecdemus, identifies Phcenice with Aradena ; and says that tlie
island Claudos was near it. $oivUy yroi 'ApuSeva- vyaog KkavSog (Wess. p. 651)
and Stepbanus Byzantinns identifies Aradena with Anopolis. 'ApdSyv izbkig Kpyryg'
y Si 'AvuKokig k.eyerai, Sid rb elvai uvu. And the co-existence of the names Phineka
Aradhena, and Anopolis, on the modern chart, in the immediate neighbourhood of
the harbour of Lutro, establish the point beyond a doubt. Moreover Strabo says (x,
4), that Phcenix is in the narrowest part of Crete, which is precisely true of Lutro;
and the longitudes of Ptolemy (iii. 17) harmonise with the same result. See Smith,
p. 51, and Pashley's Travels in Crete, ii. 957. We ought to add that Pashley says that
Lutro is called Katopolis in reference to the upper town, i. 133.
" It seems strange that this view should not have occurred to the commentators.
So far as we know, Meyer is the only one who has suggested anything similar. "Dei
Hafen bildete eine solche Krummung, dass sich ein Ufer naeh Nordwest und das an-
dere nach Siidwest bin erstrcckte." Such a harbour would have been very "commo
dious to winter in ; " and it agrees perfectly with Lutro, as delineated in the recent
survey. To have recommended a harbour because the south-west aud north-west
winds blew into i. v ould have been folly. But whether the commentators felt this or
not, they have generally assumed that the harbour was open to these winds.
In controverting the common opinion, Mr. Smith takes another view oi Kara. He
looks from the land and regards Kaf uvepov as equivalent to " down the wind " or
" in the direction of the wind," and fortifies his view by Herod, iv. 110, and Arrian.
Peripl. Eux. p. 3. We think this criticism is quite tenable, though unnecessary.
Hackett strongly controverts it, and quotes Prof. Felton's authority to shew that ihe
passage from Arrian is inconclusive. Thus he abandons the identification of Phoenix
with Lutro (p. 359), and yet he seems to assume their identity in the following page.
It appears to us that Kard Kvpa Kal uvepov in Herod, iv. 110, is not decisive. Again,
in the pasEage adduced from Arrian, it is evidently possible to translate vetyeky irtavd-

THE STOEM. 325
With a sudden change of weather, the north-westerly wind ceasing,
and a light air springing up from the south, the sanguine sailors " thought
that their purpose was already accomplished" (v. 13). They weighed
anchor : and the vessel bore round Cape Matala. The distance to this
point from Fair Havens is four or five miles : the bearing is W. by S.
With a gentle southerly wind she would be able to weather the cape :
and then the wind was fair to Phoenix, which was thirty-five miles distant
from the cape, and bore from thence about W. N. W. The sailors already
saw the high land above Lutro, and were proceeding in high spirits, — per
haps with fair-weather sails set,1 — certainly with the boat towing astern ''
— forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending dangers.
The change in the fortunes of these mariners came without a moment's
warning.3 Soon after weathering Cape Matala, and, while they were
pursuing their course in full confidence, close by the coast of Crete 4 (v
13), a violent wind came down5 from the mountains, and struck the ship
(seizing her, according to the Greek expression,0 and whirling her round).

araaa ifcfifidyy Kaf eipov, "a cloud towards the east rose and broke." There is a
passage in Thucydides which seems at first sight entirely to harmonise with Mr.
Smith's view Of Kard. Gylippus is said to have been driven out to sea, in the neigh
bourhood of Tarentum, bir' uvepov, bg iKnkel ravry piyag Kard fiopav ioryKug, vi. 104
Yet even here there is a doubt. See Mr. Grote's remarks, Hist. vol. vii. p. 359. The
passage, however, which has been quoted above from Josephus in the description of
Caesarea (p. 280, n. 9) is quite conclusive.
1 See what is said below in reference to xakdoavreg to cKevog, v. 17.
* This is certain, from v. 16.
3 Their experience, however, might have taught them that there was some cause for
Bear. Capt. J. Stewart, R. N. as qaoted by Mr. Smith, p. CO) observes, in his remarks
on the Archipelago : " It is always safe to anchor under the lee of an island with n.
northerly wind, as it dies away gradually ; but it would be extremely dangerous with
southerly winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent northerly wind.''
4 'Aaaov irapekiyovro (Imperf.). See below. We need hardly notice the aucient
opinion that we have here a proper name. Thus the Vulgate has " cum sustulissent
de Asson," and Luther translates as though a place called A6sos were the point to
ward which they were sailing. In one of the old maps of Crete mentioned in Mr.
Smith's preface (p. viii.) the town of Assos is actually inserted on a promontory in the
Gulf of Messara.
5 Here we must venture to controvert the view of Mr. Smith. Kar" avryg refers to
the preceding word Kpyryv, and it is said of the wind, as it is said of the gods iu
Homer, By Si Ka-f Obkvpitoio, k. -, . k. The land of Crete is very high, and indeed the
ship was nearly close under Mount Ida (see the chart), and the wind came down one
of the gnllies on the flanks of this mountain. Mr. Smith's criticism indeed is just, that
a pronoun may refer to what is uppermost in the writer's mind, whether expressed or
not Yet we must observe that the word used for the ship hitherto has been itkolov,
not vavg . [Sir C. Penrose, without reference to the Greek, speakB of the wind as
" descending from the lofty hills in heavy squalls and eddies, and driving the now
almost helpless ship far from the shore, with which her pilots vainly attempted to
close."] e 2vvapiraa0ivTog.

326 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
so that it was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course.
The character of the wind is described in terms expressive of the utmost
violence. It came with all the appearance of a hurricane : » and the
name " Euroclydon," which was given to it by the sailors, indicates the
commotion in the sea which presently resulted.3 The consequence was
that, in the first instance, they were compelled to scud before the gale.4
If we wish to understand the events which followed, it is of the utmost
consequence that we should ascertain, in the first place, the direction of
this gale. Though there is a great weight of opinion in favour of the
reading Euroaquilo, in place of Eurodydon? — a view which would deter
mine, on critical grounds, that the wind was E.N.E., — we need not con
sider ourselves compelled to yield absolutely to this authority ; and the
mere context of the narrative enables us to determine the question with
great exactitude. The wind came down from the island and drove the
vessel off the island : whence it is evident that it could not have been
southerly.6 If we consider further that the wind struck the vessel when
she was not far1 from Cape Matala (v. 14), — that it drove her towards
Clauda% (v. 16), which is an island about twenty miles to the S.W. of
that point, — and that the sailors "feared" lest it should drive them into
the Syrtis9 on the African coast (v. 17), — all which facts are mentioned
in rapid succession, — an inspection of the chart will suffice to show us that
1 'AvTofBakpelv rip dvepip, " to look at the wind." See above, p. 305. We see the
additional emphasis in the expression, if we remember that an eye was painted on
each side of the bow, as we have mentioned above. Even now the " eyes " of a ship
is a phrase used by English sailors for the bow.
* "Avepog rvfuviKog.
* Whatever we may determine as to the etymology of the word eipoKkiSuv, it seems
clear that the term implies a violent agitation of the water. '
4 'Eizibovreg IfyepbpeBa.
' Mr. Smith argues in favour of the reading 'EvpaKvkuv (Euro-Aquilo. Vulg.), and
uotes in his Appendix the Dissertations of Bentley and Granville Penn. But we
jave a strong impression that EipoKkiSuv is the correct reading. The addition of
the words S Kakovpevog seems to us to show that it was a name popularly given by the
sailors to the wind : and nothing is more natural than that St. Luke should use the
word which he heard the seamen employ on the occasion. Besides it is the more diffi
cult reading. Tischendorf retains it.
8 Falconer supposes that the wind came from the southward, and clumsily attempts
to explain why (on this supposition) the vessel was not driven on the Cretan coast.
7 'Aooov napekeyovTo. The use of the imperfect Ehows that they were sailing near
the shore when the gale seized the vessel. Thus we do not agree with Mr. Smith in
referring per' oi irokii to the time when they were passing round Cape Matala but to
the time of leaving Fair Havens. The general result, however, is the same.
s There is no difficulty in identifying Clauda. It is the KkaiSog of Ptolemy and the
Synecdemus, and the Gaudus of Pomponius Mela. Hence the modern Greek. Gaud*
nesi, and the Italian corruption into Gozo.
» We may observe here, once for all, that the English version, " the quicksands,"
doeB not convey the accurate meaning of ryv lipnv, which means the notorious!*
dangerous bay between Tunis and Tripoli. v

6EAMAK6HIP DUEING THE GALE. 327
the point from which the storm came must have been N.E., or rather
to the East of N.E., — and thus we may safely speak of it as coming from
the E.N.E.1
We proceed now to inquire what was done with the vessel under these
perilous circumstances. She was compelled at first (as we have seen) to
scud before the gale. But three things are mentioned in close connection
with her coming near to Clanda, and running under the lee of it* Here
they would have the advantage of a temporary lull and of comparatively
smooth water for a few miles : 3 and the most urgent necessity was atten
ded to first. The boat was hoisted on board ; but after towing so long, it
must have been nearly filled with water : and under any circumstances the
hoisting of a boat on board in a gale of wind is a work accomplished " with
difficulty." So it was in this instance, as St. Luke informs us. To effect
it at all, it would be necessary for the vessel to be rounded-to, with her
head brought towards the wind ; 4 a circumstance which, for other reasons
(as we shall see presently) it is important to bear in mind. The next pre
caution that was adopted betrays an apprehension lest the vessel should
spring a leak, and so be in danger of foundering at sea.5 They used the
1 These arguments are exhibited with the utmost clearness by Mr. Smith. Adopt
ing the reading EvpaKvkuv, he has three independent arguments in proof that the
wind was E.N.E.J£N. ; (1) the etymological meaning of the word ; (2) the fact that
the vessel was driven to Clauda, from a point a little west of C. Matala ; (3) the feai
of the sailors lest they might be driven into the Syrtis.
The view of Admiral Penrose is slightly different. He supposes that the wind began
from some of the northern points, and drew gradually to the eastward, as the ship
gained an offing ; and continued nearly at East, varying occasionally a point or two
to the North or South. He adds that a Levanter, when it blows with peculiar violence
some points to the North of East, is called a Gregalia [cf. 6 Kakovpevog EipoKkiSuv],
and that he had seen many such.
* See Vv. 16, 17.
3 " The ship, still with her boat towing at her stern, was however enabled to run
under the lee of Clauda, a small island about twenty miles from the south coast of
Crete, and, with some rocks adjacent, affording the advantage of^smooth water for
about twelve or fifteen miles, while the ship continued under their lee. Advantage
was taken of this comparative smooth water, with some difficulty to hoist the boat
into the ship, and also to take the further precaution of undergirding her by passing
tables or other large ropes under the keel and over the gunwales, and then drawing
them tight by means of pullies and levers." Penrose, MS. It is interesting to observe
the coincidence of this passage with what is said by Mr. Smith.
Sir C. Penrose proceeds to mention another reason for the vessel being undergirded
" This wise precaution was taken, not only because the ship, less strongly built than
those in modern days, might strain her planks and timbers and become leaky, but
from the fears, that if the gale continued from the north-east, as it probably began,
U»ey might be driven into the deep hight on the coast of Africa, where were situated
the greater and lesser Syrtis, so much dreaded by the ancients, and by these means of
security be enabled to keep together longer, should they be involved in the quick
sands." 4 Smith, p. 64.
• Frapping would be of little use in stopping a leak. It was rather a precaution to

328 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tackling, which we have described above, and which provided " helps " ia
such an emergency. They " undergirded " the ship with ropes passed round
her frame and tightly secured on deck.1 And after this, or rather simul
taneously (for, as there were many hands on board, these operations might
all be proceeding together), they "lowered the gear." This is the most
literal translation of the Greek expression.1 In itself it is indeterminate :
but it doubtless implies careful preparation for weathering out the storm.
What precise change was made we are not able to determine, in our igno
rance, of the exact state of the ship's gear at the moment. It might mean
that the mainsail was reefed and set ; 3 or that the great yard4 was lower
ed upon deck and a small storm sail hoisted. It is certain that what
English seamen call the top-hamper 5 would be sent down on deck. As tc
prevent the working of the planks and timbers : and thus, since the extensive applica
tion of iron in modern ship-building, this contrivance has rarely been resorted to
Besides the modern instances adduced by Mr. Smith, the writer has heard of the fol
lowing : (1) A Canadian timber vessel in the year 1846 came trapped to Aberdeen.
(2) In 1809 or 1810, a frigate (the Venus?) came home from India with hawsers round
her. (3) The same happened to a merchant vessel which came from India, apparently
iu the same convoy. (4) Lord Exmouth (then Captain Pellew) brought home the
Arethusa in this state from Newfoundland. (5) At the battle of Navarin, the Albion
man-of-war received so much damage during the action, that it became necessary to
have recourse to frapping, and the vessel had chain cables passed round her under
lie keel, which were tightened by others passed horizontally along the sides inter
lacing them ; and she was brought home in this state to Portsmouth. See the next,
note. 1 To the classical instances mentioned above we may add Thucyd. i. 29, where the
Corcyreans are spoken of as ^ev^avreg rug nakaidg vavg uare irkuipovg thvi. Dr.
Arnold says, in his note, that " the Russian ships taken in the Tagus in 1808 were
kept together in this manner, in consequence of their age and unsound condition."
Poppo, however, understands the term ffifavref differently.
3 Xa?Moavreg rb oKevog. The same verb is used below (v. 30) in reference to
lowering the boat into the water.
3 This suggestion is partly due to a criticism in the English Review (June 1850,
Notice of Mr. Smith's work), based on Isaiah xxxiii. 23 (LXX.). 'Etydyyeav rb
axoivia cov, on oiK ivioxvaav b laritg aov iKkivev, ov xakdaei rd lima, ovk dpei
aypelov. In reference to this passage, we may remark that xakuu is equally appli
cable to the spreading of a sail which is lowered from a yard, and to the lowering of a
yard with whatever belongs to it. The reviewer lays stress on the circumstance that
St. Paul's ship had probably no sail set when she reached Clauda ; and, as he justly
remarks, the Alexandrian origin of the Septuagint version should be recollected.
4 Such is Mr. Smith's view.
* i. e. the gear connected with the fair-Weather sails. See Smith, p. 69. We are
here allowed to quote from a letter addressed to Mr. Smith by Capt. Spratt, R. N.
After Baying that the translation of cKeiy into "gear" is borne out by its application
among the modern Greek sailors to the ropes, &c., he proceeds : " Ships so rigged as
those of the ancients, with only one large square sail, would require very heavy mast
head gear ; i. e., very large CKeiy, or ropes rove ,there, to support the yard and sail )
so that, even when the latter was lowered, considerable top-weight would remain, to
produce much uneasiness of motion as well as resistance to the wind. Two such com
bined evils would not be overlooked by sailors, who had a thought about drifting on a
lee shore. Presuming the main-sail and yard to be down, and the vessel snug undct

SEAMANSHIP DUK1NG THE GALE. 329
those fair-weather sails themselves, which may have been too hastily used
on leaving Fair Havens, if not taken in at the beginning of the gale they
must have been already blown to pieces.
But the mention of one particular apprehension, as the motive of this
last precaution, informs us of something further. It was because they
"feared lest they should be driven into the Syrtis," that they "lowered the
gear." Now to avoid this danger, the head of the vessel must necessarily
have been turned away from the African coast, in the direction (more or
less) from which the wind came. To have scudded before the gale under
bare poles, or under storm-sails, would infallibly have stranded them in the
Syrtis, — not to mention the danger of pooping, or being swamped by the
sea breaking over her stern. To have anchored was evidently impossible
Only one other course remained : and this what is technically called by
sailors lying-to. To effect this arrangement, the head of the vessel is
brought as near to the wind as possible : a small amount of canvass is set,
and so adjusted, as to prevent the vessel from falling off into the trough
of the sea.1 This plan (as is well known to all who have made long voya
ges) is constantly resorted to when the object is not so much to make
progress, as to weather out a gale.
We are here brought to the critical point of the whole nautical difficul
ty in the narrative of St. Paul's voyage and shipwreck, and it is desirable
to notice very carefully both the ship's position in reference to the wind
and its consequent motion through the water. Assuming that the vessel
was laid-lo, the questions to be answered in reference to its position are
these. How near the wind did she lie ? and which side did she present
to the wind ? The first question is answered in some degree by a reference
to what was said in the early part of this Chapter.3 If an ancient mer
chantmen could go ahead in moderate weather, when within seven points
of the wind, we may assume that she would make about the same angle
with it when lying-to iu a gale.3 The second question would be practically
a storm-sail, the heavy aKevy, or ropes being no longer of use aloft would naturally be
unrove or lowered, to prevent drift, as a final resource, when the sailors saw that the
gale was likely to be strong and lasting."
1 i. e. the hull of the vessel is in a direction oblique to the length of the waves.
The following extract from Falconer's Marine Dictionary under the article Trying
(an equivalent term), may be useful to those who are not familiar with sea-phrases : —
" The intent of spreading a sail at this time is to keep the ship more steady ; and, by
pressing her side down in the water, to prevent her from rolling violently ; and also
to turn her bow towards the direction of the wind, so that the shock of the waves may
fall more obliquely on her flank, than when she lies along the trough of the sea
In this position she advances very little according to the line of her length, but ia
driven considerably to leeward."
' See p. 304.
' It is not to be understood, however, that the same absolute position in reference to
th° wind is continually maintained. When a ship is laid-to in a gale, a kind of vibr*

330 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL.
determined by the circumstances of the case and the judgment of the
sailors. It will be seen very clearly by what fellows that if the ship had
been laid-to with her left or port side to the wind, she must have been
driven far out of her course, and also in the direction of another part of
the African coast. In order to make sure of sea-room, and at the same
time to drift to the westward, she must have been laid-to with her right
Bide to the wind, or on the starboard tacit,— th# position which she was
probably made to assume at the moment of taking the boat on board.1
We have hitherto considered onlj .he ship's position in reference to the
wind. We must now consider its motion. When a vessel is laid-to, she
does not remain stationary, but drifts : and our inquiries of course have
reference to the rate and direction of the drift. The rate of drift may
vary, within certain limits, according to the build of the vessel and the in
tensity of the gale : but all seamen would agree, thai, under the circum
stances before us, a mile and a half in the hour, or thirty-six miles in
twenty-four hours, may be taken as a fair average.8 The direction in which
she drifts is not that in which she appears to sail, or towards which her
bows are turned : but she falls off to lee ward : and to the angle formed
by the line of the ship's keel and the line in which the wind blows we
must add another, to include what the sailors call lee-way : 3 and this may
be estimated on an average at six points (61°). Thus we come to the
conclusion that the direction of drift would make an angle of thirteen
tion takes place. To use the technical expression, she comes up andfallsoff— oscillat
ing perhaps between five points and nine points.
1 See Smith, pp. 64, 68, and compare the following : " I ought to assign the reason
why I consider the ship to have drifted with her starboard side towards the wind, or
on the starboard tack, as a sailor expresses it. When the south wind blew softly, the
ship was slowly sailing along the coast of Crete, with her starboard side towards the
land, or to the North. . . . The storm came on her starboard side, and in this manner,
with her head to the Westward, she drifted, first to the South West under Clauda, and
as the wind drew more to the Eastward, her head pointed more towards the North, the
prcper tack to keep farther from the quicksands, whether adopted from necessity or
from choice." — Penrose MS.
* See the two naval authorities quoted by Mr. Smith, p. 84. The same estimate is
given in the MS. of Admiral Penrose. "Allowing the degree of strength cf the gale
to vary a little occasionally, I consider that a ship would drift at the rate of about a
mile and a half per hour."
3 A reference to the compass on p. 304 with the following extracts from Falconer's
Marine Dictionary, will make the meaning clear. " Lee- Wat is the lateral movement
of a ship to leeward of her course, or the angle which the line of her way makes with
the keel, when she is closehauled. This movement is produced by the mutual effort
of the wind and sea upon her side, forcing her to leeward of the line on which she
appears to sail." " Closehaoled (au plus pres, Fr.). The general arrangement of a
ship's saila, when she endeavours to make a progress in the nearest direction possible
towards that point of the compass from which the wind bloweth. ... In this manner
of sailing the keel commonly makes an angle of six points with the line of the wind.
The angle of leeway, however, enlarges in proportion to the increase of the wind and
sea."

SUFFERINGS DURING THE GALE. 331
points (141°) with the direction of the wind. If the wind was E.N.E.,
the course of the vessel would be W. by N.
We have been minute in describing the circumstances of the ship at
this moment ; for it is the point upon which all our subsequent conclusions
must turn." Assuming now that the vessel was, as we have said, laid-to
on the starboard tack, with the boat on board and the hull undergirded,
drifting from Clauda in a direction W. by N. at the rate of thirty-six
miles in twenty-four hours, we pursue the narrative of the voyage, without
anticipating the results to which we shall be brought. The more marked
incidents of the second and third days of the gale are related to us (vv.
18,J.9). The violence of the storm continued without any intermission.3
On " the day after" they left Clauda, " they began to lighten 4 the ship "
by throwing overboard whatever could be most easily spared. From this
we should infer that the precaution of undergirding had been only par
tially successful, and that the vessel had already sprung a leak. This is
made still more probable by what occurred on the " third day." Both
sailors and passengers united ° in throwing out all the " spare gear" into
the sea.6 Then followed "several days" of continued hardship and anxie
ty.7 No one who has never been in a leaking ship in a long continued
1 Again, our two authorities arc in substantial agreement " Supposing the Le
vanter (as is the most probable, it being the most usual) after the heavy Gregalia,
which first drove the ship off the coast of Crete, and under the lee of Clauda, took
upon the average the direction of East, — the mean direction of the drift of such a ship,
lying-to, as before described, would be between W .N.W. and W. by N. ; and such is
nearly the bearing of the North coast of Malta from the South side of Clauda." Pen
rose MS. Compare Smith.
" It is at this point especially that we feel the importance of having St. Paul's voy
age examined in the light of practical seamanship. The two investigators, who have
so examined it, have now enabled us to understand it clearly, though all previous
commentators were at fault, and while the ordinary charts are still full of error and
confusion. The sinuosities in this part of the voyage, as exhibited in the common
maps of St. Paul's Travels, are only an indication of the perplexity of the compilers.
The course from Clauda to Malta did not deviate far from a straight line.
3 HfoSpug xetpa&pevuv ypuv.
4 Observe the imperfect iKpokyv iiroibwro, as contrasted with the aorist ififiiipapev
in the next verse.
• 'Avrbxeipeg ififinpapev. Observe the change from the third person to the first. St,
Luke's hands, and probably St. Paul's, aided in this work.
6 We cannot determine precisely what is meant here by ryv tsKevyv tov irkoiov. Mr.
Smith thinks the mainyard is meant, " an immense spar, probably as long as the ship,
and which would require the united efforts of passengers and crew to launch over
board," — adding that " the relief which a ship would experience by this, would be of
the same kind as in a modern ship when the guns are thrown overboard." But would
sailors in danger of foundering willingly lose sight of such a spar as this, which would
be capable of supporting thirty or forty men in the water?
* The narrative of the loss of the Ramillies supplies a very good illustration of the
state of things on board St. Paul's vessel during these two days. " At this time she
bad six feet of water in her hold, and the pumps would not free her, the water having
worked out all the oakum. The admiral therefore gave orders for all the buckets to

332 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
gale ' can know what is suffered under such circumstances. Tlie strain
both of mind and body— the incessant demand for the labour of all the
crew— the terror of the passengers— the hopeless working at the pumps—
the labouring of the ship's frame and cordage— the driving of the storm—
the benumbing effect of the cold and wet,— make up a scene of no ordina
ry confusion, anxiety, and fatigue. But in the present case these evils were
much aggravated by the continued overclouding of the sky (a circumstance
not unusual during a Levanter) which prevented the navigators from
taking the necessary observations of the heavenly bodies. In a modern
ship, however dark the weather might be, there would always be a light
in the binnacle, and the ship's course would always be known : but in an
ancient vessel, " when neither sun nor stars were seen for many days," the
case would be far more hopeless. It was impossible to know how near
they might be to the most dangerous coast. And yet the worst danger
was that which arose from the leaky state of the vessel. This was so bad,
that at length they gave up all hope of being saved, thinking that nothing
could prevent her foundering.3 To this despair was added a further suffer
ing from want of food,3 in consequence of the injury done to the provisions,
be remanned, and every officer to help towards freeing the ship : this enabled her to
sail on  In the evening it was found necessary to dispose of the forecastle and
aftermost quarter-deck guns, together with some of the shot and other articles of very
great weight ; and the framf of the ship having opened during the night, the admi
ral was next morning prevailed upon, by the renewed and pressing remonstrances of
his officers, to allow ten guns more to be thrown overboard. The ship still continuing
to open very much, the admiral ordered tarred canvass and hides to be nailed fore and
aft, from under the cills of the ports on the main deck and on the lower deck. Her
increasing damage requiring still more to be done, the admiral directed all the guns
on the upper deck, the shot, both on that and the lower deck, with various heavy
stores, to be thrown overboard."
1 Xeipuvog ovk bkiyov iiziKeipivov.
3 Aoiirbv nepiypelro ikizlg nuaa tov aufyoBai ypdg.
3 Mr. Smith illustrates this by several examples. We may quote an instance from
a very ordinary modern voyage between Alexandria and Malta, which presents some
points of close resemblance in a very mitigated form.
" The commander came down, saying the night was pitch dark and rainy, with
symptoms of a regular gale of wind. This prediction was very speedily verified. A
violent shower of hail was the precursor, followed by loud peals of thunder, with vivid
flashes of forked lightning, which played up and down the iron rigging with fearful
rapidity  She presently was struck by a sea which came over the paddle-boxes,
soon followed by another, which coming over the forecastle, effected an entrance
through the skylights, and left four feet of water in the officers' cabin. The vessel
seemed disabled by this stunning blow ; the bowsprit and fore part of the ship were
for some moments under water, and the officer stationed at that part of the ship de
scribed her as appearing during that time to be evidently sinking, and declared that
for many soconas he saw only the sea. The natural buoyancy of the ship at last al
lowed her to right herself, and during the short lull (of three minutes) her head icai
turned, to avoid. the danger of running too near the coast of Lybia, which tc the
more experienced was the principal cause of alarm; for had the wheels given way
which was not improbable from the strain they had undergone, nothing could hava

333
and the impossibility of preparing any regular meal. Hence we see the
rorce of the phrase ¦ which alludes to what a casual reader might suppose
an unimportant part of the suffering, the fact that there was " much absti
nence." It was in this time of utter weariness and despair that to the
Apostle there rose up " light in the darkness : " and that light was made
the means of encouraging and saving the rest. While the heathen sailors
were vainly struggling to snbdue the leak, Paul was praying ; and God
granted to him the lives of all who sailed with him. A vision was vouch
safed to him in the night, as formerly, when he was on the eve of convey
ing the Gospel from Asia to Europe, and more recently iu the midst of
those harassing events, which resulted in his Voyage from Jerusalem to
Home. When the cheerless day came, he gathered the sailors round him "
on the deck of the labouring vessel, and, raising his voice above the storm,
said: Sirs, ye should have hearkened to my counsel, and not have
set sail from Crete : thus would you have been spared 3 this harm 4
and loss.
And now I exhort you to be of good cheer : for there shall
be no loss of any man's life among you, but only of the ship.
For there stood by me this night an angel of God, whose I am,
and whom I serve,8 saying, " Fear not, Paid y tlwu must stand
before Ccesar : and, lo ! God hath given thee all who sail with
thee." Wherefore, Sirs, be of good cheer ; for I believe God,
that what hath been declared unto me shall come to pass. Never
theless, we must be cast upon a certain island.
saved us, though we had been spared all other causes for apprehension  With
daylight the fearful part of the hurricane gave way, and we were now in the direction
of Candia, no longer indeed contending against the wind, but the sea still surging and
impetuous, and no lull taking place during twelve hours, to afford the opportunity of
regaining our tack, from which we had deviated about 150 miles. The sea had so
completely deluged the lower part of the ship, that it was with difficulty that suffi
cient fire could be made to afford us even coffee for breakfast. Dinner was not to
be thought of." — Mrs. Darner's Diary in the Holy Land, vol. ii.
i Rok?>yg dairiag vizapxovayg. See below, the narrative of the meal at daybreak,
w. 33, 34. The commentators have done little to elucidate this, which is in fact no
difficulty to those who are acquainted with sea-voyages. The strangest comment is in
a book, which devotionally is very useful, — Lectures on St. Paul, by the late Rev. H.
Blunt, of Chelsea, — who supposes that a religious fast was observed by the crew
during the storm.
a UraBelg iv peaip avruv.
3 KepSyaai means "to be spared," not "to gain." (A.V.) We should observe that
St. Paul's object in alluding to the correctness of hi? former advice, is not to taunt
those who had rejected it, but to induce them to give credit to his present assertions.
« The ifjpiv was to their persons, the Ijypiav to their property.
6 Aarpevu. Compare Rom. i. 9, and note.

3iM THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
We are not told how this address was received. But sailors, howevel
reckless they may be in the absence of danger, are peculiarly open to re-
ligious impressions : and we cannot doubt that they gathered anxiously
round the Apostle, and heard his words as an admonition and encourage
ment from the other world ; that they were nerved for the toil and difficul
ty which was immediately before them, and prepared thenceforward to
listen to the Jewish prisoner as to a teacher sent with a divine commission.
The gale still continued without abatement. Day and night succeeded,
and the danger seemed only to increase : till fourteen days had elapsed,
during which they had been " drifting through the sea of Adria " ' (v. 21).
A gale of such duration, though not very frequent, is by no means unpre
cedented in that part of the Mediterranean, especially towards winter.3 At
the close of the fourteenth day, about the middle of the night the sailors
suspected that they were nearing land.3 There is little doubt as to what
were the indications of land. The roar of breakers is a peculiar sound,
which can be detected by a practised ear,4 though not distinguishable from
the other sounds of a storm by those who have not " their senses exercised"
by experience of the sea. When it was reported that this sound was
heard by some of the crew, orders were immediately given to heave the
lead, and they found that the depth of the water was " twenty fathoms."
After a short interval, they sounded again, and found " fifteen fathoms."
Though the vicinity of land could not but inspire some hope, as holding
out the prospect of running the ship ashore 5 and so being saved, yet the
1 By this is meant, as we shall see presently, that division of the Mediterranean
which lies between Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece with Crete on the east.
See above, p. 302, n. 3, and p. 306, n. 4.
3 The writer has heard of easterly and north-easterly gales lasting for a still longer
period, both in the neighbourhood of Gibraltar and to the eastward of Malta. A cap
tain in the merchant service mentions a fruit vessel near Smyrna hindered for a fort
night from loading by a gale from the N.E. She was two days in beating up a little
bay a mile deep. He adds, that such gales are prevalent there towards winter. An
other case is that of a vessel bound for Odessa, which was kept three weeks at Milo
with an easterly gale. This, also, was late in the year (October). A naval officer
writes thus : " About the same time of the year, in 1839, 1 left Malta for the Levant in
the ' Hydra,' a powerful steam-frigate, and encountered Euroclydon (or, as we call it,
a Levanter) in full force. I think we were four days without being able to sit down
at table to a meal ; during which time we saw ' neither sun nor stars.' Happily she
was a powerful vessel, and we forced her through it, being charged with dispatches,
though with much injury to the vessel. Had we been a mere log on the water, like
St. Paul's ship, we should have drifted many days.
3 Titevoovv ol vavrat npoadyeiv nvd airolg x&pav. Mr. Smith (p. 78) truly re
marks, that this is an instance of " the graphic language of seamen, to whom the ship
is the principal object."
* It is hardly likely that they saw the breakers. To suppose that they became
aware of the land by the smell of fragrant gardens (an error found in a recent work)
is absurd ; for the wind blew from the ship towards the land.
• "They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship and run her ashore!

ANCHORING IN THE NIGHT. SS5
alarm of the sailors was great when they perceived how rapidly they were
shoaling the water. It seems also that they now heard breakers ahead.1
However this might be, there was the utmost danger lest the vessel should
strike and go to pieces. No time was to be lost. Orders were immedi
ately given to clear the anchors. But, if they had anchored by the bow,
there was good ground for apprehending that the vessel would have swung
round and gone upon the rocks. They therefore let go "four anchors by
the stern." For a time, the vessel's way was arrested : but there was too
mnch reason to fear that she might part from her anchors and go ashore,
if indeed she did not founder in the night : and " they waited anxiously
for the day."
The reasons are obvious why she anchored by the stern, rather than in
the usual way. Besides what has been said above, her way would be
more easily arrested, and she would be in a better position for being run
ashore ' next day. But since this mode of anchoring has raised some ques
tions, it may be desirable, in passing, to make a remark on the subject.
That a vessel can anchor by the stern is sufficiently proved (if proof were
needed) by the history of some of our own naval engagements. So it was
at the battle of the Nile. And when ships are about to attack batteries,
it is customary for them to go into action prepared to anchor in this way.
This was the case at Algiers. There is still greater interest in quoting
the instance of Copenhagen, not only from the accounts we have of the
precision with which each ship let go her anchors astern as she arrived
nearly opposite her appointed station,3 but because it is said that Nelson
stated after the battle, that he had that morning been reading the twenty-
seventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles.4 Bnt, though it will be
granted that this manoeuvre is possible with due preparation, it may be
doubted whether it could be accomplished in a gale of wind on a lee shore,
but to do so before it was day would have been to have rushed on certain destruction :
they must bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on till day-break, &c."
—Smith, p. 88.
1 Mr. Smith (p. 91) seems to infer this from the words Qoflovpevoi pyirug eig rpaxelg
rbnovg eKireouoiv. But the word pyirug (or pyirov, according to Tischendorf 's read
ing) would rather imply that the fear was a general one. We should observe that the
correct reading (and the more natural one) is iKireaupev.
1 We must carefully observe that, in anchoring, — besides the proximate cause, viz.,
the fear of falling on rocks to leeward, — " they had also an ulterior object in view,
which was to run the ship ashore as soon as daylight enabled them to select a spot
where it could be done with a prospect of safety : for this purpose the very best posi
tion in which the ship could be was to be anchored by the stern." — Smith, p. 92.
' See Southey's Life of Nelson : "All the» line-of-battle ships were to anchor by the
stern, abreast of the different vessels composing the enemy's line ; and for this purpose
they had already prepared themselves with cables out of their stern-ports."
4 This anecdote is from a private source, and docs not appear in any of the printed
narratives of the battle.

336

THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

without any previous notice. The question in fact is, whethei ancient ships
in the Mediterranean were always prepared to anchor in this way. Some
answer to this doubt is supplied by the present practice of the Levantine
caiques, which preserve in great measure the traditionary build and rig
Of ancient merchantmen. These modern Greek vessels may still be seen
anchoring by the stern in the Golden Horn at Constantinople, or on the
coast of Patmos.' But the best illustration is afforded by one of the paint
ings of Herculaneum, which represents " a ship so strictly contemporaneous

with that of St. Paul, that there is nothing impossible in the supposition,
that the artist had taken his subject from that very ship, on loosing from
the pier at Puteoli." ' There is this additional advantage to be obtained
from an inspection of this rude drawing, that we see very clearly how the
rudders would be in danger of interfering with this mode of anchoring, —
a subject to which our attention will presently be required.3 Our supposed
objector, if he had a keen sense of practical difficulties, might still insist
that to have anchored in this way (or indeed in the ordinary way) would
have been of little avail in St. Paul's ship : since it could not be supposed
that the anchors would have held in such a gale of wind. To this we can
only reply, that this course was adopted to meet a dangerous emergency.
The sailors could not have been certain of the result. They might indeed

' The first of these instances is supplied by a naval officer
who has spent a long life in the merchant service.
' Smith, p. 94. 3 See v. 40.

the second by a captain

WAITING FOE THE DAT. 337
have had confidence in their cables : but they could not be sure of their
holding ground.
This is one of the circumstances which must be taken into account,
when we sum up the evidence in proof that the place of shipwreck was '
Malta. At present we make no such assumption. We will not anticipate
the conclusion, till we have proceeded somewhat farther with tlie narra
tive. We may, however, ask the reader to pause for a moment, and re
consider what was said of the circumstances of the vessel, when we described
what was done under the lee of Clauda. We then saw that the direction
in which she was drifting was W. by N. Now an inspection of the chart
will show us that this is exactly the bearing of the northern part of Malta
from the south of Clauda. We saw, moreover, that she was drifting at
the rate of about a mile and a half in every hour, or thirty-six miles in the
twenty-four hours. Since that time thirteen days had elapsed : for the
first of the "fourteen days" would be taken up on the way from Fai'
Havens to Clauda.1 The ship therefore had passed over a distance of
about 468 miles. The distance between Clauda and Malta is rather lest
than 480 miles. The coincidence 3 is so remarkable, that it seems hardly
possible to believe that the land, to which the sailors on the fourteenth
night " deemed that they drew nigh," — the " certain island," on which it
was prophesied that they should be cast, — could be any other place than
Malta. The probability is overwhelming. But we must not yet assume
the fact as certain : for we shall find, as we proceed, that the condition.'
are very numerous, which the true place of shipwreck will be required to
satisfy. We return then to the ship, which we left labouring at her four anchors.
The coast was invisible, but the breakers were heard in every pause of
the storm. The rain was falling in torrents ; 3 and all hands were weak
ened by want of food. But the greatest danger was lest the vessel should
founder before daybreak. The leak was rapidly gaining, and it was ex-
• All that happened after leaving Fair Havens before the ship was undergirded and
laid-to, must evidently have occupied a great part of a day.
' In the general calculation Mr. Smith and Sir C. Penrose agree with one another ;
and the argument derives great force from the slight difference between them. Mr.
Smith (pp. 83-89) makes the distance 476-6 miles, and the time occupied thirteen days
one hour and twenty-one minutes. With this compare the following: "Now, with
respect to the distance, allowing the degree of strength of the gale to vary a little oc
casionally, I consider that a ship would drift at the rate of about one mile and a half
per hour, which, at the end of fourteen complete days, would amount to 504 miles ;
but it does not appear that the calculation is to be made for fourteen entire days : it
was on the fourteenth night that the anchors were cast off the shores of Melita. The
distance from the S. of Clauda to the N. of Malta, measured on the best chart I have,
is about 490 miles ; and is it possible for coincident calculations, of Buch a nature, to
be more exact! In fact, on one chart, after I had calculated the supposed drift, as a
seaman, to be 504 miles, I measured the distance to be 503."
3 See xxviii. 2, Sid tov ierbv ibv iijnoTuTa,
VOL. II. — 22

338 THE LDTE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
pected that each moment might be the last. Under these circumstances
we find tlie sailors making a selfish attempt to save themselves, and leave
the ship and the passengers to their fate. Under the pretence of carrying
'out some anchors from the bow, they lowered the boat over the ship's side
(v. 30). The excuse was very plausible, for there is no doubt that the
vessel would have been more steady if this had been done ; and, in order
to effect it, it would be necessary to take out anchors in the boat. But
their real intention was to save their own lives and leave the passengers.1
St. Paul penetrated their design, and either from some divine intimation
of the instruments which were to be providentially employed for the
safety of all on board,— or from an intuitive judgment, which shewed him
that those who would be thus left behind, the passengers and soldiers,
would not be able to work the ship in any emergency that might arise,
— he saw that, if the sailors accomplished their purpose, all hope of
being saved would be gone.2 With his usual tact, he addressed not a
word to the sailors, but spoke to the soldiers and his friend the centu
rion ; 3 and they, with military promptitude held no discussion on the
subject, but decided the question by immediate action. With that short
sword, with which the Roman legions cleft their way through every ob
stacle to universal victory, they "cut the ropes ;" and the boat fell off,'
and, if not instantly swamped, drifted off to leeward into the darkness,
and was dashed to pieces on the rocks.
Thus the prudent counsel of the Apostle, seconded by the prompt
action of the soldiers, had been the means of saving all on board. Each
successive incident tended to raise him, more and more, into a position of
overpowering influence.5 Not the captain or the ship's crew, but the
passenger and the prisoner, is looked to now as the source of wisdom and
safety. We find him using this influence for the renewal of their bodily
strength, while at the same time he turned their thoughts to the providen
tial care of God. By this time the dawn of day was approaching.6 A faint
1 ZyroivTuv (jivyelv ix tov nkoiov.
3 'Euv py ovtoi peivucriv iv rip nkoiip, ipelg auByvai oi SivaaBe. We observe that
in ipelg the soldiers are judiciously appealed to on the score of their own safety.
Much has been very unnecessarily written on the mode in which this verse is to be
harmonised with the unconditional assurance of safety in ver. 22-24. The same diffi
culty is connected with every action of our lives. The only difference is, that, in the
narrative before us, the Divine purpose is more clearly indicated, whereas we usually
Bee only the instrumentality employed.
3 Tip (Karovrdpxy Kal roig oTpanuratg.
4 'Eiaaav airijv iKireaelv. In the words above (xakaadvTuv ri)v axdijiyv elg rip)
fidkaaaav) it is clear that the boat, which was hoisted on deck at the beginning of the
gale, had been half lowered from the davits.
' The commanding attitude of St. Paul in this and other scenes of the narrative is
forcibly pointed out by the Review of Mr. Smith's work in the North British Review
for May 1849.
" 'Axpi oi ypekkev ypipa yiveaBai, v. 33. See v. 39.

SHIPWRECK. 33JJ
light shewed more of the terrors of the storm, and the objects on board
the ship began to be more distinctly visible. Still towards the land, all
was darkness, and their eyes followed the spray in vain as it drifted off
to leeward. A slight effort of imagination suffices to bring before us an
Impressive spectacle, as we think of the dim light just shewing the hag
gard faces of the 216 persons,1 clustered on the deck, and holding on by
the bulwarks of the sinking vessel. In this hour of anxiety the Apostle
stands forward to give them courage. He reminds them that they had
" eaten nothing " for fourteen days ; and exhorts them now to partake of
a hearty meal, pointing out to them that this was indeed essential to their
safety," and encouraging them by the assurance that " not a hair 3 cf their
head " should perish. So speaking, he set the example of the cheerful use
of God's gifts and grateful acknowledgment of the Giver, by taking bread,
" giving thanks to God before all," and beginning to eat. Thus encour
aged by his calm and religious example, they felt their spirits revive,4 and
" they also partook of food," and made themselves ready for the labour
which awaited them.6
Instead of abandoning themselves to despair, they proceeded actively
to adopt the last means for relieving the still sinking vessel. The cargo of
wheat was now of no use. It was probably spoilt by the salt water.
And however this might be, it was not worth a thought ; since it was
well known that the vessel would be lost. Their hope now was to run
her on shore and so escape to land. Besides this, it is probable that,
the ship having been so long in one position, the wheat had shifted over
to the port side, and prevented the vessel from keeping that upright posi
tion, which would be most advantageous when they came to steer her
towards the shore.6 The hatchways were therefore opened, and they pro-
'- It is at this point of the narrative that the total number of souls on board is men
tioned. 3 Tovro ydp icpog ryg iperipag aurypiag iirdpxet.
3 Our Lord uses the same proverbial expression. Luke xxi. 18.
* EiBvpoi yevbpevoi izuvreg.
6 " All hands now, crew and passengers, bond or free, are assembled on the deck,
anxiously wishing for day, when Paul, taking advantage of a smaller degree of mo
tion [would this necessarily be the case ?] in the ship than when drifting with her side
to the waves, recommends to them to make use of this time, before the dawn would
require fresh exertions, in making a regular and comfortable meal, in order to refresh
them after having so long taken their precarious repasts, probably without fire or any
kind of cooking. He begins by example, but first, by giving God thanks for their
preservation hitherto, and hopes of speedy relief. Having thus refreshed themselves,
they cast out as much of the remaining part of the cargo (wheat) as they could, to
enable them by a lighter draft of water either to run into any small harbour, or at
least closer in with dry land, should they be obliged to run the ship on the rocks or
beach." — Penrose, MS.
« The following extract from Sir C. Penrose's papers supplies an addition to Mr.
Smith's remarks : " With respect to throwing the wheat into the sea after anchoring,

340 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ceeded to throw the grain into the sea. This work would occupy soma
time ; and when it was accomplished, the day had dawned, and the land
was visible.1
The sailors looked hard at the shore, but they could not recognise it.3
Though ignorant, however, of the name of the coast, off which they were
anchored, they saw one feature in it which gave them a hope that they
might accomplish their purpose of running the ship aground. They per
ceived a small bay or indentation, with a sandy or pebbly beach :3 and
their object was, " if possible," so to steer the vessel that she might take
the ground at that point. To effect this, every necessary step was care
fully taken. While cutting the anchors adrift, they unloosed the lashings
with which the rudders had been secured,4 and hoisted the foresail.5
These three things would be done simultaneously,6 as indeed is implied by
St. Luke, and there were a sufficient number of hands on board for the
purpose. The free use of the rudders would be absolutely necessary :
nor would this be sufficient without the employment of some sail.' It
does not appear quite certain whether they exactly hit the point at which
they aimed.8 We are told that they fell into " a place between two
seas" (a feature of the coast which will require our consideration pre
sently "i and then stranded the ship. The bow stuck fast in the shore and
it may be remarked, that it was not likely that, while drifting, the hatchways could
have been opened for that purpose ; and when anchored by the stern, I doubt not that
it was found, that, from the ship having been so long pressed down, on one side the
cargo had shifted, i. e. the wheat had pressed over towards the larboard side, so that
the ship, instead of being upright, heeled to the larboard, and made it useful to throw
out as much of the wheat as time allowed, not only to make her specifically lighter,
but to bring her upright, and enable her to be more accurately steered and navigated
towards the land at di^vbreak."
' • "Ore Si ypipa tyevero.
* Tijv yyv oi/c iizeyivuaKov. Observe the tense, and compare iiriyvupev below
(xxviii. 1), from which it appears that the island was recognised immediately on
landing. 3 Kbkirov nva Karevoovv ixovra alyiakbv. In illustration of the last word (as op
posed to uKry) «ee Mat. xiii. 2. Acts xxi. 5.
4 When they anchored, no doubt the paddle rudders had been hoisted up and lashed,
lest they should foul the anchors.
6 For the proof that dprepuv is the foresail, we must refer to the able and thorough
investigation in Mr. Smith's dissertation on ancient ships, pp. 153-162. The word
does not occur in any other Greek writer, but it is found in the old nautical phraseo
logy of the Venetians and Genoese, and it is used by Dante and Ariosto. The French
still employ the word, but with them it has become the mizensail, while the mizcn has
become the foresail.
6 'Apa.
i " The mainsail [foresail] being hoisted shewed good judgment, though the dis
tance was so small, as it would not only enable them to steer more correctly than
without it, but would press the ship further on upon the land, and thus enable them
the more easily to get to the shore." — Penrose, MS.
* See below.

PKOOB THAT THE PLACE WAS MALTA. 341
remained unmoved; but the stern began immediately to go to pieces'
under the action of the sea.
And now another characteristic incident is related. The soldiers, who
were answerable with their lives for the detention of their prisoners, were
afraid lest some of them should swim out and escape : and therefore, in
the spirit of true Roman cruelty, they proposed to kill them at once.
Now again the influence of St. Pan! over the centurion's mind s was mado
ihe means of saving both his own life and that of his fellow-prisoners.
For the rest he might care but little ; but he was determined to secure
Paul's safety.3 He therefore prevented the soldiers from accomplishing
their heartless intention, and directed4 those who could swim to "cast
themselves into the sea " first, while the rest made use of spars and broken
pieces of the wreck. Thus it came to pass that all escaped safely 6 through
the breakers to the shore.
When the land was safely reached, it was ascertained that the island
on which they were wrecked was Melita. The mere word does not ab
solutely establish the identity of the place : for two islands were anciently
called alike by this name. This, therefore, is the proper place for sum
ming up the evidence which has been gradually accumulating in proof
that it was the modern Malta. We have already seen (p. 335) the
almost irresistible inference which follows from the consideration of the
direction and rate of drift since the vessel was laid-to under the lee of
Clauda. But we shall find that every succeeding indication not only
tends to bring us to the shore of this island, but to the very bay (the
Cala di San Paolo) which has always been the traditionary scene of the
wreck. In the first place we are told that they became aware of land by the
¦presence of breakers, and yet without striking. Now an inspection of the
chart will shew us that a ship drifting W. by N. might approach Koura
point, the eastern boundary of St. Paul's Bay, without having fallen in
previously with any other part of the coast : for, towards the neighbour
hood of Valetta, the shore trends rapidly to the southward.6 Again, the
character of this point, as described in the Sailing Directions, is such that
theie must infallibly have been violent breakers upon it that night.7 Yet
a vessel drifting W. by N. might pass it, within a quarter of a mile,
> 'Ekvero. * '0 iKarovrdpxyg jSovkopevog, k. t. k. 3 Aiaauaai rbv Uavkov.
4 'EKekevaev. The military officer gives the order. The ship's company are not
mentioned. Are we to infer that they fell into the background, in consequence of
their cowardly attempt to save themselves ?
5 AiaauByvai, xxvii. 44 ; SiaouBivreg, xxviii 1 ; SiaauBivra, xxviii. 4.
« See the Chart.
i Smith, p. 79, 89. " With north-easterly gales, the sea breaks upon this point
with such violence, that Capt. Smyth, in his view of the headland, has made the
breakers its distinctive character."

3*2

THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

withont striking on the rocks. But what are the soundings at this point 1
They are now twenty fathoms. If we proceed a little further we find
fifteen fathoms. It may be said that this, in itself, is nothing remark
able. But if we add, that the fifteen fathom depth is in the direction of

the vesseFs drift (W. by N.) from the twenty fathom depth, the coinci
dence is startling.3 But at this point we observe, on looking at the chart,
that now there would be breakers ahead,— and yet at such a distance

1 Reduced from the Admiralty Chart
* Smith, p. 91.

ST. PAUL S BAT. 'Mil
ahead, that there would be time for the vessel to anchor, befoie actually
striking on the rocks.1 All these conditions must necessarily be fulfilled ;
and we see that they are fulfilled without any attempt at ingenious expla
nation. But we may proceed farther. The character of the coast on the
farther side of the bay is such, that though the greater part of it ia
fronted with mural precipices, there are one or two indentations,2 which
exhibit the appearance of " a creek with a [sandy or pebbly] shore." And
again we observe that the island of Salmonetta is so placed, that the
sailors, looking from the deck when the vessel was at anchor, could not
possibly be aware that it was not a continuous part of the mainland ;
whereas, while they were running her aground, they could not help ob
serving the opening of the channel, which would thus appear (like the
Bosphorus3) "a place between two seas," and would be more likely to
attract their attention, if some current resulting from this juxtaposition of
the island and the coast interfered with the accuracy of their steering.'1
And finally, to revert to the fact of the anchors holding through the
night (a result which could not confidently be predicted), we find it stated,
in our English Sailing Directions,5 that the ground in St. Paul's Bay is so
good, that, " while the cables hold, there is no danger, as the anchors will
never start."
Malta was not then the densely crowded island which it has become
during the last half century.0 Though it was well known to the Ro
mans as a dependency of the province of Sicily,7 and though the harbour
now called Valetta must have been familiar to the Greek mariners who
> Smith, p. 91.
* One place, at the opening of the Mestara Valley (see Chart) has still this character.
At another place there has been a beach, though it is how obliterated. See the re
marks of Mr. Smith, who has carefully examined the bay, and whose authority in any
question relating to the geology of coasts is of great weight.
3 This illustration is from Strabo, who uses the very word SiBdkaaaog of the Bos
phorus. It would, of course, be equally applicable to a neck of land between two
seas, like the Isthmus of Corinth.
* Though we are not to suppose that by " two seas" two moving; bodies of water, or
tw3 opposite currents, are meant, yet it is very possible that there might be a currect
between Salmonetta and the coast, and that this affected the steering of the vessel.
5 Purdy, p. 180. In reference to what happened to the ship when she came aground
(ver. 4), Mr. Smith lays stress upon the character of the deposits on the Maltese coast.
The ship " would strike a bottom of mud, graduating into tenacious clay, into which
the forepart would fix itself, and be held fast, whilst the stern was exposed to the force
of the waves." — p. 104
6 The density of the Maltese population, at the present day, is extraordinary ; but
this state of things is quite recent. In Boisgelin (Ancient and Modern Malta, 1805)
we find it stated that in 1530 the island did not contain quite 15,000 inhabitants, and
that they were reduced to 10,000 at the raising of the siege in the grand mastership of
La Valetta. Notwithstanding the subsequent wars, and the plagues of 1592 and 1676
the numbers in 1798 were 90,000. (Vol. I. pp. 107, 108.) Similar statements are in
Miege, Histoire de Malte.
i The mention of it in Cicero's Verrine orations (H, iv. 46) Is well known.

344 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
traded between the East and the West,1— much of the island was doubt.
less uncultivated and overrun with wood. Its population was of Phoeni-
cian origin,— speaking a language which, as regards social intercourse,
had the same relation to Latin and Greek, which modern Maltese has to
English and Italian.2 The inhabitants, however, though in this sense3
" barbarians," were favourably contrasted with many Christian wreckers
in their reception of those who had been cast on their coast. They
shewed them no "ordinary kindness ;" for they lighted a fire and welcomed
them all to the warmth, drenched and shivering as they were in the rain
and the cold. The whole scene is brought very vividly before us ia the
sacred narrative. One incident has become a picture in St. Paul';! life,
with which every Christian child is familiar. The Apostle had gathered
with his own hands a heap of sticks and placed them on the fire, when a
viper came '' out of the heat" and fastened on his hand. The poor super
stitions people, when they saw this, said to one another, " This man must
be a murderer : he has escaped from the sea : but still vengeance suffers
him not to live.'' But Paul threw off the animal into the fire and suffered
no harm. Then they watched him, expecting that his body would become
swollen, or that he would suddenly fall down dead. At length, after they
had watched for a long time in vain, and saw nothing happen to him,
their feelings changed as violently as those of the Lystrians had done in
an opposite direction ; 4 and they said that he was a God. We are not
told of the results to which this occurrence led, but we cannot doubt that
while Paul repudiated, as formerly at Lystra,5 all the homage which
idolatry would pay tohim, he would make use of the influence acquired
by this miracle, for making the Saviour known to his uncivilised bene
factors. St. Paul was enabled to work many miracles during his stay at Malta.
The first which is recorded is the healing of the father of Publius, the
governor of the ii'land," who had some possessions7 near the place where
1 Diodorus Siculus ty. 1 2) speaks of the manufactures of Malta, of the wealth of its
inhabitants, and of its handsome buildings, such as those which are now characteristic
of the place. As to the ancient manufactures, see Cicero, as quoted above, and Sil.
Ital. Punic, xiv. 251. Compare Ov. Fast. iii. 567.
3 See the essay on Mr. Smith's work in the North British Review (p. 208) for some
remarks on the Maltese language, especially on the Arabic name of what is still called
the Apostle's fountain, (Ayn-tal-Ruzzul.)
3 It is sufficient to refer to Rom i 14. 1 Cor. xiv. 11. Col. iii. 11 for the meaning
of the word in the N. T.
4 Vol. I. p. 196. i Ib. p. 193.
• Ws observe that the name is Roman. In the phrase rip npurip ryg vyaov there
is every appearance of an official title, more especially as the father of the person called
"first of the island" was alive. A Greek and Latin inscription, with the worda
IIPflTOS MEAITAIQN and MEL. PRIMUS, are adduced by Ciantar ; but Mr. Smith
was unable to find them.
' 'Ev rolg nepl rbv runov ixevov i'rpxe X"PLa t$ it. ryg. s. These possession*

I f'-rr III !¦

¦nti ih'sli

M*

OBJECTIONS CONSIDEEED. 345
the vessel was lost, and who had given a hospitable reception to the ship
wrecked strangers, and supplied their wants for three days. The disease
under which the father of Publius was suffering was dysentery in an
iggravated form.1 St. Paul went in to him and prayed, and laid his
lands on him : and he recovered. This being noised through the island,
other sufferers came to the Apostle and were healed. Thus was he em
powered to repay the kindness of these islanders by temporal services in
tended to lead their minds to blessings of a still higher kind. And they
were not wanting in gratitude to those, whose unexpected visit had
brought so much good among them. They loaded them with every honour
in their power, and, when they put to sea again, supplied them with
everything that was needful for their wants (ver. 10).
Before we pursue the concluding part of the voyage, which was so
prosperous that hardly any incident in the course of it is recorded, it may
be useful to complete the argument by which Malta is proved to be the
scene of St. Paul's shipwreck, by briefly noticing some objections which
have been brought against this view. It is true that the positive evidence
already adduced is the strongest refutation of" mere objections ; but it is
desirable not to leave unnoticed any of the arguments which appear to
have weight on the other side. Some of them have been carelessly
brought together by a great writer, to whom, on many subjects, we might
be glad to yield our assent.2 Thus it is argued, that, because the vessel
is said to have been drifting in the Adriatic, the place of shipwreck must
have been, not Malta to the south of Sicily, but Meleda in the Gulf of
Venice. It is no wonder that the Benedictine of Ragusa3 should have
must therefore have been very near the present country residence of the English gov-
3rnor,"near Citta Veechia.
1 Tlvperoig Kal Svaevrepip avvexbpevov.
2 " The belief that Malta is the island on which St. Paul was wrecked is so rooted in
the common Maltese, and is cherished with such a superstitious nationality, that the
government would run the chance of exciting a tumult, if it, or its representatives,
unwarily ridiculed it. The supposition itself is quite absurd. Not to argue the matter
at length, consider these few conclusive facts : — The narrative speaks of the ' barbarous
people,' and 'barbarians,' of the island. Now, our Malta was at that time fully
peopled and highly civilized, as we may surely infer from Cicero and other writers.
A viper comes out from the sticks upon the fire being lighted : the men are not sur
prised at the appearance of the snake, but imagine first a murderer, and then a god,
from the harmless attack. Now, in our Malta, there are, I may say, no snakes at all ;
which, to be sure, the Maltese attribute to St. Faul's having cursed them away. Me-
lita in the Adriatic was a perfectly barbarous island as to its native population, and
was, and is now, infested with serpents. Besides, the context shews that the scene is in
the Adriatic."— Coleridge's Table Talk, pp. 185.
3 We have not been able to see the treatise of Padre Georgi. It Is entitled " Paulus
Apostolus in mari, quod nunc Venetus sinus dicitur, naufragus." Ven. 1730. Other
treatises followed, on the two sides of the question by Ciantar 1738, S. Caspare 1739,
Sciugliaga 1757, and De Soldanis 1758, all published at Venice. Georgi, however, was
•not the first who suggested that the Apostle was wrecked on Melida in the Adriatio,

346 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
been jealous of the honour of his order, which had a convent on that
small island. But it is more surprising that the view should have been
maintained by other writers since.1 For not only do the classical poets'
use the name "Adria" for all that natural division of the Mediterranean
which lies between Sicily and Greece, but the same phraseology is found
in historians and geographers. Thus Ptolemy3 distinguishes clearly be
tween the Adriatic Sea and the Adriatic Gulf. Pausanias4 says that the
Straits of Messene unite the Tyrrhene Sea with the Adriatic Sea ; and
Procopius5 considers Malta as lying on the boundary of the latter. Nor
are the other objections more successful. It is argued that Alexandrian
sailors could not possibly have been ignorant of an island so well known
as Malta was then. But surely they might have been very familiar with
the harbour of Valetta, without being able to recognise that part of the
coast on which they came during the storm. A modern sailor who had
made many passages between New York and Liverpool might yet be
perplexed if he found himself in hazy weather on some part of the coast of
Wales.6 Besides, we are told that the seamen did recognize the island as
soon as they were ashore.7 It is contended also that the people of Malta
would not have been called barbarians. But, if the sailors were Greeks
(as they probably were), they would have employed this term, as a
matter of course, of those who spoke a different language from their own.8
Again it is argued that there are no vipers — that there is hardly any
wood — in Malta. But who does not recognize here the natural changes
which result from the increase of inhabitants" and cultivation? Within

We find in Const. Porphyrog. de Adm. imp. c. 36, mentioned among the islands of this
gulf, Nyaog irepa per/uky rd Wikera ijroi rb Makofcirai, yv iv ralg irpd£eai tuv
dizoarbkuv b uyiog AovKag pepvyrai, Meklryv ravryv irpoeayopeiuv iv y Kal fate
tov uyiov Wavkov dirb tov SaKTvkov irpooipparo, yv Kal Tip irvpt b ay log Ilavkog
KaTfykeie : III. p. 164, ed. Bonn. Compare p. 146.
1 Mr. Smith has effectually disposed of all Bryant's arguments, if such they can be
called. See especially his dissertation on the island Melita. Among those who have
adopted Bryant's view, we have referred by name only to Falconer.
* See Ovid, Fast, iv. Trist. i. 12. Hor. Ep.
3 See various passages in the third book. 4 Eliac. v.
5 The passage from the Vandal War has been quoted above. See again the Gothic
War, iii. 40. Thucydides speaks of the Adriatic sea in the same way. We should
also bear in mind the shipwreck of Josephus, which took place in " Adria." Some (e.
g. Mr. Sharpe, the author of the History of Egypt) have identified the two shipwrecks :
but it is difficult to harmonise the narratives.
* Even with charts he might have a difficulty in recognising a part of the coast,
which he had never seen before. And we must recollect that the ancient mariner had
no charts.
7 xxviii. 1. 8 See above.
» See above, note on the population of Malta. Sir C. Penrose adds a circumstance,
which it is important tu take into account in considering this question, viz. that, in the
time of the Knights, the bulk of the population was at the cast end of the island, and

8YEACUSE. 347
a very few years there was wood close to St. Paul's Bay ; > and it is well
known how the Fauna of any country varies with the vegetation.2 An
argument has even been built on the supposed fact, that the disease of
Publius is unknown in the island. To this it is sufficient to reply by a
simple denial.3 Nor can we close this rapid survey of objections without
noticing the insuperable difficulties which lie against the hypothesis of the
Venetian Meleda, from the impossibility of reaching it, except by a
miracle, under the above-related circumstances of weather,4 — from the dis
agreement of its soundings with what is required by the narrative of the
shipwreck,5 — and by the inconsistency of its position with what is related
of the subsequent voyage.6
To this part of the voyage we must now proceed. After three months
they sailed again for Italy in a ship called the Castor and Pollux.7 Syra
cuse was in their track, and the ship put into that famous harbour, ant'
staid there three days. Thus St. Paul was in a great historic city of th'.
that the neighbourhood of St. Paul's Bay was separated off by a line of fortification
built for fear of descents from Barbary cruizers.
1 This statement rests on the authority of an English resident on the island.
" Some instances are given by Mr. Smith.
3 It happens that the writer once spent an anxious night in Malta with a fellow
traveller, who was suffering precisely in the same way.
* " If Euroclydon blew in such a direction as to make the pilots afraid of being
driven on the quicksands (and there were no such dangers to the south-west of them),
how could it be supposed that they could be driven north towards the Adriatic ? In
truth, it is very difficult for a well appointed ship of modern days to get from Crete
into and up the Adriatic at the season named in the narrative, the north winds being
then prevalent, and strong. We find the ship certainly driven from the south coast
of Crete, from the Fair Havens towards Clauda (now Gozzi), on the south-west, and
during the fourteen days' continuance of the gale, we are never told that Euroclydon
ceased to blow, and with either a Gregalia or Levanter blowing hard. St. Paul's ship
could not possibly have proceeded up the Adriatic." — Penrose, MS. He says again :
" How is it possible that a ship at that time, and so circumstanced, could have got up
the difficult navigation of the Adriatic ? To have drifted up the Adriatic to the island
of Melita or Melida, in the requisite curve, and to have, passed so many islands and
other dangers in the route, would, humanly speaking, have been impossible. The
distance from Clauda to this Melita is not less than 780 geographical miles, and the
wind must have long been from the south to make this voyage in fourteen days. Now,
from Clauda to Malta, there is not any one danger in a direct line, and we see that
the distance and direction of drift will both agree."
» This is clearly shown on the Austrian chart of that part of the Adriatic.
6 From the Adriatic Melida it would have been more natural to have gone to Brun
dusium or Ancona, and thence by land to Rome ; and, even in going by sea, Syracuse
would have been out of the course, whereas it is in the direct track from Malta.
" It is natural to assume that such was its name, if such was its irapdaypov, i. e. the
sculptured or painted figures at the prow. It was natural to dedicate ships to the
Dioscuri, who were the hero-patrons of sailors. They were supposed to appear in
those lights which are called by modern sailors the fires of St. Elmo ; and in art they
are represented as stars. See these stars (lucida sidera, Hor. Od. i. iii. 2 ; alba ste 11a,
lb. viii. 27) on the coin of Rhegium engraved below.

348

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

COIN OF SYRACUSE.

West, after spending much time in those of greatest note in the East.
We are able to associate the Apostle of the Gentiles and the thoughts of
Christianity with the scenes of that disastrous expedition which closed the
progress of the Athenians towards our part of Europe,— and with those
Punic Wars, which ended in bringing Africa under the yoke of Rome.
We are not told whether St. Paul was permitted to go on shore at
Syracuse ; but from the courtesy shewn him by Julius, it is probable that
this permission was not refused. If he landed, he would doubtless find
Jews and Jewish proselytes in abundance, in so great a mercantile
emporium ; and would announce to them the glad tidings which he was
commissioned to proclaim " to the Jew first and also to the Gentile."
Hence we may without difficulty give credit to tlie local tradition, which
regards St. Paul as the first founder of the Sicilian church.
Sailing out of that beautiful land-locked basin, and past Ortygia, once
an island,3 but then united in one continuous town with the buildings
under the ridge of Epipolse, — the ship which carried St. Paul to Rome
shaped her course northwards towards the straits of Messina. The weather
was not favourable at first : they were compelled to take au indirect
course,3 and they put into Rhegium, a city whose patron divinities were,
by a curious coincidence, the same hero-protectors of seafaring men, " the
Great Twin Brethren," to whom the ship itself was dedicated.4
1 From the British Museum. In earlier types of this magnificent coin, the fish are
geen moving in the same direction round the head. An ingenious theory suggest*
that this was the case so long as the old city on Ortygia was an island, and that the
change in the coins symbolised the joining of Ortygia to the mainland.
* See note on the coin. The city has now shrunk to its old limit.
3 Mr. Smith's view that irepiekBbvreg means simply " beating" is more likely to b8
correct than that of Mr. Lewin, who supposes that " as the wind was westerly, and
they were under shelter ol' the high mountainous range of Etna on their left, they
were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so come to Rhegium
by a circuitous sweep." He adds in a note, that he " was informed by a friend that
when he made the voyage from Syracuse to Rhegium, the vessel in which he sailed
took a similar circuit for a similar reason."
* Macaulay's Lays of Rome (Dattie of Lake Regillus). See the coin, which ex
hibits the heads of the twin-divinities with the stars.

BHEGIUM. 349
Here they remained one day (ver. 13), evidently waiting for a fail
wind to take them through the Faro ; for the springing up of a wind
from the south is expressly mentioned in the following words. This wind
would be favourable not only for carrying the ship through the straits,
but for all the remainder of the voyage. If the vessel was single masted, -
this wind was the best that could blow : for to such a vessel the most

OlDT OF KHEGITM.

advantageous point of sailing is to run right before the wind;3 and
Puteoli lies nearly due north from Rhegium. The distance is about 182
miles. If then we assume, in accordance with what has been stated
above (p. 306), that she sailed at the rate of seven knots an hour,4 the
passage would be accomplished in about twenty-six hours, which agrees
perfectly with the account of St. Luke, who says that, after leaving
Rhegium, they came " the next day" to Puteoli.
Before the close of the first day they would see on- the left the
volcanic cone and smoke of Stromboli,5 the nearest of the Liparian islands.
In the course of the night they would have neared that projecting part of
the mainland, which forms the southern limit of the bay of Salerno.8
Sailing across the wide opening of this gulf, they would, in a few hours,
enter that other bay, the bay of Naples, in the northern part of which
Puteoli was situated. No long description need be given of that bay,
which has been made familiar, by every kind of illustration, even to
those who have never seen it. Its southeastern limit is the promontory of
Minerva,7 with the island of Caprea? opposite, which is so associated with
1 We cannot assume this to have been the case, but it is highly probable. See above.
We may refer here to the representation of the harbour of Ostia on the coin of Nero,
given below. It will be observed that all the ships in the harbour are single-masted.
3 From the British Museum. •> Smith, p. 180.
4 We cannot agree with the N. Brit. Reviewer in doubting the correctness of Mr.
Smith's conclusion on this point.
6 The ancient Irpoyyvky, the most conspicuous island of the Liparian islands, called
also the Vulcanian and ^Eolian islands. " The sea about them is frequently agitated
by sudden storms." — Purdy, p. 134. They are described in Captain Smyth's work on
Sicily. « See the Sailing Directions, 129-133, with the Admiralty charts, for the appear
ance of the coast between Cape Spartivento (Pr. Palinurum) and Cape Campanella
(Pr. Minervse).
7 See the quotation from Seneca's letters below. The early writers say that Ulysses
raised there a temple to the goddess. Strabo, v. The point was also called the Cape
of Surrentum and the Cape of the Sirens. The beauty of this part of the coast ia
described by Satius. Sylv. ii. 12.

350 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the memory of Tiberius, that its cliffs still seem to rise from the blue
waters as a monument of hideous vice in the midst of the fairest scenes of
nature. The opposite boundary was the promontory of Misenum, where
one of the imperial fleets ¦ lay at anchor under the shelter of the islands of
Ischia and Procida. In the intermediate space tfee Campanian coast
curves round in the loveliest forms, with Vesuvius as the prominent feature
of the view. But here one difference must be marked between St. Paul's
day and our own. The angry Neighbour of Naples was not then an un
sleeping volcano, but a green and sunny background to the bay, with its
westward slope covered with vines.2 No one could have suspected that
the time was so near, when the admiral of the fleet at Misenum would be
lost in its fiery eruption;3 and little did the Apostle dream, when he
looked from the vessel's deck across the bay to the right, that a r-uin,
like that of Sodom and Gomorrah, hung over the fair cities at the base of
the mountain, and that the Jewish princess, who had so lately conversed
with him in his prison at Caesarea, would find her tomb in that ruin, with
the child she had borne to Felix.4
By this time the vessel was well within the island of Caprese and the
promontory of Minerva, and the idlers of Puteoli were already crowding
to the pier to watch the arrival of the Alexandrian corn-ship. So we may
safely infer from a vivid and descriptive letter preserved among the cor
respondence of the philosopher Seneca.6 He says that all ships, on round
ing into the bay within the above-mentioned island and promontory, were
obliged to strike their topsail, with the exception of the Alexandrian
corn-vessels, which were thus easily recognised, as soon as they hove in
sight ; and then he proceeds to moralise on the gathering and crowding of
the people of Puteoli, to watch these vessels coming in. Thus we are fur-
i The fleet of the "Upper Sea" was stationed at Ravenna, of the "Lower" at
Misenum. 3 "Hie est pampineis viridis modo Vesuvius umbris." — Mart. iv. 44. "Vesvia
rura."— Colum. x. " Vineta Vesevi."— Auson. Idyll, x. See Lncr. vi. 747. Virg.
Georg. ii. 224. Strabo (v. 24) describes the mountain as very fertile at its base,
though its summit was barren, and full of apertures, which shewed the traces of earlier
volcanic action.
3 See the younger Pliny's description of his uncle's death. Ep. vi. 16.
4 Josephus. See above, p. 273.
« " Subito hodie nobis Alexandrinae naves apparuerunt, qua; prsemitti solent et nun-
tiare secuturae classis adventnm. Tabellarias vocant. Gratus illarum Campania
adspectus est. Omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit, et ex ipso genere velornm
Alexandrinas, quamvis in magna turba navium, intelligit. Solis enim licet supparem
intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves  Cum intravere Capreas et promon-
torium, ex quo Alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas,
cetera velo jubentur esse contents : supparum Alexandrinarum insigne est. In hot
omnium discursu properantium ad litus, magnam ex pigritia mea sensi voluptatem,"
&a.— Scnec. Ep. 77.

PUTEOLI. 351
nished with new circumstances to aid our efforts to realise the arrival of
the Castor and Pollux, on the coast of Italy, with St. Paul on board.
And if we wish still further to associate this event with the history and
the feelings of the times, we may turn to an anecdote of the Emperor
Augustus, which is preserved to us by Suetonius.1 The Emperor had been
seized with a feverish attack — it was the beginning of his last illness — and
was cruising about the bay for the benefit of his health, when an Alexan
drian corn-ship was coming to her moorings, and passed close by. The
sailors recognised the old man, whom the civilised world obeyed as master,
and was learning to worship as God : and they brought forth garlands
and incense, that they might pay him divine honours, saying that it was
by his providence that their voyages were made safe and that their trade
•was prosperous. Augustus was so gratified by this worship, that he im
mediately distributed an immense sum of gold among his suite, exacting
from them the promise that they would expend it all in the purchase of
Alexandrian goods. Such was the interest connected in the first century
with the trade between Alexandria and Puteoli. ' Such was the idolatrous
homage paid to the Roman Emperor. The only difference, when the
Apostle of Christ came, was that the vice and corruption of the Empire
had increased with the growth of its trade, and that the Emperor now was
not Augustus but Nero.
In this wide and sunny expanse of blue waters, no part was calmer or
more beautiful than the recess in the northern part of the bay, between
Baiae and Puteoli. It was naturally sheltered by the surrounding coasts,
and seemed of itself to invite both the gratification of luxurious ease, and
the formation of a mercantile harbour. Baiffi was devoted to the former
purpose : it was to the invalids and fashionable idlers of Rome like a com
bination of Brighton and Cheltenham. Puteoli, on the opposite side of
this inner bay, was the Liverpool of Italy. Between them was that in
closed reach of water, called the Lucrine Lake, which contained the
oyster-beds for the luxurious tables of Rome, and on the surface of which
the small yachts of fashionable visitors displayed their coloured sails.
Still further inland was that other calm basin, the Lacus Avernus, which
an artificial passage connected with the former, and thus converted into a
harbour. Not far beyond was Cuma?, once a flourishing Greek city, but
when the Apostle visited this coast, a decayed country town, famous only
for the recollections of the Sibyl.2
i " Forte Puteolanum sinum prsetervehenti, vectores nautaxme de navi Alexandisina,
quae tantum quod appulerat, candidati, coronatique et thura libantur, fausta omina et
eximias laudes congesserant : Per ilium vivere : per ilium navigare : libertate. atque
fortunis per ilium frui. Qua re admodum exhilaratus, quadragenos aureos comitibus
divisit, jusquejurandum et cautionem exegit a singulis, non alio datam summam, quam
Ca emptionem Alexandrinarum mercium absumpturos." — Suet Aug. 98.
' " Quamvis digressu veteris confusus amici

352 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
We must return to Puteoli. We have seen above (p. 309) how it
divided with Ostia1 the chief commerce by sea between Rome and the
provinces. Its early name, when the Campanian shore was Greek rather
than Italian, was Dicrearchia. Under its new appellation (which seems
to have had reference to the mineral springs of the neighbourhood2 (it
first began to have an important connection with Rome in the second
Punic war.3 It was the place of embarkation for armies proceeding to
Spain, ami the landing-place of ambassadors from Carthage. Ever after
wards it was an Italian town of the first rank. In ine time of Vespasian
it became the Flavian Colony,4 like the city in Palestine from which St.
Paul had sailed : * but even from an earlier period it had colonial privi
leges, aDd these had just been renewed under Nero.6 It was intimately
associated both with this emperor and with two others who preceded him
in power and in crime. Close by Baiaa, across the bay, was Bauli, where
the plot was laid for the luurder of Agrippina.7 Across these waters
Caligula built his fantastic bridge ; and the remains of it were probably
visible when St. Paul landed.8 Tiberius had a more honourable monu
ment in a statue (of which a fragment is still seen by English travellers
at Pozzuoli), erected during St. Paul's life to commemorate the restitu
tion of the Asiatic cities overthrown by an earthquake.9 But the ruins
which are the most interesting to us are the seventeen piers of the ancient
mole, on which the lighthouse l0 stood, and within which the merchantmen
were moored. Such is the proverbial tenacity of the concrete which was
used in this structure,11 that it is the most perfect ruin existing of any
Lando tamen vacuis quod sedem figere Cumis
Destinet, atque unum civem donare Sibylla."— Juv. iii. 1.
1 See Suet. Claud. 25, for a notice of the troops quartered at Ostia and Puteoli.
3 It was named either from the springs (aputeis), or from their stench (aputendu).
Strabo says, after describing Baise : 'E£yg <S' eialv al nepl AiKaiapxiav uktoI, ko.1 airii
y Tzbkig. Tlv Si npbreoov piv iiriveiov Kvpaiuv, iir' o<f>:tvog ISpvpevov Kard Si ryv
'Avvij3a OTpartiav, tr>w,...Lav 'Ivpaioi, Kal perovbpaaav Tlonokovg, dwb tov tpearuv
ol o" dirb ryg SvojSisg tuv vSutuv, unav rb x"P'ov iKel pixpi Batuv, Kal Tyg Kvpaiag,
bvt deiov irkypeg ion Kal irvpbg, Kal Bebuuv vSutuv. — v. iv.
- Liv xxiv. 4 See Orelli's Inscriptions, No. 3698.
6 See above on Csesarea, p. 279, n. 5.
« " In Italia vetus oppidum Puteoli jus colonise et cognomentum a Nerone apiscun
tur."— Tac. Hist. xiv. 27. It appears, however, that this was a renewed privilege.
See Liv. xxxiv. 42. Veil. Pat. i. 15. Val. Max. ix. 3, 8.
7 Nero had murdered his mother about two years before St. Paul's coming. Tac.
Ann. xiv. 1-9.
s Some travellers have mistaken the remains of the mole for those of Caligula's
bridge. But that was only a wooden structure. See Suet. Calig. 19.
» The pedestal of this statue, with the allegorical representations of the towns is
still extant. This "Marmorea basis " is described in the seventh volume of Grono-
vius, pp. 433-503.
m See Cramer. There is, however, some inaccuracy in his reference to Pliny.
1 The well-known Fozzolana; which is mentioned also by Pliny, H. N. xxxv 13 47

PUTEOLI. 353
ancient Roman harbour. In the early part of this chapter, we spoke of
the close mercantile relationship which subsisted between Egypt and this
city. And this remains on our minds as the prominent and significant fact
of its history, — whether we look upon the ruins of the mole and think of
such voyages as those of Titus and Vespasian,1 or wander among the
broken columns of the Temple of Serapis,2 or read the account which
Philo gives of the singular interview of the Emperor Caligula with the
Jewish ambassadors from Alexandria.3
Puteoli, from its trade with Alexandria and the East, must necessa
rily have contained a colony of Jews, and they must have had a close con
nection with the Jews of Rome. What was true of the Jews, would pro
bably find its parallel in the Christians. St. Paul met with disciples here ;"
and, as soon as he was among them, they were in prompt communication
on the subject with their brethren in Rome.6 The Italian Christians had
long been looking for a visit from the famous Apostle, though they had
not expected to see him arrive thus, a prisoner in chains, hardly saved
from shipwreck. But these sufferings would only draw their hearts more
closely towards him. They earnestly besought him to stay some days
with them, and Julius was able to allow this request to "be complied with."
Even when the voyage began, we saw that he was courteous and kind
towards his prisoner ; and, after all the varied and impressive incidents
whieh have been recounted in this chapter, we should indeed be surprised
if we found him unwilling to contribute to the comfort of one by whom
bis own life had been preserved.

COIN OF ueltta. (From the British Museum.)
See Strabo, 1. C. "H ii noktg ipiropelov yeyevyrai piyiarov, xeipoiroiyrovg ixovatk
ippovg Sid ri)v evipvtav tov appov avpperpog ydp ion Ty nrdvtp, Kal Kokkyaiv
Urxvodv Kal iryljtv kapbdvei. iibirep Ty xo^iki Karapi^avreg ti)v dppoKoviav, irpopak-
kovai x^aara ig ti)v Bdkarrav, Kal Ko?.irovai rdg dvaireirrapivag yibvag, <Zo? dotyakug
tvoppi&oBai rag peyiarar SkKuSag.
1 See p. 309.
* This is one of the most remarkable ruins at Pozzuoli. It is described in the guide
books. 3 Philo Leg. ad Caium. * Oi eipbvreg dSck^oig. it. r. k.
• See ver. 15. KdKelBev ol dScktyol aKovoavreg.
• TlapeKkyBypev lif avrolg iiripeivai i/pepag iirrd. It is not clearly stated who
urged this stay. Possibly it was Julius himself. It is at all events evident from ver.
15, that they did stay ; otherwise there would not have been time for the intelligence
of St. Paul's landing to reach Rome so long before his own arrival there.
vol. II. — 23 %

354 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

CHAPTER XXIY.
In Tiberim dcfluxit Orontes.— Juv. iii. 62.
THE APPIAN WAY.  APPII FORUM AND THE THREE TAVERNS.  ENTRANCE IWTO
ROME.  THE PR.ETORIAN PREFECT.  DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY.  ITS
POPULATION.  THE JEWS IN ROME.  THE ROMAN CHURCH.  ST. PAUL'S
INTERVIEW WITH THE JEWS.  HIS RESIDENCE IN ROME.
The last chapter began with a description of the facilities possessed by
the ancients for travelling by sea : this must begin with a reference to
their best opportunities of travelling by land. We have before spoken of
some of the most important roads through the provinces of the Empire : ¦
now we are- about to trace the Apostle's footsteps along that road, which
was at once the oldest and most frequented in Italy,3 and which was
called, in comparison with all others, the " Queen of Roads." We are no
longer following the narrow line of compact pavement across Macedonian
plains and mountains,3 or through the varied scenery in the interior of
Asia Minor : 4 but we are on the most crowded approach to the metro
polis of the world, in the midst of praetors and proconsuls, embassies,
legions, and turms of horse, "to their provinces hasting or on return,"
which Milton,5 — in his description of the City enriched with the spoils
of nations, — has called us to behold " in various habits on the Appian
road." Leaving then all consideration of Puteoli, as it was related to the
sea, and to the various places on the coast, we proceed to consider its
1 An animated description of one of the post stations on one of the roads in Asia
Minor is given by Gregory of Nazianzus. (De Vita sua, 32.) He is describing bi«
own parish, and says :
Kbvig rd irdvra, Kal ipotjioi ovv upuaai,
Opyvoi, arevaypol, wpuKTopeg, arpe^kai, irfSat.
Aabg S' baoi \ivoi re Kal trkavupevoi.
Airy "Zaalpuv tuv ipuv iKKkycia.
" Appia longarum teritur Regina viarum." Stat. Silv. ii. 2. See below.
» For the Via Egnatia, see Vol. I. pp. 316, 317.
4 In making our last allusion to Asia Minor, we may refer to the description which
Basil gives of the scenery round his residence, a little to the east of the inland region
thrice traversed by St. Paul. See Humboldt's Kosmos, vol. ii. p. 26. (Sabine's Ene,
Trans.) ' Paradise Regained, book iv

JOUENEY FKOM PUTEOLI. 35ft
communications by- land with the towns of Campania and Latium. The
great line of communication between Rome and the southern part of the
peninsula was the Way constructed by Appius Claudius, which passed
through Capua,1 and thence to Brundusium on the shore of the Adriatic.3
Puteoli and its neighbourhood lay some miles to the westward of this
main road : but communicated with it easily by well-travelled cross-roads.
One of them followed the coast from Puteoli northwards, till it joined the
Appian Way at Sinuessa, on the borders of Latium and Campania.3 It
appears, however, that this road was not constructed till the reign of
Domitian.4 Our attention, therefore, is called to the other cross-road
which led directly to Capua. One branch of it left the coast at Cunue,
another at Puteoli. It was called the " Campanian Way,"s and also the
" Consular Way." 6 It seems to have been constructed during the Re
public, and was doubtless the road which is mentioned, in an animated
passage of Horace's Epistles, as communicating with the baths and villas
of Baise.7
1 The Via Appia, the oldest and most celebrated of Roman roads, was constructed
as far as Capua, A. c. c. 442, by the censor Appius Claudius. (Liv. ix. 29.) Eight
hundred years afterwards, Procopius was astonished at its appearance. He describes
it as broad enough for two carriages to pass each other, and as made of stones brought
from some distant quarry, and so fitted to each other, that they seemed to be thus
formed by nature, rather than cemented by art. He adds that, notwithstanding the
traffic of so many ages, the stones were not displaced, nor had they lost their original
smoothness. (Bell. Got. i. 14.) There is great doubt as to the date of the continua
tion by Beneventum to Brundusium, ncr is the course of it absolutely ascertained.
Bergier, in his great work on Roman roads (in the tenth volume of Gravius) makes
little reference to the Appian Way. "We have used chiefly Romanelli and Pratilli, as
referred to below, with Cramer's Ancient Italy.
3 Here it came to the customary ferry between the Greek and Italian peninsulas,
and was succeeded on the other side by the Via Egnatia. Strabo, v. 3. vi. 3. Com
pare Vol. I. p. 317.
3 The stages of this road from Sinuessa appear as follows in the Peutingerian Table :
— Savonem Fl. HI. ; Vulturnum, VII. ; Liternum, VII. ; Cumas, VI. ; Lacum Aver-
num, II. ; Puteolos, IIL Thence it proceeds by Naples to Herculaneum, Pompeii,
Stabia?, and Surrentum. In the Antonine Itinerary it is entitled, " Iter a Terracina
Neapolim," and the distances are slightly different. A direct road from Capua to
Neapolis, by Atella, is mentioned in the Tab. Peut.
¦> This is the road which is the subject of the pompous yet very interesting poem of
Statius, Silv. iv.
s Suet. Aug. 94.
« Pliny says, after speaking of tha District called Laborise, "Finiuntur Laborise via
ab utroque latere consulari, quae a Puteolis et quse a Cumis Capuam ducit" H. N.
xviii. 29.
7 See the vivid passage in the beginning of Ep. i. xv., where we see that the road
was well-travelled at that period, and where its turning out of the Via Appia it
clearly indicated :
" Mutandus locus est, et diversoria not
Praeteragendus eques. Quotendis? Non mihi Baias
Est iter aut Cumas, lava stomachosus habena
Picet eques."

356 1TIE LIFE AKx. EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
The first pait then of the route which Juliis took with his prisoners
was probably from Puteoli lo Capua. All the region near the coast, how
ever transformed in the course of ages by the volcanic forces, which are
still at work, is recognised as the scene of the earliest Italian mythology,
and must ever be impressive from the poetic images, partly of this world
and partly of the next, with which Virgil has filled it. From Cumae to
Capua, the road traverses a more prosaic district : ¦ the " Phlegraan
fields" are left behind, and we pass from the scene of Italy's dim mytho
logy to the theatre of the most exciting passages of her history. Tlie
whole line of the road 3 can be traced at intervals, not only in the close
neighbourhood of Puteoli and Capua, but through the intermediate villages,
by fragments of pavements, tombs, and ancient milestones.3
Capua, after a time of disgrace had expiated its friendship with Han
nibal,4 was raised by Julius Cffisar to the rank of a colony : s in the reign
of Augustus it had resumed all its former splendour : 6 and about the
very time of which we are writing, it received accessions of dignity from
the emperor Nero.7 It was the most important city on the whole line
of the Appian Way, between Rome and Brundusium. That part of the
line with which we are concerned, is the northerly and most ancient por
tion. The distance is about 125 miles ; and it may be naturally divided
into two equal parts. The division is appropriate, whether in regard to
the physical configuration of the country, or the moderL political bounda
ries. The point of division is where Terracina is bnilt at the base of
those cliffs,8 on which the city of Anxur was of old proudly situated, and
where a narrow pass, between the mountain and the sea, unites the Papal
States to the kingdom of Naples.
The distance from Capua to Terracina9 is about seventy Roman miles.
' On the left was a district of pine woods, notorious for banditti ( Gallinaria pimis),
Juv. iii. 305 ; now Pineta di Castel Volturno.
' This road is noticed by Romanelli in the Diatriba Seconds on the Appian "Way
and its branches, at the end of the second volume of his Antica Topografia istorica del
Regno di Napoli (1819). But the fullest details are given by Pratilli, in book ii. ch.
viii. of his work Delia Via Appia (1745). After mentioning some of 'the milestones
found at Giugliano and Aversa, he says: "Per qnesta strada l'Apostolo S. Paolo,
dappoichS fu approdato in Pozzuoli, dovette con centurione suo custode passare a
Capoa, e di la poi a Roma."
3 The road seems to have left Puteoli by the Solfatara, where Romanelli says that
the old pavement is visible.
4 Liv. xxii. 3 Caes. B. C. i. 14. Veil. Pat. ii. 44
6 Appian, B. C. iv. 3. Dio Cass. xlix. Strabo, v.
7 Plin. H. N. xiv. 6. Tac. Ann. xiii. 31.
" The modern Terracina is by the sea at the base of the cliffs, and the present road
passes that way. The ancient road ascended to Anxur, which was on the summit
(" Subimus impositum saxis Anxur."— Hor. Ep. i. v. 25.) A characteristic view ii
given in Milman's Horace. See below.
' The stages are as follows (reckoning from Terracina) in the Antonine Itinerary

THE APPIAN WAY. 367
At the third mile, the road crossed the river Vulturuus at Casilinum, a
town then falling into decay.1 Fifteen miles further it crossed the Savo,
by what was then called the Campanian Bridge.'-' Thence, after three
miles, it came to Sinuessa on the sea,3 which in St. Paul's day was
reckoned the first town in Latium. But the old rich Campania extended
further to the northward, including the vine-clad hills of the famous
Falernian district through which we pass, after crossing the Savo.4 The
last of these hills (where the vines may be seen trained on elms, as of
old) is the range of Massicus, which stretches from the coast towards
the Apennines, and finally shuts out from the traveller, as he de
scends on the farther side, all the prospect of Vesuvius and the
coast near Puteoli.5 At that season, both vines and elms would have
a winterly appearance. But the traces of spring would be visible in
the willows;6 among which the Liris7 flows in many Silent windings —
from the birthplace of Mar i us in the mountains8 — to the city and the
swamps by the sea, which the ferocity of his mature life has rendered illus
trious.9 After leaving Minturnffi, the Appian Way passes on to another
place, which has different associations with the later years of the republic.
We speak of Formise, with its long street by the shore of its beautiful
footms. xvl Fokmis. xiii. mintoknis. rx. skdessa. ix. capda. xxvi. The dis
tances are rather smaller in the Jerusalem Itinerary, where a mutatio Ponte Campano
and a mutatio ad octavum are inserted between Sinuessa and Capua. Casilinum is
mentioned only in the Peutingerian Table.
1 Morientis Casilini reliquiae." (Plin. iii. 5.) For notices of its more eminent days
eee Liv. xxiu 15. xxiii. 17, 18, &c. Casilinum is "New Capua," which rose on its
ruins in the ninth century, and which appears under the name of Casilino in mediaeval
chronicles. (Romanelli, iii. 586.)
3 Campano Ponti. Hor. Sat. I. v. 45.
3 Plotius et Varius Sinuessae, Virgiliusque Occurrunt." — Ib. 40.
' Pliny extends Campania to the Liria " Hinc felix ilia Campania est. Ab hoc
sinu incipiunt vitiferi colles, et temulentia nobilis succo per omnes terras inclyto, atque
ut veteres dixere : Summum Liberi patris cum Cerere certamen." (H. N. iii. 5.) It
is difficult to fix the limits of the Falernus ager, which extended from the Massic
Hills towards the Voltumus. See Virg. Georg. ii. 95. Hor. Od. l xx. Propert iv. 6.
Sil. ItaL vii. 159.
6 See Eustace. The ancient road, however, seems to have followed the coast
» "March 22. We cross the Liris by a suspension bridge. It is a large stream —
truly a taciturnus amnis — winding like the Trent among willow-trees, which showed
nearly the first symptoms of spring we had seen." (Extract from a private journal.)
We have already seen that St. Paul's journey through Campania and Latium was very
early in spring.
» "  Rura, quae Liris quieta
Mordet aqua taciturnus amnis."
Hor. Od. l 31.
'  Liris nutritus aquis, qui fonte quieto
Dissimulat cursum." — Sil. ItaL iv. 350.
No description of the Garigliano could be more exact
» The Garigliano rises near Arpihum, which was also the birthplace of Homes,
• The Marmurrarum urbs of Horace, Sat. l v. 37.

358 THE LIFE ANI EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
bay, and with its villas on the sea side and above it ; among which was
one of Cicero's favourite retreats from the turmoil of the political world,
and where at last he fell by the hand of assassins.1 Many a lectica,1 or
palanquin, such as that in which he was reclining when overtaken by his
murderers, may have been rnet by St. Paul in his progress, — with othei
carriages, with which the road would become more and more crowded, —
the cisium,3 or light cabriolet, of some gay reveller, on his way to Baise, —
or the four-wheeled rheda," full of the family of some wealthy senator quit
ting the town for the country. At no great distance from Formise the
road left the sea again, and passed, where the substructions of it still re
main, through the defiles 5 of the Ca^uban hills, with their stony but pro
ductive vineyards. Thence the traveller looked down upon the plain ol
Fundi, which retreats like a bay into the mountains, with the low lake of
Amyclae between the town and the sea. Through the capricious care,
with which time has preserved in one place what is lost in another, the
pavement of the ancient way is still the street of this, the most northerly
town of the Neapolitan kingdom in this direction. We have now in front
of us the mountain line, which is both the frontier of the Papal States,
a:i/d the natural division of the Apostle's journey from Capua to Rome.
Where it reaches the coast, in bold limestone precipices, tliere Anxur t&s
situated, with its houses and temples high above the sea.6
1 See Plutarch's description of his death.
1 The lecticm, or couches carried by bearers, were in constant use both for men and
women ; and a traveller could hardly go from Puteoli to Rome without seeing many
of them. For a description of the lectica and other Roman carriages, see the Excursus
in Becker's Gallus, Eng. Trans, p. 257.
3 For the cisium see two passages in Cicero : " Inde cisio celeriter ad urbem advectus
doinum venit capite involuto." (Phil. ii. 31.) " Decern horis nocturnis sex et quin-
quaginta millia passuum oisiis pervolavit." (Rose. Am. 7.) From what Seneca says
(" Qmedam sunt, qiue possife et in cisio scribere." Ep. 72), we must infer that such
carriages were often as comfortable as those of modern times. See Ginzrot,-Wagen
u. Fahrwerke der Griechen u. Romer, i. p. 218.
4 " Tota domus rheda componitur una." (Juv. iii. 10.) Cf. Mart. iii. 47. The re
mark just made on the cisium is equally applicable to the larger carriage. Cicero
says in one of his Cilician letters (Att. v. 17) : " Hanc epistolam dictavi sedens in
rheda." Ginzrot gives, from a painting at Constantinople, a representation of a state-
carriage or rbeda containing prisoners. [Did Julius and his prisoners travel in this way
from Puteoli ?] The rheda meritoria used by Horace (Sat. i. v. 36) was the common
hack-carriage. We may allude to another well-known scene on the Appian Way.
where the rheda is mentioned, Cic. Mil. 10.
s Itri is in one of these defiles. The substructions of the ancient way show that it
nearly followed the line of the modern road between Rome and Naples.
6 " Impositum saxis late candentibus Anxur." (Hor. Sat. i. v. 26.) " Superbua
Anxur." Mart vi. 42.) " Arces superbi Anxuris." (Stat. Sil v. i. 3.) "Pneeipitei
Anxuris arces." (Lucan, iii. 64.) " Scopulosi verticis Anxur. (Sil. ItaL viii. 392.)
There are still the substructions of large temples, one of them probably that of Jupiter.
to whom the town was dedicated.

APPII FOEUM AND THEEE TAVEENS. 35S«
After leaving Anxur,1 the traveller observes the high land retreating
again from the coast, and presently finds himself in a wide and remarka
ble plain, enclosed towards the interior by the sweep of the blue Volscian
mountains, and separated by a belt of forest from the sea. Here are the
Pomptine marshes, — " the only marshes ever dignified by classic celebrity."
The descriptive lines of the Roman satirist have wonderfully concurred
with the continued unhealthiness of the half-drained morass, in preserving
a living commentary on that fifteenth verse in the last chapter of the
Acts, which exhibits to us one of the most touching passages in the
Apostle's life. A few miles beyond Terracina, where a fountain, grateful
to travellers, welled up near the sanctuary of Feronia,3 was the termina
tion of a canal, which was formed by Augustus for the purpose of drain
ing the marshes, and which continued for twenty miles by the side of the
road.3 Over this distance, travellers had their choice, whether to proceed
by barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way itself.4 It
is impossible to know which plan was adopted by Julius and his prisoners.
If we suppose the former to have been chosen, we have the aid of
Horace's Epistle to enable us to imagine the incidents and the company,
in the midst of which the Apostle came, unknown and unfriended, to the
corrupt metropolis of the world. And yet he was not so unfriended as
he may possibly have thought himself that day, in his progress from
Anxur across the watery, unhealthy plain. On the arrival of the party
at Appii Forum, which was a town where the mules were unfastened, at
the other end of the canal, and is described by the satirist as full of low

1 The stages during the latter half of the journey, reckoning from Rome, appear
thus in the Antonine Itinerary : abiciam. xvi. ires tabebnas. xvn. appi foko. x.
rARRACiNA. xvrn. In the Peutingerian Table Bovillee intervenes between Rome and
Aricia, and Sublanuvio between Aricia and Tres Tabernse. The Jerusalem Itinerary
has a Mutatio ad nono corresponding nearly to Bovilke, and a Mutatio ad medias
between Appii Forum and Terracina : it makes no mention of Tres Taberna;, but has
instead a Mutatio sponsas, for which Wesseling and Romanelli would read ad pontes.
3 " Ora manusque tua lavimus Feronia lympha,
Millia turn pransi tria repimus," &c. Hor. Sat. I. 24.
3 " Qua Pomptinas via dividit uda paludes." (Lucan, iii. 85.) The length of the
canal was nineteen miles. See Procop. de Bell. Got. i. 11 : UeSia nokkd ivravBd ianv
ImropoTa' jitl di Kal irorapbg, ov AeKavvbpiov (Decennovium) ry Aarivuv ipuvy
Kakovaiv ol iirix&pioi, on Sy ivveaxalSeKa irepuuv aypela (milliaria), birep ^vvtioiv
ig rpelg Kal SeKa Kal eKarbv araiiovg, ovra Sy iKpdkkei ig Bdkaaaav uptpt irokiv
TapaKivyv. 4 With Horace's account of his night-journey on the canal, compare Strabo, v. 3.
Tlkyaiov ryg TafifiaKivyg (3aSi£ovn iirl ryg 'Pupyg irapajH^kyrai ry bSu rfj 'A-iririi)
StuovZ iirl irokkoig rbirovg nkypovpivy rolg ikeioig re Kal roif irorapioig iSacu
nkelrai Si pdkiara vvKTup, Ctar' ipfldvrag itp' lairipag iKJlaiveiv irpuiag Kal j3aSi&t*
>/) laivbv ry biO Ty 'Airiria' dkkd Kal peff ypepav fiepovkseiTai iC iiw.nvuv.

360 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tavern-keepers and bargemen,1 — at that meeting-place whore travellers
from all parts of the empire had often crossed one another's path, — on
that day, in the motley and vulgar crowd, some of the few Christians
who were then in the world, suddenly recognised one another, and emo
tions of holy joy and thanksgiving sanctified the place of coarse vice and
vulgar traffic. The disciples at Rome had heard of the Apostle's arrival
at Puteoli, and hastened to meet him on the way ; and the prisoner was
startled to recognise some of those among whom he had laboured, and
whom he had loved, in the distant cities of the East. Whether Aquila
and Priscilla were there it is needless to speculate. Whoever might be
the persons, they were brethren in Christ, and their presence would be an
instantaneous source of comfort and strength. We have already seen, on
other occasions of his life," how the Apostle's heart was lightened by the
presence of his friends.
About ten miles farther he received a second welcome from a singular
group of Christian brethren. Two independent companies had gone to
meet him : or the zeal and strength of one party had outstripped the
other. At a place called the Three Taverns,3 where a cross road from
the coast at Antium came in from the left, another party of Christians
was waiting to welcome and to honour " the ambassador in bonds."
With a lighter heart, and a more cheerful countenance, he travelled the
remaining seventeen miles, which brought him along the base of the
Alban Hills, in the midst of places well known and famous in early Ro
man legends, to the town of Aricia. The Great Apostle had the sympa
thies of human nature ; he was dejected and encouraged by the same
causes which act on our spirits ; he too saw all outward objects in " hues
borrowed from the heart." The diminution of fatigue — the more hopeful
prospect of the future — the renewed elasticity of religious trust — the sense
of a brighter light on all the scenery round him — on the foliage which
overshadowed the road — on the wide expanse of the plain to the left — on
the high summit to the Alban Mount, — all this, and more than this, is in
volved in St. Luke's sentence, — " when Paul saw the brethren, he thanked
God, os\d took courage."
The mention of the Alban Mount reminds us that we are approaching
the end of our journey. The isolated group of hills, which is called by
this collective name, stands between the plain which has just been tra-
> " Inde Forum Appi,
Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis."
This place is also mentioned by Cicero ad Div. ii. 10. Its situation was near the pre
sent Treponti.
¦ See especially Vol. I. p. 362.
' This place is mentioned by Cicero when on a journey from Antium to Rome. Att
ii. 12. From the distances in the Itineraries it seems to have been not very far Iron
•he modern Cisterna.

APPEOACH TO EOME. 361
versed and that other plain which is the Campagna of Rome. All the
bases of the mountain were then (as indeed they are partially now) clus
tered round with the villas and gardens of wealthy citizens. The Appian
Way climbs and then descends along its southern slope. After passing
Lanuvium ' it crossed a crater-like valley on immense substructions, which
still remain." Here is Aricia, an easy stage from Rome.3 The town was
above the road ; and on the hill side swarms of beggars beset travellers
as they passed.4 On the summit of the next rise, Paul of Tarsus would
obtain his first view of Rome. There is no doubt that the prospect was,
in many respects, very different from the view which is now obtained from
the same spot. It is true that the natural features of the scene are un
altered. The long wall of blue Sabine mountains, with Soracte in the
distance, closed in the Campagna, which stretched far across to the sea
&ud round the base of the Alban hills. But ancient Rome was not, lik8
modern Rome, impressive from its solitude, standing alone, with its one
conspicuous cupola, in the midst of a desolate though beautiful waste.
St. Paul would see a vast city, covering the Campagna, and almost con
tinuously connected by its suburbs with the villas on the hill where he
stood, and with the bright towns which clustered on the sides of the
mountains opposite. Over all the intermediate space were the houses and
gardens, through which aqueducts and roads might be traced in converg
ing lines towards the confused mass of edifices which formed the city of
Rome. Here no conspicuous building, elevated above the r.ist, attracted
the eye or the imagination. Ancient Rome had neither cupola * nor cam
panile. Still less had it any of those spires, which give life to all the
landscapes of Northern Christendom. It was a wide-spread aggregate of
buildings, which, though separated by narrow streets and open squares,
appeared, when seen from near Aricia, blended into one indiscriminate
mass : for distance concealed the contrasts which divided the crowded
1 Sub Lanuvio is one of the stations in the Tab. Peut. (See above.) The ancient
Lanuvium was on a hill on the left, near where the Via Appia (which can be traced
here, by means of the tombs, as it ascends from the plain) strikes the modern road by
Velletri. 3 The present road is carried through the modern town of Laricia, which occupies
the site of the citadel of ancient Aricia. The Appian Way went across the valley,
below. Sec Sir W. Gell's Campagna, under Aricia and Laricia : see also an article,
entitled " Excursions from Rome in 1843," in the first1 volume of the Classical Museum,
p. 322'. The magnificent causeway or viaduct, mentioned in the text, is 700 feet long,
and in some places 70 feet high. It is built of enormous squared blocks of peperino,
with arches for the water of the torrents to pass through.
3 « Egressum magna me excipit Aricia Roma." Compare Epictetus as quoted hera
by Orelli : ovkvov iv 'Apixia dpiaryaopev. The distance from Rome was sixteen miles.
4 The ciivus Aricinus is repeatedly mentioned as swarming with beggars. Juv.
Sat. iv. 117. Pers. Sat. vi. 56. Mart Epig. xii. 32.
* The Pantheon was indeed built ; but the world had not seen any instance of an
3levated dome, like that of St. Sophia, St. Peter's, or St. Paul's.

362 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
habitations of the poor and the dark haunts of filth and misery — from
he theatres and colonnades, the baths, the temples and palaces with
gilded roofs, flashing back the sun.
The road descended into the plain of Bovillse, six miles from Aricia : ''
and thence it proceeded in a straight line," with the sepulchres of illustri
ous families on either hand.3 One of these was the burial-place of the
Julian gens,4 with which the centurion who had charge of the prisoners
was in some way connected.5 As they proceeded over the old pavement,
among gardens and modern houses,6 and approached nearer the busy me
tropolis — the " conflux issuing forth or entering in"7 in various costumes
and on various errands, — vehicles, horsemen and foot-passengers, soldiers
and labourers, Romans and foreigners, — became more crowded and con
fusing. The houses grew closer. They were already in Rome. It was
impossible to define the commencement of the city. Its populous portions
extended far beyond the limits marked out by Servius. The ancient wall,
with its once sacred pomoerium, was rather an object for antiquarian inte
rest, like the walls of York or Chester, than any protection against the
enemies, who were kept far aloof by the legions on the frontier.
Yet the Porta Capena is a spot which we caa hardly leave without;
lingering for a moment. Under this arch — which was perpetually drip
ping 8 with the water of the aqueduct 9 that went over it — had passed all
1 Bovillse (not far from Fratocchie) is memorable as the place where Clodius was killed.'
3 The modern road deviates slightly from the Via Appia ; but by aid of the tombs
the eye can easily trace the course of the ancient way, which was, as Nibby says,
" Vandicalmente distrutta l'anno 1791 per resarcire la strada moderna, che a sinistra
se vede." (Viaggio, p. 146.)
3 The sentence in Cicero is well known : " An tu egressus porta Capena, cum Cala-
tini, Scipionum, Serviliorum, Metellorum, sepulchra vides, miseros putes iilos? " Foi
an account of the tombs of the Scipios, see the Beschreibung Roms, iii. 612. That of
Cecilia Metella is engraved on our map of Rome. Pompey's tomb was also on the
Appian Way, but nearer to Aricia.
4 Sir W. Gell, on what appears to be a memorial of the burying-place of the Gens
Julia, near Bovillse. See Tac. Ann. ii. 41. xv. 33.
- He might be a freeborn Italian (like Cornelius, see Vol. I. p. 115), or he might be
a freed man, or the descendant of a freed man, manumitted by some member of the
Julian house.
s Much building must have been continually going on. Juvenal mentions the car
rying of building materials as one of the annoyances of Rome.
7 Paradise Regained, iv. 62.
s " Capena grandi porta quae pluit gutta." (Mart. iii. 47.) Hence called the moist
gate by Juvenal, iii. 10. Compare Mart. iv. 18. It was doubtless called Capena, as
being the gate of Capua. Its position is fully ascertained to have been at the point of
union of the valleys dividing the Aventine, Ccelian, and Palatine. See Becker's
Romische Alterthumer, 167 ; also 121, 210. Both the Via Latina and Via Appia
issued from this gate. The first milestone on the latter was found in the first vine
yard beyond the Porta S. Sebastiano (see map).
3 This was a branch of the Marcian aqueduct. " Marcia autem parte sui post hortoi
Pallantianos iu rivum, qui vocatur Herculaneus, dejecit se per Ccclium. Puctuf

THE PB.ETOEIAN PERFECT. 363
those who, since a remote period of the republic, had travelled by the
Appian Way, — victorious generals with their legions, returning from
foreign service, — emperors and courtiers, vagrant representatives of every
form of heathenism, Greeks and Asiatics, Jews and Christians.1 Frons
this point entering within the city, Julius and his prisoners moved on, with
the Aventine on their left, close round the base of the Coelian, and
through the hollow ground which lay between this hill and the Palatine :
thence over the low ridge called Yelia,3 where afterwards was built the
arch of Titus, to commemorate the destruction of Jerusalem ; and then
descending,3 by the Sacra Via4 into that space which was the centre of
imperial power and imperial magnificence, and associated also with the
most glorious recollections of the republic. The Forum was to Rome,
what the Acropolis 5 was to Athens, the heart of all the characteristic
interest of the place.6 Here was the MilHarium Aureum, to which the
roads of all the provinces converged. All around were the stately build
ings, which were raised in the closing years of the republic, and by the
earlier emperors.7 In front was the Capitoline Hill, illustrious long before
the invasion of the Gauls. Close on the left, covering that hill, whose
name is associated in every modern European language with the notion of
imperial splendour,8 were the vast ranges of the palace — the " house of
Caesar" (Phil. iv. 22). Here were the household troops quartered in a
pratorium 9 attached to the palace. And here (unless, indeed, it was in
ipsius montis nsibus nihil ut inferior subministrans, finitur supra portam Capenam."
(Frontinus de Aquaeductibus, in the fourth volume of Gravius, 1644.)
1 We must not forget that close by this gate was the old sanctuary of Egeria, which
in Juvenal's time was occupied by Jewish beggars. See Sat. iii. 13, vi. 542, which we
have already quoted (Vol. I. p. 147).
1 •" The ridge on which the arch of Titus stands, was much more considerable than
the modern traveller would suppose : the pavement, which has been excavated at this
point, is fifty-three feet above the level of the pavement in the Forum. This ridge ran
from the Palatine to the Esquiline, dividing the basin in which the Colosseum stands,
from that which contained the Forum : it was called Velia. Publicola excited popular
suspicion and alarm by building his house on the elevated part of this ridge." Com
panion-Volume to Mr. Cookesley's Map of Rome, p. 30. (See Liv. ii. 7. Cic. de Rep.
ii. 31. Dionys. Hal. v. 19.)
3 This slope, from the arch of Titus down to the Forum, was called the Sacer Clivus.
Hor. Od. iv. ii. 33. Mart. i. lxxi. 5. rv. lxxix. 7.
« So the name ought to be written. Becker, i. 219.
s See Vol. I. p. 356.
« See a fine passage on the Forum in Becker's Alterthiimer, i. 215.
7 We unit not enter into any discussion concerning the relative positions of the
Fora of Julius Caesar and Augustus. See Chevalier Bunson's Treatises, " Les Forma
de Rome," 1837. His general plan is attached to the third of Mr. Bunbury's articles
on the Topography of Rome, in the Classical Museum, vol. iv. p. 116.
s See Becker, i. 415.
9 We think that Wieseler has proved that the irpatTupiov in Phil. i. 13 denotes the
Quarters of the household troops attached to the Emperor's residence on tie Pa-'atine

364 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the great Prcetorian camp > outside the city wall) Julius gave up his pri
soner to Burrus, the Prcetorian Prefect? whose official duty it was to
keep in custody all accused persons who were to be tried before the Em
peror.3 This doubt, which of two places, somewhat distant from each other,
was the scene of St. Paul's meeting with the commander-in-chief of the
Praitorian guards, gives us the occasion for entering on a general descrip
tion of the different parts of the city of Rome. It would be nugatory
to lay great stress, as is too often done, on its " seven hills :" for a great
city at length obliterates the original features of the ground, especially
where those features were naturally not very strongly marked. The
description, which is easy in reference to Athens or Edinburgh, is hard in
the instance of modern Loudon or ancient Rome. Nor is it easy, in the
case of one of the larger cities of the world, to draw any marked lines of
distinction among the different classes of buildings. It is true, the con
trasts are really great ; but details are lost in a distant view of so vast an
aggregate. The two scourges to which ancient Rome was most exposed,
revealed very palpably the contrast, both of the natural ground and the
human structures, which by the general observer might be unnoticed or
forgotten. When the Tiber was flooded, and the muddy waters converted
all the streets and open places of the lower part of the city into lakes and
canals,4 it would be seen very clearly how much lower were the Forum
and the Campus Martius, than those three detached hills (the Capitoline,
the Palatine, and the Aventine) which rose near the river ; and those
four ridges (the Ccelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal, and the Quirinal)
which ascended and united together in the higher ground on which the
Prastorian camp was situated. And when fires swept rapidly from roof to
roof,5 and vast ranges of buildings were buried in the ruins of one night,
1 The establishment of this camp was the work of Tiberius. Its place is still clearly
Visible in the great rectangular projection in the walls, on the north of the city. In
St. Paul's time it was strictly outside the city. The inner wall was pulled down by
Constantine. Zos. ii. 17.
3 This is the accurate translation of tu oTparoireiapxt (Acts xxviii. 16). The
Prafectus Pratorio was already the most important subject of the Emperor, though
he had not yet acquired all that extensive jurisdiction which was subsequently con
ferred upon him. At this time (a. b. 61) Burrus, one of the best of Nero's advisers,
was Praetorian Praefect.
3 Trajan says (Plin. Ep. x. 65) of such a prisoner, "vinctus mitti ad Prsefectos
Praetorii mei debet." Compare also Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6 quoted by Wieseler, p. 393.
4 The writer has known visits paid in the Ripetta (in the Campus Martius) by means
of boats brought to the windows of the first story. Dio Cassius makes three distinct
references to a similar state of things. 'O Tifiepig irekayiaag irdaav ri)v iv toi(
ireSioig Tuuyv Karikapev, wore irkelaBai, liii. 20. Compare liii. 33. lvii. 14.
« Suetonius mentions floods and fires together. " Urbem inundationibus incendiisque
obnoxiam, excoluit adeo, ut jure sit gloriatus, marmoream se relinquere, quam lateri-
eiam accepisset." Aug. 29. " Adversus incendia excubias nocturnas vigilesque com-

Rrrtr

J J ;lih Dridgo {Ponte S. An^eto).
S Rcimina 4f Triumphal Bridge.
3 Linn nl'.Mf-mn Br. (1'onte Sisto).
4 bridge of Fabricius ( Fonte 4 Cnpi).
5 Jo of Ccstius {Ponte S. Bnrtolomeo)
6 Palatine Bridge (Ponle Kotto).
7 Remains of Suhlician limine
S rvrnni-l of Caius Cestius
9 lloecrviiir nf Arjua Julia.
10 Argmi Tcjiuln and Julio.
; : Aijua Claudii.
\i ¦¦ -;u i Marcia.
i i l'arpeian Hock
14 Tt'inpte of Ronmlna.
.'¦I !'T I'Mlll .
Cuuc.rd Piel.ia Rninnna (S. Nicola iu Carcerel
Fortuna Vinlis (S. Maria Epiziaca).
V>sta (S. Maria, in Cosmedm).
Remus {S. Cosmo e Daintann),
Castor (3. Maria Li be rat rice).
Peace (Basilica of Constantine).
Venus & Rnme(S. Franresca Romana)
Antoninus <fc Faustina (S, Lorenzo in Miranda
Antoninus Tins (Custom House).
Claudius (S. Steiano Rotondo).

27 Baths or 1'nulus E
2S Forum of Trnjnn.
W Pantheon.
10 Mau.ouleuin of Augustus.
31 Old Fishery & Portico of Ottavms.
:U Theatre ol" A |iol|i> Tordinona.
33 Theatre of Mur.ellus (Orsini Palace)
34 Theatre of J'ornpi-i,
35 Arcli of Septimniri S^ri:*.
3rt Column of Plioi-as
37 Arch of Titii*.
-W do Constantine.
j ' do GaMienu^
40 do DoIlabelU
41 Arch of I'rnsus & Aqueduct of Autom
t! Tombs of the Scipios
4-1 Septizomum of Severus
4 1 Amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus
I". Mimnleum o( Hadrian

1 i Circus G~ H.idrin,
47 Circus of Nero
48 Navicella (S. M

v< .Jewish Quarter.
nO Church of S. M. Mnp^iore.
do S Cr.ne in G»*TUsaleiinli

DESCRIPTION OF EOME. 365
that contrast between the dwellings of the poor and the palaces of the
rich, which has supplied the Apostle with one of his most forcible images,
would be clearly revealed, — the difference between structures of " sump
tuous marbles, with silver and gold," which abide after the fire, and the
hovels of " wood, hay, stubble," which are burnt (1 Cor. iii. 10-15).
If we look at a map of modern Rome, with a desire of realising to
ourselves the appearance of the city of Augustus and Nero, we must in
the first place obliterate from our view that circuit of walls, which is due
in various proportions, to Aurelian, Belisarius, and Pope Leo IV.1 The
wall, through which the Porta Capena gave admission, was the old Ser
vian enclosure, which embraced a much smaller area : though we must
bear in mind, as we have remarked above, that the city had extended it
self beyond this limit, and spread through various suburbs, far into the
country. In the next place we must observe that the hilly part of Rome,
which is now half occupied by gardens, was then the most populous,
while the Campus Martius, now covered with crowded streets, was compa
ratively open. It was only about the close of the republic that many build
ings were raised on the Campus Martius, and these were chiefly of a
public or decorative character. One of these, the Pantheon, still remains,
as a monument of the reign of Augustus. This, indeed, is the period
from which we must trace the beginning of all the grandeur of Roman
buildings. Till the civil war between Pompey and Caesar, the private
houses of the citizens had been mean, and the only public structures of
note were the cloaca? and the aqueducts. But in proportion as the an
cient fabric of the constitution broke down, and while successful gene
rals brought home wealth from provinces conquered and plundered on
every shore of the Mediterranean, the city began to assume the appearance
of a new and imperial magnificence. To leave out of view the luxurious
and splendid residences which wealthy citizens raised for their own uses,"
Pompey erected the first theatre of stone,3 and Julius Caesar surrounded
the great Circus with a portico.4 From this time the change went on
rapidly and incessantly. The increase of public business led to the crec-
mentus est. Ad coercendas inundationes, alveum Tiberis laxavit et repurgavit."
Ib. 30. The fire-police of Augustus seems to have been organized with great care.
The care of the river, as we learn from inscriptions, was committed to a Curator alvci
Tiberis. 1 The wall of Leo IV. is that which encloses the Borgo (said to be so called from
the word burgh, used by Anglo-Saxon pilgrims) where St. Peter's and the "Vatican are
situated. * Till the reign of Augustus, the houses of private citiztms had been for the most
part of sun-dried bricks, on a basement of stone. The houses of Craseus and Lepidua
were among the earlier exceptions.
3 This theatre was one of the principal ornaments of the Campus Martius. Som*
parts of it still remain.
* Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, 1. Suet. Cses. 39.

366 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF BT. PAUL.
tion of enormous Basilicas.1 The Forum was embellished on all sides.*
The Temple of Apollo on the Palatine,3 and those other temples the re
mains of which are still conspicuous at the base of the Capitoline,4 were
only a small part of similar buildings raised by Augustus. The triumphal
arch raised by Tiberius near the same place l was only one of many struc
tures, which rose in rapid succession to decorate that busy neighbourhood.
And if we wish to take a wider view, we have only to think of the aque
ducts, which rose in succession between the private enterprises of Agrippa
in the reign of Augustus, and the recent structures of the Emperor Clau
dius, just before the arrival of the Apostle Paul." We may not go fur
ther in the order of chronology. We must remember that the Colosseum,
the Basilica of Constantine, and the baths of other emperors, and many
other buildings which are now regarded as the conspicuous features of
ancient Rome, did not then exist. We are describing a period which is
anterior to the time of Nero's fire. Even after the opportunity which
that calamity afforded for reconstructing the city, Juvenal complains of
the narrowness of the streets.' Were we to attempt to extend our de
scription to any of these streets, — whether the old Vicus Tuscus,8 with its
cheating shopkeepers,9 which led round the base of the Palatine, from the
Forum to the Circus, — or the aristocratic Carinse along the slope of the
Esquiline,10 — or the noisy Suburra, in the hollow between the Viminal and
Quirinal, which had sunk into disrepute," though once the residence of
Julius Caesar,'2 — .wc should only wander into endless perplexity. And we
1 The Roman Basilica is peculiarly interesting to us, since it contains the germ of
the Christian cathedral. Originally they were rather open colonnades than enclosed
halls ; but, before the reign of Nero, they had assumed their ultimate form of a nave
with aisles. We shall refer again to the Basilicas in our account of St. Paul's last
trial. * Three well known Corinthian columns, of the best period of art under the Empe
rors, remain near the base of the Palatine. They are popularly called the remains ol
the Temple of Jupiter Stator: perhaps they are part of the Temple of Castor and Pol
lux. See the Beschreibung Eoms, iii. 272; also Bunsen's "Les Forum," &c. ; and
Bunbury's second article in the Classical Museum, p. 19.
» Suet. Aug. c. 29. Dio Cass. liii. 1.
4 For the true names of these temples, see Bunsen and Bunbury. The larger rain,
on the lower side of the Clivus Capitolinus, is believed to be the Temple of Vespasian,
and was not built till after St. Paul's death. The Temples of Concord and of Saturn
were of earlier date.
s It was built in commemoration of the recovery of the standards of Varus.
e See Frontinus.
i Juv. Sat. iii. 193, 199, 225, 236. vi. 78.
s See Liv. xxvii. 37. In another place (ii. 14) he says it was so called from tin
Etruscans, who settled there.
» Hor. Sat. n. iii. 228. >° Virg. Ma. viii. 36. Hor. Ep. I. vii. 48.
» Juv. iii. 5. x. 156. xi. 50. Pers. v. 32. Mart. v. xxii. 5. x. xix. 5.
»a " Habitavit primo in Suburra modicis sedibus ; post autem pontificatum maximum,
in Sacra Via, lomo publica." (Suet. Caes. c. 46.)

POPtTLATION OF EOME. 3G7
should be equally lost, if we were to attempt to discriminate the mixed
multitude, which were crowded on the various landings of those insula,'
or piles of lodging houses, which are perhaps best described by comparing
them to the houses in the old town of Edinburgh.
If it is difficult to describe the outward appearances of the city, it is
still more difficult to trace the distinctive features of all the parts of that
colossal population which filled it. Within a circuit of little more than
twelve miles * more than two millions 3 of inhabitants were crowded. It
is evident that this fact is only explicable by the narrowness of the
streets, with that peculiarity of the houses which has been alluded to
above. In this prodigious collection of human beings, there were of
course all the contrasts which are seen in a modern city, — all the painful
lines of separation between luxury and squalor, wealth and want. But in
Rome all these differences were on an exaggerated scale, and the institu
tion of slavery modified further all social relations. The free citizens
were more than a million : 4 of these, the senators were so few in number,
as to be hardly appreciable : a the knights, who filled a great proportion
of the public offices, were not more than 10,000 : the troops quartered iu
the city may be reckoned at 15,000 : the rest were the Plebs urfcina.
That a vast number of these would be poor, is an obvious result of the
most ordinary causes. But, in ancient Rome, the luxury of the wealthier
classes did not produce a general diffusion of trade, as it does in a modern
city. The handicraft employments, and many of what we should call
professions,6 were in the hands of slaves ; and the consequence was, that
a vast proportion of the Plebs urbana lived on public or private charity.'
Yet were these pauper citizens proud of their citizenship, though many
of them had no better sleeping-place for the night than the public por
ticos or the vestibules of temples. They cared for nothing beyond bread
for the day, the games of the Circus,8 and the savage delight of gladiato-
1 A decree was issued by Augustus, defining the height to which these insults
might be raised.
2 This is of course a much wider circuit than that of the Servian wall. The present
wall, as we have said above, did not then exist.
3 This is Hoeck's calculation, i. ii. 131. Bunsen, in the Beschreibung Roms, i. 183,
makes a somewhat lower calculation. Each estimate is based, though in different
ways, on the Monumentum Ancyranum. For remarks on the very low estimate of M
Dureau de la Malle, in his Economie Politique des Eomains, see Hoeck in the Excur
sus at the end of the second part of his first volume, and Milman's note on Gibbon's
thirty-first chapter.
4 Hoeck.
6 Before Augustus there were 1000 senators ; he reduced them to about 700. Diu
Cass. Iii. 42. liv. 14.
6 Some were physicians, others were engaged in education, &c.
' See, on this whole subject, Hoeck's Romische Geschichte, book v, chap. ii.
8 "Panem et Circenses;" such is the satirist's account of the only two things for
which the Roman populace was really anxious.

368 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
rial shows. Manufactures and trade they regarded as the business of the
slave and the foreigner. The number of slaves was perhaps about a mil
lion. The number of the strangers or percgrini was much smaller ; but it
is impossible to describe their varieties. Every kind of nationality and
religion found its representative in Rome. But it is needless to pursue
these details. The most obvious comparison is better than an elaborate
description. Rome was like London with all its miseries, vices, and fol
lies exaggerated, and without Christianity.
One part of Rome still remains to be described, the " Trastevere," or
district beyond the river.1 This portion of the city has been known in
modern times for the energetic and intractable character of its population.
In earlier times it was equally notorious, though not quite for the same
reason. It was the residence of a low rabble, and the place of the
meanest merchandise.3 There is, however, one reason why our attention
is particularly called to it. It was the ordinary residence of the Jews; —
the "Ghetto" of ancient Rome:3 and great part of it was doubtless
squalid and miserable, like the Ghetto of modern Rome,4 though the Jews
were often less oppressed under the Caesars than under the Popes. Here
then — on the level ground, between the windings of the muddy river and
the base of that hill 6 from the brow of which Porsena looked down on
early Rome, and where the French within these few years have planted
their cannon — we must place the home of those Israelitish families among
whom the Gospel bore its first-fruits in the metropolis of the world : and it
was on these bridges,6 — which formed an immediate communication from
the district beyond the Tiber to the Emperor's household and the guards
on the Palatine, — that those despised Jewish beggars took their stand, to
1 "Whether the wall of Servius included any portion of the opposite side of the river
or not (a question which is disputed among the topographers of the Italian and Ger
man schools), a suburb existed there under the imperial regime.
* "Mercis ablegandas Tiberim ultra." (Juv. xiv. 202.) " Transtiberinus ambula
tor, Qui pallentia sulfurata fractis Permutat vitreis." (Mart. i. 42, Compare i. 109.
vi. 93.)
3 Philo says of Augustus : Iluf oi!i> direSexero ; ri)v iripav rov Ttftepeag trorapoi
peydk/yv ryg 'Vupyg diroropyv, yv oi/c yyvbet Karexopevrpi Kal oUovpivyv irpbg
'iovSaiuv. (ii. 568, ed. Mangey.) The remembrance of the fact may, perhaps, elucidate
a difficult passage of Horace. The exclamation, " Hodie tricesima sabbata " (Sat. i.
ix. 69) is more explicable if supposed to be made in the midst of the Jewish popula
tion, and near some synagogue ; and Horace just above (18) represents himself at
going to see a friend, who is lying ill " trans Tiberim."
* The modern Ghetto is the filthy quarter between the Capitoline Hill and the old
Fabrician Bridge, which leads to the island, and thence to the Trastevere. It is sur-
rounded by walls, and the gates are closed every night by the police. The number of
Jews is about 8000, in a total population of 150,000.
6 The Janiculum;
« " Pontis exul." Mart. x. 5. See Juv. iv. 116. v. 8. xiv. 134.

THE JEWS IN ROME. 369
whom in the place of their exile had come the hopes of a better citizen
ship than that which they had lost.
The Jewish community thus established in Rome, had its first begin
nings in the captives brought by Pompey after his eastern campaign.1
Many of them were manumitted ; and thus a great proportion of the Jews
in Rome were freedmen." Frequent accession to their numbers were
made as years went on — chiefly from the mercantile relations which sub
sisted between Rome and the East. Many of them were wealthy, and
large sums were sent annually for religious purposes from Italy to the
mother country.3 Even the proselytes contributed to these sacred funds.4
It is difficult to estimate the amount of the religious influence exerted by the
Roman Jews upon the various Heathens around them ; but all our sources.
of information lead us to conclude that it was very considerable.5 So
long as this influence was purely religious, we have no reason to suppose
that any persecution from the civil power resulted. It was when commo
tions took place in consequence of expectations of a temporal Messiah, or
when vague suspicions of this mysterious people were more than usually
excited, that the Jews of Rome were cruelly treated, or peremptorily
banished. Yet from all these cruelties they recovered with elastic force,
and from all these exiles they returned ; and in the early years of Nero,
which were distinguished for a mild and lenient government of the empire,8
1 See Vol. I. p. 18, and Remond's Geschiclite der Ausbreitung des Judenthums,
referred to there. The first introduction of the Jews to Rome was probably the em
bassy of the Maccabees.
" 'Pupaloi yoav ol irkeiovg direkevBepuBivreg • alxpakuroi ydp dxBevrcg elg 'Irakiat
iirb tuv KTyaapsvuv ykevBepuByoav ovSiv tuv irarpiuv ¦napaxapu^ai /3iaaBivreg
Philo. Ib.
3 " Cum aurum, Judeeorum nomine, quotannis ex Italia, et ex omnibus provinces
Hierosolyma exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto, ne ex Asia exportari liceret."
(Cic. pro Flacco, o. 28.) Again, Philo says, in the passage quoted above, 'HirioTaro
Kal xpvpara avvayuyovrag dirb tuv dirapxuv iepd, Kal irepirovrag elg 'leoovookvpa
Sid tuv rug Bvaidg dva^bvruv.
4 See Tac. Hist. v. 5. " Caetera instituta sinistra fceda pravitate valuere. Nam
pessimus quisque, spretis religionibus patriis, tributa et stipes illuc gerebat: unde
auctse Judseorum res."
5 The very passages which express hatred of the Jews imply a sense of their influence.
See Juv. xiv. and Cic. pro Flacco ; and compare Hor Sat. i. v. 100 with i. iv. 142.
Many Jews were Roman citizens, like Josephus and St. Paul : and there were numerous
proselytes at Rome, especially among the women (see for instance Joseph. Ant. xviii.
3, 5)i As in the case of Greece, the conquest of Judasa brought Rome under the in-
fuence of her captive. Hence Seneca's remark in reference to the Jews : Victi vie-
toribus leges dederunt. And Rutilius says, grouping together the campaigns of
Pompey and Titus : Atque utinam nunquam Judsea subacta fuisset
Pompeii bellis imperioque Titi.
Latins excisse pestis contagia serpunt
Victoresne suos natio victa premat.
• The good period of Nero's reign — the first quinquennium — had not yet expired
vol. n. — 24

370 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the Jews in Rome seem to have enjoyed complete toleration, and to bare
been a numerous, wealthy, and influential community.
The Christians doubtless shared the protection which was extended to
the Jews. They were hardly yet sufficiently distinguished as a self-existent
community, to provoke any independent hostility. It is even possible that
the Christians, so far as they were known as separate, were more toler
ated than the Jews ; for, not having the same expectation of an earthly
hero to deliver them, they had no political ends in view, and would not
be in the same danger of exciting the suspicion of the government. Yet
we should fall into a serious error, if we were to suppose that all the
Christians in Rome, or the majority of them, had formerly been Jews or
Proselytes ; though this was doubtless true of its earliest members, who
may have been of the number that were dispersed after the first Pente
cost, or, possibly, disciples of our Lord Himself. It is impossible to arrive
at any certain conclusion concerning the first origin and early growth of
the Church in Rome ; ' though, from the manifold links between the city
and the provinces, it is easy to account for the formation of a large and
flourishing community. Its history before the year 61 might be divided
into three periods, separated from each other by the banishment of the
Jews from Rome in the reign of Claudius,8 and the writing of St. Paul's
letter from Corinth.3 Even in the first of these periods there might be
points of connection between the Roman Church and St. Paul ; for
some 6f those whom he salutes (Rom. xvi. 7, 11) as " kinsmen," are also
said to have been " Christians before him." In the second period it can
not well be doubted that a very close connection began between St. Paul
and some of the conspicuous members and principal teachers of the Roman
Church. The expulsion of the Jews in consequence of the edict of Clau
dius, brought them in large numbers to the chief towns of the Levant ;
and there St. Paul met them in the synagogues. We have seen what
results followed from his meeting with Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth.
They returned to Rome with all the stores of spiritual instruction which
he had given them ; and in the Epistle to the Romans we find him, as is
natural, saluting them thus : — " Greet Priscilla and Aquila, my helpers
in Jesus Christ : who have for my sake laid down their own necks ; unto
whom not only I give thanks, but also all the Churches of the Gentiles.
Likewise greet the Church that is in their house." All this reveals to us
The full toleration of the Jews in Rome is implied in the narration of St. Paul's moet-
ing with the elders, and in the lines of Persius :
Herodis venere dies unctaque fenestra
Dispositae pinguem nebulam vomuere lucernte.
' A very good discussion of this subject, and of the tradition concerning St. Peter'i
first visit to Rome, will be found in Hemsen's Paulus, pp. 400-404. See above, in
this Volume, pp. 155, 156
• Vol. L p. .385. * Vol. H. p. 155

THE ROMAN CHURCH. 371
ft great amount of devoted exertion on behalf of one large congregation in
Rome ; and all of it distinctly connected with St. Paul. And this is per
haps only a specimen of other cases of the like kind. Thus he sends a
greeting to Epsenetus, whom he names " the first-fruits of Asia" ' (ver. 5),
and who may have had the same close relation to him during his long
ministration at Ephesus (Acts xix.), which Aquila and Priscilla had at
Corinth. Nor must we forget those women, whom he singles out for
special mention, — "Mary, who bestowed much labour on him" (ver. 6) ;
" the beloved Persis, who laboured much in the Lord" (ver. 12) ; with
Tryphsena and Tryphosa, and the unknown mother of Rufus (ver. 13).
We cannot doubt, that, though the Church of Rome may have received
its growth and instruction through various channels, many of them were
connected, directly or indirectly, with St. Paul ; and accordingly he
writes, in the whole of the letter, as one already in intimate relation with
a Church which he has never seen.3 And whatever bonds subsisted be
tween this Apostle and the Roman Christians, must have been drawn
still closer when the letter had been received ; for from that time they
were looking forward to a personal visit from him, in his projected journey
to the West. Thenceforward they must have taken the deepest interest
in all his movements, and received with eager anxiety the news of his
imprisonment at Cassarea, and waited (as we have already seen) for his
arrival in Italy. It is indeed but too true that there were parties among
the Christians in Rome, and that some had a hostile feeling against St.
Paul himself ;b yet it is probable that the animosity of the Judaizers was
less developed, than it was in those regions which he had personally
visited, and to which they had actually followed him. As to the un
converted Jews, the name of St. Paul was doubtless known to them ;
yet were they comparatively little interested in Ms movements. Their
proud contempt of the Christian heresy would make them indifferent.
The leaven of the Gospel was working around them to an extent of
which they were hardly aware. The very magnitude of the population
of Rome had a tendency to neutralise the currents of party feeling. For
these reasons the hostility of the Jews was probably less violent than in
any other part of the empire.
Yet St. Paul could not possibly be aware of the exact extent of their
enmity against himself. Independently, therefore, of his general principle
of preaching, first to the Jew and then to the Gentile, he had an addi
tional reason for losing no time in addressing himself to his countrymen.
Thus, after the mention of St. Paul's being delivered up to Burrus, and
allowed by him to be separate from the other prisoners,4 the next scene to
1 For the reading here, see p. 193, n. 1.
* See Hemsen, p. 404. 3 See PhiL i. 15.
• tfoC iavrbv ; an indulgence probably due to the influence of Julius.

372 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
which the sacred historian introduces us is among the Jews. Aftei
three days ' he sent for the principal men among them to his lodging,'
and endeavoured to conciliate their feelings towards himself and the
Gospel. It was highly probable that the prejudices of these Roman Jews were
already roused against the Apostle of the Gentiles ; or if they had not yet
conceived an unfavourable opinion of him, there was a danger that they
would now look upon him as a traitor to his country, from the mere fact
that he had appealed to the Roman power.3 He might even have been
represented to them in the odious light of one who had come to Rome as
an accuser of the Sanhedrin before the Emperor. St. Paul, therefore, ad
dressed his auditors on this point at once, and shewed that his enemies
were guilty of this very appeal to a foreign power, of which he had him
self been suspected. He had committed no offence against the holy
nation, and the customs of their fathers ; yet his enemies at Jerusalem
had delivered him, — one of their brethren — of the seed of Abraham — of
the tribe of Benjamin — a Hebrew of the Hebrews — into the hands of the
Romans. So unfounded was the accusation, that even the Roman
governor had been ready to liberate the prisoner ; but his Jewish enemies
opposed his liberation. They strove to keep a child of Israel in Roman
chains. So that he was compelled, as his only hope of safety, to appeal
unto Caesar. He brought no accusation against Ms countrymen before the
tribunal of the stranger : that was the deed of his antagonists. In fact,
his only crime had been his firm faith in God's deliverance of Ms people
through the Messiah promised by the Prophets. " For the hope of Israd,"
he concluded, " I am bound with this chain." '
Their answer to this address was reassuring. They said that they
had received no written communication from Judaaa concerning St. Paul,
and that none of "the brethren" who had arrived from the East had
spoken any evil of him. They further expressed a wish to hear from him
self a statement of his religious sentiments, adding that the Christian sect
was everywhere spoken against.5 There was perhaps something hardly
honest in tMs answer ; for it seems to imply a greater ignorance with
regard to Christianity than we can suppose to have prevailed among the
1 Werd ypipag rpeig, which need not mean three complete days.
3 'Eyivero avyKa7.eaaaBai airbv rovg bvrag tuv 'lovbaiuv irpurovg. "With regard
to elg riiv Ijeviav, we are convinced, with Wieseler, that it is to be distinguished from
rb liiov plaBapa mentioned below. The latter was a hired lodging, which he took
for his permanent residence; and the mention of the money he received from the
Philippians (Phil, iv.) serves to shew that he would not need the means of hiring a
lodging. The (evia (hospitium) implies the temporary residence of a guest with
friends, as in Philemon 22. Nothing is more likely than that Aquila and Priscilla
were his hosts at Rome, as formerly at Corinth.
» See Wieseler, p. 397. 4 Ver. 17-20, s Ver. 21 22.

INTEKVD3W WITH THE JEWS. 373
Roman Jews. But with regard to Paul himself, it might well be true
that they had little information concerning him. Though he had been
imprisoned long at Caesarea, his appeal had been made only a short time
before winter. After that time (to use the popular expression), the sea
was shut ; and the winter had been a stormy one ; so that it was natural
enough that his case should be first made known to the Jews by himself.
All these circumstances gave a favourable opening for the preaching of the
Gospel, and Paul hastened to take advantage of it. A day was fixed
for a meeting at his own private lodging.'
They came in great numbers " at the appointed time. Then followed
an impressive scene, like that at Troas (Acts xxi.) — the Apostle pleading
long and earnestly, — bearing testimony concerning the kingdom of God,
and endeavouring to persuade them by arguments drawn from their own
Scriptures, — "from morning till evening."3 The result was a division
among the auditors 4 — " not peace but a sword," — the division which has
resulted ever since, when the Truth of God has encountered, side by side,
earnest conviction with worldly indifference, honest investigation with
bigoted prejudice, trustful faith with the pride of scepticism. After a
long and stormy discussion, the unbelieving portion departed ; but not
until St. Paul had warned them, in one last address, that they were bring
ing upon themselves that awful doom of judicial blindness, which was de
nounced in their owu Scriptures against obstinate unbelievers ; that the
salvation which they rejected would be withdrawn from them, and the
Inheritance they renounced would be given to the Gentiles.5 The sentence
with which he gave emphasis to this warning was the passage in Isaiah,
which is more often quoted in the New Testament than any other words
from the Old, — which recurring thus with solemn force at the very close
of the Apostolic history, seems to bring very strikingly together the Old
Dispensation and the New, and to connect the ministry of Our Lord with
that of His Apostles : — " Go unto this people and say : Hearing ye shall
hear and shall not iinderstand, and seeing ye shall see and shall not perceive :
for the heart of this people is waxed gross, and their ears are dull of hear
ing, and their eyes have they closed ; lest they should see with their eyes, and
hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and should be con
verted, and I should heal them." 6
A formal separation was now made between the Apostle of the Gen
tiles and the Jews of Rome. They withdrew, to dispute concerning the
1 Tal-dpevot avru i/kipav. " *H/coi> irkeioveg. 3 Ver. 23.
4 Kal ol piv iirr.iBovTO roif keyopivotg, ol Si iyirorovv uavpfuvoi Si bvreg irpbg
dkkykovg, k. t. ?..
« Ver. 24-28.
« Isa. vi. 9, 10. (LXX) Quoted also>y Oue Loed (Mat. xii'. 15), and referred to
by St. John (John xii 10) ,

374: THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
" sect" wMch was making such inroads on their prejudices (ver. 29). He
remained in his own hired house,1 where the indulgence of Burrus per
mitted Mm to reside, instead of confining him within the walls the Praeto
rian barrack. We must not forget, however, that he was still a pri
soner under military custody, — chained by the arm,3 both day and night;
to one of the imperial bodyguard,— and thus subjected to the rudeness
and caprice of an insolent soldiery. This severity, however, was indis
pensable, according to the Roman law ; and he received every indulgence
which it was in the power of the Praefect to grant. He was allowed to
receive all who came to him (ver. 30), and was permitted, without hind
rance, to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and teacb the things of the
Loed Jesus Christ (ver. 31).
Thus was fulfilled his long cherished desire " to proclaim the Gospel
to them that were in Rome also (Rom. i. 15). Thus ends the Apostolic
History, so far as it has been directly revealed. Here the thread of sa
cred narrative, which we have followed so long, is suddenly broken. Our
knowledge of the incidents of Ms residence in Rome, and of his subse
quent history, must be gathered almost exclusively from the letters of the
Apostle himself.
1 'Ev ISiu pioBupan. See above on elg rijv £evtav.
' StSv Tip fvkdoaovTi airbv arpanuTy. Acts xxviii. 16. See above, pp. 288, 289,
and compare Eph. vi. 20 (irpeajievu hi dkvaet), Col. iv. 18. Phil. i. 13. Possibly two
soldiers guarded him by night, according to the sentence of the Roman law — " aos
custodiana geminat," — quoted by Wieseler.

DELAY OF ST. PAUL'S TRIAL. 375

CHAPTER XXV.
IUTAOZ 'O AE2M10Z TOT XPI2TOT. (Eph. iii. I.)
DELA V" OF ST. r-AUL'S TRIAL.— ms OCCUPATIONS AND COMPANIONS DURING 1IIS ISffRISON
MENT.— HE WRITES IHE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON, THE EPISTLE TO THE CQLOSSIASS,
AND THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED).
We have seen that St. Paul's accusers had not yet arrived from Pales
tine, and that their coming was not even expected by the Roman Jews.
This proves that they had not left Syria before the preceding winter, and
consequently that they could not have set out on their journey till the fol
lowing spring, when the navigation of the Mediterranean was again open
Thus, they would not reach Rome till the summer or autumn of the yea.
61 a. d.1 Meanwhile, the progress of the trial was necessarily suspended,
for the Roman courts required 3 the personal presence of the prosecutor.
It would seem that, at tMs time,3 an accused person might be thus kept in
prison for an indefinite period, merely by the delay of the prosecutor to
proceed with his accusation ; nor need this surprise us, if we consider
how harshly the law has dealt with supposed offenders, and with what in
difference it has treated the rights of the accused, even in periods whose
' About this period (as we learn from Josephus) there were two embassies sent from
Jerusalem to Rome ; viz., that which was charged to conduct the impeachment of
Felix, and that which was sent to intercede with Nero on the subject of Agrippa's
palace, which overlooked the Temple. The former seems to have arrived in Home in
a.d. 60, the latter in a.d. 61. (See note on the Chronological table in Appendix.) It
is not impossible that the latter embassy, in which was included Ishmael the High
Priest, may have been intrusted with the prosecution of St. Paul, in addition to their
other business.
3 See Geib. Romiseh. Criminal-Process, pp. 508, 511, 595, 689. It should be ob
served that the prosecutor on a criminal charge, under the Roman law, was not the
state (as with us the Crown), but any private individual who chose to bring an accusa
tion. (Geib, p. 515.)
3 At a later period the suspension on the part of the prosecutor of the proceedings
during a year, was made equivalent to an abandonment of it, and amounted to an
abolitio of the process. See Geib, Romiseh. Criminal-Process, p. 586. In the time of
Nero the prosecutors on a public charge were liable to punishment if they abandoned
it from corrupt motives, by the Senatus Consultum Turpilianum. See Tacitus, Ann.
xiv. 41 : " Qui talem operam emptitasset vendidissetve, perinde poena teneretur, ac si
publico judicio calumniae condemnatus." This law was passed a. d. 61, and was after-
Wards interpreted by the jurisconsults as forbidding an accuser to withdraw his accu-
ntion. (Geib, pp. 582-586, and 690.)

376 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
civilization was not only more advanced than that of the Roman empire,
but also imbued with the merciful spirit of Christianity. And even when
*the prosecutors were present, and no ground alleged for the delay of the
trial, a corrupt judge might postpone it, at, Felix did, for months and
years, to gratify the enemies of the prisoner. And if a provincial Gover
nor, though responsible for such abuse of power to his master, might ven
ture to act in this arbitrary manner, much more might the Emperor him
self, who was responsible to no man. Thus we find that Tiberius was in
the habit of delaying the hearing of causes, and retaining the accused in
prison unheard, merely out of procrastination.' So that, even after St.
Paul's prosecutors had arrived, and though we were to suppose them
anxious for the progress of the trial, it might still have been long delayed
by the Emperor's caprice. But there is no reason to think that, when
they came, they would have wished to press on the cause. From what
had already occurred they had every reason to expect the failure of the
prosecution. In fact it had already broken down at its first stage, and
Festus had strongly pronounced his opinion of the innocence '' of the ac
cused. Their hope of success at Rome must have been grounded either
on influencing the Emperor's judgment by private intrigue, or on produc
ing farther evidence in support of their accusation. For both these ob
jects delay would be necessary. Moreover, it was quite in accordance
with the regular course of Roman jurisprudence, that the Court should
grant a long suspension of the cause, on the petition of the prosecutor,
that he might be allowed time to procure the attendance of witnesses3
from a distance. The length of time thus granted would depend upon
the remoteness of the place where the alleged crimes had been committed.
We read of an interval of twelve months permitted during Nero's reign,
in the case of an accusation against Suilius,4 for misdemeanours committed
during his government of Proconsular Asia. The accusers of St. Paul
might fairly demand a longer suspension ; for they accused him of offences
committed not only in Palestine (which was far more remote than Pro
consular Asia from Rome), but also over the whole5 empire. Their wit
nesses must be summoned from Judaea, from Syria, from Cilicia, from Pi-
aidia, from Macedonia ; in all cities from Damascus to Corinth, in all
i TiUpiog . . . elxev airbv Seaptov, pekky-yg el Kal Tig irepav Baaikiuv yevopevec
.... IBev Kal SeapCiTuv aKpodaeug direpioTTog yv (Joseph. Ant. 18, quoted by Wie-
eeler). * Acts xxv. 25, and xxvi. 32.
3 " Silvanum magna vis acensatorum circumsteterat, poscebatque tempus evocan-
dorum testium." (Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 52.) This was in a case where the accused had
been proconsul in Africa. We may observe that the attendance of the witnesses fol
the prosecution could be legally enforced. (Geib, p. 630.)
4 Tac. Ann. xiii. 43 : " Inquisitionem annuam impetraverant."
' Kivovvra ordaiv iruai roig lovSaioig Kard rhv tiKavpevyv, Acts xxiv. 5.

HIS OCCUPATIONS DURING HIS IMPRISONMENT. 377
countries, from Jerusalem round about unto Illyricum, must testimony be
sought to prove the seditious turbulence of the ringleader of the Nnza-
reues. The interval granted them for such a purpose could not be less
than a year, and might well be more.1 Supposing it to be the shortest
possible, and assuming that the prosecutors reached Rome in August,
a., d. £1, the first stage of the trial would be appointed to commence not
before August a. d. 62. And when this period arrived, the prosecutors
and the accused, with their witnesses, must have been heard on each of
the charges separately (according to Nero's regulations),3 and sentence
pronounced on the first charge before the second was entered into. Nowf
the charges against St. Paul were divided (as we have seen) into three3
separate heads of accusation. Consequently, the proceedings, which
would of course be adjourned from time to time to suit the Emperor's
convenience, may well have lasted till the beginning of 63, at which time
St. Luke's narrative would lead us to fix their termination.4
During the long delay of Ms trial, St. Paul was not reduced, as he
had been at Caesarea, to a forced inactivity. On the contrary, he was
permitted the freest intercourse with his friends, and was allowed to re
side in a house of sufficient size to accommodate the congregation which
flocked together to listen to his teaching. The freest scope was given to
his labours, consistent with the military custody under which he was
placed. We are told, in language peculiarly emphatic, that his preaching
was subjected to no restraint whatever.6 And that which seemed at first
to impede, must really have deepened the impression of his eloquence ;
for who could see without emotion that venerable form subjected by iron
links to the coarse control of the soldier who stood beside him ? how
often must the ,tears of the assembly have been called forth by the up
raising of that fettered hand, and the clanking of the chain which checked
its energetic action 1
We shall see hereafter that these labours of the imprisoned Confessor
were not fruitless ; in his own words, he begot many children in his
i Another cause of delay, even if the prosecutors did not make the demand for sus
pension, would have been the loss of the official notice of the case forwarded by
Festus. No appeal (as we have before observed) could be tried without a rescript
(called Apostoli or literal dimissorice) from the inferior to the superior judge, stating
full particulars of the case. See Geib, p. 689. Such documents could scarcely have
been saved in the wreck at Malta.
* It was Nero's practice, as Suetonius tells us, " Ut continnis actionibus omissia
tingillatim quaeque per vices ageret." (Suet. Nero, 15.)
3 See above, p. 282.
4 We need not notice the hypothesis of Bottger, that St. Paul's imprisonment at
Eome only lasted five days. It has already been refuted by Neander (1. 428) and by
Wieseler, pp. 411-415.
• Acts xxviii. 31 : KypvatJv , nerd irdayg rrappyaiag uKukvrug.

378 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
chains. ¦ MeanwMle, he had a wider sphere of action than even the m»
tropolis of the world. Not only " the crowd which pressed upon him
daily,"2 but also " the care of all the churches," demanded his constant
vigilance and exertion. Though himself tied down to a single spot, he
kept up a constant intercourse, by his delegates, with Ms converts
throughout the empire ; and not only with his own converts, but with the
other Gentile Churches, who, as yet, had not seen his face in the flesh.:
To enable him to maintain this superintendence, he manifestly needed
many faithful messengers ; men who (as he says of one of them) ren
dered him profitable service ; 3 and by some of whom he seems to have
been constantly accompanied, wheresoever4 he went. Accordingly we
find him, during this Roman imprisonment, surrounded by many of his
oldest and most valued attendants. Luke,5 Ms fellow-traveller, remained
with him during his bondage ; Timotheus,6 his beloved son in the faith,
ministered to him at Rome, as he had done in Asia, in Macedonia, and in
Achaia. Tychicus,7 who had formerly borne Mm company from Corinth
to Ephesus, is now at hand to carry his letters to the shores which they
had visited together. But there are two names amongst his Roman com
panions which excite a peculiar interest, though from opposite reasons, —
the names of Demas and of Mark. The latter, when last we heard of
him, was the unhappy cause of the separation of Barnabas and Paul.
He was rejected by Paul, as unworthy to attend Mm, because he had
previously abandoned the work of the Gospel out of timidity or indo
lence.8 It is delightful to find Mm now ministering obediently to the
very Apostle who had then repudiated Ms services ; still more, to know
that he persevered in this fidelity even to the end,9 and was sent for by
St. Paul to cheer Ms dying hours. Demas, on the other hand, is now a
faithful " fellow-labourer" l0 of the Apostle ; but in a few years we shall
find that he had " forsaken " him, " having loved this present world."
Perhaps we may be allowed to hope; that as the fault of Demas was the
same with that of Mark, so the repentance of Mark may have been pa
ralleled by that of Demas.
Amongst the rest of St. Paul's companions at this time, there were
' Philem. 10. * 2 Cor. xi. 28.
3 2 Tim. iv. 11.
4 Comp. Acts xix. 22. Awo tuv StaKovovvruv <zir£.
5 Col. iv. 14. Philem. 24. Luke seems, however, to have been absent from RoaM
when the Epistle to the Philippians was written.
e Philem. 1. Col. i. 1. Philip, i. 1.
' Col. iv. 7. Eph. vi. 21 ; cf. Acts xx. 4 ; and Tit. iii. 12.
8 Vol. I. pp. 162 and 251.
• 3 2 Tim. iv. 11: UapKov dvakaGuv dye peTp. aeavrov- iarl j<r/> poi e$xPV°rcf til
SiaKovlav. •o Ivvepyog, Philem. 24; cf. Col. iv. 14.

HIS COMPANIONSHIP DURING HIS IMPRISONMENT. 37$J
two whom he distinguishes by the honourable title of his " fellow-prison
ers." One of these is Aristarchus,1 the other Epaphras." With regard
to the former, we know that he was a Macedonian of Thessalonica, one of
" Paul's companions in travel," whose life was endangered by the mob at
Ephesus, and who embarked with St. Paul at Caesarea when he set sail
for Rome. The other, Epaphras, was a Colossian, who must not be iden
tified with the Philippian Epaphroditus, another of St. Paul's fellow-la
bourers during this time. It is not easy to say what was the exact sense
in which these two disciples were peculiarly fellow-prisoners 3 of St. Paul.
Perhaps it only implies that they dwelt in his house, which was also his
prison. But of all the disciples now ministering to St. Paul at Rome, none has
for us a greater interest than the fugitive Asiatic slave Onesimus. He
belonged to a Christian named Philemon, a member of the Colossian 4
Church. But he had robbed 5 Ms master, and fled from Colossae, and at
last found his way to Rome. It is difficult to imagine any portion of
mankind more utterly depraved than the associates among whom a runa
way pagan slave must have found himself in the capital. Profligate and
unprincipled as we know even the highest and most educated society to
have then been, what must have been its dregs and offal ? Yet from this
lowest depth Onesimus was dragged forth by the hand of Christian love.
Perhaps some Asiatic Christian, who had seen him formerly at his mas
ter's house, recognised him in the streets of Rome destitute and starving,
and had compassion on him ; and thus he might have been brought to
hear the preacMng of the illustrious prisoner. Or it is not impossible
that he may have already known St. Paul at Ephesus, where his master
Philemon had formerly been himself converted 6 by the Apostle. However
this may be, it is certain that Onesimus was led by the providence of God
to listen to that preaching now which he had formerly despised. He was
converted to the faith of Christ, and therefore to the morality of Christ.
He confessed to St. Paul his sins against Ms master. The Apostle seems
to have been peculiarly attracted by the character of Onesimus ; and he
perceived iu Mm the indications of gifts wMch fitted Mm for a more im
portant post than any which he could hold as the slave of Philemon. He
wished ' to keep Mm at Rome, and employ him in the service of the Gos
pel. Yet he would not transgress the law, nor violate the rights of Phi
lemon, by acting in this matter without his consent. He therefore decided
1 Col. iv. 10 ; cf. Acts xix. 29, and Acts xxvii. 2, and Philem. 23.
• Col. i. 7. Philem. 23.
3 The same expression is used of Andronicus and Junias (Rom. xvi. 7), but of nc
Others except these four.
4 For the proof of this see Paley's Horse Paulina: on Philemon (10-12).
1 5 Philem. 18.
« Philem. 10 appears to state this. (See Vol. II. p. 21.) ' Philem. la

380 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
that Onesimus must immediately return to his master ; and, to make thii
duty less painful, he undertook himself to discharge the sum of which
Philemon had been defrauded. An opportunity now offered itself to
Onesimus to return in good company ; for St. Paul was sending Tychicus
to Asia Minor, charged, amongst other commissions, with an epistle to
Colossae, the home of Philemon. Under his care, therefore, he placed
the penitent slave, who was now willing to surrender himself to his
offended master. Nevertheless, he did not give up the hope of placing
his new convert in a position wherein he might minister no longer to a
private individual, but to the Church at large. He intimated his wishes
on the subject to Philemon himself, with characteristic delicacy, in a letter
which he charged Onesimus to deliver on his arrival at Colossae. This
letter is not only a beautiful illustration of the character of St. Paul, but
also a practical commentary upon the precepts concerning the mutual
relations of slaves ' and masters given in his cotemporary epistles. We
see here one of the earliest examples of the mode in which Christianity
operated upon these relations ; not by any violent disruption of the or
ganisation of society, such as could only have produced another Servile
War, but by gradually leavemng and interpenetrating society with the
spirit of a religion which recognised the equality of all men in the sight
of God The letter was as follows : —

THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.2
Salutation. PAUL, A PRISONER OF CHRIST JeSUS, AND TlMOTHEUS 1
THE BROTHER, TO PHILEMON OUR BELOVED FRIEND
AND FELLOW LABOURER J AND TO APPIA3 O OR BE- 2

1 See Col. iii. 22, and Eph. vi. 5. St. Paul's attention seems to have been especially
drawn to this subject at the present time ; and he might well feel the need there was
for a fundamental change in this part of the social system of antiquity, such as the
spirit of Christ alone could give. In the very year of his arrival at Rome, s most
frightful example was given of the atrocity of the laws which regulated the relations
of slave to master. The prefect of the city (Pedanius Secundus) was killed by one of
his slaves ; and in accordance with the ancient law, the whole body of slaves belong
ing to Pedanius at Rome, amounting to a vast multitude, and including many women
and children, were executed together, although confessedly innocent of all participa
tion in the crime. Tac. Ann. xiv. 42-45.
• With respect to the date of this epistle, the fact that it was conveyed by Onesimus
(compare Col. iv. 9), and the person mentioned as with St. Paul at the time (Philem.
23, 24, compared with Col. iv. 12-14), prove that it was sent to Asia Minor, together
with the epistle to the Coiossians, the date of which is discussed in a note on the be
ginning of that epistle.
3 'Airfia is a Greek form of the Latin name Appia ; we are told by Chrysostom that
Bhe was the wife of Philemon, which seems probable from the juxtaposition of tiieil
names.

EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. 38J
LOVED1 SISTER, AND TO ArCHTPPUS * OUR FELLOW
SOLDrER, AND TO THE CHURCH AT THY HOUSE.
3 Grace be to you and peace, from God our Father and out
Lord Jesus Christ.
4 I thank my God, making mention of thee always Thanksgivings
5 in my prayers, because I hear of thy love and faith for puiemon.
6 towards our Lord Jesus, and towards all God's people, while I
pray 3 that thy faith may communicate itself to others, and may
become workful, in causing in true knowledge of all the good
7 which is in us, for Christ's service. For I have great joy and
consolation in thy love, because the hearts of God's people
have been comforted by thee, brother.
8 Wherefore, although in the authority of Christ I Bequest for the
• ., .. t . ,. n favourable re-
might boldly enjom upon thee that which is befit- ceptionoione
9 ting, yet for love's sake I rather beseech thee, as
10 Paul the aged, and now alsp prisoner of Jesus Christ. I beseech
thee for my son, whom 1 have begotten in my chains, Onesi-
11 mus ; who formerly was to thee * unprofitable, but now is pro-
12fitable both to thee and me. Whom I have sent back to
thee ; 5 but do thou receive him as my own 6 flesh and blood.
13 For I would gladly 7 retain him with myself, that he might
1 'ASsktyy is added in many of the best MSS.
a Archippus was apparently a presbyter of the church at Colossae, or perhaps an
evangelist resident there on a special mission (compare Col. iv. 17) ; from the present
passage he seems to have lived in the house of Philemon.
3 'Oirug is to be joined with verse 4, as stating the object of the prayer there men
tioned, while verse 5 gives the subject of the thanksgiving. This is Chrysostom's
view, against which Meyer's objections appear inconclusive. The literal English of
verse 6 is as follows, that the communication of thy faith may become workful, in
true knowledge of all good which is in us, for Christ. The latter words are very
obscure, but the rendering adopted in the text appears to make the best sense. The
best MSS. are divided between xpiorbv and xpwrbv lyaovv ; but agree in reading yplv,
not iplv.
* Most modern commentators suppose a play on the name Onesimus, which means
useful ; but there seems scarcely sufficient ground for this, and it was never remarked
by the ancient Greek commentators, whose judgment on such a point would be en
titled to most deference.
6 Many of the best MSS. add aoi. The omission of irpoakaSov at the end of the
verse makes no difference in the sense ; but it is characteristic of St. Paul's abrupt and
rapid dictation.
• Children were called the oirkuyxva of their parents.
~ 'Ebovkopyv. The imperfect here, and aorist in the preceding and following verse,
ire used, according to classical idiom, from the position of the reader o' the letter.

382 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF BT. PAUL.
render service to me in thy stead, while I am a prisoner for de
claring the Glad-tidings; but I am unwilling to do anything
without thy decision, that thy kindness may not be constrain- 14
ed, but voluntary. For perhaps to this very end he was parted 15
from thee for a time, that thou mightest possess him for ever;
no longer as a bondsman, but above a bondsman, a brother 16
beloved ; very dear to me, but how much more to thee, being i
thine both in the flesh and in the Lord. If, then, thou count 17
me in fellowship with thee, receive him as myself. But what- is
soever he has wronged thee of, or owes thee, reckon it to my 19
account (I, Paul, write ' this with my own hand) ; I will repay 20
it ; for I would not say to thee that thou owest me even thine
own self besides. Yea, brother, let me have joy of thee in the
Lord ; comfort my heart in Christ.1
Announcement I write to thee with full confidence in thy obedi- 21
p»ui to Asia ence, knowing that thou wilt do even more than I
Minor on his ' ° , _
acquittal. say. But, moreover, prepare to receive me as thy 22
guest ; for I trust that through your? prayers I shall be given
to you.
salutations There salute thee Epaphras my fellow-prisoner * 23
from Rome. x x . , _, x T
in Christ Jesus, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, Lucas, 24
my fellow-labourers.
concluding to- The Grace of Our Lord Jesus Christ be with 25
Deduction. a a
your spirits.5
While Onesimus, on the arrival of the two companions at Colossae,"
hurried to the house of his master with the letter which we have just
1 "Eypafa, see note above. - * Xpiarip is the reading of the best MSS.
3 Observe the change from singular to plural here, and in verse 25.
4 Hvvaixpdkurog, as we have before remarked, perhaps means only that Epaphras
had voluntarily shared Paul's imprisonment at Rome by taking up his residence with
him, in the lodging where he was guarded by the " soldier that kept him."
5 The dpyv as usual is interpolated.
« Though we have come to the conclusion that St. Paul had not himself (at this
time) visited Colossae, yet it is hardly possible to read these Epistles without feeling an
interest in the scenery and topography of its vicinity. The upper part of the valley
of the Maeander, where this city, with ita neighbour-cities Hierapotis and Laodicea
(Col. ii. 1. iv. 13. Rev. iii. 14), was situated, has been described by many travellers ;
and the illustrated works on Asia Minor contain several views, especially of the vast
and singular petrifactions of Hierapolis (Pambouk Kalessi). Colossae was older than
either Laodicea or Hierapolis, and it fell into comparative insignificance astheyroa.
into importance. Herodotus (vii. 30) describes it as — Xlbktv peydkyv fpvyiyg iv rj
AvKog irorapbg ig xdopa yyg iapdXkuv d$av%erai ; and Xenophon (Anab. I. ii. 6) calls
it rrbkiv oUovpevyv /cat peydkyv. Strabo (xii. 81 reckons it among the irokiaudra, not

HE WRITES TO THE COLOSSIANS. 383
-«ad, Tychicus proceeded to discharge his commission likewise by deliver
ing to the Presbyters the Epistle with which he was charged, that it
might be read to the whole Colossian Church at their next meeting. The
letter to the Colossians itself gives us distinct information as to the cause
which induced St. Paul to write it. Epaphras, the founder of that
Church (Col. i. 1), was now at Rome, and he had communicated to the
Apostle the unwelcome tidings', that the faith of the Colossians was in
danger of being perverted by false teaching. It has been questioned
whether several different systems of error had been introduced among
them, or whether the several errors combatted in the Epistle were parts
of one system, and taught by the same teachers. On the one side we
find that in the Epistle St. Paul warns the Colossians separately against
the following different errors: — First, a combination of angel-worship and
asceticism ; Secondly, A self-styled philosophy or gnosis, which depreciated
Christ ; Thirdly, A rigid observance of Jewish festivals and Sabbaths.
On the other side, First, the Epistle seems distinctly (though with an in
directness caused by obvious motives) to point to a single source, and
even a single individual, as the origin of tbo errors introduced ; and,
secondly, we know that at any rate the two first of these errors, and
apparently the third also, were combined by some of the early Gnostics.
The most probable view, therefore, seems to be, that some Alexandrian
Jew had appeared at Colossse, professing a belief in Christianity, and im
bued with the Greek " philosophy " of the school of Philo, but combining
with it the Rabbinical theosophy and angelogy which afterwards was
embodied in the Kabbala, and an extravagant asceticism, which also after
wards distinguished several sects of the Gnostics.1 In short, one of the
first heresiarchs of the incipient Gnosticism had begun to pervert the
Colossians from the simplicity of their faith. We have seen in a former
chapter how great was the danger to be apprehended from this source, at
the stage at which the Church had now reached ; especially in a church
which consisted, as that at Colossse did, principally of Gentiles (Col. i. 25-
21. Col. ii. 11) ; and that, too, in Phrygia,2 where the national character
was so prone to a mystic fanaticism. We need not wonder, therefore,
the irbkeig, of Phrygia ; and Pliny (v. 41), among its " celeberrima oppida." In the
Middle Ages it became a place of some consequence, and was the birthplace of the
Byzantine writer Nicetas Choniates, who tells us that Xuvai and Kokaaadl were the
same place (Xuvag, irokiv eiSaipova Kal peydkyv, irukai rug Kokaaaug, rijv ipoi
rov ovyypatpeag rra-plSa, p. 230, ed. Bonn). A village called Chonas still remains.
the proximity of which to the ancient Colossae is proved by the correspondence of the
observed phenomena with what Herodotus says of the river Lycus. The neighbour
hood was explored by Mr. Arundel (Seven Churches, p. 158. Asia Minor, n. 160),
but Mr. Hamilton was the first to determine the actual site of the ancient city. (Re>
Marches, i. 508.)
¦ See Vol J. pp 36 and 451. ' See Vol. I pp. 236-9.

384 THE LDTE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
that St. Paul, acting under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, should have
thought it needful to use every effort to counteract the growing evil.
This he does, both by contradicting the doctrinal errors of the new
system, and by inculcating, as essential to Christianity, that pure morality
which these early heretics despised. Such appears to have been the main
purpose of the following Epistle.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS.' I.
Mutation. PAUL, AN APOSTLE OF JeSUS CHRIST BY THE WILL 1
of God, and Timotheus the brother, to the 2
holt and faithful brethren tn christ who
are at Colossi,"
Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father.
Thanksgiving 1 4 give continual thanks to God 5 the Father of 3
for their con- _ .
version. Our Lord Jesus Christ, in my prayers for you (since 4
I heard of your faith in Christ Jesus, and your love to all His
people),6 because7 of the hope laid up for you in the heavens, 5
whereof you heard the promise in the truthful Word of the
Glad-tidings ; which is come to yon, as it is through all the 6-
world, where it bears fruit and 8 grows, as it does also among
' The following are the grounds for the date assigned to this Epistle.
(1) It was written in prison at the same time as Philemon, and sent by the same
messenger (iv. 7-9.)
2) It was not written in Caesarea —
(a) Because while writing St. Paul was labouring for the Gospel (iv. 3, 4),
which he did not at Caesarea (Acts xxviii. 31).
(b) Because he could not have expected at Caesarea to be soon coming to Phry
gia (Acts xxiii. 11. xix. 21. Rom. i. 13. Acts xx. 25), whereas while
writing this he expected soon to visit Phrygia (Philem. 22).
(3) The indications above mentioned all correspond with Rome. Moreover Timo
theus was with him, as we know he was at Rome, from Phil. i. 1.
' Many of the best MSS. have Kokaamlg, and this is the form in later writers, as in
the Synecdemus. See the quotation above given from Nicetas.
3 The words Kal kvoiov lyaov Xpiarov, with which St. Paul in all other cases con
cludes this formula of benediction, are omitted here in the boat MSS. Chrysostom
remarks on the omission.
4 See note on 1 Thess. i. 2. " T$ deip narpl is the reading of the best MSS.
• See note on 1 Cor. i. 2, p. 33.
' It seems more natural to take Sla here in the same sense as in verse 9, than (with
De Wette and others) to connect it with the preceding verse, as if the sentiment were. •
ir)v ix ryg tkiriSog.
The MSS. add ml aviavbpevov to the R. T.

EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 385
you, since the day when first you heard it, and learned to know
7 truly the grace of God. And thus you were taught by
Epaphras my beloved fellow-bondsman,1 who is a faithful ser-
g vant of Christ on your behalf. And it is he who has declared
to me your love for me * in the fellowship of the Spirit.
9 Wherefore I also, since the day when first I Prayers for the«
heard it, cease not to pray for you, and to ask of P" ect'°n
God that you may fully attain to the knowledge of His will ;
10 that3 in all wisdom and spiritual understanding you may walk
worthy of the Lord, to please Him in all things ; that you may
bear fruit in all good works, and grow continually in 4 the
11 knowledge of God ; that you may be strengthened to the utter
most in the strength of His glorious power, to bear all suffer-
12 ings with stedfast endurance and with joy, giving thanks6 to
the Father who has enabled us to share the portion of His
people in the light.
13 For He has delivered us from the dominion of Atonement ana
darkness, and transplanted us into the kingdom of cari£t!snty
14 his beloved' Son, in whom we have our redemption,6 the for-
15giveness of our sins. Who is a visible7 image of the invisible
16 God, the firstborn of all creation ; for 8 in Him were all things
created, both in the heavens and on the earth, both visible and
invisible, whether they be Thrones, or Dominations, or Prin
cipalities, or Powers ; 8 by Him and for Him were all crea-
i Epaphras is the same name with Epaphroditus ; but this can scarcely be the
same person with that Epaphroditus who brought the contributions from Philippi to
Rome about this time. This was a native of Colossae (see iv. 12), the other was
settled at Philippi, and held office in the Philippian Church.
* This interpretation (which is Chrysostom's) seems the most natural. Their love for
St. Paul was tv irveipan because they had never seen him iv adpKi.
3 The punctuation here adopted is iv irday k. t. k. irep^aryaai k. t. k.
4 The best MSS. read ry iiriyvuoei.
0 The eixapioTovvreg here seems parallel to the preceding participles, and conse
quently the ypag is used, not with reference to the writer, but generally, as including
both writer and readers ; and the particular case of the readers (as formerly heathens)
referred to in verse 21 (ko.1 ipug).
6 Ala t. aip. avr. has been introduced here by mistake from Eph. i. 7, and is not
found in the best MSS.
' Ekuv. It is important to observe here that St. Paul says not merely that our
Lord was when on earth the visible image of God, but that he is so still. In llim
only God manifests himself to man, and he is still visible to the eye of faith.
* 'Ev here must not be confounded with Sid. The existence of Christ, the koyoc,
is the condition of all Creation ; rx Him the Godhead is manifested.
8 St. Paul here appears to allude to the doctrines- of the Colossian heretics, who
taught a system of angel worship, based upon a systematic riassification of the angelij
vol n. — 25

386 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ted.' And He is before all things, and in Him all things subsist.' 11
And Ho is the head of the body, the Church; whereof He is 18
the beginning, as firstborn from the dead ; that in all things
His place might be the first.
For He willed 3 that in Himself all the Fulness of the
universe * should dwell ; and by Himself He willed to reconcile 19
all things to Himself, having made peace by the blood of His 20
cross; by Himself (I say) to reconcile all that exists, whether
on the earth, or in the heavens.5
rhe colossians And you, likewise, who once were estranged 21
had been call- . . . . . , TT.
«d from hea- from Him, and with your mmd at war with. Hun,
thenism and ' t
reconciled to when vou lived in wickedness, yet now He has re- 22
God by Christ. - ' J
conciled in the body of His flesh 6 through, death,
hierarchy (probably similar to that found in the Kabbala), and who seem to have re
presented our Lord as only one (and perhaps not the highest) of this hierarchy. . Other
allusions to a hierarchy of angels (which was taught in the Rabbinical theology) may
be found Rom. viii. 38. Eph. i. 21. iii. 10. 1 Pet. iii. 22, joined with the assertion
of their subjection to Christ.
1 Compare Rom. xi. 36, where exactly the same thing is said concerning God; from
which the inference is plain. It appears evident that St. Paul insists here thus
strongly on the creation by Jesus Christ, in opposition to some erroneous system
which ascribed the creation to some other source ; and this was the case with the
early Gnosticism, which ascribed the creation of the world to a Demiurge, who was
distinct from the man Jesus.
* SvviaryKe, i. e. the life of the universe is conditioned by His existence. See the
previous note on iv.
3 EiSoKyae. Most commentators suppose an ellipsis of 6 Oebg; but the instances
adduced by De Wette and others to justify this seem insufficient ; and there seems ne
reason to seek a new subject for the verb, when there is one already expressed in the
preceding verse. It appears better therefore to read airu and airoC, not airy and
airov, in this and the next verse.
4 The word irkypupa is here used by St. Paul in a technical Bense, with a manifest
allusion to the errors against which he is writing. The early Gnostics used the same
word to represent the assemblage of emanations (conceived as angelic powers) pro
ceeding from the Deity. St. Paul therefore appears to say, that the true Fulness of
the universe (or, as he calls it, chap. ii. 9, Fulness of the godhead), is to be found,
not in any angelic hierarchy (see the remarks introductory to this Epistle, page 383),
but in Christ alone.
a This statement of the infinite extent of the results of Christ's redemption (which
may well fill us with reverential awe), has been a sore stumbling block to many com
mentators, who have devised various (and some very ingenious) modes of explaining
it away. Into these this is not the place to enter. It is sufficient to observe that St.
Paul is still led to set forth the true greatness of Christ in opposition to the angelolo>
try of the Colossian heretics ; intimating that far from Christ being one Only of the
angelic hierarchy, the heavenly hosts themselves stood in need of His atonement
Compare Heb. ix. 23.
* Here again is perhaps a reference to the Gnostic element in the Colossian theoso-
phy. It was Christ himself who suffered death, in the body of his fleBh ; He was pep
feet man ; and not (as the Docetaj taught) au angelic emanation, who withdrew from
the man Jesus before he suffered.

EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 3ft7
:. that He might bring you to His presence in holiness, without
23 blemish and without reproach; if, indeed, you be stedfast in
your faith, with your foundation firmly grounded and immovea-
bly fixed, and not suffering yourselves to be shifted away from
the hope of the Glad-tidings which first you heard, which has
been published throughout all the earth,- whereof I, Paul, have
been made a ministering servant.
24 And even now I rejoice in the afflictions which st paui'scom-
I bear for your " sake, and I fill up 3 what yet is "eaTX chrL6'
lacking of the sufferings ' of Christ in my flesh, on universal Ji-
25 behalf of His body, which is the Church ; whereof
I was made a servant, to minister in the stewardship which
God gave me for you [Gentiles], that I might fulfil it by de-
26 daring the Word of God, the mystery which has been hid for
countless ages and generations,5 but has now been shown openly
27 to His people; to whom God willed to manifest how rich,
among the Gentiles, is the glory of this mystery, which 6 is
Christ in vou, the hope of glory.
28 Him, therefore, I proclaim, warning every man, and
teaching every man, in all wisdom ; that I may bring every
29 man into His presence full grown in Christ.7 And to this end
I labour in earnest conflict, according to His inward working
n. which works in me with mighty power.
1 For I would have you know how great s a con- He prays that
they may grow
flict I sustain for you, and for those at Laodicea, and >n truo wis-
<!> J dom !
1 Literally, throughout all the creation under the sky, which is exactly equivalent
to throughout 'all the earth. St. Paul of course speaks here hyperbolically, meaning,
the teaching which you heard from Epaphras is the same which has been published
universally by the Apostles.
* St. Paul's sufferings were caused by his zeal on behalf of the Gentile converts.
3 The di/ri is introduced into dvravairkypu by the antithesis between the notions of
irkypovadai and varepeladai.
* Compare 2 Cor. i. 5. ULepioaevei rd rraBypara tov Xptarov elg ypdg, and also Acti
ix. 4, " Why persecutest thou me." St. Paul doubtless recollected these words when
he called his sufferings " the sufferings of Christ in his flesh."
5 Literally, from (i. e. since) the ages and the generations, meaning, from the
remotest times, with special reference to the times of the Mosaic Dispensation. Com
pare Rom. xvi. 25 : pvar. xpbvoig aluvioig aeaiy., and Titus i. 2.
6 The best MSS. are here divided between bg and 6; if we read b it refers to pvery
plov, if bg, to irkovrog ; in either case the sense is the same, since irkcvrog is the rick
abundance contained in the pvarypiov.
7 'Ii/o-nS is omitted here in the best MSS. Tike tog, grown tc the ripeness of ma
tu/rity.' " Alluding to dyavt&pevog above. i

388 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
for all' who have not seen my face in the flesh; that their 2
hearts may be comforted, and that they may be knit to
gether in love, and may gain in all its richness the full assur
ance of understanding,' truly to know the mystery of God,,
wherein are all the treasures of wisdom and of knowledge' 3
hidden. ,nd wams them I say this, lest any man should mislead you with, 4
XDvlid m?se enticing words. For though I am absent from yon 5
lead them ^ ^ fl^ ^ J ^ ^.^^ with yQU in me spirit)
rejoicing when I behold your good order, and the firmness of
your faith in Christ. As, therefore, you first received Christ 6
Jesus the Lord, so continue to live in Him ; having in Him 7
your root, and in Him the foundation whereon you are con
tinually 5 built up; persevering steadfastly in your faith, as
you were taught ; and abounding 6 in thanksgiving.
by a system of Beware 7 lest there be any man who leads you a
Ssophy6 wi&ch captive8 by his philosophy, which is a vain deceitj
1 Viz. all Christians. By the plain natural sense of this passage, the Colossians
are classed among those personally unknown to St. Paul.
* Xvveaeug, compare avveoig irvevpanKi) (i. 9).
3 The reading of the MSS. here is very doubtful. The reading adopted above i«
that of Tischendorf 's 2d edition.
« St. Paul here alludes, as we see from the next verse, to those who (like the Colos
sian false teachers) professed to be in possession of a higher yvuaig. In opposition to
them he asserts that the depths of yvuaig are to be found only in the " Mystery of
God," viz. the Gospel, or (as he defines it above) Xpiarbg iv iplv.
s 'EiroiKoSnpoipevoi, observe the present tense, and compare 1 Cor. iii. 10.
' 'Ev airy is omitted here, as in Tischendorf 's text.
' The following paraphrase of this part of the Epistle is given by Neander (Dent-
wiirdigkeiten, p. 12), " How can you still fear evil spirits, when the Father himself has
delivered you from the kingdom of darkness, and transplanted you into the kingdom
of his dear Son, who has victoriously ascended to heaven to share the divine might of
his Father, with whom he now works in man ; when, moreover, he by his sufferings has
united you with the Father, and freed you from the dominion of all the powers of dark
ness, whom he exhibits (as it were) as captives in his triumphal pomp, and shows their
impotence to harm his kingdom established among men. How can you still let the
doubts and fears of your conscience bring you into slavery to superstition, when Christ
has nailed to his cross, and blotted out the record of guilt which testified against you
in your conscience, and has assured to you the forgiveness of all your sins. Again, how
can you fear to be polluted by outward things, how can you suffer yourselves to be in
captivity to outward ordinances, when you have died with Christ to all earthly things,
and are risen with Christ, and live (according to your true, inward life) with Christ ia
heaven. Your faith must be fixed on things above, where Christ is, at the right hand
of God. Your life is hid with Christ in God, and belongs no more to earth."
s 'O avkayuyuv, literally, who drags you away as his spoil. The peculiar form of
expression employed (similar to nvig elaiv ol rapdoaovreg. Gal. i. 7), shows that St
Paul alludes to some particular individual at Colossae, who prcfesscd to teaeh »
"Philosophy."

EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 389
following the tradition of men,1 the outward lessons '
0 1 appreciates
9 of childhood, not the teaching of Christ. For in Him ChrUt|
10 dwells all the Fulness 3 of the Godhead in bodily form, and in
Him 4 you have your fulness ; for He is the head of all the Prin-
llcipalities and Powers. In Him, also, you were circumcised
with a circumcision not made by hands, even the off-casting of
12 the 5 whole body of the flesh, the circumcision of Christ ; foi
with Him you were buried in your baptism, wherein also you
were made partakers of His resurrection, through the faith
13 wrought in you by God, who raised Him from the dead ; and
you also, when j'ou were dead in the transgressions and uncir
cumcision of your flesh, God raised to share His life. For He
14 forgave us 6 all our transgressions, and blotted out the Writing
against us, which opposed us with its decrees,7 having taken
15 it out of our. way, and nailed it to the cross. And He dis
armed the Principalities and the Powers 8 which fought against
Him, and put them to open shame, leading them captive in His
triumph, which He won 9 in Christ.
16 Therefore, suffer not any man to condemn you andunitesjew-
d ish observances
for what you eat or drink,10 nor in respect of feast- withangei-wor
«/ i A ship and asceti-
17 days, or new moons," or sabbaths; for these are a cism-
18 shadow of things to come, but the body is Christ's. Let no
man succeed in his wish '2 to defraud you of your prize, per-
' Tr)v irapdSoaiv tuv dvBpuiruv is applied to the Rabbinical theology (Mark vii. 8).
' %Totxela tov Koopov (cf. GaL iv. 3), referring to the Jewish ordinances, as oKid
ruv pekkbvruv (v. 17).
3 See note on i. 19.
4 I. e. by union with him alone, you can partake of the Pleroma of the Godhead,
and not (as the Gnostics taught) by initiation into an esoteric system of theosophy,
whereby men might attain to closer connection with some of the " Principalities and
Powers" of the angelic hierarchy.
6 The casting off, not (as in outward circumcision) of a part, but of the whole body
of the flesh, the whole carnal nature. The tuv dpapnuv of the R. T. is an interpola
tion. 6 'Hpiv is the reading of the best MSS.
7 The parallel passage (Eph. ii. 15) is more explicit, rbv vopov tuv birokuv h
tbypaoiv. On the grammatical difficulties of both passages, see Winer, Gram.
sect. 31, 6.
, 8 Cf. Eph. vi. 12 ; and see Neander's paraphrase quoted above.
¦ 'Ev avrip scilicet Xpiaru ; the subject is b Oebg.
10 Compare Rom. xiv. 1-17.
11 The same three Mosaic observances are joined together, 1 Chron. xxiii. 31.
Compare also Gal. iv. 10.
'* MySelg .... -dekuv, let no man though he wishes it; this seems the most natu*
ral explanation of this difficult expression ; it is that adopted by Theodoret and Theo
phylact We observe again the reference to 60me individual false teacher.

390 THE LDTE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
suading you to self-humiliation,' and worship of the angels,' in
truding 3 rashly into things which he has not seen, puffed up by
his fleshly mind, and not holding fast the Head, from whom<l!
the whole body, by the joints which bind it, draws full sup*
plies 5 for all its needs, and is knit together, and increases in
godly growth.
If, then, when you died with Christ,6 you put away the 20
childish lessons of outward things, why, as though you still
lived in outward things, do you submit yourself to decrees
("hold7 not, taste not, touch not" — forbidding the use of 21
things which are all made to be consumed in the using*) 22
founded on the precepts and doctrines of men ? For these 23
precepts, though they have a show of wisdom, in a self-chosen
worship, and in humiliation, and chastening of the body, are
of no value to check s the indulgence of fleshly passions.
1 Taneivotppoavvy is joined with dtfaiiia auparog in verse 23, whence it seems to
mean an exaggerated self-humiliation, like that which has often been joined with
ascetic practices, and has shown itself by the devotee wearing rags, exposing himself
to insult, living by beggary, &c.
' Mr. Hartley mentions a fact in the later Christian history of Colossae, which is at
least curious when considered in connection with St. Paul's warning concerning angels,
and the statement of Herodotus regarding the river Lycus. The modern Greeks have
a legend to this effect: — "An overwhelming inundation threatened to destroy the
Christian population of that city. They were fleoing before it in the utmost consterna
tion, and imploring superior succour for their deliverance. At this critical moment,
the archangel Michael descended from heaven, opened the chasm in the earth to which
they still point, and at this opening the waters of the inundation were swallowed up
and the multitude was saved." (Res. in Greece, p. 52.) A church in honour of the
archangel was built at the entrance of the chasm. This vabg dpxayyekmbg is men
tioned by Nicetas in the passage quoted before (p. 382, note). See also the notes in
the Bonn ed. of Codinus Curopalates, where it is said that on the 6th of September,
rb iv Xuvaig tov upxiarpaTyyov TAixdyk Bavpa TepaTovpyelrat. A council held at
the neighbouring town of Laodicea, in the 4th century, condemned this Angel worship ;
and Theodoret speaks of it as existing in the same region.
3 'EiKy is here joined to ipbarevov.
4 Oi, not yg, as in A. V. For we need not suppose that £J oi is used adverbially
here, as at Phil. iii. 20.
• 'Emxopyyovpevov, literally, furnished with all things necessary to its support.
e The reference is to verse 12. The literal translation is if you died with Christ,
putting away fyc.
' 'Atpy is distinguished from tilyyg, the former, coLveying (according to its original
eense) the notion of close contact and retention, the latter of only momentary con
tact, compare 1 Cor. vii. 1, and also John xx. 17, where py p<n> airrov should probablj
be translated " hold me not," or " cling not to me."
« This appears to be the best view of this very difficult passage, on a comparison,
with 1 Cor. vi. 13, and with St. Paul's general use of qdelpu.
» Upbg nkyopovi)v ryg aapKog, literally, in reference to the indulgence of the flesh.
The difficulty of this verse is well known ; no commentator (so far as we are aware]

EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 391
1 . If, then,' you were made partakers of Christ's Exhortation u
,. i.i . i • i.i -, heavenward af-
resurrection, seek those things which are above, factions.
2 where Christ abides,2 seated on the right hand of God. Set
3 your heart on things above, not on things earthly ; for ye are
4 dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God. When Christ,
who is our life, shall be made manifest, then shall ye be made
manifest 3 with Him in glory.
6 Give, therefore, unto death your earthly mem- Against hea-
- jy . . -, . then impurity
bers; fornication, uncleanness,4 shameful appetites, and other vices.
6 unnatural desires, and the lust of concupiscence,5 which is
idolatry. For these things bring the wrath of God upon the
7 children of disobedience ; among whom you also walked in
8 former times, when you lived therein ; but now, with us,6 you
likewise must renounce them all. Anger, passion, and malice
must be cast away, evil-speakingr and reviling: put Exhortation to
J ' r ° ° r put on the
9 out of your mouth. Lie not one to another, but 7 christian cha-
^ 7 racter in all iti
10 put off the old man with his deeds, and put on the ™0™us r(!tteo"
new 8 man, who grows continually to a more perfect
11 knowledge and likeness of his Creator.3 Wherein there is not
Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian,
has suggested the interpretation adopted above. De Wette's objections to the view of
Meyer, Olshausen, and others (who explain aapKog here by tov vobg ryg aapKog in
verse 18) seem conclusive ; but his own interpretation, which leaves the verse a mere
statement of the favourable side of this Colossian asceticism, unbalanced by any con
trary conclusion, and with nothing to answer to kbyov piv, appears still more un
tenable. 1 The reference is to ii. 12. * 'Earlv is not the mere copula here.
3 So also Rom. viii. 19, the coming of Christ in glory is identified with the diroKa-
kvfig tuv vluv tow Oeov. St. Paul declares, that the real nature and glory of Christ's
people (which is now hidden) will be manifested to all mankind when Christ shall
come again, and force the world to recognise him, by an open display of his majesty..
The. authorised version (though so beautiful in this passage that it is impossible to
deviate from, it without regret), yet does not adequately represent the original.;
" appear " not being equivalent to QavepuByvai.
4 Viz. of word as well as deed.
5 Ti)v rrkeove^iav, whence the before-named special sins spring, as branches from thd-
root For the meaning of the word see note on 2 Cor. v. 11. Lust is called idolatry,.
either because impurity was so closely connected with the heathen idol-worship,; or
because it alienates the heart from God.
6 Kal ipeig, you as well as other Christians. There should be a comma .after
airolg [or rovroig, according to Tischendorf 's reading], and a full stop : at irdvra.
Then the exhortation beginning bpyrjv, &c., follows abruptly, a repetition of dirSBiifa
being understood from the sense.
7 ' ' ArreKSvadpevoi is here equivalent to direKSvaaoBe Si; compare IvbvoaoBe (v, 12).
8 For this use of viog compare Heb. xii. 24.
¦ Literally, who is continually renewed [present participle] to the atiainmeil
l'l<[ of a true knowledge according to the likeness of his Creator.

392 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Scythian, bondsman, freeman ; but Christ is all, and in all.
Therefore, as God's chosen people, holy and beloved, put onij
tenderness of heart, kindness, self-humiliation,1 gentleness,
long-suffering; forbearing one another, and forgiving one 13
another, if any thinks himself aggrieved by his neighbour;
even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye. And over all the 14
rest put on the" robe of love, which binds together and com
pletes the whole.5 Let the peace of Christ4 rule in your 15
hearts, to which also you were called in one body ; and be
thankful one5 to another. Let the Word of Christ dwell in 16
you richly ; teach and admonish one another in all wisdom.6
Festive meet- Let your singing be of psalms, and hymns, and
"febrated. e spiritual songs,7 sung in thanksgiving, with your
neart, unto8 God. And whatsoever you do, in word or deed, 17
do all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God
our Father through Him.
i&hortation to Wives, submit yourselves to your husbands, as 18
the fulfilment . ' '
of the duties of it is 9 fit m the Lord.
domestic life. , . _
Husbands, love your wives, and deal not harshly 19
with them.
Children, obey your parents in all things ; for this is ac- 20
oeptable in the Lord.10
> It is remarkable that the very same quality which is condemned in the false
teachers, w here enjoined ; showing that it was not their self-humiliation which was
condemned, but their exaggerated way of showing it, and the false system on which it
was engrafted.
a 'Err2 nuai rovroig ivSvaaaBe.
3 Literally, which is the bond of completeness.
* The p-eat majority of MSS. read Xpimov.
5 Ebxdptoroi is most naturally understood of gratitude towards one another, espe
cially as the context treats of their love towards their brethren; for ingratitude
destroys mutual love.
6 The punctuation here adopted is b loyog k. r. k. irkovaiug. 'Ev may k. t. k.
tavroig. The participles SiSdaKOvreg, &c, are used imperatively, as in Rom. xii. 9-16.
' The reading adopted is ipakpoig vpvoig tpSaig ¦KvevpanKalg iv ry X"PtTt 4^0VTe^<
which is Tischendorf 's, a stop being put after the preceding iavrovg. St. Paul appears
to intend (as in Eph. v. 18, 19, which throws light on the present passage) to contrast
the songs which the Christians were to employ at their meetings, with those impure ot
bacchanalian" strains which they formerly sung at their heathen revels. It should be
remembered that singing always formed a part of the entertainment at the banquet!
of the GreekB. Compare also James v. 13, eiBvpel Tig ; ipakkiru. For the meaning
of xfylTt compare xaptTl perexa. 1 Cor. x. 30.
8 Oeip is the reading of the best MSS. ~
> For the imperfect dvyKev see Winer, Gram. sect. 41, 3.
» EiuceoTov iv Kvpitp is the reading of MSS.

EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 393
21 Fathers, vex not your children*, lest their spirit should be
broken.
22 Bondsmen, obey in all things your earthly mas- ot slaves and
. . i -i . masters.
ters; not in eye-service, as men-pleasers, but in
23 singleness of heart, fearing the Lord.1 And whatsoever you
24 do, do it heartily, as for the Lord, and not for men ; knowing
that from the Lord you will receive the reward of the inherit
ance ; for you are the bondsmen of Christ, our Lord and ' Mas-
25 ter. But he who wrongs another will be requited for th9
wrong which he has done, and [in that judgment] there is no
IV respect of persons.3
1 Masters, deal rightly and justly with your bondsmen, know
ing that you also have a Master in heaven.
2 Persevere in prayer, and join thanksgiving with He asks for
3 your watchfulness therein ; and pray for me like
wise, that God would open to me a door of entrance l for His
Word, that I may declare the mystery of Christ,5 which is the
4 very cause of my imprisonment ; pray for me that I may de
clare it openly, as I ought to speak.
5 Conduct yourselves with wisdom towards those conduct to-
^ -wards unhe-
6 without the Church,6 and forestall opportunity.7 Let lievers-
your speech be always gracious, with a seasoning of salt,8 un
derstanding how to give to every man a fitting answer.
7 All that concerns me will be made known to Mission oi
Tychicus and
you by Tychicus, my beloved brother and faithful onesimus.
I) servant and fellow-bondsman in the Lord, whom I have sent
to you for this very end, that he might learn your state, and
9 comfort your hearts ; with Onesimus, the faithful and beloved
brother, your fellow countryman ; they will tell you all which
has happened here.
' Kvpiov is the reading of the MSS.
* The correlative meanings of Kvpiog and Sovkog give a force to this in Greek, which
eannot be fully expressed in English.
1 I. e. slaves and masters are equal at Christ's judgment seat.
* Compare 2 Cor. ii. 12. 6 See above, i. 27.
6 Toig ilju, compare 1 Thess. iv. 12, and 1 Cor. v. 12.
' 'Efryopa&pevoi is translated literally above ; like the English forestall, the verb
means to buy up an article out of the market, in order to make the largest possible
profit from it.
" I. e. free from insipidity. It would be well if religious speakers and writer!
bad always kept this precept in mind.

394 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF SI. PAUL.
Greetings from Aristarchus, my fellow-prisoner, salutes you, and J o
christians m -^^ the ccmsm i 0f ]3arnabas, concerningwhom
you received instructions (if he come to you receive him), andn
Jesus surnamed Justus. Of the circumcision2 these only are
my fellow-labourers for the kingdom of God, who have been a
comfort to me.
Epaphras your fellow-coimtryman salutes you ; a bondsman 12
of Christ, who is ever contending on your behalf in his pray
ers, that in ripeness of understanding and full assurance of be
lief,3 you may abide stedfast in all the will of God ; for I bear i'i
him witness that he is filled with zeal for you, and for those in
Laodicea and Hierapolis.
Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas, salute you. 14
Messages to Salute the brethren in Laodicea, and Nymphas, 15
SSn and with the Church at his house. And when this letter 16
has been read among you, provide that it be read
also in the Church of the Laodiceans, and that you also read 11
the letter from Laodicea. And say to Archippus, "Take
heed to the ministration which thou hast received in the
Lord's service, that thou fulfil it."
Autograph sa- The salutation of me, Paul, with my own hand. 18
lutation and p
Benediction. Kemember my chains.5 Grace be with you.6
We have seen that the above epistle to the Colossians, and that tc
Philemon, were conveyed by Tychicus and Onesimus, who travelled to
gether from Rome to Asia Minor. But these two were not the only let
ters with which Tychicus was charged. We know that he carried a third
letter also ; but it is not equally certain to whom it was addressed.. This
third letter was that which is now entitled the Epistle to the Ephesians ; 7
concerning the destination of which (disputed as it is) the least disputa
ble fact is, that it was not addressed to the Church of Ephesus.
1 'Aveiptbg has the meaning of cousin (not nephew) both in classical and HellcnistU
Greek. See Tob. vii. 2 (LXX.) and Hesychius and Pollux.
* We adopt tho punctuation of Lachmann and Meyer.
3 We read ireirkypo^oaypevoi, with Lachmann and Tischendorf, and the best MSS
For the meaning of the word, see Eom. iv. 21.
* If, with some MSS. we read irovbv here, it will not materially alter the sense.
s We have before remarked that the right hand, with which he wrote these words,
was fastened by a chain to the left hand cf the soldier who was on guard over him.
« The duyv (as usual) was added by the copyists, and is absent from the best MSS
» See Eph. vi. 21, 22.

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED) gl)')
This point is established by strong evidence, both internal and exter
nal. To begin with the former, we remark, First, that it would be inex
plicable that St. Paul, when he wrote to the Ephesians, amongst whom he
had spent so long a time, and to whom he was bound by ties of such close
affection (Acts xx. If, &c), should not have a single message of per
sonal greeting to send. Yet none such are found in this Epistle. Se
condly, He could not have described the Ephesians as a Church whose
conversion he knew only by report (i. 15). Thirdly, He could not speak
to them, as only knowing himself (the founder of their Church) to be an
Apostle by hearsay (iii. 2), so as to need credentials to accredit him with
them (iii. 4). Fourthly, he could not describe the Ephesians as so exclusive
ly Gentiles (ii. 11, iv. 11), and so recently converted (v. 8, i. 13, ii. 13).
This internal evidence is confirmed by the following external evidence
also. (1) St. Basil ' distinctly asserts, that the early writers whom he had
consulted declared that the manuscripts of« this Epistle in their time did
not contain the name of Ephesus, but left out altogether the name of the
Church to which the Epistle was addressed. He adds, that the most an
cient manuscripts which he had himself seen gave the same testimony.
This assertion of Basil's is confirmed by Jerome,2 Epiphanius,3 and Ter
tullian.4 (2) The most ancient manuscript now known to exist, namely that of
the Vatican Library, fully bears out Basil's words ; for in its text it does
not contain the words " in Ephesus " at all ; and they are only added in
its margin by a much later hand.
(3) We know, from the testimony of Marcion, that this Epistle was
entitled in his collection the Epistle to the Laodiceans. And his autho
rity on this point is entitled to greater weight from the fact, that he was
himself a native of the district where we should expect the earlier copies
of the Epistle to exist.5
1 The words of Basil are (Basil cont. Eunom. Opp. i. 254), 'Etjieoioig iiriarikkuv .". .
'ONTAS airoig ISiat/yvTug uvbpaaev, elizuv TOIS 'AriOIS T0I2 QT2I KAI HIS-
TOIS EN XPI2T# IH20T. Oiru ydp ol irpb ypuv TtapaSeSuKaai, Kal ypelg ev
rolg irakawlg rim dvnypdfyuv evpyxapev.
' (Hieron. ad Eph. L 1) : " Quidam putant, &c. alii vero simpliciter non ad eos qui
sunt sed qui Ephesi sancti et fideles sunt scriptum arbitrantur."
3 Epiphanius quotes Eph. iv. 5, 6, from Marcion's TJpbg AaoSiKiag. It is scarcely ^
necessary here to notice the apocryphal Epistola ad Laodicenses, which only exists in
Latin MSS. It is a mere cento compiled from the Epistles to the Galatians and
Philippians ; and was evidently a forgery of a very late date, originating from the
wish to represent the epistle mentioned Col. iv. 16, as not lost.
4 Tertullian accuses Marcion of adding the title Jlpbg AaoSmiag, but not of altering
the salutation ; whence it is clear that the MSS. used by Tertullian did not contain
the words h 'Etjiiaip (Tert. adv. Marc. ii. 17).
- Many critics object to receive Marcion's evidence, on the ground that he often

S9Q THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
The above arguments have convinced the ablest of modern critics thai
this Epistle was not addressed to the Ephesians. But there has not been
by any means the same unanimity on the question, who were its intended
readers. In the most ancient manuscripts of it (as we have seen) no
Church is mentioned by name, except in those consulted by Marcion, ac
cording to which it was addressed to the Laodiceans. Now the internal
evidence above mentioned proves that the Epistle was addressed to some
particular church or churches, who were to receive intelligence of St.
Paul through Tychicus, and that it was not a treatise addressed to the
whole Christian world ; and the form of the salutation shows that the
name of some place ' must originally have been inserted in it. Again :
the very passages in the Epistle which have been above referred to, as
proving that it could not have been directed to the Ephesians, agree per
fectly with the hypothesis that it was addressed to the Laodiceans.
Lastly, we know from the Epistle to the Colossians, that St. Paul did
write a letter to Laodicea (Col. iv. 16) about the same time with that to
Colossae.3 On these grounds, then, it appears the safest course to assume
(with Paley, in the Horse Paulinse) that the testimony of Marcion (un
contradicted by any other positive evidence) is correct, and that Laodicea
was one at least of the Churches to which this Epistle was addressed.
And, consequently, as we know not the . name of any other Church to
which it was written, that of Laodicea should be inserted in the place
which the most ancient manuscripts leave vacant.
made arbitrary alterations in the text of the New Testament. But this he did on doc
trinal grounds, which could not induce him to alter the title of an epistle.
1 Tolg dyioig rolg oiaiv ko.1 iriarolg iv Xpiarip 'lyaov, compare the salutations at
Rom. i. 7. 2 Cor. i. 1. Phil. i. 1 ; the analogy of which renders it impossible to sup
pose ovatv used emphatically (" those who are really dyioi ") as some commentators
mentioned by Jerome took it. It is true that this (the oldest known form of the text)
might be translated " to God's people who are also faithful in Christ Jesus ;" but this
would make the Epistle addressed (like the 2nd of Peter) to the whole Christian
world ; which is inconsistent with its contents, as above remarked.
* De Wette argues that the letter to Laodicea, mentioned Col. iv. 16, must have
been written some time before that to Colossse, and not sent by the same messenger,
because St. Paul in the Colossian Epistle sends greetings to Laodicea (Col. iv. 15)
which he would have sent directly if he had written to Laodicea at the same time.
But there is not much weight in this objection, for it was agreeable to St. Paul's man
ner to charge one part of the Church to salute the other ; see Rom. xvi. 3, where he
says dairdoaoBe not dairdfypiai. Moreover it seems most probable that Col. iv. 16-18
was a postscript, added to the Epistle after the Epistle to Laodicea was written. It is
difficult to imagine that the ri)v iK AaoSiKelag (Col. iv. 16) could have been received
much before that to the Colossians, from the manner in which it is mentioned, and th»
frequent intercourse which must have occurred between such neighbouring churches.
The hypothesis of Wieseler, that the Laodicean Epistle was that to Philemon, is quite
arbitrary, and appears irreconcileable with the fact that Onesimus is expressly called
a Colossian, and was sent to Colossae on this very occasion. See also Hora: Paulina:
(in loco).

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 397
Still, it must be obvious, that this does not remove all the difficulties
of the question. For, first it will be asked, how came the name of La>
dicea (if originally inserted) to have slipped out of these ancient manu-
scripts 1 and again, how came it that the majority of more recent manu
scripts inserted the name of Ephesus ? These perplexing questions are in
some measure answered by the hypothesis originated by Archbishop
Usher, that this Epistle was a circular letter addressed not to one only,
but to several Churches, in the same way as the Epistle to the Galatians
was addressed to all the Churches iu Galatia, and those to Corinth were
addressed to the Christians " in the whole province of Achaia." ' On
this view, Tychicus would have carried several copies of it, differently
superscribed, one for Laodicea, another, perhaps, for Hieropolis, another
for Philadelphia, and so on. Hence the early copyists, perplexed by this
diversity in their copies, might many of them be led to omit the words in
which the variation consisted ; and thus the state of the earliest known
text a of the Epistle would be explained. Afterwards, however, as copies
of the Epistle became spread over the world, all imported from Ephesus
(the commercial capital of the district where the Epistle was originally
circulated,) it would be called (in default of any other name) the Epistle
from Ephesus ; and the manuscripts of it would be so entitled ; and thence
the next step, of inserting the name of Ephesus into the text, in a place
where some local designation was plainly wanted, would be a very easy
one. And this designation of the Epistle would the more readily prevail,
from the natural feeling that St. Paul must have written 3 some Epistle to
so great a Church of his own founding as Ephesus.
Thus the most plausible account of the origin of this Epistle seems to
be as follows. Tychicus was about to take his departure from Rome for
Asia Minor. St. Paul had already written l his Epistle to the Colossians
1 See 2 Cor. i. 1, and p. 96, above.
* That of the Codex Vaticanus, above described as agreeing with the most ancient
MSS. seen by Basil.
3 We cannot doubt that St. Paul did write many epistles which arc now lost. He
himself mentions one such to the Corinthians, as we have seen (page 29) ; and it is a
mysterious dispensation of Providence that his Epistles to the two great metropolitan
churches of Antioch and Ephesus, with which he was himself so peculiarly connected,
should not have been preserved to us.
* It is here assumed that the Epistle to the Colossians was written before that
(so called) to the Ephesians. This appears probable from a close examination of the
parallel passages in the two Epistles ; the passages in Ephesians bear marks of being
expanded from those in Colossians ; and the passages in Colossians could not be so
well explained on the converse hypothesis, that they were a condensation of those in
Ephesians. We have remarked, however, in a previous note, that we must assume the
reference iu Colossians to the other epistle (Col. iv. 16), to have been added as a post
script ; unless we suppose that St. Paul there refers to the tt)v iK AaoSiKeiag before it
was actually written (as intending to write it, and send it by the same messenger)
which he might very well have done.

398 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
at the request of Epaphras, who had informed him of their danger. But
Tychicus was about to visit other places, which, though not requiring tho
same warning with Colossae, yet abounded in Christian converts. Most
of these had been heathens, and their hearts might be cheered and
strengthened by words addressed directly to themselves from the great
Apostle of the Gentiles, whose face they had never seen, but whose name
they had learned to reverence, and whose sufferings had endeared Mm to
their love. These scattered Churches (one of which was Laodicea ¦) had
very much in common, and would all be benefitted by the same instruction
and exhortation. Since it was not necessary to meet the individual case
of any one of them, as distinct from the rest, St. Paul wrote the same
letter to them all, but sent to each a separate copy authenticated by the
precious stamp of his own autograph benediction. And the contents of
this circular epistle naturally bore a strong resemblance to those of the
letter which he had just concluded to the Colossians, because the thoughts
which filled his heart at the time would necessarily find utterance in simi
lar language, and because the circumstances of these Churches were in
themselves very similar to those of the Colossian Church, except that
they were not infected with the peculiar errors j which had crept in at
Colossae. The Epistle which he thus wrote consists of two parts : first, a
doctrinal, and, secondly, a hortatory portion. The first part contains a
summary, very indirectly conveyed (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving),
of the Christian doctrines taught by St. Paul, and is especially remarka
ble for the great prominence given to the abolition of the Mosaic Law.
The hortatory part, which has been so dear to Christians of every age and
country enjoins unity (especially between Jewish and Gentile Christians),
the renunciation of heathen vices, and the practice of Christian purity.
It lays down rules (the same as those in the Epistle to Colossae, only in an
expanded form) for the performance of the duties of domestic life, and
urges these new converts, in the midst of the perils which surrounded
them, to continue steadfast in watchfulness and prayer. Such is the
substance, and such was most probably the history of the following
Epistle. 1 It has been objected to the circular hypothesis, that the Epistle, if meant as a cir
cular, would have been addressed rolg otaiv iv 'Aoia. But to this it mayjte replied
that on our hypothesis the Epistle was not addressed to all the churches in Proconsu
lar Asia, and that it was addressed to some churches not in that province.

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 399
IHE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED).'
I. 1 Paul, an Apostle of Jesus Chkist, by the will salutation
of God, to God's * people who are [in Laodi
cea3], AND WHO HAVE FAITH IN CHRIST JeSUS.
2 Grace be to you and peace, from God our Father, and from
our Lord Jesus Christ.
3 Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Thanksgiving
m . , , . .-., . f°r redemption
Christ, who has given * us in Christ all spiritual and knowledge
" . . ° r of the Christ-
, 4 blessings in the heavens.6 Even as He chose us in ^ mystery
° given to tho
Him, before the foundation of the world, that we AP°stles
5 should be holy and spotless in his sight. For in His love0 He
predestined us to be adopted among His children through
6 Jesus Christ, according to the good pleasure of His will, that
i In the above introductory remarks it is assumed that this Epistle was cotem-
porary with that to the Colossians, which is stated in the Epistle itself (vi. 21,
Compare Col. iv. 7). Its date, therefore, is fixed by the arguments in p. 384.
We may here shortly notice the arguments which have been advanced by some
German critics, for rejecting the Epistle altogether as a forgery. Their objections
against its authenticity are principally the following. First, The difficulties re
specting its destination, which have been already noticed. Secondly, The want
of originality in its matter, the substance of its contents being found also in the
Colossians, or others of St. Paul's Epistles. This phenomenon has been accounted
for above (p. 398), and is well explained by Paley (Horse Paulinas). Thirdly, Certain
portions of the doctrinal contents are thought to indicate a later origin e. g., the De-
monology (ii. 2 and vi. 12). Fourthly, Some portions of the style are considered un-
Pauline. Fifthly, Several words are used in a sense different from that which they
bear in St. Paul's other writings. These three last classes of difficulties we cannot
pretend fully to explain, nor is this the place for their discussion; but as a general
answer to them we may remark ; First, That if we had a fuller knowledge of the per
sons to whom, and especially of the amanuensis by whom, the letter was written, they
would probably vanish. Secondly, that no objector has yet suggested a satisfactory
explanation of the origin of the Epistle, if it were a forgery ; no motive for forgery
can be detected in it ; it contains no attack on post-apostolic forms of heresy, no indi
cation of a later development of church government. The very want of originality
alleged against it would not leave any motive for its forgery. Thirdly, It was unani
mously received as St. Paul's Epistle by the early church, and is quoted by Polycarp
and Irenwus.
. * For the translation of dyioig see note on 1 Cor. i. 2.
3 ,S!ee the preceding remarks, p. 396.
4 'Hpug (here) includes both the writer and (apparently) the other Apostles ; while
Kal ipelg(v. 13) addresses the readers as distinguished from the writer.
5 'Ev rolg tirovpavioig. Tfcis expression is peculiar to the present Epistle, in which
It occurs five times.
8 We join iv dyairy with v. 5.

400 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF 6T. PAUL.
we might praise and glorify His grace, wherewith He favoured •
us in His beloved. For in Him we have our redemption 7
through His blood, even the forgiveness of our sins, in the
richness of His grace,2 which he bestowed upon us above mea
sure; and He made known3 to us, in the fulness of wisdom a
and understanding, the mystery of His will, according to His 9
good pleasure, which He had purposed in Himself to fulfil,
that it should be dispensed4 in the fulness of time ; 5 to make 10
all things one 6 in Christ as head, yea, both things in heaven
and things on earth in Him; in whom we also received then
portion of our lot,7 having been predestined thereto according
to His purpose, whose working makes all fulfil the counsel of
His own will ; that unto His praise and glory 8 we might live, 12
who have 9 hoped in Christ before you.
Thanks for And you, likewise, have hoped in Him, since 13
their conver- »i ii/-ni
sion, and pray- y0u heard the message 01 the truth, the Glad-
er for their en- * °
lightenment. tidings of your salvation ; and you believed in Him,
and received His seal, the Holy Spirit of promise ; who is an l0 14
earnest of our inheritance, given " to redeem that which Ho
hath purchased," to the praise of His glory.
1 Observe xdptrog, txapiruaev, which would be more literally translated His favour
wherewith he favoured us.
3 Comma at the end of verse 7, cohm at ypdg (v. 8), and no stop at the end of verse
8, taking iirepiaaevaev transitively.
3 This is referred to (iii. 3). Compare yvupiaag yplv rb pvarypiov with iyvapiafh)
poi rb pvarypiov, which proves yplv here to correspond with poi there.
4 O'iKovopiav. According to most interpreters this expression is used in this Epistlo
in the sense of adjustment, or preparation; but as the meaning it bears elsewhere in
St. Paul's writings (viz. the office of a steward in dispensing his master's goods, see
1 Cor. ix. 17, and cf. Col. i. 25) gives a very intelligible sense to the passages in thia
Epistle, it seems needless to depart from it. The meaning of the present passage is
best illustrated by iii. 2, 3.
» Literally for a dispensation [o/ir], which belongs to the fulness of time.
6 'AvaKefy. r. ir. iv Tip Xpiaru, literally to unite all things under one head, in
union with Christ: so Chrysostom explains it, piav Ke<j>aki)v iiriBelvai irdoi rbv
Xpiarbv. For the doctrine, compare 1 Cor. xv. 24.
' 'EKkypuBypev, " in hsereditatem adsciti sumus."
s Elg iiraivov Sofrg may be considered as a Hebraism ; literally, that we should it
for the glory-praise of Him; compare verse 6 (the best MSS. omit the tyg).
» llpoekiri^eiv might mean, as some take it, to look forward with hope: but the
other meaning appears most obvious, and best suits the context. Compare rpoekdbv-
reg, Acts xx. 13.
10 Compare Rom. viii. 23.
" Eig, not until (A. V.).
>a Tyg irepiiroiyaeug, used in the same sense here as iKKkyaia yv irepieiroiyaaro (Aotl
xx. 28). The metaphor is that the gift of the Holy Spirit was an earnest (that is, a

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANfe (8« CALLED). 401
15 "Wherefore I, also, since I heard of your faith in our Lord
16 Jesus, and your love to all God's people, give thanks for you
17 without ceasing, and make mention of you in my prayers, be
seeching the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of Glory,
to give you a spirit of wisdom and of insight, in the true know-
18 ledge of Himself; the eyes of your ' understanding being filled
with light, that you may know what is the hope of His call-
19 ing, and how rich is the glory of His inheritance, in His people,
and how surpassing is the power which He has shewn toward
us who believe ; [for he has dealt with us] in the strength of
20 that might wherewith He wrought in Christ, when office ana dig-
He raised Him from the dead ; and set Him on His
21 own right hand in the heavens, far above every a Principality
and Power, and Might, and Domination, and every name which
is named, not only in this present time, but also in that which
22 is to come. And "He put all things under His feet," 3 and
gave Him to be sovereign head of the Church, which is His
23 body; the4 Fulness of Him who fills all things everywhere
ILwith Himself. And you, likewise, He raised from They had ueeu
awakened from
1 death a to life, when you were dead in transgressions heathenism bj
* ° God's grace,
2 and sins ; wherein once you walked according to
the course of this e world, and obeyed the Ruler of the Powers
of the Air,' even the Spirit who is now working in the children
3 of disobedience ; amongst whom we also, in times past, lived,
part payment in advance) of the price' required for the full deliverance of those who
had been slaves of sin, but now were purchased for the service of God.
J The majority of MSS. read Kap&ag, which would give the less usual sense, the eyes
of your heart.
' See Col. i. 16 and note.
3 Ps. viii. 6. (LXX.), quoted in the same Messianic sense, 1 Cor. xv. 27, and Heb.
ii. 8. Compare also Ps. ex. 1.
4 We see here again the same allusion to the technical use of the word rrkypupa by
false teachers, as in Col. ii. 9, 10. St. Paul there asserts that, not the angelic hier
archy, but Christ himself is the true fulness of the Godhead; and here that the
Church is the fulness of Christ, that is, the full manifestation of his being, because
penetrated by His life, and living only in Him. It should be observed that the Churc?1
is here spoken of so far forth as it corresponds to its ideal. For the translation *f
vkypovpevov, see Winer, Gram. sect. 39, 6.
5 The sentence (in the original) is left unfinished in the rapidity of dictation ; «ut
the verb is easily supplied from the context.
6 Aluva tov Koapov tovtov is equivalent io aluva tovtov. Compare 2 Cor. iv *.
1 Cor. i. 20, &c.
' In the Rabbinical theology evil spirits were designated as the " Power; of the
iir." St. Paul is here again probably alluding to the language of those teachera
against whom he wrote to the Colossians.
vol. n. — 26

402 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 6T. PAUL.
all of us, in fleshly lusts, fulfilling the desires of our flesh, and
of our imagination, and were by nature children of wra*h, no
less than others.' But God, who is rich in mercy, because of A
the great love wherewith He loved us, even when we were 6
dead in sin, caused us to share the life of Christ— (by grace you
are saved),— and in3 Christ Jesus, He raised us up with Him 6
from the dead, and seated us with Him in the heavens ; that, 7
in the ages which are coming,3 He might manifest the surpass
ing riches of His grace, by kindness towards us in Christ Jesus.
For by grace you are saved, through faith ; and that not of 8
yourselves ; it is the gift of God ; not won by works, lest any 9
man should boast. For we are. His workmanship, created in 10
Christ Jesus to do good works, which God has prepared * that
we should walk therein.
and incorpo- "Wherefore remember that you, who once were ll
Israel. reckoned among carnal Gentiles, who are called the
Uncircumcision by that which calls itself the Circumcision (a
circumcision of the flesh,5 made by the hands of man) — that in 12
those times you were shut out from Christ, aliens from the
commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the covenants ° of
the promise, having no hope, and without God in the world.
But now, in Christ Jesus, ye, who were once far off", have been 13
brought near through the blood of Christ. For He is our 14
The law which peace, who has made both one,7 and has broken
divided Jews ¦*¦ #
from Gentuea down the wall which parted us ; for, in His 8 flesh, 15
abolished. *¦ ' ' '
He destroyed the ground of our enmity, the law of
enacted ordinances ; that so, making peace between us, out of 16
both He might create ° in Himself one new man ; and that, by
1 Oi koiirol, literally, the rest of mankind, i. e. unbelievers. Compare 1 Thess.
iv. 13.
1 The meaning is, that Christians share in their Lord's glorification, and dwell with
Him in heaven, in so far as they are united with Him.
* Viz. the time of Christ's perfect triumph over evil, always contemplated in the
New Testament as near at hand.
4 I. e. God, by the laws of His Providence, has prepared opportunities of doing good
for every Christian.
fi Meaning a circumcision of the flesh, not of the spirit,-~madc by man's hands,
not by God's.
« AiaB. ryg iv. Compare Gal. iii 16 and Eom. ix. 4.
7 Both, viz., Jews and Gentiles.
« I. e. by his death, as explained by the parallel passage, Col. i. 22.
• Christians are created in Christ, (see above, verse 10) i. e. their union with Christ
is the essential condition of their Christian existence.

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED) 403
17 His cross, He might reconcile both, in one body, unto God
having slain their enmity thereby. And when He came, He
published the Glad-tidings of peace to you that were far off,
18 and to them that were near. For through Him we both have
power to approach the Father in the fellowship ' of one Spirit.
19 Now, therefore, you are no more strangers and They are buiit
. . , n .-, .. .-iv*-.. . into the temple
sojourners, but fellow-citizens with Gods people, ofo*11-
20 and members of God's household. You are built upon the
foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself
21 being the chief corner-stone ; in whom all the building, fitly
framed together, grows into a temple hallowed by the2 in-
22 dwelling of the. Lord. And in Him, not others only,3 but you
also, are built up together, to make a house wherein God may
m. dwell by the * presence of His Spirit.
1 Wherefore I, Paul, who, for maintaining the The mystery of 0 ¦
~ „ ,, „ T univagalsalva- S -|rw"T .,
2 eause oi you U-entiles, am the prisoner ol Jesus tion proclaimed '
Christ5 — for6 I suppose that you have heard how soner&rit. ,-
God s grace was given me, that 1 might dispense it among you ; "
3 and how, by revelation, was7 made known to me the mys-
4 tery (as I have already shortly8 written to you ; so that,
when you read, you may perceive my understanding in the
5 mystery of Christ), which, in the generations of old, was not
made known to the sons of men, as it has now been revealed
by the indwelling9 of the Spirit, to His holy Apostles and
6 Prophets ; to wit, that the Gentiles are heirs of the same in
heritance, and members of the same body, and partakers of
the 10 same promise in Christ, by means of the Glad-tidings.
7 And of this Glad-tidings I was made a ministering servant,
according to the gift of the grace of God, which was given me
8 in the full measure of His mighty working ; to me, I say, who
1 It is sometimes impossible to translate iv accurately, except by a periphrasis of
this kind.
a "Ayiov iv Kvpiip. See the preceding note.
3 Kal ipeig. You as well as others.
4 'Ev Tcvevpart. Compare 1 Cor. iii. 16 ; and see note 1.
* The sentence is abruptly broken off here, but carried on again at v. 13. The
whole passage bears evident marks of the rapidity of dictation.
* Literally, if, as I suppose (elye) you have heard of the office of dispensing
(oUovopiav, see note on i. 10) the grace of God which was given me for you.
7 'EyvupioBy is the reading of the MSS.
8 The reference is to chap. i. 9, 10.
* 'Ev mievpan. See notes on verses 18 and 21 above.
* nirov, is omitted by the best MSS.

,;.v

404 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
am less than the least of all God's people, this grace was
given, to bear among the Gentiles the Glad-tidings of the un
searchable riches of Christ, and to bring light to all, whereby 9
they might understand the " dispensation of the mystery which,
from the ages of old, has been hid in God, the maker of all
things ; * that now, by the Church,3 the manifold wisdom of 10
God might be made known to the Principalities and Powers in
the heavens, according to His eternal purpose, which he ful- 11
filled in Christ Jesus our Lord ; in whom we can approach 12
without fear to God, in trustful confidence, through faith in
Him.He prays for Wherefore I prav that I may not faint under my 13
himself and , . i -n i
them, that they sufferings' for you, which are your glory. For this 14
strengthened cause I bend my knees before the Father,4 whose 13
and enlighten- ^ "
ed- children 6 all are called in heaven and in earth, be- 16
seeching Him, that, in the richness of His glory, He would
grant you strength by the entrance of His Spirit into your in
ner man, that Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith ; that 17
having your root and your foundation in love, you may be 'en- 18
abled, with all God's people, to comprehend the breadth and
length, and depth and height thereof; and to know the love of 19
Christ which passeth knowledge,6 that you may be filled there
with, even to the measure of7 the Fulness of God. Now unto 20
Doxoiogy. Him who is able to do exceeding abundantly, above
all. that we ask or think, in the power of his might which 21
works within us, — unto Him, in Christ Jesus, be glory in the
Church, even to all the generations of the age of ages.
Amen.
J The best MSS. read o'iKovopia not Koivuvia. See note on i. 10.
3 Aid Tyaov Xpiorov is not in the best MSS.
1 I. c. by the union of all mankind in the Church. That which calls forth the ex
pressions of rapturous admiration here, and in the similar passage in Romans (xi. 33),
is the divine plan of including all mankind in a universal redemption.
4 The words tov to Xpiorov are not in the best MSS.
° The sense depends on the paronomasia between irarepa and irarpia, the latter word
meaning a race descended from a common ancestor. Compare ix irarpiag AaUb
(Luke ii. 4). If fatherhood had this meaning in English (as it might have had, a>
cording to the analogy of " a brotherhood "), the verse might be literally rendered
from whom every fatherhood in heaven and earth is named; i. e. the very name of
fatherhood refers us back to God as the father of all. The A. V. is incorrect, and
would require y irarpia.
c Again we observe an apparent allusion to the technical employment of the word!
yvuaig and irkypupa.
¦ E'tr r-ot toith (A. V.)

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED'). 405
IV. 1 I, therefore, the Lord's prisoner, exhort you to Equation to
walk worthy of the calling wherewith you were e°ttygifto "Ind
2 called ; in all lowliness,1 and gentleness, and long- ™wM "toS
3 suffering, forbearing one another in love, striving to church.
maintain the unity of the Spirit, bound together with the bond
4 of peace. You are one body and one spirit, even as you were
5 called to share one common hope ; you have one Lord, you
6 have one faith, you have one baptism ; you have one God and
Father of all, who is over all, and works through all, and dwells
7 in all.2 But each one of us received the gift of grace which
he possesses according to the measure 3 wherein it was given by
8 Christ. Wherefore it is4 written: " When He went up on
9 high, He led captivity captive, and game gifts unto men." Now
that word " He went up" what saith it, but that He first
10 came down to the earth below ? Yea, He who came down is
the same who is gone up, far above all the heavens, that He
U might fill all things.5 " And He gave some to be apostles," and
some prophets, and some evangelists, and some pastors and
12 teachers ; for the perfecting of God's people, to labour 7 in
13 their appointed service, to build up the body of Christ ; till we
all attain the same8 faith and knowledge of the Son of God,
and reach the stature of manhood,9 and be of ripe age to re-
14 ceive the Fulness of Christ ; l0 that we should no longer be
children in understanding, tossed to and fro, and blown round
by every shifting current of teaching, tricked by the sleight
15 of men, and led astray into the snares " of the cunning ; but
that we should live in truth and love, and should grow up in
1 Taireivofpoavvy. See note on Col. iii. 12.
* "Tplv, omitted in best MSS..
3 This verse is parallel to Rom. xii. 6, ixovreg xapiapara Kard ri)v xapev rijv SoBel
aav i)p\v SidQopa. The whole context of the two passages also throws lignt on both.
4 Aiyei (sc. y ypafi)), see note on Rom. ix. 25. The quotation is from Ps. lxviii.
19, but slightly altered, so as to correspond neither, with the Hebrew nor with the
Septuagint Our two authorised versions of the Psalms have here departed from the
original, in order to follow the present passage ; probably on the supposition that St
Paul quoted from some older reading.
6 Again we remark an allusion to the doctrine o: the irkypupa. Compare L 23.
6 On this classification of church offices, see Vol. 1. p. 436.
7 AiaKoviag does not mean " the ministry " (A. V.).
6 Literally, the oneness of the faith and of the knowledge
* 'AvSpa rekeiov, literally, a man of mature age.
10 TLkypuparog. See note on in. 19.
" Literally, led cunningly (hi iravovpyia) towards the snares of misleading errm
Itxkavyc.).

406 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
every part ' to the measure of His a growth, who is our head,
even Christ. From whom3 the whole body (being knit to- 16
gether, and compacted by all its joints) derives its continued
growth in the working of His bounty, which supplies its needs,
according to the measure of each several part, that it may
build itself up in love.
Exhortation to This I say, therefore, and adjure you in the 17
heathen" vice" Lord, to live no longer like other Gentiles, whose
renewal. ™" minds are filled with folly, whose understanding is 18
darkened, who are estranged from the life of God because of
the ignorance which is in them, through the hardness of their
hearts ; who, being past feeling, have given themselves over to 19
lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness in lust.4 But you have 20
not so learned Christ ; if, indeed, you have heard His voice, 21
and been taught in Him, as the truth is in Jesus ; to forsake 22
your former life, and put off the old man, whose way is 5 de
struction, following the desires which deceive ; and to be re- 23
newed in the spirit of your mind, and to put on the new man, 24
created after God's likeness, in the righteousness and holiness
Against several of the Truth. Wherefore, putting away lying, 25
speak every man truth with his neighbour ; for we
are members one of another. " Be ye angry, and sin not."6 26
Let not the sun go down upon your wrath, nor give way to 27
the Devil. Let the robber 7 rob no more, but rather let him 28
1 T<2 irdvra. See following verse.
a Avidveiv elg airbv is to grow to the standard of his growth.
" 'Ei ov iruv rb aupa (avvappokoyovpevov Kal avp6i6a£opevov Std rrdayg d$yg),
ryg iirixopyyiag rut' ivepyeiav, iv pirpip ivbg iKaarov pipovg, ti)v aiijyoiv tov
ouparog iroielrai, literally rendered, from whom all the body (being knit together
and compacted by every joint), according to the working of his bounteous pro
viding, in the measure of each several part, continues the growth of the body.
Compare the parallel passage, Col. ii. 19, ii oi iruv rb aupa Sid tuv dtyuv Kal ow
Seapuv iirtxopyyovpevov Kal avpbiba^bpevov avl-ei. De Wette remarks " Das nebenein-
ander des av£. elg airbv und des avi. ii airov ist nicht wenig paradox :" but why is it
more paradoxical than to say that a child derives its life (ii) from its father, and
grows up (elg) to the standard of its father's growth? That interpretation which
takes utfi as equivalent to aloByoig (a view which Meyer advocates) can scarcely be
reconciled with the parallel passage in Colossians.
4 Xlkeoveiuf. See note on 2 Cor. v. 11 ; and compare chap. v. 3.
0 QBeipopevov, not " corrupt " (A. V.), but going on in the way ofQBopd.
« Paslm iv. 4. (LXX.).
7 Kkiirruv. The A. V. would require xkeipag. It should be remembered that thu
KieicTai of the N. T. were not what we should now call thieves (as the word is gene
rally rendered in A. V.), but bandits; and there is nothing strange in finding such
persons numerous in the provincial towns among the mountains of Asia Minor Se«
Vol I. p. 162.

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED.) 407
labour, working to good purpose with his hands, that he may
29 have somewhat to share with the needy. From your mouth
let no filthy words proceed, but such as may build up ' the
Church according to its need, and give a blessing to the hear-
30 ers. And grieve not the Holy Spirit of God, who was given
31 to seal you 2 for the day of redemption. Let all bitterness and
passion, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking be put away
32 from you, with all malice; and be3 kind one to another, ten-
V. der-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God in Exhortation to
1 Christ has forgiven you. Therefore be followers of giveness and
2 God's example as the children of his love. And
walk in love, as Christ also loved us, and gave Himself for us,
a sacrifice of sweet odour, to be offered up to God."
3 But as befits God's people, let not fornication or Against imPu-
i • i z> n -, -, . rity and other
any kind ot uncleanness or lust5 be so much as sins ot heathen
4 named among you ; nor filthiness, or buffoonery, or
ribald jesting, for such speech beseems you not, but rather
5 thanksgiving. Yea, this you know ; 6 for you have learned
that no fornicator, or impure or lustful man, who is nothing
less than an 7 idolater, has any inheritance in the kingdom of
6 Christ and God. Let no man mislead you by empty 8 reason
ings ; for these are the deeds 9 which bring the wrath of God
7 upon the children of disobedience. Be not ye, therefore,
8 partakers with them ; for you once were darkness, but now
9 are light in the Lor,d. Walk as children of light ; for the
fruits of light ,0 are in all goodness, and righteousness, and
1 Literally, such as is good for needful building up (o'iKoSopy always implies ryg
iKKAyaiag) that it may give a blessing (for this meaning of xdpiv SiSovai see Olshau
sen and Meyer, in loco) to the hearers.
' 'EoippayioDyTe, the tense is mistranslated in A. V. The meaning is rendered evi
dent by i. 13, 14. It is the constant doctrine of St. Paul that the gift of the Holy
Spirit is a seal or mark of Christ's redeemed, which was given them at their conver
sion and reception into the Church, as a foretaste of their full redemption. Compare
Rom. viii. 23.
" TiveaBe. This word is sometimes used as simply equivalent to " be ye." Com
pare v. 17 .
* Literally, a sacrifice offered up to God (irpoafopdv Kal ¦dvaiav^'&vaiav irpoatfs-
popevyv) to make a sweet odour.
5 It has been before remarked that this passage is conclusive as to the use of
irkeoveiia by St. Paul ; for what intelligible sense is there in saying that •' covetousnesi '
must not be so much as named ?
• The MSS. read tare not iari. ' See note on Col. iii. 5.
« See 1 Cor. vi. 12-20, and the note.
0 Viz., the sins of impurity. Compare Rom. i. 24-27.
* ivbg, not irvevparog, is the reading of the best MSS.

408 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.,
*hich must be truth. Examine well what is acceptable to the Lord, 10
SampM6 and have no fellowship with the unfruitful works ll
SaSSSS. of darkness, yea, rather expose their foulness.^ For, 12
concerning the secret deeds of the heathen,3 it is shameful
even to speak; yet all these things, when exposed, are made 13
manifest by the shining of the light; for whatsoever is shone
upon and made manifest becomes light.3 Wherefore it is 14
written,4 "Awake, thou that steepest, and arise from, the dead, 15
and Christ shall shine upon thee." 5
See, then, that you walk without stumbling, not in folly but
in wisdom, forestalling « opportunity, because the times are Ifi
evil. Therefore, be not without understanding, but learn to 17
know what the will of the Lord is.
restive meet- Be not drunk with wine, like those7 who live 18
celebrated'.0 e riotously ; but be filled with the indwelling of the 19
Spirit, when you speak one to another.8 Let your singing be
of psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, and make: melody
with the music of your hearts, to the Lord.9 And at all times, 20
for all things which befalLyou, give thanks to our God and Fa
ther, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.
1 'Ekiyxere. The verb means to lay bare the real character of a thing by ex.
posing it to open scrutiny.
* " Airuv, den Heiden: constr. ad sens." Be Wette.
,3 Such appears to be the meaning of this difficult verse, viz., that when the light
falls on any object, the object itself reflects the rays ; implying that moral evil will
be recognised as evil by the conscience, if it is shown in its true colours by being
brought into contrast with the laws of pure morality. The preceding Qavepovrai does
not allow us to translate Qavepoipevov active (as A. V.)«
4 Aiyei. See note on iv. 8.
5 There is no verse exactly corresponding with this in the 0. T. But Isaiah lx. 1 ia
perhaps referred to, Quritiov, $uri£ov, 'lepovaakyp, yxei yap acm rb $ug, nal y. Soia Xv-
pio'i lir'i ae dvaTirakKev (LXX.). We must remember, however, that there is no proof
that St. Paul intends (either here, or 1 Cor. ii. 9) to quote the Old Testament. Some
have supposed that he is quoting a Christian hymn ; others, a saying of our Lord (as
at Acts xx. 35).
» See Col. iv. 5 and note.
' 'Ev tp ianv anuria, literally, in doing which is riotous living.
a We put a full stop after 'Eavroig, to one another (here), as Col. iii. 16.
• Throughout the whole passage there is a contrast implied between the heathen
and the Christian practice, e. g. When you meet, let your enjoyment consist not in
fulness of wine, but fulness of the Spirit; let your songs be, not the drinking-songs
of heathen feasts, but psalms and hymns; and their accompaniment, not the mvsit
of the lyre, but the melody of the heart ; while you sing them to the praise not of
Buccnus or Venus, but of the Lord Jesus Christ. For the construction and punctua«
tion see Col. iii. IS.

wives
and husbands.

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (so CALLED). 409
21 Submit yourselves one to another in the fear of Duties of
22 Christ.1 Wives, submit yourselves to your hus-
23 bands, as unto the Lord ; for the husband is head of the wife,
even as Christ is head of the Church," His body, which H«
24 saves from harm.3 But,4 as the Church submits itself to
Christ, so let the wives submit themselves to their husbands in
all things.
25 Husbands, love your wives, as Christ also loved the Church,
26 and gave Himself for it, that having purified it by the water
wherein it is washed,5 He might hallow it by the indwelling
27 of the word of God ; that he might Himself6 present unto Him
self' the Church in stainless glory, not having spot or wrinkle,
or any such thing ; but that it should he holy and unblemish-
28 ed. In like manner, husbands ought to love their wives as
they love their own bodies ; for he that loves his wife does but
29 love himself: and no man ever hated his own flesh, but
nourishes and cherishes it, as Christ8 also nourishes and
30 cherishes the Church ; for we are members of His body, por-
31tions of His flesh.9 "For this cause shall a man leave his
father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife, and they
Zltwo shall be one Hesh."w This mystery is great; but I" speak
' Xpwrov is the reading of the best MSS. That this comprehends all the special
telations of subjection which follow (and should be joined with what follows), is shewn
by the omission of virordaoeaBe (in the next verse) by the best MSS.
' This statement occurs 1 Cor. ii. 3 almost verbatim.
3 The best MSS. omit Kal and iarl in this clause : the literal English is he saves his
body from harm ; and an analogy is implied to the conjugal relation, in which the
husband maintains and cherishes the wife.
4 'Akkd can scarcely be translated " therefore" (A. V.).
s Tow iSarog (not simply iSarpg ); literally by the laver of the water, equivalent to
kwrpov irakiyyeveaiag (Titus iii. 5). The following hi fiypan is exceedingly difficult.
Chrysostom and the patristie commentators generally take it as if it were ru iv p. and
explain it of the formula of baptism ; De Wette takes the same view. But St. Paul
elsewhere explains to fiypa to be equivalent to rb fiypa ryg rrioreug b Kypiaaopev
(Rom. x. 8), and to f>ijpa Beov (Rom. x. 17), (compare also Eph. vi. 17) ; and more-
Over, as Winer and Meyer have remarked, the junction of iv (yypan with dyidoy better
suits the Greek. On this view, the meaning is that the Church, having been purified
by the waters of baptism, is hallowed by the revelation of the mind of God imparted
to it, whether mediately or immediately. Compare Heb. iv. 12, 13.
6, The best MSS. read avrbg, not airyv.
7 Ihe^/hurch is compared to a bride, as 2 Cor. xi. 2.
« The best MSS. read Xpiarbg.
' The words " and of his bones " are an interpolation not found in the best MSS.
10 Gen. ii. 24. (LXX.).
11 The iyu is emphatic ; /, while I quote these words out of the Scriptures, vtt
them in a higher sense.

410 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
of Christ and of the Church. Nevertheless, let every one of 33
you individually ' so love his wife even as himself, and let the
wife see that she reverence her husband. VI.
nuties of chii- Children, obey your parents in the Lord ; for l
drenand Pa- ^ is rigllt u ffonour thy father and thy mother," " 2
which is the first commandment with premise : " That it may 3
le well with thee, and thou shalt live long upon the earth." 3
And ye, fathers, vex not your children ; but bring them 4
up in such training and correction as befits the servant of the
Lord.
Duties of slaves Bondsmen, obey your earthly masters with 5
anxiety and self-distrust,5 in singleness of heart, as
unto Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers, but as 6
bondsmen of Christ, doing the will of God from the soul.
With good will fulfilling your service, as to the Lord our 7
Master,0 and not to men. For you know that whatever good 8
any man does, the same shall he receive from the Lord,
whether he be bond or free.
And ye, masters, do in like manner by them, and abstain 9
from threats; knowing that your own Master is in heaven,
and that with Him is no respect of persons.
Exhortation to Finally, my brethren, let your hearts be strength- lc
christian ar- ened in the Lord,7 and in the conquering power of
His might. Put on the whole armour of God, that 11
you may be able to stand firm against the wiles of the Devil.
For the adversaries with whom we wrestle are -not flesh and 12
blood, but they are 8 the Principalities, the Powers, and the
Sovereigns of this0 present darkness, the company of evil
spirits in the heavens. Wherefore, take up with you to the 13
battle ,0 the whole armour of God, that you may be able to with
stand them in the evil day, and having " overthrown them all,
1 Oi KaB' iva, in your individual capacity, contrasted with the previous collective
view of the members of the Church as the bride of Christ.
* Exodus xx. 12, and Deut. v. 16. (LXX.).
=> Exodus xx. 12, and Deut. v. 16. (LXX. not exactly verbatim)
4 The word Kvpiog, lord, always implies the idea of servants.
6 Herd (jibbov Kal rpbpov has this meaning in St. Paul's language. Compare 1 Cor.
li. 3 ; and see Meyer's observations on both passages (Krit. Exeg. Comm. in loco).
6 See note on Col. iii. 25.
' This is the literal meaning of ivdvvapovoBe iv Kvpiu
8 Compare Col. ii. 15 and the note ; also John xii. 31.
* Tow aluvog is omitted in best MSS. 10 'Avakd6ert,
" Karepyaodpevoi, not " done " (A. V.).

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 4H
Uto stand unshaken. Stand, therefore, girt with tho celt of
15 truth, and wearing the breastplate of righteousness, and shod
16 as ready messengers of the Glad-tidings of peace : and take up
to cover you » the shield of faith, wherewith you shall be able
17 to quench all the fiery darts of the Evil One. Take, likewise,
the helmet of salvation," and the sword of the Spirit, which is
the word of God.3
18 Continue to pray at every season with all ear- to pray for
, „ i. ,. . „ . . , ,. others and for
nestness of supplication in the Spirit ; and to this ««u.
end be watchful with all perseverance in prayer for all Christ's
19 people, and for me, that utterance may be given me, to
20 open my mouth and make known with boldness the mys
tery of the Glad-tidings, for which I am an ambassador in 4
fetters. Pray that I may declare it boldly, as I ought to
speak.
21 But that you, as well as 5 others, may be inform- Tychicus the
in -it -rn mi. messenger.
ed of my concerns, and how I fare, Tychicus, my "
beloved brother, and faithful servant in the Lord, will make all
22 known to you. And I have sent him to you for this very
end, that you may learn what concerns me, and that he may
comfort your hearts.
23 Peace be to the brethren, and love with faith, concluding ben-
from God our Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ.
24 Grace be with all who love our Lord Jesus Christ in'
sincerity.8
1 'Eirl irdaiv=to cover all.
' The head of the Christian is defended against hostile weapons by his knowledge
of the salvation won for him by Christ.
3 For the meaning of " word of God," see note on chap. v. 26. It is here represented
as the only offensive weapon of Christian warfare. The Roman pilum (koyxy, Job..
xix. 34) is not mentioned. For a commentary on this military imagery, and the cir
cumstances which naturally suggested it, see the beginning of the next chapter.
4 'Akvaet. See Paley's observations (Horse Paulinas, in loco), and our preceding
remarks on Custodia Militaris.
5 Kal iptlg.
6 See the parallel passage, Col. iv. 7.
' The difficulty of the concluding words is well known : iv dfyBapolq. might also be
translated in immortality, with the meaning whose love endures immortally. Ols
hausen supposes the expression elliptical, for Iva £ui)v ix°aiv iv dfBapaitp; hut thii
oan scarcely be justified.
9 A/»?Jv as usual is omitted in the best manuscripts.

412

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL

NOTE.
To complete the view of the two preceding Epistles, the following tables are.
added : the first of which gives a comparative outline of their contents ; the
second shows the verbal correspondence between the parallel passages in each :-r

Epistle to Colossians.
1-2. Salutation.
3-6. Thanksgiving for their con
version (7-8. Epaphras).
9-14 Prayer for their enlighten
ment, and thankfulness
for redemption.
15-20. Christ's work, nature, and
dignity.
21-22. He had called them from
heathenism and recon
ciled them to God.

23-29. Paul a prisoner and minis
ter of the mystery of uni
versal salvation.
LT. 1-4. Prayer for their constancy
and growth in Christian
wisdom.
4-23. Warning against a false
philosophy, which depre
ciated Christ, and united
Jewish observances (abo
lished by Christ) with
angel worship and asceti
cism.
ILL 1-4. Exhortation to heavenward
affections.

5— 9. Against heathen impurity,
anger, malice, falsehood.

10-16. Exhortation to moral re
newal, including meek
ness, forbearance, forgive
ness, charity, and mutual
exhortation.

1C-17. Festive meetings how to be
celebrated.

Epistle to Ephesians (so called).
I, 1-2. Salutation.
3-12. Thanksgiving for redemp
tion and knowledge of
Christian mystery.
13-19. Thanksgiving for their con
version, and prayer for
their enlightenment.
20-23. Work and dignity of
Christ.
II. 1-10. They had been awakened
from heathenism by Gpd'3
grace.
11-13. And incorporated into
God's Israel.
14-18. Law which divided Jews
from Gentiles abolished.
19-22. They are built into the
temple of God.
III. 1-12. Mystery of universal salva
tion proclaimed by Paul,
a prisoner for it.
13-17. He prays for himself and
them that they mav oo
strengthened.
18-19. And enlightened.
20-21. Doxology.

IV. 1-16. Exhortation to unity. Dif
ferent gifts and offices
combine [Col. ii. 19] to
build up the Church.
17-24. Exhortation to reject hea
then vice and to moral
renewal.
25-31. Against lying, anger, rob
bery, impure words,
malice.
IT. 32.-V. 2 Exhortation to Christ
like forgiveness and love.
V. 3-10. Against impurity and other
sins of heathen darkness.
11-17. Which are to be rebuked
by the example and
watchfulness of Chris
tians [Col. iv. 5-6].
18-20. Festive meetings how to ba
celebrated.

PARALLELISM BETWEEN THE COLOSSIANS AND " EPHESIANS." 413

ID, 18-19. Duties of wives and hus- V. 21-33. Duties of wives and hus
bands, bands.
20-21. Duties of children and pa- IV. 1^4. Duti.js of children and pa

rents,
HI. 22-IV. 1. Duties of slaves and
masters.
IV. 2-4. Exhortation to pray for
themselves and Paul.
5- 6. Watchfulness in conduct
towards unbelievers [Eph
v. 11-17].
7- 9. Tychicus and Onesimus, the

10-14. Salutations from Eome.
15-17. Messages concerning Lao
dicea and Archippus.
18. Autograph salutation and
benediction.

rents.
5-9. Duties of slaves and masters.
10-17. Exhortation to fight in the
Christian armour.
18-20. To pray for others and for
Paul.

21-22. Tychicus the messenger.

23-24. Concluding benediction.

Verbal resemblances between the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians and Hu
Epistle to the Colossians.

Eph.

1-

Col. i. 1.

2 - Col. i. 2.

3 - Col. i. 3.

4 - Col. i. 22.

5-

6-

7 - Col. i. 14.

8-

9 - Col. i. 25.

10 - Col. i. 20.

11 - Col. i. 12.

12-

13-

14-

15-1

16-

¦ Col. i. 3-4.

17-

18-

19-

20-1

21-22-23-

r, ( i. 16, 18, 19, 21
¦ Co1' \ ii. 13.

1-,

2-3-
•Hlli:
4-
6 - Col. ii. 13.
6-
7-
8-
9-
10-
11-
Col. ii. 13.
Eph,
12-) 13-
- Col. i
¦1
21.
22.
wljcoi.ii.jij;
17-
18-
19-
20-
21-
22-
1-"
2-3-
4- 5-6-
^24
v- Col. i. ¦
25. 26.27.
28.
i —
8-
29.
9-
10-
11-
12-
13-
14 - Col. 1. 9.
15-
Hit
16-1
17-18-
- Col.-
ii. 7
19-.
.- (2-a
m' 1 9.
20-
21-
1-
Col. iv.
3
414

THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

Eph iv,-2 3
4 5
6789
10
11 12 13
141516 17 18
19 20212223242526 27282930
31 32
v. 1 234 fl 6 7
8 9
101112 13

:}

Col. iii.

12.13. 14. 15.

Eph. v.

- Col. iii. 11.

;t Col.il. 19.
- Col. iii. 5.

Col. iii. •]

8. 9.
10.

- Col. iv. 6.
- Col. iii. 8.
-Col. iii. 13.

\-\

Col. iv. 5.

(con".];?:
Col. iii. 18.
Col. iii. 19.

14
1516 1718
1920 212223 24
25 26-27-28-29- 30 -
31 •
31-32-33 —
Eph. vi. 1 - Col. iii. 20,
2-
3-4 56 7
8 9
10
1112 13141516 17181920
21
22 23 24

Col. iii. 21.
f iii. 22
23. 24.25.
iv. 1.

r Col.-

-Col. ii. 15.

2.

:|Col.iv.j3
:jcoi.iv.j87:

From the first of the above tables it will be seen, that there is scarcely a
single topic in the Ephesian Epistle which is not also to be found in the Epistla
to the Colossians ; but, on the other hand, that there is an important section ol
Colossians (ii. 8-23) which has no parallel in Ephesians. From the second
table it appears, that out of the 155 verses contained in the so-called Epistle to
the Ephesians, 78 verses contain expressions identical with those in the Epistle to
the Colossians.
The kind of resemblance here traced is not that which would be found in the
work of a forger, servilely copying the Epistle to Colossae. On the contrary, it is
just what we might expect to find in the work of a man whose mind was
thoroughly imbued with the ideas and expressions of the Epistle to the Colossiam
when he wrote the other Epistle.

THE PK.ETOKIUM. 415

CHAPTEE XXYL
01 'EK THS KAISAP02 0IKIA2.— Phil. iv. 22.
IHE FRfiTORlUM AND THE PALATINE— ARRIVAL OF EPAPHRODITUS— POLITICAL EVENTS
AT ROME.— 0CTAVIA AND P0PP.EA.— ST. PAUL WRITES THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIP
PIANS.—EE MAKES CONVERTS W THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD.
The close of the Epistle, to which our attention has just been turned,
contains a remarkable example of the forcible imagery of St. Paul.1 Con
sidered simply in itself, this description of the Christian's armour is one of
the most striking passages in the Sacred Volume. But if we view it in
connection with the circumstances with which the Apostle was sur
rounded, we find a new and living emphasis in his enumeration of all the
parts of the heavenly panoply,2 — the belt of sincerity and truth, with
which the loins 3 are girded for the spiritual war, — the breastplate of that
righteousness,4 the inseparable links whereof are faith and love,5 — the
strong sandals,6 with which the feet of Christ's soldiers are made ready,7
not for such errands of death and despair as those on which the Praeto
rian soldiers were daily sent, but for the universal message of the Gospel
of peace, — the large shield 8 of confident trust,9 wherewith the whole man
> Eph. vi. 14-17.
3 Tijv iravoirkiav tov Qeov. For authentic information regarding the actual Roman
armour of the time, we may refer to Piranesi's fine illustrations of the columns of
Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. There are also many useful engravings in Smith's Dic
tionary of Antiquities.
* Hepifaadpevoi ti)v bofyiv ipuv iv dkyBeia. The belt or zona (i^uaryp) passed
round the lower part of the body, below the ¦Suoai, and is to be distinguished from the
balteus, which went over the shoulder.
4 'EvSvaduevoi tov tiupaxa T?f SiKaioavvyg. The dupai was a cuirass or corslet,
reaching nearly to the loins. Its form may be seen in the statue of Caligula, engraved
in Vol. I. p. 110.
" In the parallel passage (1 Thess. v. 8), the breastplate is described as dupaxa
rriareug Kal dydiryg.
6 The Roman Caligee were not greaves, which in fact would not harmonise with
the context, but strong and heavy sandals. See Juvenal, iii. 232, S06, xvi. 25, and the
anecdote of the death of the centurion Julian in the Temple at Jerusalem. Joseph. B.
J. vi. 1, 8.
7 TiroSyadpevoi roig nbSag iv iroipaaig, x. t. k. . .
8 The tivpebg here is the large oblong or oval Eoman shield — the scutum not the
clipeus, — specimens of which may be seen in Piranesi. See especially the pedestal of
Trajan's column.
• Tbv -Dvpebv ryg nioreug.

418 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
is protected,' and whereon the fiery arrows of the Wicked One fall harm
less and dead,— the close-fitting helmet,2 with which the hope of salva-
tion 3 invests the head of the believer,— and finally the sword of the
Spirit, the Word of God,4 which, when wielded by the Great Captain of
our Salvation, turned the tempter in the wilderness to flight, while in the
hands of His chosen Apostle (with whose memory the sword seems insepa
rably associated5), it became the means of establishing Christianity on
the earth.
All this imagery becomes doubly forcible, if we remember that when
St. Paul wrote the words he was chained to a soldier, and in the close
neighbourhood of military sights and sounds. The appearance of the
Prastorian guards was daily familiar to him; — as his "chains" on the
other hand (so he tells nsinthe succeeding Epistle), became "well known
throughout the whole Prcetorium." (Phil i. 13.) A difference of opinion
has existed as to the precise meaning of the word in this passage. Some
have identified it, as in the authorised version, with the "house of Caesar"
on the Palatine : « more commonly it has been supposed to mean that
permanent camp of the Praetorian guards, which Tiberius established oh
the north of the city, outside the walls.7 As regards the former opinion,
it is true that the word came to be used, almost as we use the word
" palace," for royal residences generally, or for any residences of a princely
splendour,8 and that thus we read, in other parts of the New Testament,
of the Praetorium of Pilate at Jerusalem,9 and the Praetorium of Herod at
Caesarea.10 Yet we never find the word employed for the Imperial house
at Rome : and we believe the truer view to be that whieh has been
recently advocated,11 namely, that it denotes here, not the palace itself,
> Observe iirl irdaiv, which is not clearly translated in the authorised version.
One of these compact Roman helmets, preserved in England, at Goodrich Court.
is engraved in Smith's Dictionary. (See under Galea.)
* With ri)v irepiKeipakalav tov aurypiov (Eph. vi. 17) we should compare irepixetjia-
kaiav ikiriSa aurypidg (1 Thess. v. 8).
4 Tijv pdxaipav tov Rveiparog, b icnv fiypa Qeov. See note on the passage.
¦ * It is the emblem of his martyrdom : and we can hardly help associating it also
with this passage. The small short sword of the Romans was worn like a dagger on
the right side. Specimens may be seen in Piranesi. Those readers who have been in
Rome will remember that Pope Sixtus V. dedicated the column of Aurelius (ab omni
impietate purgatam) to St. Paul, and that a statue of the Apostle, bearing the sword,
is on the summit.
6 With Phil. i. 13 we should compare iv. 22 in the authorised version.
' See above, in the description of Rome, and compare the map.
« We find the word used for the Imperial castles out of Rome in Suet. Aug. 72.
Tib. 39. Calig. 37. Tit. 8. For its application to the palaces of foreign princes
and even private pereons, see Juvenal, i. 10. x. 161. These instances are given by
Wieseler, who also refers to the apocryphal " Acta Thomai."
8 Sec above, p. 252. "> See above, p. 281, n. 2.
11 In Wieseler's note, p. 403.

THE PE2ST0EIUM. 417
but the quarters of that part of the Imperial guards, which was in imme
diate attendance upon the Emperor. Such a military establishment is
mentioned in the fullest account which we possess of the first residence of
Augustus on the Palatine : ' and it is in harmony with the general ideas
on which the monarchy was founded. The Emperor was pralor ' or com
mander-in-chief of the troops, and it was natural that his immediate guard
should be in a prcetorium near him. It might, indeed, be argued that
this military establishment on the Palatine would cease to be necessary,
when the Praetorian camp was established : but the purpose of that
establishment wa3 to concentrate near the city those cohorts, which had
previously been dispersed in other parts of Italy : 3 a local body-guard
near the palace would not cease to be necessary : and Josephus, in his
account of the imprisonment of Agrippa,4 speaks of a "camp" in connec
tion with the " royal house." Such we conceive to have been the bar
rack immediately alluded to by St. Paul : though the connection of these
smaller quarters with the general camp was such, that he would
naturally become known to " all the rest " 5 of the guards, as well as tnose
who might for the time be connected with the Imperial household.
What has just been said of the word " praetorium," applied still more
extensively to the word " palatium." Originally denoting the hill ou
which the twin-brothers were left by the retreating river, it grew to be,
and it still remains, the symbol of Imperial power. Augustus was .born
on the Palatine 6 and he fixed his official residence there when the civil
wars were terminated. Thus it may be truly said that " after the Capi
tol and the Forum, no locality in the ancient city claims so much of our
interest as the Palatine hill — at once the birth-place of the infant city,
and the abode of her rulers during the days of her greatest splendour, —
where the reed-thatched cottage of Romulus was still preserved in the
midst of the gorgeous structures of Caligula and Nero." 7 About the
1 Kakelrai Si rii fiaaikeia rrakdnov (Palatium), oiix °ri koX iSoie irore ovrog
aird bvopufyaBai, dkk' on iv re rip Hakaritp (in monte Palatino) b Kaloap ipKei Kal
ixei rb arparyyiov (Praetorium) elxe, xal riva Kal irpbg ri/v tov 'Pupvkov irpoevo'iKyotv
Qypyv y olxia airov (domus Caesaris) dirb tov rruvrog bpovg ika/3e- Kal Sid tovto kuv
dkkbBi irov b aiiTOKpdrup xarakvy, ryv tov irakariov iirUkyaiv y Karayuyy avroi
laxei. Dio Cass. liii. 16.
* See what has been said (Vol. I. p. 142) in reference to the term propraetor in the
provinces. 3 Compare Suet. Aug. 49 with Tib. 37, and see Dio C. Ivii. 19. Tac. Ann. iv. 2.
Hist. i. 31.
4 Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. He uses arparbireSov for the pratorium, and [iaeikeiov for
the palatium. Compare what is said of Drusus, Suet. Tib. 54.
s Ibid.
6 Natus est AugustuB  regione Palatii ad Capita Bubula. Suet. Aug. 5.
' Bunbury in the Classical Museum, vol. v. p. 229. We learn from Plutarch and
Dionysius that this " wooden hut thatched with reeds, which was preserved as a me-
VOL. II. — 27

418 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
close of the Republic, "it was still the residence of many distinguished citi
zens, such as Crassus, Cicero, Catiline, Clodius, and Antony.i Augustus
himself simply bought the house of Hortensius and lived there in modest
state.5 But the new era was begun for the Palatine, when the first Em
peror, soon after the battle of Actium, raised the temple of Apollo with
its celebrated Greek and Latin libraries,3 on the side near- the Forum.
Tiberius erected a new palace, or an addition to the old one, on the oppo
site side of the hill, immediately above the Circus Maximus.4 It remained
for subsequent Emperors to cover the whole area of the hill- with struc
tures connected with the palace. Caligula extended the Imperial build
ings by a bridge (as fantastic as that at Baias5), which joined the Pala
tine with the Capitol.6 Nero made a similar extension in the direction of
the Esquiline : '• and this is the point at which we must arrest our series
of historical notices ; for the burning of Rome and the erection of the
Golden House intervened between the first and second imprisonments of
the Apostle Paul. The fire, moreover, which is so closely associated with
the first sufferings of the Church, has made it impossible to identify any
of the existing ruins on the Palatine with buildings that were standing
when the Apostle was among the Praetorian guards. Nor indeed is it pos
sible to assign the ruins to their proper epochs. All is now confusion on
the hill of Romulus and Augustus. Palace after palace succeeded, till
the Empire was lost in the midst of the Middle Ages. As we explore the
subterraneous chambers, where classical paintings are still visible on the
plaster, or look out through broken arches over the Campagna and its
aqueducts, the mind is filled with blending recollections, not merely of a
long line of Roman Caesars, but of Ravenna and Constantinople, Char
lemagne and Rienzi. This Royal part of the Western Babylon has al
most shared the fate of the city of the Euphrates. The Palatine con
tains gardens and vineyards,8 and half cultivated spaces of ground, where
morial of the simpie habitation of the Shepherd-king," was on the side of the hill
towards the Circus, p. 232.
1 See Cic. ad Fam. v. 6. Pro Domo, c. 44. Suet, de 111. Gram. 17. Dio Cass. Uii. 27.
* Habitavit postea in Palatio, sed nihilominus sedibus modicis Hortensianis neque
laxitate neque cultu conspicuis. Suet. Aug. 72.
> See Hor. Ep. i. iii. 17. Suet. Aug. 29. For the date of this temple see Beeker;i
Alterthumer, p. 425.
4 The position of the " Domus Tiberiana " is determined by the notices of it in the
account of the murder of Galba. Tac. Hist. i. 27. Suet. Oth. 6. Plut. Galb. 24.
6 See above, p. 352.
6 Super templum Divi Augusti ponte transmisso Palatium Capitoliumque conjanxit
Suet. Calig. 22.
' Domum a Palatio Esquilias usque fecit ; quam primo Transitoriam, mox incendio
absumptam restitutamque Auream nominavit. Suet. Ner. 31. See Plin. H. N
xxxvii. 15.
8 The Farnese gardens and the Villa Mills (formerly Villa Spada) are well known
to travellers. Some of the finest arches are in the Vigna del Collegio Inglese.

THE PALACE OF CAESARS.

POLITICAL EVENTS AT EOME. *. J g
the acanthus-weed grows in wild luxuriance : but its population hag
shrunk to one small convent ; ' and the unhealthy air seems to brood like
a curse over the scene of Nero's tyranny and crime.2
St. Paul was at Rome precisely at that time when the Palatine was the
most conspicuous spot on the earth, not merely for crime, but for splen
dour and power. This was the centre of all the movements of the Em
pire.3 Here were heard the causes of all Roman citizens who had ap
pealed to Caesar." Hence were issued the orders to the governors of
provinces, and to the legions on the frontier. From the " Golden Mile
stone " (Milliarium Aureum 5) below the palace, the roads radiated in all
directions to the remotest verge of civilization. The official messages of
the Emperor were communicated along them by means of posts estab
lished by the government : « but these roads afforded also the means of
transmitting the letters of private citizens, whether sent by means of
tabeUarii,1 or by the voluntary aid of accidental travellers. To such com
munications between the metropolis and the provinces others were now
added of a kind hitherto unknown in the world, — not different indeed in
outward appearance8 from common letters, — but containing commands
more powerful in their effects than the despatches of Nero, — touching
more closely the private relations of life than all the correspondence of
> The Franciscan convent of St. Bonaventura, facing the Forum.
' See an impressive paragraph in the third volume of the Beschreibung Roms.
Einleitung, p. 7.
3 Compare the language of Tacitus : " Vitellium in Palatium, in ipsam imperil
arcem regressum." Hist. iii. 70.
4 See the account of St. Paul's trial in the next chapter.
6 The Milliarium Aureum (afterwards called the Umbilicus Roma:) is believed to
have been discovered at the base of the Capitol, near the Temples of Saturn and Con
cord. Class. Mus. iv. 24.
• See Ginzrot's thirty-seventh chapter (von den Eilboten und Posten). So far as
related to government dispatches, Augustus established posts similar to those of King
Ahasuerus. Compare Suet. Aug. 49 with Esther viii. 13, 14.
7 See Becker's Gallus, p. 250 (Eng. Trans.).
" In Vol. I. p. 409, a general reference was made to the interest connected even
with the writing materials employed by St. Paul. There is little doubt that these
were reed-pens, Egyptian paper, and black ink. All these are mentioned by St. John
(<5«1 xaprov Kal pikavog, 2 Joh. 12 ; <J«J pekavog Kal Kakdpov, 3 Joh. 13) ; and St
Paul himself, in a passage where there is a blended allusion to inscriptions on stone
and to letter writing (2 Cor. iii. 3), speaks of ink (pekav). Representations of ancient
inkstands found at Pompeii, with reed-pens, may be seen in Smith.'s Dictionary, under
Atramentum. Allusion has been made before (p. 308) to the paper trade of Egypt.
Parchment (Pergamentum : J/LepSpdvag, 2 Tim. iv. 13) was of course used for the
secondary MSS. in which the Epistles were preserved. See Jerome, Ep. 141 ; Euseb.
Vit. Const, iv. 36 ; also Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, 10. [We must distinguish between thess
materials and irivaKiSwv (Luke i. 63), which corresponds to the Latin pugillarcs.]
Letters were written in the large or uncial character, though of course the hand*
writing of different persons would vary. See Gal. vi. 11.

420 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Seneca1 or Pliny, and proclaiming, in the very form of their salutations,
the perpetual union of the Jew, the Greek, and the Roman." '
It seems probable that the three letters which we have last read
were despatched from Rome when St. Paul had -been resident there
about a year,3 that is, in the spring of the year 62 a.d. After the depart
ure of Tychicus and Onesimus, the Apostle's prison was cheered by the
arrival of Epaphroditus, who bore a contribution, from the Christians
of Philippi. We have before seen instances4 of the noble liberality of
that church, and now once more we find them ministering to the necessities
of their beloved teacher. Epaphroditus, apparently a leading presbyter
among the Philippians, had brought on himself, by the fatigues or perils
of his journey, a dangerous illness. St. Paul speaks of him with touching
affection. He calls him his " brother, and companion in labour, and fel
low-soldier" (ii. 25) ; declares " that his labour in the cause of Christ had
brought him near to death •-' (ii. 30), and that he had "hazarded his life "
in order to supply the means of communication between the Philippians
and himself. And, when speaking of his recovery, he says, " God had
compassion on him, and not on him only, but on me also, that I might not
have sorrow upon sorrow" (ii. 27). We must suppose, from these expres
sions, that Epaphroditus had exposed himself to some unusual risk in his
journey. Perhaps his health was already feeble when he set out, so that
he showed self-devotion in encountering fatigues which were certain to
injure him.
Meanwhile St. Paul continued to preach, and his converts to multiply.
We shall find that when he wrote to the Philippians, either towards the
close of this year, or at the beginning of the next, great effects had already
been produced ; and that the Church of Rome was not only enlarged, but
1 We must not pass by the name of Seneca without some allusion to the so-called
correspondence between him and St. Paul : but a mere allusion is enough for so vapid
and meaningless a forgery. These Epistles (with that which is called the Ep. to the
Laodiceans, described p. 395, note 3) will be found in the Codex Apoc. N. T. of Fabri-
cius Vol. LL), and in Jones on the Canon (Vol. II.).
2 We allude to the combination of the Oriental elpyvy with the Greek xdp'C in the
opening salutations of all St. Paul's Epistles. See Buxtorf's Institutio Epistolaris
Hebraica (Basle, 1629). " Graeci salutationem significabant per xaipeiv, quod Hora-
tius Grsecizans expressit (Celso gaudere, &c. Ep. I. viii.). In Historia Sacra N. T.
(Kk. Ava'iag rip Kp. yyepbvi irykiKt xaipeiv, Acts xxiii. 26) .... Romani salutem dice-
bant  Hebraei, Chaldaei, Syri Pads nomine in salntantando usi sunt, quodTibi pax
est, ibi omnia se prospere habere dicantur," pp. 10, 11. There are some good remarks
on this subject in Koch's Commentary on 1 Thess. i. 1.
3 The state of things described in the 4th chapter of Colossians, the conversion ol
Onesimus and his usefulness to St. Paul (Philem. 11-13), imply the continuance of
St. Paul's ministry at Rome during a period which can hardly have been less than a
year. Nor would St. Paul, at the beginning of his imprisonment, have written as he
does (Philem. 22) of his captivity as verging towards its termination.
4 See the account of the Macedonian collection, pp. 92. 93.

OCTATIA AND FOPTMA. 421
encouraged to act with greater boldness upon the surrounding masses of
heathenism,1 by the successful energy of the apostolic prisoner. Yet tha
pclitical occurrences of the year might well have alarmed him for his
safety, and counselled a more timid course. We have seen that prisoners
in St. Paul's position were under the charge of the Praetorian Prsefect ;
and in this year occurred the death of the virtuous Burrus,2 under whose
authority his imprisonment had been so unusually mild. Upon this
event the praefecture was put into commission, and bestowed, on Fenius
Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus. The former was respectable,3 but wanting
in force of character, and quite unable to cope with his colleague, who was
already notorious for that energetic wickedness which has since made his
name proverbial. St. Paul's Christian friends in Rome must have trem
bled to think of him as subject to the caprice of this most detestable of
Nero's satellites. It does not seem, however, that his situation was altered
for the worse ; possibly he was never brought under the special notice of
Tigellinus, who was too intent on court intrigues, at this period, to attend
to so trifling a matter as the concerns of a Jewish prisoner.
Another circumstance occurred about .the same time, which seemed to
threaten still graver mischief to the cause of Paul. This was the marriage
of Nero to his adulterous mistress Poppasa, who had become a proselyte
to Judaism. This infamous woman, not content with inducing her para
mour to divorce his young wife Octavia, had demanded and obtained the
death of her rival ; and had gloated over the head of the murdered vic
tim,4 which was forwarded from Pandataria to Rome for her inspection.
Her power seemed now to have reached its zenith, but rose still higher at
the beginning of the following year, upon the birth of a daughter, when
temples were erected to her and her infant,* and divine honors paid them.
1 PhiL i. 12-14.
2 " Concessit vita Burros, [so the name is spelt in the best MSS., not Surrhus] incer-
tam valetudine an veneno .... Civitati grande desiderium ejus mansit, per memoriam
virtutis, et successorum alterius segnem innocentiam, alterius flagrantissima flagitia
et adulteria. Quippe Caesar duos Prastoriis cohortibus imposuerat, Fenium Rufum ex
valgi favore,  Sofonium Tigellinum veterem impudicitiam atque infamiam in eo
secutus." (Tac. Arsa. xiv. 51.) The death of Burrus was an important epoch in Nero's
reign. Tacitus tells us in the following chapter that it broke the power of Seneca
(Mors Burri infregit Senecae potentiam) and established the influence of Tigellinus $
and from this period, Nero's public administration became gradually worse and worse,
till at length its infamy rivalled that of his private life.
3 Fenius Rufus was afterwards executed for his share in Piso's conspiracy (Tac.
Ann. xv. 66, 68), in which he showed lamentable imbecility.
4 " Additur atrocior saevitia, quod caput amputatum latumque in urbem Poppssj
vidit." (Tac. Ann. xiv. 64.) The account of Octavia's fate in Tacitus is given with
peculiar feeling.
4 " Natam sibi ex Poppaea flliam Nero ultra mortale gandium accepit " Tac. Ann,
«v 23). Tho temples to PopDasa are mentioned in a fragment, of Dio.

422 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
We know from Josephus1 that she exerted her influence over Nero in
favour of the Jews, and that she patronised their emissaries at Rome ;
and assuredly no scruples of humanity would prevent her from seconding
their demand for the punishment of their most detested antagonist.
These changed circumstances fully aceount for the anticipations of an
unfavourable issue to his trial, which we shall find St. Paul now express
ing ; " and which contrast remarkably with the confident expectation of
release entertained by him when he wrote the letter 3 to Philemon.
When we come to discuss the trial of St. Paul, we shall see reason to be
lieve that the providence of God did in fact avert this danger ; but at
present all things seemed to wear a most threatening aspect. Perhaps
the death of Pallas 4 (which also happened this year) may be considered,
on the other hand, as removing an unfavourable influence ; for, as the
brother of Felix, he would have been willing to soften the Jewish accus
ers of that profligate governor, by co-operating with their designs against
St. Paul. But his power had ceased to be formidable, either for good or
evil, some time before his death.
Meanwhile Epaphroditus was fully recovered from his sickness, and
able once more to travel ; and he willingly prepared to comply with St.
Paul's request that he would return to Philippi. We are told that he
was " filled with longing " to see his friends again, and the more so when
he heard that great anxiety had been caused among them by the news of
his sickness.5 Probably he occupied an influential post in the Philippian
Church, and St. Paul was unwilling to detain bim any longer from his
duties there. He took the occasion of his return, to send a letter of
grateful acknowledgment to his Philippian converts.
It has been often remarked that this Epistle contains less of censure
and more of praise than any other of St. Paul's extant letters. It gives
us a very high idea of the Christian state of the Philippians, as shown by
the firmness of their faith under persecution,6 their constant obedience
and attachment to St. Paul,7 and the liberality which distinguished them
above all other Churches.8 They were also free from doctrinal errors, and
no schism had as yet been created among them by the Judaizing party.
They are warned, however, against these active propagandists, who were
probably busy in their neighbourhood, or (at least) might at any time
appear among them. The only blemish recorded as existing iii the Church
1 Josephus, Antiq. xx. 7, speaks of Nero ry yvvawl Tloiriraia, &eoaeti/g ydp yv,
virip tuv 'lovSatuv xapi&ptvog. This was on the occasion of the wall which the Jews
built to intercept Agrippa's view of the temple. They sent ambassadors to Rome, who
succeeded by Poppsea's intercession in carrying their point.
* Phil. ii. 17, and iii. 11. 3 Philem. 22, 23.
4 Pallas was put to death by poison soon after the marriage of Poppaea, and " eonea
anno." Tac. xiv. 65.
¦ Phil. ii. 26. « Phil. i. 28. 29. ' Phil. ii. 12. * Phil. iv. 15.

EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPJ.AJSS. 423
of Philippi is, that certain of its members were deficient in lowliness of
mind, and were thus led into disputes and altercations with their brethren.
Two women of consideration amongst the converts, Euodia and Syntyche
by name, had been especially guilty of this fault ; and their variance was
the more to be regretted, because they had both laboured earnestly for
the propagation of the faith. St. Paul exhorts the Church with great
solemnity and earnestness,1 to let these disgraceful bickerings cease, and to
be all " of one soul and one mind." He also gives them very full particu
lars about his own condition, and the spread of the Gospel at Rome. He
writes in a tone of most affectionate remembrance, and, while anticipat
ing the speedily approaching crisis of his fate, he expresses his faith, hope,
and joy with peculiar fervency.

THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS.'
I. iPaul and Timotheus, bondsmen of Jesus Christ, to saiutat.on.
all God's people 3 in Cheist Jesus who aee at
Philippi, with the bishops 4 and deacons.5
2 Grace be to you and Peace, from God our Father, and
from our Lord Jesus Christ.
1 Phil. ii. 1, 2 and iv. 2.
' The following are the grounds of the date assigned to this Epistle : —
(1) It was written during an imprisonment at Rome, because (a) the Prcetorium
(i. 13) was at Rome ; (b) So was the emperor's household (iv. 22) ; (c) He expected
the immediate decision of his cause (i. 19. ii. 27), which could only have been given
at Rome.
(2) It was written during the first imprisonment at Rome, because (a) the mention
of the Praetorium agrees with the fact that, during his first imprisonment, he was in
the custody of the Praetorian Praefect ; (b) His situation described (i. 12-14) agrees
with his situation in the first two years of his imprisonment (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).
(3) It was written towards the conclusion of this first imprisonment, because (a) he
expects the immediate decision of his cause ; (b) Enough time had elapsed for the
Philippians to hear of his imprisonment, send Epaphroditus to him, hear of Epaphro-
ditus's arrival and sickness, tind send back word to Rome of their distress (ii. 26).
(4) It was written after Colossians and Philemon ; both for the preceding reason
and because Luke was no longer at Rome, as he was when those were written ; other
wise he would have saluted a Church iu which he had laboured, and would have
" cared in earnest for their concerns " (see ii. 20).
3 For the translation of dyiotg, see note on 1 Cor. i. 2.
4 'EirioKoiroig. This term was at this early period applied to all the presbyters : see
Vol. L p. 434.
* AiaKovoig: see Vol. I. p. 436. It is singular that the presbyters and deaconj
should be mentioned separately in the address of this Epistle only. It has been sug
gested that they had collected and forwarded the contribution sent by Epaphroditus.

424 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF BI. PAUL.
nu**** I' thank my God upon every remembrance of 3
Sear>ersfor you, (continually in all my prayers making my 4
supplication for you all2 with joy), for your fellowship m for- 5
warding3 the Glad-tidings, from the first day until now. And 6
I am confident accordingly,4 that He who has begun a good
work in you will perfect it, even until the day of Jesus Christ.
And it is just that I. should be thus mindful * of you all, because ?
you have me in your hearts, and both in my imprisonment
and in my defence and confirmation * of the Glad-tidings, you
all share in the grace ' bestowed upon me. God is my witness 8
how I long after you all, in the affections of Christ Jesus.
And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more and 9
more, in true knowledge, and in all understanding, teaching
you to distinguish » good from evil ; that you may be pure, and 10
may walk without " stumbling until the day of Christ ; being 11
filled with the fruits of righteousness which are by Jesus '
Christ, unto the glory and praise of God.
intelligence of I would have you know, brethren, that the things 12
itome!1 which have befallen me have tended rather to the
furtherance than hindrance of the Glad-tidings. So that my 13
chains have become well-known in the name of Christ, through
out the whole Prsetorium,10 and to all the " rest. And thus 14
most " of the brethren in the Lord, rendered confident by my
¦ Observe "Paul and Timotheus" followed immediately by "I," in confirmation of
'J»e remarks in the note on 1 Thess. i. 2.
* The constant repetition of rruvreg in connection with ipe'tg in this Epistle is re
markable. It seems as if St. Paul implied that he (at least) would not recognise any
divisions among them. See above.
» Eif to ei., not " in the Gospel " ( A. V).
4 Airb tovto, accordingly ; compare 2 Cor. ii. 3 and Gal. ii. 10.
4 ToSro tfipoveiv iirip refers to the preceding mention of his prayers for them.
« St. Paul defended his doctrine by his words, and confirmed it by his life.
7 The grace or gift bestowed on St. Paul, and also on the Philippians, was the power
of confirming the Gospel by their sufferings : compare xapirog here with ixapiaOi),
verse 29.
8 Compare Rom. ii. 18.
• 'Airpoaxoirol seems used here intransitively ; at 1 Cor. x. 32 it is active.
10 Tip irpairupiu. For the explanation of this, see above, p! 416. We have seen
that St Paul was committed to the custody of the Prcefectus Pratorio, and guarded
by different Prastorian soldiers, who relieved one another. Hence his condition would
be soon known throughout the Praetorian quarters.
" This expression is very obscure ; it may mean either to the Praetorian soldiers
who guard me, and to all the rest of those who visit me ; or to all the rest of tht
Praetorian Guards. The latter view gives the best sense.
'• Tnic irkeiavag, not " many " (A. V.). .

EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 425
chains, are very much emboldened to speak the Word fearless-
15 ly. Some, indeed, proclaim1 Christ even out of envy and con
tention : » but some, also, out of goodwill. These do it from
16 love,3 knowing that I am appointed to defend the Glad-tidings ;
17 but those declare Christ from a spirit of intrigue,4 not sincerely,
thinking to stir 6 up persecution against me in my imprison-
18 ment. What then ? nevertheless, every way, whether in pre
tence or in truth, the tidings of Christ are published ; and
19 herein. 1 rejoice now, yea, and I shall rejoice hereafter. For I
know that " these things e shall fall out to my salvation" '
through your prayers, aud through the supply of all my needs »
20 by the spirit of Jesus Christ ; according to my earnest expec
tation and hope, that I shall in no wise be put to shame,9 but
that with all boldness, as at all other times, so now also, Christ
will be magnified in my body, whether by my life or by my
21 death. For to me life is Christ, and death is gain. But whe-
22 ther this life ,0 in the flesh shall be the fruit of my labour, and
1 Tbv Xpiorov (observe the article, which seems to indicate that they were Jews,
who proclaimed Jesus as the Messiah). Ky pvoaeiv is to proclaim (as a herald),
Karayyikkeiv to declare tidings of (as a messenger).
* These were probably Judaizers.
3 The order of verses 16 and 17 (as given in the best MSS.) is transposed in the
Received Text.
4 'EpiBeiag. See note on Rom. ii. 8.
6 'Eyeipeiv, not imijiipeiv, is the reading of the best MSS. The Judaizers probably,
by professing to teach the true version of Christianity, and accusing Paul of teaching
a false and anti-national doctrine, excited odium against him among the Christians of
Jewish birth at Rome.
6 Tovto, viz. the sufferings resulting from the conduct of these Judaizers.
' The words are quoted verbatim from Job xiii. 16 (LXX.). Yet perhaps St. Paul
did not so much deliberately quote them, as use an expression which floated in his
memory. 8 'H iirtxopyyia tov xopyyoti would mean the supplying of all needs [of the chorus~\
by the Choregus. So y iirixopyyla tov irveiparog means the supplying of all needs
[of the Christian] by the Spirit. Compare Eph. iv. 16, and Col. ii. 19.
* St. Paul was confident that his faith and hope would not fail him in the day of
trial. Compare Rom. v. 5 (y ikirlg oi xaraiaxivei). He was looking forward to his
final hearing, as we have already seen, page 422.
10 We punctuate this very difficult verse thus, el Si rb Cyv iv aapxl tovto pot Kapirbg
Ipyov, Kal rl alpyaopai, oi yvupifa. Literally, but whether this life in the flesh (com
pare rb dvyrbv tovto, 1 Cor. xv. 54, and b vvv ffi iv aapxl, Gal. ii. 20) be my labour's
fruit, and what I shall choose, I know not. The A. V. assumes an ellipsis after
aapxl of poi irpoKelrai, or something equivalent, and gives no intell'gible meaning to
xapirbg ipyov. On the other hand, De Wette's translation, if life in the flesh. — if this
be my labour's fruit, what I shall choose I know not, makes the xal redundant
(which is not justified by the example he quotes, 2 Cor. ii. 2, where xal rig is an em
phatic question, equivalent to quis tandem, who, I pray), and also supposes roOr

426 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
what I should choose, I know not. For between the two I am 23
in perplexity ; having the desire to depart and be with Christ,
which is far better; yet to remain in the flesh is more needful, 24
for your sake. And in this confidence, I know that I shall re- 25
main,1 and shall continue with you all, to your furtherance and*-
joy in faith ; that you may have more abundant cause for 26
your boasting3 in Christ Jesus on my account, by my presence
again among you.
Exhortations to Only live3 worthy of the. Glad^tidings of Christ, 27
stedfast endur- i-i-r -i -it t
ance concord, that whether 1 come and see you, 01 beabsent, 1 may
and lowliness. ' , d
hear concerning you, that you stand firmly in one spi- 28
rit, contending together with one mind for the faith of the Glad-
tidings, and nowise terrified by its enemies ;4 for their enmity
is to them an evidence of perdition, but to you of salvation,
and that from God. For to you it has been given, on behalf 29
of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to. suffer for His
sake; having the same conflict which once you saw5 in me, 30
and which now you hear that I endure. LT.
If, then, you can be entreated6 in Christ, if you can be l
persuaded by love, if you have any fellowship in the Spirit, if
you have any tenderness or compassion, I pray you make my 2
joy full,' be of one accord, filled with the same love, of one
soul, of one mind. Do nothing in a spirit of intrigue s or van- 3
ity, but in lowliness of mind let each account others above him
self. Seek not your private ends alone, but let every man seek 4
likewise his neighbour's good.
Let this mind be in you, which was also in Christ Jesus ; 5
used in a way for which there is no analogy ; because the instance quoted by him
(Mark vii. 15) is not analogous, iKelva there being exceedingly emphatic, " these (I
say)," whereas in the tovto here there is no special emphasis. Meyer's interpretation
is still more unsatisfactory, and equally fails to explain the tovto and the /cat. Beza's
translation " an vero vivere in came mihi operas pretium sit, et quid eligam ignoro "
comes nearest to that which we adopt ; but he leaves out the n bro, and there is no
analogy for rendering mpirbg ipyov by opera pretium.
1 Wlevu, shall remain, i. e. alive.
• Compare iv Xpiary Kavx&pevoi (iii. 3). 3 gee note on ij;_ 20.
4 Compare dvnKei/ievot irokkol, 1 Cor. xvi. 9.
6 They had seen him sent to prison, Acts xvi. 23.
« For irapaKaketv, meaning to entreat, see Matt, xviii. 32, and for irapapvBeieBai,
meaning to urge by persuasion or entreaty, see 1 Thess. ii. 11.
' The extreme earnestness of this exhortation to unity shows that the Philippiam
were guilty of dissension ; perhaps Euodia and Syntyche, whose opposition to each
other is mentioned iv. 2, had partizans who shared their quarrel.
8 'EpiBe'ia, see above, i. 17.

EPISTLE TO THE PHlLtPPIANS. 427
6 who, being in the form of God, thought it rot robbery to be
7 equal with God, yet stripped,' Himself [of His glory] and
took upon Him the form of a slave,3 being changed 4 into the
8 likeness of man. And having appeared in the guise of men,
He abased himself and shewed obedience,5 even unto death,
9 yea, death upon the cross. Wherefore God also exalted Him
above measure, and gave Him the 6 name which is above every
10 name ; that in the name of Jesus, " every knee should ooxo" ' of
all who dwell in heaven, in earth, or under the earth, and every
11 tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of
God the Father.
12 ¦ Wherefore, my beloved, as you have always obeyed me, not
as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence,
\ 3 work out your own salvation with fear and trembling ; 8 for it
14 is God who works in you both will and deed. Do all things
• Ovx dpiraypbv yyyaaro. This very difficult expression clearly admits of the trans
lation adopted in the authorised version, from which therefore we have not thought it
right to deviate. The majority of modern interpreters, however, take dpiraypbv
yyeloBai as equivalent to dpiraypa yyela&ai, a phrase which was used by some Greek
writers (referred to by Wetstein), with the meaning to reckon a thing as a booty, to
look on a thing as a robber would look on spoil. It is a considerable objection to
this view, that it makes dpiraypbg (properly, the act of seizing) identical with dpiray
pa (the thing seized) ; see Meyer, in loco. The authorised version is free from this
objection, but it is liable to the charge of rendering the connection with the following
verse less natural than the other interpretation. If the latter be correct, the transla
tion would be, He thought not equality with God a thing to be seized upon, i. e.
though, essentially, even while on earth, He was in the form of God, yet He did
not think Jit to claim equality with God until He had accomplished His mission.
' Literally, emptied himself.
3 The likeness of man was the form of a slave to Him, contrasted with the form
of God which essentially belonged to Him.
4 Literally, having become in the likeness, which in English is expressed by being
changed into the likeness.
5 He " showed obedience " to the laws of human society, to His parents, and to the
civil magistrate ; and carried that self-humiliating obedience even to the point of sub
mitting to death, when He might have summoned " twelve legions <Jf angels " to Hii
rescue. B The best MSS. read rb virep.
1 1saiah xiv. 23 (LXX.), quoted Rom. xiv. 11. It is strange that this verse should
often have been quoted as commanding the practice of bowing the head at the name
of Jesns ; a practice most proper in itself, but not here referred to : what it really pre
scribes is, kneeling in adoration of Him.
* We have already remarked that with anxiety and self-distrust is a nearer repre
sentation of the Pauline phrase, perd fybbov Kal rpopov, than the literal English of the
words with fear and trembling, as appears by the use of the same phrase, 1 Cor.
ii. 3. 2 Cor. vii. 15. Eph. vi. 5. The, <j>oj3og .is a fear of failure, the rpbpog an
raster anxiety.

4-28 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
for the sake of goodwill,1 without murmurings and disputings,
that you may be blameless and guileless, the sons of God with- 15
out rebuke, in the midst of " a crooked and perverse genera
tion? ' among whom ye shine like stars a in the world ; holding 16
fast the Word of Life ; that you may give me ground of boast
ing, even to the day of Christ, that I have not run in vain, nor
laboured in vain.
st. panrs ex- But4 though my blood5 be poured forth upon 17
tatenttom.and the ministration of the sacrifice of your faith, I re
joice for myself, and rejoice with you all ; and do ye likewise 18
rejoice, both for yourselves and with me. But I hope in the 19
Lord Jesus to send Timotheus to you e shortly, that I also may
be cheered, by learning your state ; for I have no' other like- 20
minded with me, who would care in earnest for your concerns ;
for all seek their own, not the things of Jesus Christ. But you 21
know ' the trials which have proved his worth, and that, as a 22
son with a father, he has shared my servitude, to proclaim the
Glad-tidings. Him, then, I hope to send without delay, as soon 23
as I see how it will go with me ; but I trust in the Lord that 1 24
also myself shall come shortly.
Return of EPa- Epaphroditus, who is my brother and companion 25
in labour and fellow-soldier, and your messenger to
minister s to my wants, I have thought it needful to send to you.
For he was filled with longing for you all, and with sadness, 26
because you had heard that he was sick. And, indeed, he had 27
a sickness which brought him almost to death, but God had
compassion on him ; and not on him only but on me, that I
1 'Tirip ryg eiSoKiag has perplexed the interpreters, because they have all joined it
with the preceding words. We put a stop after ivepyelv, and take eiSoxia in the sama
sense as at i. 15 above and Luke ii. 14. It is strange that so clear and simple a con
struction, involving no alteration in the text, should not have been before suggested.
* Texva pupyrd, yeved aKokid Kal Sieorpappivy, Deut. xxxii. 5 (LXX.). The
preceding dpupyra alludes to this pupyrd.
3 Quarypeg. Compare Gen. i. 14. (LXX.)
4 This but sees to connect what follows with i. 25, 26.
6 Literally, J be poured forth. The metaphor is probably from the Jewish drink-
offerings (Numbers xxviii. 7), rather than from the heathen libations. The heathen
converts are spoken of as a sacrifice offered up by St. Paul as the ministering priest,
in Rom. xv. 16.
6 'Tplv may be used for irpbg bpdg. Cf. 1 Cor. iv. 17.
' Timotheus had laboured among them at the first. See Acts xvi.
8 AeiTovpybv. Compare verse 30, keirovpyiat,

EPISTLE TO THE PHLUPPIANS. 429
28 might not have sorrow upon sorrow. Therefore I have been '
the more anxious to send him, that you may have the joy of
seeing him again, and that I may have one sorrow the less.
29Eeceive him, therefore, in the Lord, with all gladness, and hold
30 such men in honour ; because his labour in the cause of Christ
brought him near to death ; for he hazarded a his life that he
might supply all which you could not do," in ministering
to me.
III. Finally, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord.
1 To repeat the same 4 warnings is not wearisome warning
2 to me, and it is safe for you. Beware of the Dogs,6 ^"md" ea£
beware of the Evil Workmen, beware of the Conci- perseverance in
-r, -, ?-.. . . . *ue Christian
3 sion. I1 or we are the Circumcision, who worship ra°e-
God c with the spirit, whose boasting 7 is in Christ Jesus, and
4 whose confidence is not in the flesh. Although I might have
confidence in the flesh also. If any other man thinks that he
5 has ground of confidence in the flesh, I have more. Circum
cised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Ben
6 j'amin, a Hebrew of the Hebrews ; As to the Law, a Pharisee ;
as to ?eal a persecutor of the Church ; as to the righteousness
7 of the Law, unblameable. But what once was gain to me, that
8.1 have counted loss for Christ. Yea, doubtless, and I count all
things but loss, because all are nothing-worth in comparison '
1 "EirepTpa. The aorist used from the position of the reader, according to classical
usage. * Tlapabokevadpevog is the reading of the best MSS.
3 The same expression is used of the messengers of the Corinthian Church. 1 Cor.
xvi. 17. The English reader must not understand the A. V. " lack of service" to con
vey a reproach. From this verse we learn that the illness of Epaphroditus was caused
by some casualty of his journey, or perhaps by over-fatigue.
4 Literally, to write the same to you. St. Paul must here refer either to some pre
vious Epistle to the Philippians (now lost), or to his former conversations with them.
6 The Judaizers are here described by three epithets : "the dogs" because of their
uncleanness (of which that animal was the type : compare 2 Pet. ii. 22) ; " the evil
workmen " (not equivalent to " evil workers ") for the same reason that they are called
"deceitful workmen" in 2 Cor. xi. 13 ; and "the concision" to distinguish them from
the true circumcision, the spiritual Israel.
6 We retain Oeip here, with the Textus Receptus, and a minority of MSS., because
of the analogy of Rom. i. 9 (see note there). The true Christians are here described
by oontrast with the Judaizers, whose worship was the carnal worship of the temple,
whose boasting was in the law, and whose confidence was in the circumcision of theii
flesh. ' Apparently alluding to Jer. ix. 24, " He that boasteth let him boast in the Lord,'
which is quoted 1 Cor. i. 31, and 2 Cor. x. 7.
• Literally, because of the supereminence \.f the knowledge of Chrir?, i. e. IttiMt
(he knowledge of Christ surpasses all things else.

430 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 6T. PAUL.
with the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord ; for whom I have
suffered the loss of all things, and count them but as dung, that
I may gain Christ, and be found in Him ; not having my own 9
righteousness of the Law, but the righteousness of faith in
Christ, the righteousness which God bestows on Faith ; 1 that 1 10
may know Him, and the power of His resurrect W, and the
fellowship of His sufferings, sharing the likeness of His death ;
if by any means I might attain to the resurrection from the l]
dead. Not that I have already won,2 or am already perfect ; but 12
I press onward, if, indeed, I might lay hold on thatrfor which
Christ also laid hold on me.3 Brethren, I count not myself to 13
have laid hold thereon ; but this one thingl do--forgetting that
which is behind, and reaching4 forth to that which is before, 1 14
press onward towards the mark, for the prize of God's heavenly
calling in Christ Jesus.
Let us all, then, who are ripe5- in understanding, be thus 15
minded ; and if in anything you are otherwise minded, that
also shall be revealed to you bj God [in due time]. Neverthe- 16
less, let us walk according to that which we have attained.6
Brethren, be imitators of me with one consent, and mark 17
those who walk according to my example. For many walk, of 18
whom I told you often in times ' past, and now tell you even
weeping, that they are the enemies 8 of the cross of Christ ;
1 'Ex Qeov, which God bestows, iirl tj morei, on condition of faith.' Compare
iirl Ty iriarei, Acts iii. 16. . ¦
* "Ekabov sc. rb PpajSelov (v. 14). Compare 1 Cor ix. 24, Ovra rpexere Ivamra-
kdf}yTe. It is unfortunate that in A. V. this is translated by the same verb attain)
which is used for KaTavryau in the preceding verse, so as to make it seem to refer to
that. ' Our Lord had " laid hold on " Paul, in order to bring him to the attainment of
"the prize of God's heavenly calling." 'lyaov is omitted by the best MSS.
4 The image is that of the runner in a foot race, whose body is bent foiward in the
direction towards which he runs. See beginning of Chap. XX.
s The translation in A. V. of rerekeiupai (verse 12) and rikeioi by the Eame word,
makes St. Paul seem to contradict himself. Tikeiog is the. antithesis of vyiriog. Com
pare 1 Cor. xiv. 20.
6 See Winer, § 45, 7. The precept is the same giveu Rom. xiv. 5. The words
Kavbvi rb avrb tppovelv are omitted in the best MSS.
' "Ekeyov. Literally, I used to tell you.
s For the construction of roig ixBpovg, compare rijv (uyv, 1 John ii. 25. The per
sons meant were men who led licentious lives (like the Corinthian free-thinkers), and
they are called " enemies of the cross " because the cross was the symbol of mortifies'
tion.

EPISTLE TO THE PHILLPPIANS. 431
19 whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly,1 and whose
glory is in their shame ; whose mind is set on earthly things,
20 For my life * abides in heaven, from whence 3 also I look for a
21 Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ ; who shall change my vile 4
body into the likeness of His glorious body ; according to the
ry working whereby He is able even to subdue all things unto
1 Himself. Therefore my brethren, dearly beloved and longed
for, my joy and crown, so stand fast in -the Lord, my dearly
beloved.
2 I exhort Euodia, and I exhort Syntyche,5 to be Euodia and
3 of one mind in the Lord. Yea, and I beseech thee °<> recondied.
also, my true yoke-fellow,6 to help them [to be reconciled] ; for
they strove earnestly in the work of the Glad-tidings with me,
together with Clemens 7 and my other fellow-labourers, whose
names are in the Book 8 of Life.
4 Rejoice in the Lord at all times. Again will9 I Exhortation to
5 say, rejoice. Let your forbearance be known to all buiation, ana
J _, T , . _ to love and fot
6 men. The I0 Lord is at hand. Let no care trouble i«w goodness.
you, but in all things, by prayer and supplication with thanks-
i Cf. Rom. xvi. 18.
* Hokirevpa must not be translated citizenship (as has been proposed), which would
be irokireia (cf. Acts xxii. 28). TLok.ireveaBai means to perform the functions of
civil life, and is used simply for to live; see Acts xxiii. 1, and Phil. i. 27. Hence
irokirevpa means the tenor of life. It should be also observed that iirdpxei is more
than iari.
3 'Ei oi. See Winer xxi. 2.
4 Literally, the body of my humiliation.
6 These were two women (see airalg, verse 3, which is mistranslated in A. V.) who
were at variance.
6 We have no means of knowing who was the person thus addressed. Apparently
some eminent Christian at Philippi, to whom the Epistle was to be presented in the
first instance. The old hypothesis (mentioned by Chrysostom) that 'Zi&yog is a proper
name, is not without plausibility ; " qui et re et nomine Zvfryog es." (Gomarus, in
Poli.Synops.) 7 We learn from Origen (Comm. on John i. 29) that this Clemens (commonly called
Clement) was the same who was afterwards Bishop of Rome, and who wrote the Epis
tles to the Corinthians which we have before referred to (p. 155). Eusebius quotes the
following statement concerning him from IrensBus : Tpirip rbirtp dirb tuv diroaTok.uv
ryv iirioKoiryv Kkypovrai Kkypyg, b Kal iupaKug roig paKapiovg diroarbkovg Kal avpbe-
tkyxdg [ (?) avpbebiax&f] airolg. (Hist. Eccl. v. 6.) It appears from the present
passage that he had formerly laboured successfully at Philippi.
8 Compare j3i/3kov fcvruv, Ps. lxix. 28. (LXX.), and also Luke x. 20 and Heb
xii. 23.
" 'Epu is future. He refers to iii. 1.
10 They are exhorted to be joyful under persecution, and show gentleness to theii
persecutors, because the Lord's coming would soon deliver tbcm from all their afifh*
tions. Compare note on 1 Cor. xvi. 22

432 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
giving, let your requests be made known to God. And the 1
peace of God, which passeth all understanding, shall keep ' your
hearts and minds in Christ Jesus. Finally, brethren, whatso- 8
ever is true, whatsoever is venerable, whatsoever is just, what
soever is pure, whatsoever is endearing, whatsoever is of good
report, — if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise— be
such the objects of your 2 esteem. That which you were taught 9
and learned, and which" you heard and saw in me, — be that
your practice. So shall the God of peace be with you.
Liberality of I rejoiced in the Lord greatly when I found that 10
cb!ircb1!lippian now, after so long a time, your care for me had borne
fruit again;3 though your care indeed never failed, but you
lacked opportunity. Not that I speak as if I were in want ; for ll
1 4 have learnt, in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be con
tent. I can bear either abasement or abundance. In all 12
things, and amongst all men, I have been taught the lesson,5 to
be full or to be hungry, to want or to abound. I can do all
things, in Him 6 who strengthens my heart. Nevertheless, you 13
have done well, in contributing to the help of my affliction. 14
And you know yourselves, Philippians, that, in the beginning 15
of the Glad-tidings, after I had left Macedonia,7 no Church
communicated with me on account of giving and receiving,
but you alone. For even while I was still in Thessalonica,8 16
you sent once and again to relieve my need. Not that I seek 17
your gifts, but I seek the fruit which accrues therefrom, to your
account. But I have all which I require, and more than I re- 18
quire. I am fully supplied, having received from Epaphrodi
tus your gifts, "An odour of sweetness" s an acceptable sacrifice
well pleasing to God. And your own needs ,0 shall be all sup- 19
plied by my God, in the fulness of His glorious riches in Christ
Jesus. Now to our God and Father be glory unto the ages of 20
ages. Amen.
1 ipovpyoei, literally, garrison.
' Aoy%eo8e, Literally, reckon these things in account. Compare oi layi&Tai rl
kokov, 1 Cor. xiii. 5.
a The literal meaning of dvaBukku is to put forth fresh shoots,
4 This " I " is emphatic (iyu). ¦» Mepiypai, initiatus sum.
6 Xpioru is omitted in the best MSS. For ivSwap. cf. Rom. iv. 20.
7 Compare 2 Cor. xi. 9 and Vol. I. p. 389. 8 gee Vol. I. p. 329.
» Gen. viii. 21. (LXX.). '<lo$puvBy 6 Bebg 'OSMHN 'ETQAIAS .• compare *lso
Levit. i. 9 and Eph. v. 2.
10 The imuv is emphatic.

CONVERTS IN THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD. 433
21 Salute all God's people in Christ Jesus. The salutation.
brethren who are with > me salute you.
22 All God's people here salute you, especially those who be
long to the house of Caesar.2
23 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your Autograph
, . benediction.
spirits.3 The above Epistle gives us an unusual amount of information con
cerning the personal situation of its writer, which we have already endea
voured to incorporate into our narrative. But nothing iu it is more sug
gestive than St Paul's allusion to the Praetorian guards, and to the
converts he had gained in the household of Nero. He tells us (as we
have just read) that throughout the Praetorian quarters he was well
known as a prisoner for the cause of Christ,4 and he sends special saluta
tions to the Philippian Church from the Christians in the Imperial house
hold.8 These notices bring before us very vividly the moral contrasts by
which the Apostle was surrounded. The soldier to whom he was chained
to-day might have been in Nero's body-guard yesterday ; his comrade
who next relieved guard upon the prisoner, might have been one of the
executioners of Octavia, and might have carried her head to Poppasa a
few weeks before. Such were the ordinary employments of the fierce
and blood-stained veterans who were daily present, like wolves in the
midst of sheep, at the meetings of the Christian brotherhood. If there
were any of these soldiers dot utterly hardened by a life of cruelty, their
hearts must surely have been touched by the character of their prisoner,
brought as they were into so close a contact with him. They must have
been at least astonished to see a man, under such circumstances, so utterly
careless of selfish interests, and devoting himself with an energy so unac
countable to the teaching of others. Strange indeed to their ears, fresh
from the brutality of a Roman barrack, must have been the sound of
Christian exhortation, of prayers, and of hymns ; stranger still, perhaps,
the tender love which bound the converts to their teacher and to one
another, and showed itself in every look and tone.
1 This oi aCv Ipol, distinguished from irdvreg ol uyioi in the next verso, seems to de
note St. Paul's special attendants, such as Aristarchus, Epaphras, Demas, Timotheus,
&c. Cf. Gal. i. 2.
' These members of the imperial household were probably slaves ; so the same ex
pression is used by Josephus (Ant. xviii. 5, 8). If St. Paul was at this time confined
in the neighbourhood of the Praetorian quarters attached to the palace, we can more
readily account for the conversion of some of those who lived in the buildings imme
diately contiguous.
3 The majority of the uncial MSS. read irvevpaiog, and omit the dpyv.
4 i. 13. » iv. 22.
vol. n. — 28

434 THE LITE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
But if the agents of Nero's tyranny seem out of place in such a scene,
still more repugnant to the assembled worshippers must have been the in
struments of his pleasures the ministers of his lust. Yet some even among
these, the depraved servants of the palace, were redeemed from their de
gradation by the Spirit of Christ, which spoke to them in the words of
Paul. How deep their degradation was, we know from authentic records.
We are not left to conjecture the services required from the attendants of
Nero. The ancient historians have polluted their pages ' with details of
infamy which no writer in the languages of Christendom may dare to re
peat. Thus, the very immensity of moral amelioration wrought, operates
to disguise its own extent ; and hides from inexperienced eyes the gulf
which separates heathenism from Christianity. Suffice it to say that the
courtiers of Nero were the spectators, and the members of his household
the instruments, of vices so monstrous and so unnatural, that they shocked
even the men of that generation, steeped as it was in every species of ob
scenity. But we must remember that many of those who took part in
such abominations were involuntary agents, forced by the compulsion of
slavery to do their master's bidding. And the very depth of vileness in
which they were plunged, must have excited in some of them an indignant
disgust and revulsion against vice. Under such feelings, if curiosity led
them to visit the Apostle's prison, they were well qualified to appreciate
the purity of its moral atmosphere. And there it was that some of these
unhappy bondsmen first tasted of spiritual freedom ; and were prepared
to brave with patient heroism the tortures under which they soon " were
destined to expire in the gardens of the Vatican.
History has few stranger contrasts than when it shows us Paul
preaching Christ under the walls of Nero's palace. Thenceforward, there
were but two religions in the Roman world ; the worship of the Emperor
and the worship of the Saviour. The old superstitions had been long .
worn out ; they had lost all hold on educated minds. There remained to
civilised heathens no other worship possible but the worship of power ;
and the incarnation of power which they chose was, very naturally, the
Sovereign of the world. This, then, was the ultimate result of the noble
intuitions of Plato, the methodical reasonings of Aristotle, the pure mo
rality of Socrates. All had failed, for want of external sanction and
authority. The residuum they left was the philosophy of Epicurus, and
the religion of Nerolatry. But a new doctrine was already taught in the
Forum, and believed even on the Palatine. Over against the altars of
Nero and Poppaea, the voice of a prisoner was daily heard, and daily woke
' See Tacitus Ann. xv. 37. Dio lxiii. 13, and especially Suetonius, Nero, 28, 29.
" Thf. Neronian persecution, in which such vast multitudes of Christians perished
occurred in the summer of 64 ad., that is, within less than two years of the time when
the Epistle to Philippi was written. See the next Chanter.

CONVERTS IN THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD. 435
in grovelling souls the consciousness of their divine destiny. Men listeued,
and knew that self-sacrifice was better than ease, humiliation more ex
alted than pride, to suffer nobler than to reign. They felt that the only
religion which satisfied the needs of man was the religion of sorrow, the
religion of self-devotion, the religion of the cross.
There are some amongst us now who think that the doctrine which
Paul preached was a retrograde movement in the course of humanity ;
there are others who, with greater plausibility, acknowledge that it was
useful in its season, but tell us that it is now worn out and obsolete. The
former are far more consistent than the latter ; for both schools of infi
delity agree in virtually advising us to return to that effete philosophy
which had been already tried and found wanting, when Christianity was
winning the first triumphs of its immortal youth. This might well surprise
us, did we not know that the progress of human reason in the paths 01
ethical discovery is merely the progress of a man in a treadmill, doomed
for ever to retrace his own steps. Had it been otherwise, we might have
hoped that mankind could not again be duped by an old and useless re
medy, which was compounded and recompounded in every possible shape
and combination, two thousand years ago, and at last utterly rejected by
a nauseated world. Yet for this antiquated anodyne, disguised under a
new label, many are once more bartering the only true medicine that can
heal the diseases of the soul.
For such mistakes there is, indeed, no real cure, except prayer to Him
who giveth sight to the blind ; but a partial antidote may be supplied by
the history of the Imperial Commonwealth. The true wants of the
Apostolic age can best be learned from the annals of Tacitus. There
men may still see the picture of that Rome to which Paul preached ; and
thence they may comprehend the results of civilisation without Christi
anity, and the impotence of a moral philosophy destitute of supernatural
attestation.' 1 Had Arnold lived to complete his task, how nobly would his history of the Em
pire have worked out this great argument ! His indignant abhorrence of wickedness
»n<J his enthusiastic love of moral beauty, made him worthy of such a theme.

436 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

CHAPTEE XXVII.
Effi '¦) rippa Tyg Svaeug IkBuv, Kal paprvpyaag iirl ruv yyovphuv, • oi-«f
dtrykkdyy rov Koapov. (Clem. Rom. i. cap. 5.)
AITTHORITIES FOK ST. PAUL'S SUBSEQUENT HISTORY.— HIS APPEAL IS HEAK1).— HIS AUJUri-
TAL.— HE GOES FROM ROME TO ASIA MINOR.— THENCE TO SPAIN, WHERE HE RESIDES
TWO YEARS.— HE RETURNS TO ASIA MINOR AND MACEDONIA.— WRITES THE FHtSl
EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.— VISITS CRETE.— WRITES THE EPISTLE TO TITUS.— SE, WIN
TERS AT NICOPOLIS.— HE IS AGAIN IMPRISONED AT ROME.— PROGRESS OF HIS TRIAL.—
HE WRITES THE SECOND EPISTLE TO TUI0XHEUS.—E1S CONDEMNATION AND DEATH.
We have already remarked that the light concentrated upon vhat portion
of St. Paul's life which is related in the latter chapters of the Acts,
makes darker by contrast the obscurity which rests upon the remainder of
his course. The progress of the historian who attempts to trace the
footsteps of the Apostles beyond the limits of the Scriptural narrative
must, at best, be hesitating and uncertain. It has been compared ' to
the descent of one who passes from the clear sunshine which rests upon a
mountain's top into the mist which wraps its side. But this is an inade
quate, comparison ; for such a wayfarer loses the daylight gradually, and
experiences no abrupt transition, from the bright prospect and the dis
tinctness of the onward path, into darkness and bewilderment. Our case
should rather be compared with that of the traveller on the Chinese fron
tier, who has just reached a turn in the valley along which his course has
led him, and has come to a point whence he expected to enjoy the view of
a new. and brilliant landscape ; when he suddenly finds all farther pros
pect cut off by an enormous wall, filling up all the space between preci
pices on either hand, and opposing a blank and insuperable barrier to his
onward progress. And if a chink here and there should allow some
glimpses of the rich territory beyond, they are only enough to tantalise,
without gratifying his curiosity.
Doubtless, however, it was a Providential design which has thus limited
our knowledge. The wall of separation, which for ever cuts off the
Apostolic age from that which followed it, was built by the hand of God.
That age of miracles was not to be revealed to us as passing by any gra
dual transition into the common life of the Church ; it was intentionally
i The comparison occurs somewhere in Arnold's works.

EVIDENCE IN FAVOUR OE HIS LIBERATION. 437
isolated from all succeeding time, that we might learn to appreciate more
fully its extraordinary character, and see, by the sharpness of the ab-
raptest contrast, the difference between the human and the divine.
A few faint rays of light, however, have been permitted to penetrate
beyond the dividing barrier, and of these we must make the best use wo
can : for it is now our task to trace the history of St. Paul beyond the
period where the narrative of his fellow-traveller so suddenly terminates.1
The only cotemporary materials for this purpose are his own letters to
Titus and Timotheus, and a single sentence of his disciple, Clement of
Rome ; and during the three centuries which followed we can gather but
a few scattered and unsatisfactory notices from the writers who have
handed down to us the traditions of the Church.
The great question which we have to answer concerns the termination
of t&at long imprisonment whose history has occupied the preceding
Chapters. St. Luke tells us that St. Paul remained under military
custody in Rome for "two whole years" (Acts xxviii. 16 and 30) ; but
he does not say what followed, at the close of that period. Was it ended,
we are left to ask, by the Apostle's condemnation and death, or by his
acquittal and liberation ? Although the answer to this question has been
a subject of dispute in modern times, no doubt was entertained about it by
the ancient church." It was universally believed that St. Paul's appeal to
Cassar terminated successfully ; that he was acquitted of the charges laid
against him ; and that he spent some years in freedom before he was again
imprisoned and condemned. The evidence on this subject, though (as we
have said) not copious, is yet conclusive so far as.it goes, and it is all one
way. The most important portion of it is supplied by Clement, the disciple
of St. Paul, mentioned Phil. iv. 3,3 who was afterwards Bishop of Rome.
1 Numerous explanations have been attempted of the sudden and abrupt termination
of the Acts, which breaks off the narrative of St. Paul's appeal to Caesar (up to that
point so minutely detailed) just as we are expecting its conclusion. The most plau
sible explanations are (1) That Theophilus already knew of the conclusion of the
Roman imprisonment ; whether it was ended by St. Paul's death or by his liberation.
(2) That St. Luke wrote before the conclusion of the imprisonment, and carried his
narrative up to the. point at which he wrote. But neither of these theories is fully
satisfactory. We may take this opportunity to remark that the ipetve and direSextro
(Acts xxviii. 30) by no means imply (as Wieseler asserts, p* 398, 399) that a changed
ttate.of things bad succeeded to that there described. In writing historically, the his
torical tenses would be used by an ancient writer, even though (when he wrote) the
events described by him were still going on.
1 If the Epistle to the Hebrews was written by St. Paul, it proves conclusively that
he was liberated from his Roman imprisonment ; for its writer is in Italy, and at
liberty. (Heb. xiii. 23* 24) But we are precluded from using this as an argument,
In consequence of the doubts concerning the authorship of that Epistle. See the next
Chapter. • For the identity of St Paul's disciple Clemens* with Clemens Romanus. gp»-«>-

438 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
This author, writing from Rome to Corinth, expressly asserts that Paul-
had preached the Gospel " in the east and in the west ;" that " he had
instructed the whoh world [i. e. the Roman Empire, which was commonly
so called] in righteousness ;" and that he " had gone to the extremity op
the west" before his martyrdom.1
Now, in a Roman author, the extremity of the West could mean nothing
short of Spain, and the expression is often used by Roman writers to de
note Spain. Here, then, we have the express testimony of St. Paul's owe
disciple that he fulfilled his original intention (mentioned Rom. xv. 24-
28) of visiting the Spanish peninsula ; and consequently thr.fc he was
liberated from his first imprisonment at Rome.
The next piece of evidence which we possess on the object is con
tained in the canon of the New Testament, compiled by an unknown
Christian about the year a.d. 170, which is known as Mura tori's Canon.
In this document it is said, in the account of the Acts of the Apostles, that
" Luke relates to Theophilus events of which he was an eye-witness, as also in
a separate place (semote) [viz. Luke xxii. 31-33], he evidently declares the
martyrdom of Peter, hut [omits'] the journey of Paul from Rome to
Spain." 2
In the next place, Eusebius tells us, " after defending himself success
fully it is currently reported that the Apostle again went forth to proclaim
the Gospd, and afterwards came to Rome a second time, and was martyred
under Nero.3
Next we have the statement of Chrysostom, who mentions it as an
undoubted historical fact, that " St. Faul after Ms residence in Rom
departed to Spain." 4
note on Phil. iv. 3. We may add that even those who doubt this identity acknowledge
that Clemens Romanus wrote in the first century.
i liavkog . . . Kypvi yevbpevog hi Trj dvaroky Kal iv ry Svoel, rb yivvatov ryg
rriareug airov Kkeog ikaCev SiKaioavvyv SiSdiag bkov rbv xbopov Kal [iirl'] to rippa
ryg Siaeug ikBuv Kal paprvpyaag iirl Tuv yyovpivuv, ovrug dirykkuyy tov Koopov.
(Clem. Rom. i. chap, v.) We need scarcely remark upon Wieseler's proposal to trans
late Tb rippa ryg Svoeug the Sovereign of Some ! That ingenious writer has been here
evidently misled by his desire to wrest the passage (quocunque modo) into conformity -
with his theory. Schrader translates paprvpyaag " having been martyred ' there," and
then argues that the extremity of the West cannot mean Spain, because St. Paul was
not martyred in Spain ; but his "there " is a mere interpolation of his own
3 The words of this fragment are as follows : Acta autem omnium apostolorum sub
uno libro scripta sunt. Lucas optime Theophilo conprindit [comprehendit] quia
[quse] sub prsesentia ejus singula gcrebantur, sicuti et semote passionem Petri eviden-
ter declarat, sed profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam proficiscentis [cmittit].
For an account of this fragment, see Routh's Reliquiae Same, vol. iv. p. 1-12
» The words of Eusebius are, rbre piv oiv dirokoyycupevov 'aiBi'g iirl ryv tov Kypvy-
uarog StaKoviav kbyog iXei CTelkacBai rbv arrbarokov, Sevrepov 6' iiribavra ry air*
vbkei rip (car" airbv [Nepiwa] rekeioByvai paprvplu. (Hist. Eccl. ii. 22 )
4 Mtrd rb yheoBai iv 'Yupy, . irakiv elg ri)v' Zvaviav d*y'k0eV. ' Ei Si UelOn

EVIDENCE IN FAVOUR OF HIS LIBERATION. 439
About the same time St. Jerome bears the same testimony, saying
that "Paul was dismissed by Nero, that he might preach Christ's Gospd in
the West." '
Against this unanimous testimony of the primitive Church there is no
external evidence * whatever to oppose. Those who doubt the liberation
of St Paul from his imprisonment are obliged to resort to a gratnitous
hypothesis, or to inconclusive arguments from probability. Thus they try
to account for the tradition of the Spanish journey, by the arbitrary sup
position that it arose from a wish to represent St. Paul as having fulfilled
his expressed intentions (Rom. xv. 19) of visiting Spain. Or they say
that it is improbable Nero would have liberated St. Paul after he had
fallen under the influence of Poppsea, the Jewish proselyte. Or, lastly
they urge, that, if St. Paul had really been liberated, we must have had
some account of his subsequent labours. The first argument needs no
answer, being a mere hypothesis. The second, as to the probability of
the matter, may be met by the remark that we know far too little of the
circumstances, and of the motives which weighed with Nero, to judge how
he would have been likely to act in the case. To the third argument we
may oppose the fact, that we have no account whatever of St. Paul's
labours, toils, and sufferings, during several of the most active years of
his life, and ' only learn their existence by a casual allusion in a letter to
the Corinthians (2 Cor. xi. 24, 25). Moreover, if this argument be worth
any thing, it would prove that none of the Apostles except St. Paul took
any part whatever in the propagation of the Gospel after the first few
years ; since we have no testimony to their subsequent labours at all more
definite than that which we have above quoted concerning the work of
St. Paul after his liberation.
irdkiv elg ravra rd pipy [viz. to the eastern part of the empire ; it does not imply a
doubt of his return to Rome], ovk lapev. (Chrysost. on 2 Tim. iv. 20.)
1 Sciendum est ... . Paulum a Nerone dimissum, ut evangelium Christi in Occi-
dentis quoque partibus praedicaret. (Hieron. Catal. Script.)
* It has indeed been urged that Origen knew nothing of the journey to Spain, be
cause Eusebius tells us that he speaks of Paul " preaching from Jerusalem to Illyri
cum," — a manifest allusion to Rom. xv. 19. . It is strange that those who use this argu
ment should not have perceived that they might, with equal justice, infer that Origen
was ignorant of St. Paul's preaching at Malta. Still more extraordinary is it to find
Wieseler relying on the testimony of Pope Innocent I., who asserts fin the true spirit
Of the Papacy) that " all the churches in Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, Sicily, and the
interjacent islands, were founded by emissaries of St. Peter or his successors:" an
assertion manifestly contradicting the Acts of the Apostles, and the known history of
the Gallican Church, and made by a writer of the fifth century ! It has been also
argued by Wieseler that Eusebius and Chrysostom were led to the hypothesis of a
" second imprisonment by their mistaken view of 2 Tim. iv. 20. But it is equally
probable that they were led to that view of the passage by their previous belief in th«
tradition of the second imprisonment. Nor is their view of that passage untenable
though we think it mistaken.

440 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
But farther, unless we are prepared to dispute the genuineness; of tin
Pastoral Epistles,1 we must admit not only that St. Paul was liberated
from his Roman imprisonment, but also that he continued his Apostolic
labours for at least some years afterwards. It is now admitted, by nearly
all those who are competent to decide on such a question,3 first,, that the
historical facts mentioned in the Epistles to Timotheus and Titus, cannot
be placed in any portion of St. Paul's life before or during his first impri
sonment in Rome ; and, secondly, that the style in which those Epistles
are written, and the condition of the Church described in them, forbids the
supposition of such a date. Consequently, we must acknowledge (unless
we deny the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles) that after St. PauVs
Roman imprisonment he was travelling at liberty in Ephesus,3 Crete,4
Macedonia,6 Miletus,6 and Nicopolis,7 and that he was afterwards a second
time in prison at Rome.8
But, when we have said this, we have told nearly all that we know ol
the Apostle's personal history, from his liberation to his death. We can
not fix with certainty the length of the time which intervened, nor the
order in which he visited the different places where he is recorded to have
laboured. The following data, however, we have. In the first place his
martyrdom is universally said to have occurred ' in the reign of Nero.
Secondly, Timotheus was still a young man (i. e. young for the charge
committed to him) ,0 at the time of Paul's second imprisonment at Rome.
Thirdly, the tlir ee Pastoral Epistles were written within a few months of
one another." Fourthly, their style differs so much from the style of the
earlier Epistles, that we must suppose as long an interval between their
date and that of the Epistle to Philippi as is consistent with the preceding
conditions. These reasons concur in leading us to fix the last year of Nero as that
of St. Paul's martyrdom. And this is the very year assigned to it by
Jerome, and the next to that assigned by Eusebius ; the two earliest
writers who mention the date of St. Paul's death at all. We have already
seen that St. Paul first arrived in Rome in the Spring of a.d. 61 : we
therefore have, on our hypothesis, an interval of five years, between the
period with which St. Luke concludes (a.d. 63), and the Apostle's mar-
' For the proof of this date of the Pastoral Epistles, see the note on the subject iu
the Appendix.
3 Dr. Davidson is an exception, and has summed up all that can be said on the
opposite side of the question with his usual ability and fairness. With regard to
Wieseler, see the note in the Appendix, above referred to.
3 1 Tim. i. 3. 4 Titus i. 5. s i Tim. i. 3.
6 2 Tim. iv. 20. ? Titus iii. 12. e 2 Tim. i. 16 17.
> See the references to Tertullian, Eusebius, Jerome, &c, given below in a note
near the close of this chapter.
10 1 Tim. iii. 2. 2 Tim. ii. 22.
11 See the note on the date of the Pastoral Epistles, in the Appendix.

HIS TRIAL. 441
tyrdom.i And the grounds above mentioned lead us to the conclusion
that this interval was occupied in the following manner.
In the first place, after the long delay, which we have before endea
voured to explain, St. Paul's appeal came on for hearing before the
Emperor. The appeals from the provinces in civil causes were heard,
not by the Emperor himself, but by his delegates, who were persons of
consular rank : Augustus had appointed one such delegate to hear appeals
from each province respectively.3 But criminal appeals appear generally
to have been heard by the Emperor in person,3 assisted by his council of
assessors. Tiberius and Claudius had usually sat for this purpose in the
Forum ; * but Nero, after the example of Augustus, heard these causes in
the Imperial Palace,6 whose ruins still crown the Palatine. Here, at one
end of a splendid hall,6 lined with the precious marbles ' of Egypt and of
Lybia, we must imagine the Caesar seated, in the midst of his Assessors.
These councillors, twenty in number, were men of the highest rank and
greatest influence. Among them were the two Consuls,8 and selected
representatives of each of the other great magistracies of Rome.9 The
remainder consisted of senators chosen by lot. Over this distinguished
bench of judges presided the representative of the most powerful monarchy
which has ever existed, — the absolute ruler of the whole civilized world.
But the reverential awe which his position naturally suggested, was
1 The above data show us the necessity of supposing as long an interval as possible
between St. Paul's liberation and his second imprisonment. Therefore we must as
sume that his appeal was finally decided at the end of the " two years" mentioned in
Acts xxviii.. 30, — that is, in the Spring of a,d. 63.
*¦ Sueton. Oct. 33 ; but Geib (p. 680) thinks this arrangement was not of long dura
tion. 3 Ti phi dkka airbg perd tuv awiSpuv Kal SieoKhpaTO Kal iSUa^ev, iv ry Hakariu
iirl (iyparog irpoKaBypevog. (Dio, lv. 27.) This is said of Augustus.
4 As to Tiberius, see Dio, lvii. 7 ; and as to Claudius, Dio, lx. 4.
* Tiberius built a tribunal on the Palatine (Dio, lvii. 7). See also Geib, p. 536.
6 Dio mentions that the ceilings of the Halls of Justice in the Palatine were painted
Dy Severus to represent the starry sky : Kal ydp airoig [roig darepag'] ig rug bpofag
tuv oikuv tuv iv rip irakariip iv olg iStxa^ev iviypa\vev (Dio, lxxvi. II). The old
Roman practice was for the magistrate to sit under the open sky, which probably sug
gested this kind of ceiling. Even the Basilicas were not roofed over (as to their cen
tral nave) till a late period.
7 Those who are acquainted with Rome will remember how the interior of many of
the ruined buildings is lined with a coating of these precious marbles.
9 Memmius Regutus and Virginius Rufus were the consuls of the year A.n. 63 (A. t>. a.
816). Under some of the emperors, the consuls were often changed several times
during the year ; but Nero allowed them to hold office for six months. ("Consuktum
in senos plerumque menses dedit." Sueton. Nero, 15.) So that these consuls would
still be in office till July.
9 Such, at least, was the constitution of the council of assessors, according to tho
ordinance of Augustus, which appears to have remained unaltered. See Dio, liii. 21
Heir inaTOvg, xdx tuv akkuv dpxbvruv eva irap' ixdaruv, Ik re tov koiirov r<j»

442

THE LLFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.

COIN OF NERO (WITH THE HAKBODB 01 OSTIA) .'
changed into contempt and loathing by the character of the Sovereign
who now presided over that supreme tribunal. For Nero was a man
whom even the awful attribute of "power equal to the gods"3 could not
render august, except in title. The fear and horror excited by his omni
potence and his cruelty, was blended with contempt for his ignoble lust of
praise, and his shameless licentiousness. He had not as yet plunged into
that extravagance of tyranny which, at a later period, exhausted the
patience of his subjects, and brought him to destruction. Hitherto his
public measures had been guided by sage advisers, and his cruelty had
injured his own family rather than the state. But already, at the age of
twenty-five, he had murdered his innocent wife and his adopted brother,
and had dyed his hands in the blood of his mother. Yet even these enor
mities seem to have disgusted the Romans less than his prostitution of
the Imperial purple, by publicly performing as a musician on the stage and
a charioteer in the circus. His degrading want of dignity and insatiable
appetite for vulgar applause, drew tears from the councillors and servants
of his house, who could see him slaughter his nearest relatives without
remonstrance. Before the tribunal of this blood-stained adulterer, Paul the Apostle
was now brought in fetters, under the custody of his military guard. We
may be sure that he, who had so often stood undaunted before the dele
gates of the Imperial throne, did not quail when he was at last confronted
with their master. His life was not in the hands of Nero ; he knew
that while his Lord had work for him on earth, He would shield him from
the tyrant's sword ; and if his work was over, how gladly would he " de
part and be with Christ, which was far better." 3 To him all the majesty
of Roman despotism was nothing more than an empty pageant ; the Im
SovktvTuv irkyBovg irevrexaiSexa roig xkyptp kdxovrag, avpfloikovg ig iiupyvov
irapekdpBavtv. Also see Sueton. Tiber. 55, and the passages of Dio referred to in the
notes above.
' From the British Museum. This is one of the large brass coins of Nero's reign,
which exhibit admirable portraits of the emperor. We notice here that peculiar rig
of ancient ships which was mentioned above, pp. 301 and 349.
3 " Diis ajqua potjstas " was the attribute of the emperors (Juv. iv.).
' See his anticipatior s of his trial. Phil. i. 20-25, and Phil. ii. 17.

HIS TRIAL. 443
perial demigod himself was but one of " the princes of this world, that
come to nought."1 Thus he stood, calm and collected, ready to answer
the charges of his accusers, and knowing that in the hour of his need it
should be given him what to speak.
The prosecutors and their witnesses were now called forward, to sup
port their accusation ; 3 for although the subject-matter for decision was
contained in the written depositions forwarded from Judsea by Festus, yet
(as3 we have before observed) the Roman law required the personal
presence of the accusers and the- witnesses, whenever it could be obtained.
We already know the charges 4 brought against the Apostle. He was
accused of disturbing the Jews in the exercise of their worship, which
was secured to them by law ; of desecrating their Temple ; and, above
all, of violating the public peace of the Empire by perpetual agitation, as
the ringleader of a new and factious sect. This charge a was the most
serious in the view of a Roman statesman ; for the crime alleged amounted
to majestas, or treason against the Commonwealth, and was punishable with
death. These accusations, were supported by the emissaries of the Sanhedrin,
and probably by the testimony of witnesses from Judsea, Ephesus, Cor
inth, and the other scenes of Paul's activity. The foreign accusers, how
ever, did not rely on the support of their own unaided eloquence. They
doubtless hired the rhetoric of some accomplished Roman pleader (as
they had done even before the provincial tribunal of Felix) to set off their
cause to the best advantage, and paint the dangerous character of their
antagonist in the darkest colours. Nor would jt have been difficult to re
present the missionary labours of Paul as dangerous to the security of the
1 1 Cor. ii. 6.
* The order of the proceedings was (1) Speech of the prosecutor ; (2) Examina
tion and cross-examination of the witnesses for the prosecution ; (3) Speech of the
prisoner ; (4) Examination and cross-examination of the witnesses for the defence.
See Geib, p. 601-643. The introduction of cross-examination was an innovation upon
the old republican procedure. Geib, p. 631.
3 As to the accusers, see above, p. 290, note 9. As to the witnesses, see Geib.
p. 629. Written depositions were received at this period by the Roman Courts, but
not where the personal presence of the witnesses could be obtained. Geib. 624. Ses
also Acts xxiv. 19, oig ISel iirl aov irapelvat.
4 See Acts xxiv. 5, 6, and xxv. 7, 8, and pages 282 and 291.
5 It must be remembered that the old Republican system of criminal procedure had
undergone a great change before the time of Nero. Under the old law (the system of
Qiuestiones Perpetual) different charges were tried in distinct courts, and by different
magistrates. In modern language, a criminal indictment cculd then only contain one
count. But this was altered under the emperors; "ut si quis sacrilegii simul et homi-
cidii accusetur ; quod nunc in publicis judiciis [i. e. those of the Qiuestiones Perpetua,
which were still not entirely obsolete] non accidit, quonian: Praetor certa. lege sortit'.ir ;
Principum autem et Senatus cognitionibus frequens est '< 'Quintil. Inst. Orat iii. 19.)
See Geib, p. 654.

444 THE LWE AND EPISTLES OF ST. FAUL.
Roman state, when rye remember how ill-informed the Roman magistrate^
who listened, must have been concerning the questions really at issue be
tween Paul and his opponents ; and when we consider how easily the
Jew» were excited against the government by any fanatical leader who
appealed to their nationality, and how readily the kingdom of the Messiah,
which Paul proclaimed, might, be misrepresented as a temporal monarchy,
set up in opposition to the foreign domination of Rome.
We cannot suppose that St. Paul had secured the services of any pro
fessional advocate to repel such false accusations,1 and put. the truth
clearly before his Roman judges. We know that he resorted to no such
method on former occasions of a similar kind. And it seems more cofr
sistentwith his character, and his unwavering reliance on his. Master's
promised aidy to suppose that he answered 3 the elaborate harangue of the
hostile pleader by a plain and simple statement of facts, like that which
he addressed to Felix, Festus, and Agrippa. He could easily prove the
falsehood of the charge of sacrilege, by the testimony of those who were
present in the Temple ; and perhaps the refutation of this more definite
accusation might incline his judges more readily to attribute the vaguer
charges to the malice of his opponents. He would then proceed to show
that, far from disturbing the exercise of the religio licita of Judaism, he;
himself adhered to that religion, rightly understood. He would show
that far from being a seditious agitator against the state, he taught his
converts everywhere to honor the Imperial Government, and submit to
the ordinances3 of the magistrate for conscience' sake. And, though he
would admit the charge of belonging to the sect of the Nazarenos, yet he
would remind his opponents that they themselves acknowledged the division
of their nation into various sects, which were equally entitled to the protefr
tion of the law ; and that the sect of the Nazarenes had a right to the
same toleration which was extended to those of the Pharisees and the
Sadducees. We know not whether he entered on this occasion into the peculiar
doctrines of that "sect" to which he belonged ; basing them, as he ever
did, on the4 resurrection of the dead; and reasoning of righteousness,
temperance, and judgment to come. If so, he had one auditor at least
' It was most usual, at this period, that both parties should be represented by advo
cates; but the parties were allowed to conduct their cause themselves, if they pre
ferred doing so. Geib, p. 602.
3 Probably, all St. Paul's judges, on this occasion, were familiar with Greek, an!1
therefore he might address them in his own native tongue, without the need of an
interpreter. 3 Compare Rom. xiii. 1-7.
* Compare the prominence given to the Resurrection in the statement before tin
Sanhedrin (Acts xxiii. 6), before Felix (Acts xxiv. 15), before Festus (Acts xxv. 19),
and befo-" Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 8).

PROGRESS OF THE TRIAL. 44{j
who had more need to tremble than even Felix. But doubtless a seared
conscience, and a universal frivolity of character, rendered Nero proof
against emotions which for a moment shook the nerves cf a less audacious
criminal. When the parties on both sides had been hea:d,' and the witnesses all
examined and cross-examined (a process which jerhaps occupied several
days3), the judgment of the court was taken. Each of the assessors
gave his opinion in writing to the Emperor, who nevet discussed the
judgment with his assessors, as had been the practice of better emperors,
but after reading their opinions gave sentence according to his own plea
sure,3 without reference to the judgment of the majority. On this occa
sion, it might have been expected that he would have pronounced the
condemnation of the accused ; for the influence of Poppaea had now 4
reached its culminating point, and she was, as we have said, a Jewish
proselyte. We can scarcely doubt that the emissaries from Palestine
would have sought access to so powerful a protectress, and demanded her
aid 5 for the destruction of a traitor to the Jewish faith ; nor would any
scruples have prevented her from listening to their request, backed as it
probably was, according to the Roman usage, by a bribe. If such influ
ence was exerted upon Nero, it might have been expected easily to pre
vail. But we know not all the complicated intrigues of the Imperial
Court. Perhaps some Christian freedman of Narcissus 6 may have coun
teracted, through the interest of that powerful favourite, the devices of
St. Paul's antagonists ; or possibly Nero may have been caprLiousW iz
dined to act upon his own independent view of the law and justice of the
1 We are told by Suetonius, as we have mentioned before, that Nero heard both
parties on each of the counts of the indictment separately ; and gave his decision on
one count before he proceeded to the next. (Seuton. Nero, 15.) The proceedings,
therefore, which we have described in the text, must have been repeated as many
times as there were separate charges against St. Paul.
' Plin. Epist. ii. 11. " In tertium diem probationes exierunt ; " and again, Ep. iv.
9, " Postero die egerunt pro Basso, Titius, Homullus, et Fronto, mirifice ; quartum
diem probationes occupaverunt."
3 Suet. Nero, 15. " Quoties ad consultandum secederet, neque in commune quid-
quam neque propalam deliberabat, sed et conscriptas ab unoquoque sententias tacitus
et secreto legens, quod ipsi libuisset, perinde atque pluribns idem videretur pronuntia-
bat." This judgment was not pronounced by Nero till the next day ("sequente die").
The sentence of a magistrate was always given in writing at this period (Geib,
665), and generally delivered by the magistrate himself. But in the case of the em
peror, he did not read his own sentence; but caused it to be read in his presence by his
quaestor (Geib, 512).
"* Poppsea's influence was at its height from the birth to the death of her daughter
Claudia, who was born at the beginning of 63, and lived four months.
6 See last Chapter, p. 422, n. 1.
' This Narcissus must not be confounded with the more celebrated favourite ol
Claudius. See Dio, lxiv. 3. The Narcissus here mentioned had Christian converts in
his establishment : see Rom. xvi. 11 and note.

446 THE LIFE AND EHSTLES OF ST. PAUL.
case, or to show his contempt for what he regarded as the petty squabbles
of a superstitious people, by " driving the accusers from his judgment
seat" with the same feelings which Gallio had shown on a similar occa
sion. However this may be, the trial resulted in the acquittal of St. Paul.
He was pronounced guiltless of the charges brought against him, his fet
ters were struck off, and he was liberated from his lengthened captivity.
And now at last he was free to realise his long cherished purpose of evan
gelising the west. But the immediate execution of this design was for
the present postponed, in order that he might first revisit some of his
earlier converts, who again needed his presence.
Immediately on his liberation it may reasonably be supposed that he
fulfilled the intention which he had lately expressed (Philem. 22, and Phil.
ii. 24), of travelling eastward through Macedonia, and seeking the
churches of Asia Minor, some of which, as yet, had not seen his face in
the flesh. We have already learnt, from the Epistle to the Colossians,
how much his influence and authority was required among those Asiatic
Churches. We must suppose him, therefore, to have gone from Rome by
the usual route, crossing the Adriatic from Brundisium to Apollonia, or
Dyrrachium, and proceeding by the great Egnatian road through Mace
donia ; and we can imagine the joy wherewith he was welcomed by his
beloved children ut Philippi, when he thus gratified the expectation which
he had encouraged them to form. There is no reason to suppose, how
ever, that he lingered in Macedonia. It is more likely that he hastened
on to Ephesus, and made that city once more his centre of operations.
If he effected his purpose,1 he now for the first time visited Colossae, Lao
dicea, and other churches in that region.
Having accomplished the objects of his visit to Asia Minor, he was at
length enabled (perhaps in the year following that of his liberation) to
undertake his long meditated journey to Spain. By what route he went,
we know not ; he may either have travelled by way of Rome, which had
been his original intention, or, more probably, avoiding the dangers which
at this period (in the height of the Neronian persecution) would have be
set him there, he may have gone by sea. There was constant commercial
intercourse between the East and Massilia (the modern Marseilles) ; and
Massilia was in daily communication with the Peninsula. We may sup
pose him to have reached Spain in the year 64, and to have remained
there about two years; which would allow him time to establish the
germs of Christian Churches among the Jewish proselytes who were to be
found in all the great cities, from Tarraco to Gades, along the Spanish
coast.3 1 See Philem. 22.
3 See Remond's Ausbreitung des Judenthums, i} 31,

ON HIS ACQUITTAL HE GOES TO ASIA AND TO SPAIN. 447
From Spain St. Paul seems to have returned, in a. d. 66,' to Ephesus^
and here he found that the predictions which he had long ago uttered to
the Ephesian presbyters were already receiving their fulfilment. Hereti
cal teachers had arisen in the very bosom of the Church, and were lead
ing away the believers after themselves. Hymenseus and Philetus were
sawing, in a congenial soil, the seed which was destined in another century
to bear so ripe a crop of error. The East and West were infusing their
several elements of poison into the pure cup of Gospel truth. In Asia
Minor, as at Alexandria, Hellenic philosophism did not refuse to blend
with Oriental theosophy ; the Jewish superstitions of the Eabbala, and
the wild speculations of the Persian magi, were combined with the Greek
craving for an enlightened and esoteric religion. The outward forms of
superstition were ready for the vulgar multitude ; the interpretation was
confined to the aristocracy of knowledge, the self-styled Gnostics (1 Tim.
vi. 20) ; and we see the tendencies at work among the latter, when we
learn that, like their prototypes at Corinth, they denied the future resur
rection of the dead, and taught that the only true resurrection was that
which took place when the soul awoke from the death of ignorance to the
life of knowledge.3 We recognise already the germ of those heresies
which convulsed the Church in the succeeding century ; and we may ima
gine the grief and indignation aroused in the breast of St. PauJ, when he
found the extent of the evil, and the number of Christian converts already
infected by the spreading plague.
Nevertheless, it is evident from the Epistles to Timotheus and Titus,
written about this time, that he was prevented by other duties from stay
ing in this oriental region so long as his presence was required. He left
his disciples to do that which, had circumstances permitted, he would have
done himself. He was plainly hurried from one point to another. Per
haps also he had lost some of his former energy. This might well be the
case, if we consider all he had endured during thirty years of labour.
The physical hardships which he had undergone were of themselves suffi
cient to wear out the most robust constitution ; and we know that his
health was already broken many years before.3 But in addition to these
bodily trials, the moral conflicts which he continually encountered could
not fail to tire down the elasticity of his spirit. The hatred manifested
by so large and powerful a section even of the Christian Church ; the de
struction of so many early friendships ; the faithless desertion of follow
ers ; the crowd of anxieties which pressed upon him daily, and " the care
1 This hypothesis best explains the subsequent transactions recorded in the Pastoral
Epistles. See note in the Appendix on their date, and the Chronological Table given
in the Appendix.
* See Vol. I. p. 450.
3 See Gal. iv. 13-14, and 2 Cor. xii. 7-9.

448 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
of all the Churches," must needs have preyed upon the mental energy of
any man, but especially of one whose temperament was so ardent and
impetuous. When approaching the age of seventy,' he might well be
worn out both in body and mind. And this will account for the compa
rative want of vigour and energy which has been attributed to the Pasto
ral Epistles, if there be any such deficiency ; and may perhaps also be in
part the cause of his opposing those errors by deputy, which ws might
rather have expected him to uproot by his own personal exertions.
However this may be, he seems not to have remained for any long
time together at Ephesus, but to have been called away from thence, first
to Macedonia,3 and afterwards to Crete ; 3 and immediately on his return
from thence, he appears finally to have left Ephesus for Rome, by way of
Corinth.4 But here we are anticipating our narrative ; we must return to
the first of these hurried journeys, when he departed from Ephesus to
Macedonia, leaving the care of the Ephesian Church to Timotheus, and
charging him especially with the duty of counteracting the efforts of those
heretical teachers whose dangerous character we have described.
When he arrived in Macedonia, he found that his absence might pos
sibly be prolonged beyond what he had expected ; and he probably felt
that Timotheus might need some more explicit credential from himself
than a mere verbal commission, to enable him for a longer period to exer
cise that Apostolic authority over the Ephesian Church, wherewith he
had invested him. It would also be desirable that Timotheus should be
able, in his struggle with the heretical teachers, to exhibit documentary
proof of St. Paul's agreement with himself, and condemnation of the op
posing doctrines. Such seem to have been the principal motives which
led St. Paul to despatch from Macedonia that which is known as " the
First Epistle to Timothy ;" in which are contained various rules for the
government of the Ephesian Church, such as would be received with sub-.
mission when thus seen to proceed directly from its Apostolic founder,
while they would perhaps have been less readily obeyed, if seeming to be
the spontaneous injunctions of the youthful Timotheus. In the same
manner it abounds with impressive denunciations against the false teach
ers at Ephesus, which might command the assent of some who turned s»
deaf ear to the remonstrances of the Apostolic deputy. There are also
exhortations to Timotheus himself, some of which perhaps were rather
meant to bear an indirect application to others, at the time, as they have
ever since furnished a treasury of practical precepts for the Christian
Church. ' See Vol. I. p. 64, and compare Philem. 9 and the Chronological Table in tbt
Appendix. • 1 Tim. i. 3. 3 Titus i. 5. <2 Tim. iv. 20.

FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 449
THE FIKST EPISTLE TO TLMOTHEUS.'
I. 1 Paul, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by command of salutation.
2 God our Saviour and Christ Jesus " our hope, to Tim
otheus MY TRUE SON LN 3 FAITH.
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, from God our Father and Christ
Jesus our Lord.
3' As I desired thee to remain in Ephesus," when I remtodld'of"
was setting out for Macedonia, that thou mightest ^ give!Thi'm
4 command certain persons not to teach 5 falsely, nor ^etSe™.1
to pursue fables and endless G genealogies, which furnish ground
for disputation, rather than for the exercising of the steward
ship7 of God in faith.
5 Now the end of the commandment is love, proceeding from
a pure heart, and good conscience, and undissembled faith.
6 Which some have missed, and have turned aside to vain bab-
7 Wing, desiring to be teachers of the Law,8 understanding
8 neither what they say nor whereof they affirm. But we know
that the Law is good, if a man use it. lawfully ; knowing this,
9 that the 9 Law is not enacted for a l0 righteous man, but for the
1 For the date of this Epistle, see the Appendix.
* Kvplov is omitted in the best MSS.
3 Not " the faith " (A. V.), which would require ry.
4 *This sentence is left incomplete. Probably St. Paul meant to complete it by " So
I still desire thee," or something to that effect ; but forgot to express this, as he con
tinued to dictate the subjects of his charge to Timotheus.
B 'ErepoSiSaaxakelv occurs nowhere but in this Epistle.
6 See Vol. L p. 451, and Titus iii. 9.
' OlKovopiav (not oixoSopiav) is the reading of the MSS. Compare 1 Cor. ix. 17,
olxovopiav ireiriarevpai. It would seem from this expression that the false teachers in
Ephesus were among the number of the presbyters, which would agree with the antici
pation expressed in Acts xx 30.
8 We have before observed (Vol. I. p. 457) that the expression vopoSiSdaKakai may
be taken in two ways ; either to denote Judaizers, who insisted on the permanent
obligation of the Mosaic Law (which seems to suit the context best), or to denote
Platonising expounders of the Law, like Philo, who professed to teach the true and deep
view of the Law. To suppose (with Baur) that a Gnostic like Marcion, who rejected the
Law altogether, could be called vopoSiSdaKakcg, is (to say the least of it) a very un
natural hypothesis.
9 Nopog is anarthral here (as often when thus used) in accordance with the rule laid
down by Winer, § 18, 1. Compare Rom. ii. 12. iii. 31. iv. 13, &c.
10 Compare Gal. v. 18, el irvevpan dyeaffe, ovk iari i-rb vopov, and the note on that
passage. vol. ii. — 29

\
450 THE LUE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
lawless imd disobedient, for the impious and sinful, for the un
holy and profane, for parricides ' and murderers, for fornicators, lo
sodomites, slave-dealers,3 liars, perjurers, and whatsoever else
ia contrary to souni doctrine. Such is the glorious Glad-Ll
tidings of the blessed God, which was committed to my trust.
Thecommi*- And I thank Him who has strengthened my 12
fc^c/st.FTuL heart,3 Christ Jesus our Lord, that. He accounted me
faithful, and appointed me to minister unto His service, who 13
was before a blasphemer and persecutor, and doer of outrage ;
but I received mercy, because I acted ignorantly, in unbelief.
And the grace of our Lord abounded beyond " measure, with 14
faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. Faithful is the say- 15
ing,3 and worthy of all acceptation, " Christ Jesus came into the
world to save sinners ;" of whom I am first. But for this cause 16
I received mercy, that in me first Jesus Christ might shew
forth all His long suffering, for a pattern of those who should
hereafter believe on Him unto life everlasting. Now to the 17
king 6 eternal, immortal, invisible, the only 7 God, be honour
and glory unto the ages of ages. Amen.
Timotheus ia This charge I commit unto thee, son Timotheus, 18
enjoined to ful- ° '
m his commia- according to the former prophecies * concerning
thee ; that in the strength thereof thou mayest fight
the good fight, holding faith and a good conscience, which 19
some have cast away, and made shipwreck concerning the
faith. Among whom are Hymenseus ° and Alexander, whom 20
1 This word in English includes both irarpaTuuaig and pyrpakuaig.
' This is the literal translation of the word avSpairoSiaraig.
¦¦> 'EvSvv. Cf. Rom. iv. 20, and Eph. vi. 10.
4 Compare Rom. v. 20, virepeirepicaevaev y xdpig.
¦> See note on iii. 15.
« This seems the best interpretation of paaikel tuv aluvuv; compare Apoc. xi. 15.
7 So^u is omitted in the best MSS.
8 These prophecies were probably made at the time when Timotheus was first called
to the service of Christ. Compare Acts xiii. 1, 2, when the will of God for the mission
of Paul and Barnabas was indicated by the Prophets of the Church of Antioch.
« These are probably the same mentioned in the second Epistle (2 Tim. ii. 17 and
iv. 14). Baur and De Wette argue that this passage is inconsistent with the hypothe
sis that 2 Tim. was written after 1 Tim. ; because Hyme'nseus (who in this place is
described as excommunicated and cut off from the Church) appears in 2 Tim. as a
false teacher still active in the Church. But there is nothing at all inconsistent in
this ; for example, the incestuous man at Corinth, who had the very same sentence
passed on him (1 Cor v. 5), was restored to the Church in a few months, on his repeal-
ance. De Wette also says that in 2 Tim. ii. 17, Hymenals appears to be mentioned
to Timotheus for the first time; but this (we think) will not be the opinion of any om
who takes an unprejudiced view of that passage.

FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 461
1 delivered over unto Satan • that they might be taught by
C. punishment not to blaspheme.
I I exhort, therefore, that first of all,3 supplications, Directing r«,
prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made andthebehLvE
2 for all men ; for kings4 and all that are in authority, women thereat.
that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness 5
3 and gravity. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of
4 God our Saviour, who wills that all men should be saved, and
5 should come to the knowledge s of the truth. For [over all]
there is but7 one God, and one mediator between God and
6 men, the man8 Christ Jesus, who gave Himself a ransom for
7 all men, to be testified in due time. . And of this testimony I
was appointed herald and apostle (I speak the truth in Christ, I
8 lie not), a teacher of the Gentiles, in faith and truth. I desire,
then, that in every place > the men "> should offer up prayers,
lifting up their hands " in holiness, putting away anger and
9 disputation. Likewise, also, that the women should come '* in
seemly apparel, adorned with modesty and self-restraint ; 13 not
i0 in braided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly garments, but (as
1 On this expression, see the note on 1 Cor. v. 5.
¦ HaiSevBuai has this meaning. Cf. Luke xxiii. 16 and 2 Cor. vi. 9.
3 " First of all," namely, at the beginning of public worship. This explanation,
which is Chrysostom's, seems preferable to that adopted by De Wette, Huther, and
others, who take it to mean " above all things." It is clear from what follows (verse
8) that St. Paul is speaking of public prayer, which he here directs to be commenced
by intercessory prayer.
4 Here we see a precept directed against the seditious temper which prevailed (as
we have already seen, Vol. I. p. 454 and 457) among some of the early heretics.
Compare Jude viii. and 2 Pet. ii. 9, and Rom. xiii. 1.
5 Evae/3eia. This term for Christian piety is not used by St. Paul except in the
Pastoral Epistles. See Appendix. It is used by St Peter (2 Pet. i. 6) and by Clemens
Eomanus in the same sense.
6 For the meaning of iiriyvutng compare 2 Tim. iii. 7, and Rom. x. 2, and 1 Cor.
xiii. 12.
7 Elg ydp Bebg. This is the same sentiment as Rom. iii. 29, 30.
8 The. manhood of our Lord is here insisted on, because thereon rests his mediation.
Compare Heb. ii. 14 and iv. 15.
9 Chrysostom thinks that there is a contrast between Christian worship, which could
be offered in every place, and the Jewish sacrifices, which could only be offered In the
temple. 10 The men, not the women, were to officiate.
n This was the Jewish attitude in prayer. Cf. Ps. Ixiii. 4.
>' After ywalKag we must supply irpoaevxeaBai (as Chrysostom does) or something
equivalent. 13 It is a peculiarity of the Pastoral Epistles to dwell very frequently on the virtue
cf auQpoobvTi or self-restraint. See list of the peculiarities of the Pastoral Epistles ip
-opeadix

452 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
befits women professing godliness) with the ornament of good
works. Let women learn in silence, with entire submission, u
But I permit not a woman to teach, nor to claim authority 12
over the man, but to keep silence. (For Adam was first form- 13
ed, then Eve. And Adam was not deceived; but the 14
woman was deceived, and became a transgressor.) But women 15
will be saved ' by the bearing of children ; if they continue in
faith and love and holiness, with self-restraint. ILL
Directions for Faithful is the saying, "if a man seeks the office I
meent oVrres- 0f a Bishop? he desires a good work," A Bishop,3 2
then, must be free from reproach, the husband "of
one wife, sober, self-restrained, orderly, hospitable,6 skilled
in teaching; not given to wine or brawls,6 but gentle, peace- 3
able, and liberal ; ruling his own household well, keeping his 4
children in subjection with all gravity — (but if a man knows 5
not how to rule his own household, how can he take charge of
the Church of God?) — not a novice, lest he be blinded with 6
pride and fall into the condemnation of the Devil. Moreover, 7
he ought to have a good reputation among those who are
without the Church ; lest he fall into reproach, and into a snare
of the Devil.'
1 Aid ryg TeKvoyoviag cannot mean " in child-bearing." (A. V.) The Apostle's
meaning is, that women are to be kept in the path of safety, not by taking upon them
selves the office of the man (by taking a public part in the assemblies of the Church,
&c), but by the performance of the peculiar functions which God has assigned to
their sex.
* It should not be forgotten that the word iirioKoirog is used in the Pastoral Epistles
as synonymous with irpeopvrepog. See Vol. I. p. 434 and Tit. i. 5 compared with i. 7.
3 Tiv* eirioKoirov, rightly translated in A. V. " A bishop," not the b, in spite of the
article. See note on Tit. i. 7.
4 Midg yvvatKbg dvSpa (Cf. iii. 12, v. 9, and Tit. i. 6). Many different interpreta
tions have been given to this precept. It has been supposed (1) to prescribe marriage.
(2) to forbid polygamy, (3) to forbid second marriages. The true interpretation seems
to us to be as follows : — In the corrupt facility of divorce allowed both by the Greek
and Roman law, it was very common for man and wife to separate, and marry other
parties, during the life of one another. Thus a man might have three or four living
wives ; or, rather, women who had all successively been his wives. An example of
the operation of a similar code is unhappily to be found in our own colony of Mauri
tius : there the French Revolutionary law of divorce has been suffered by the English
government to remain unrepealed ; and it is not uncommon to meet in society three
or four women who have all been the wives of the same man, and three or four men
who have all been the husbands of the same woman. We believe it is this kind of
successive polygamy, rather than simultaneous polygamy, which is here spoken of, m
iisqualifying for the Presbyterate. So Beza.
6 bckaievov. Compare Heb. xiii. 2, and v. 10, iievoSbxyaev.
6 Mi) alaxpoKepSy is omitted in the best MSS.
• See note on 2 Tim. ii. 26.

FIK6T EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 463
8 Likewise, the Deacons must be men of gravity, Directions for
not double-tongued, not given to much wine, not m-nt ot Dea-
greedy of gain, holding the mystery of the faith in a
3 pure conscience. And let these also be first tried, and after
10 trial be made Deacons, if they are found irreproachable.
U Their wives,1 likewise, must be women of gravity, not slander- -
l2ous, sober and faithful in all things. Let the Deacons be
husbands of one wife, fitly ruling their children and their own
13 households. For those who have well performed the office of
a Deacon, gain for themselves a good position.2 and great bold
ness in the faith of Christ Jesus.
14 These things I write to thee, although I hope to Reason &>,
. ii, . t.t writing these
15 come to thee shortly : but in order that (if I should directions u,
. . , . Timotheus
be delayed) thou mayest know how to conduct thy
self in the house of God (for such is the Church of the living
16 God3) as a pillar and main-stay of the truth. And, without
contradiction, great is the mystery of godliness — " God4 was
manifested in the flesh, justified b in the Spirit; beheld by
angels, preached among tlie Gentiles ; believed on in the world,
received up in glory." '
' We agree with Huther in thinking the authorised version correct here, notwith
standing the great authority of Chrysostom in ancient, and De Wette and others in
modern times, who interpret yvvaixag deaconesses. On that view, the verse is most
unnaturally interpolated in the midst of the discussion concerning the Deacons.
* This verse is introduced by ydp, as giving a reason for the previous directions,
viz. the great importance of having good Deacons ; such men, by the fit performance
of the office, gained a high position in the community, and acquired (by constant inter
course with different classes of men) a boldness in maintaining their principles, which
was of great advantage to them afterwards, and to the Church of which they were
subsequently to become Presbyters.
3 In this much disputed passage, we adopt the interpretation given by Gregory of
Nyssa. 'O Belog dirbcTokog rbv TipbBeov arvkov lakbv ireKTyvaro, iroiyaag aurdv
arvkov xai iSpaiupa ryg ixKkyaiag. (Greg. Nyss. de Vita Mosis.) So the passage
was understood (as Mr. Stanley observes) by the Church of Lyons (A. d. 177), for in
their Epistle the same expression is applied to Attalus the Martyr. So, also, St. Paul
speaks of the chief Apostles at Jerusalem as arvkoi (Gal. it 9) ; and so, in Apoc. iii. 12,
we find the Christian who is undaunted by persecution described as arvkov iv rip
va$ tov Qeov. The objection to Gregory's view, that it would require arvkov, is
untenable ; for arvkog is quite as correctly put in the nominative, in apposition to the
on involved in eiSyg ; and a Greek writer of the 4th century may be allowed to be at
least as good a judge on this point as his modern opponents.
• We retain the received text here, considering the divided testimony of the MSS.
6 'ESiKaiudy, justified against gainsayers, as being what he claimed to be.
" There can be little doubt that this is a quotation from some Christian hymn oi
creed. Such quotations in the Pastoral Epistles (of which there are five introduced
by the same expression, iriarog 6 kbyog) correspond with the late date generally assigned
to these Epistles.

454 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. IV
False teasers Now the Spirit declares expressly, that in after ]
t'heh ThS- times some will depart from tlie faith, giving heed
the mode otTe- to seducing spirits, and teachings of daemons, speak- 2
lasting them. or? . i •
ing' lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience
seared; hindering marriage,2 enjoining abstinence from meats, 3
which God created to be received with thanksgiving by those
who believe and have3 knowledge of the truth. For all things 4
created by God are good, and nothing is to be rejected, if it be
received with thanksgiving. For it is sanctified by the Word 5
of God 4 and prayer.
In thus instructing the brethren, thou wilt be a good ser- 6
vant of Jesus Christ, nourishing thyself with the words of the
faith and good doctrine which thou has followed. Reject the 7
fables of profane and doting teachers, but train thyself6 for the
contests of godliness. For the training of the body is profit- 8
able for a little ; but godliness is profitable for all things,
having promise of the present life, and of the life to come.
Faithful is the saying, and worthy of all acceptation, — " For to 9
this end we endure labour and reproach, because we home set 10
our hope on the living God, who is the Saviour cf all e man
kind, specially of the faithful."
1 ¦fevSoAbyuv is most naturally taken with Satpavtuv; but St. Paul, while gram
matically speaking of the daemons, is really speaking of the false teachers who acted
under their impulse.
2 With regard to the nature of the heresies here spoken of, see Vol. I. p. 448-452,
We observe a strong admixture of the Jewish element (exactly like that which pre
vailed, as we have seen, in the Colossian heresies) in the prohibition of particular
kinds of food (ppapdruv) ; compare verse 4, and Col. ii. 16, and Col. ii. 21, 22. This
shows the very early date of this Epistle, and contradicts the hypothesis of Baur as to
its origin. At the same time there is also an Anti-Judaical element, as we have re
marked above, Vol. I. p. 452, note 1.
3 See note on 1 Tim. ii. 4.
4 We have a specimen of what is meant by this verse, in the fallowing beautiful
" Grace before Meat," which was used in the primitive Church : Eikoyyrbg el, Kvpie,
b rpitfiuv pe iK vebryrbg pov, b StSoig rpotjtyv irdoy capxl. irkypuaov %apug xa)
evijipoovvyg rug KapSiag ijpuv, Iva irdvroTE iruaav airapKeiav ixovreg vepmaevopev
elg iruv ipyov dyaBbv, iv Xpiarip 'lyaov tu Kvp'up ypuv, Si' oi coi Sbia, npy, koX
Kpdrog, elg roig aluvag. 'Apyv. (Apostolical Constitutions, vii. 49) . The expression
Xbyov Qeov probably implies that the thanksgiving was commonly made in some
Scriptural words, taken, for example, out of the Psalms, as are several expressions in
the above Grace.
» It seems, from a comparison of this with the following verse, that the false teachers
laid great stress on a training of the body by ascetic practices. For the metaphorical
language, borrowed from the contests of the Palaestra, oompare 1 Cor. ix. 27, and
V©1. H. p. 198.
« The prominence given to this truth of the universality of salvation in this Epistle

FIE8T EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 46 !i
11 These things enjoin and teach; let no man de- Duties of Time
12spise thy youth,' but make thyself a pattern of the
13 faithful, in word, in life, in love,2 in faith, in purity. Until I
come, apply thyself to public 3 reading, exhortation, and teach-
14 ing. Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee
by prophecy * with the laying on of the hands of the Presby-
15tery. Let these things be thy care; give thyself wholly 'to
them ; that thy improvement may be manifest to all men,
16 Give heed to thyself and to thy teaching ; continue steadfast
therein.5 For in so doing, thou shalt save both thyself and thy
V. hearers.
1 Rebuke not an aged 6 man, but exhort him as thou wouldest
2 a father ; treat young men as brothers ; the aged women as
mothers ; the young as sisters, in all purity.
3 Pay due regard 7 to the widows who are friend- widows -are t*
be supported.
4 less in their widowhood. But if any widow lias
children or grand-children, let them learn to shew their godli
ness first 8 towards their own household, and to requite their
5 parents ; for this is acceptable 9 in the sight of God. The widow
who is friendless and desolate in her widowhood, sets her hope
on God, and continues in supplications and prayers night and
6 day; but she who lives in wantonness is dead while she lives;
7 and hereof do thou admonish them, that they may be irre-
8 proachable. But if any man provide not for his own,10 and
(compare ii. 4) seems to imply that it was denied by the Ephesian false teachers. So the
Gnostics considered salvation as belonging only to the enlightened few, who, in their
system, constituted a kind of spiritual aristocracy. See Vol. I. p. 449.
i Compare 2 Tim. ii. 22 and the remarks in Appendix I.
* The words iv irvevpan are omitted in the best MSS.
3 'Avdyvuoig does not mean reading in the sense of study, but reading aloud to
others ; the books so read were (at this period) probably those of the Old Testament,
and perhaps the earlier gospels.
* Compare with this passage 1 Tim. i. 18, and the note.
6 This airolg is very perplexing ; but it may most naturally be referred to the pre
ceding ravra.
6 Chrysostom has remarked that we must not take irpeafo'T'-p-p here in its official
sense ; compare the following irpeo/3vripag.
' The widows were from the first supported out of the funds of th.3 Church. See
Acts vi. 1.
* IIpuTov : i. e. before they pretend to make professions of godliness in other matters,
let them shew its fruits towards their own kindred.
9 The best MSS. omit Kakbv Kal.
10 His own would include his slaves and dependents. So Cyprian requires ths
Christian masters to tend their sick slaves in a pestilence. (Cyp. de Mortalitate.l

456 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
especially for his kindred, he has denied the faith, and is worse
than an unbeliever.
Qualifications A widow, to be placed on the i list, must be not 9
^ widows on ^ ^an sixty years of agGj having been the wife
of one husband ; s she must be well reported of for her good it
deeds, as one who has brought up children, received strangers
with hospitality, washed the feet of Christ's people, relieved,
the distressed, and diligently followed every good work. But ll
younger widows reject; for when they have become wanton
against Christ, they desire to marry; and thereby incur con- 12
demnation, because they have broken their former 3 promise.
Moreover, they learn4 to be idle, wandering about from house 13
to house ; and not only idle, but tattlers also and busy-bodies,
speaking things which ought not. to be spoken. I wish there- 14
fore that younger widows should marry, bear children, rule
their households, and give no occasion to the adversary for re
proach. For already some of them have gone astray after 15
Satan. 1 It is a disputed point, what list is referred to in this word KarakeyeoBu; whether
(1) it means the list of widows to be supported out of the charitable fund, or (2) the
list of deaconesses (for which office the age of sixty seems too old), or (3) the rdypa
Xypui or body of church-widows who are mentioned by Tertullian (de Veland. Virg.
c. 9), and by other writers, as a kind of female Presbyters, having a distinct ecclesias
tical position and duties. The point is discussed by De Wette (in loco), Hutherp. 167,
and Wicsinger, p. 507-522. We are disposed to take a middle course between the
first and third hypotheses ; by supposing, viz., that the list here mentioned was that of
all the widows who were officially recognised as supported by the Church ; but was
not confined to such persons, but included also richer widows, who ¦were willing to
devote themselves to the offices assigned to the pauper widows. It has been argued
that we cannot suppose that needy widows who did not satisfy the conditions of verse
9, would be excluded from the benefit of the fund ; nor need we suppose this ; but
since all could scarcely be supported, certain conditions were prescribed, which must
be satisfied before any one could be considered as officially entitled to a place on the
list. From the class of widows thus formed, the subsequent rdypa xriPuv would
naturally result. There is not the slightest ground for supposing that xrlPal ^ere
means virgins, as Banr has imagined. His opinion is well refuted by Wiesinger,
p. 520-522, and by De Wette in loco.
1 For the meaning of this, see note on iii. 2
3 TVianv dBereiv means to break a promise, and is so explained by Chrysostom, and
by Augustine (in Ps. 75). Hence we see that, when a widow was received into the
number of church-widows, a promise was required from her (or virtually understood)
that she would devote herself for life to the employments which these widows under
took ; viz. the education of orphans, and superintendence of the younger women. Thera
is no trace here of the subsequent ascetic disapprobation of second marriages, as is
evident from verse 14, where the younger widows are expressly desired to marry again.
This also confirms our view of the ivbg dvSpbg yvvy. See note on iii. 2.
4 'Apyal pavBdvovai. A peculiar construction, but not unexampled in clawioal
Greek ; see Huther, p. 174. Winer explains H in the same way.

FTBSr EPISTLE TO TTMOTHEUS. 45T
16 Jf there are widows dependent on any believer (whether
man or woman), let those on whom they depend relieve them,
and let not the Church be burdened with them ; that it may
relieve the widows who are destitute.
17 Let the Presbyters»who perform their office well Government oi
be counted worthy of a twofold ' honour, especially
18 those a who labour in speaking and teaching. For the Scrip
ture saith, " Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the
corn;"' and " the labourer is worthy of his hire." 4
19 Against a Presbyter receive no accusation except on the
20 testimony 5 of two or three witnesses. Rebuke the offenders
21 in the presence of all, that others also may fear. I adjure
thee, before God and 6 Christ Jesus and the chosen 7 angels,
that thou observe these things without prejudice against any
man, and do nothing out of partiality.
22 Lay hands hastily on no man, nor make thyself8 ordination.
a partaker in the sins committed by another. Keep thyself
pure. _.
23 Drink no longer water only, but use a little wine, Particular and
° " general eau
for the sake of thy stomach, and thy frequent mala- ti
dies.
24 [In thy decisions remember that] the sins of some men are
manifest before-hand, and lead the way to their condemnation.;
1 Tipyg here seems (from the next verse) to imply the notion of reward. Compare
npa in verse 3 above. Upon a carnal misinterpretation of this verse was founded the
disgusting practice, which prevailed in the third century, of setting a double portion
of meat before the Presbyters, in the feasts of love.
* In Vol. I. p. 434 we observed that the offices of irpea/3vrepog and SiSdeKakog were
united, at the date of the Pastoral Epistles, in the same persons ; which is shown by
SiSaxTiKbg being a qualification required in a Presbyter, 1 Tim. iii. 2. But though
this union must in all cases have been desirable, we find, from this passage, that there
were still some irpeajivTepoi who were not SiSuaKakoi, i. e. who did not perform the
office of public instruction in the congregation. This is another strong proof of the
early date of the Epistle.
3 This quotation (Deut. xxv. 4) is applied to the same purpose, 1 Cor. ix. 9 (where
he words are quoted in a reverse order). The LXX. agrees with 1 Cor. ix. 9.
' Lnke x. 7.
6 This rule is founded on the Mosaic jurisprudence, Deut. xix. 5, and appealed tc by
fit. Paul, 2 Cor. xiii. 1.
6 Kvpiov is omitted by the best MSS.
' By the chosen angels are probably meant those especially selected by God as Hii
messengers to the human race, such as Gabriel.
8 The meaning of the latter part of this verse is, that Timotheus, if he ordained un
31 persons (e. g. friends or relations) out of partiality, would thereby make himself a
participator in their sins.

458 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
but the sins of others are not seen till afterwards. Likewise, 25
also, the good deeds of some men are conspicuous ; and those
which they conceal cannot be kept hidden. VI
Duties of slaves. Let those who are under the yoke as bondsmen, l
esteem their masters worthy of all honour, lest reproach be
brought upon the name of God and His doctrine. And let 2
those whose masters are believers, not despise them because
they are brethren, but serve them with the more subjection,
because they who claim ' the benefit are believing and beloved.
Thus teach thou, and exhort.
False teachers If any man teach falsely, and consent not to the 3
covetousness. sound words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the
godly doctrine, he is blinded with pride, and understands 4
nothing, but is filled with a sickly 2 appetite for disputations
and contentions about words, whence arise envy, strife, re
proaches, evil suspicions, violent collisions3 of men whose 5
mind is corrupted, and who are destitute of the truth ; who
think that godliness 4 is a gainful trade.5 But godliness with 6
contentment is truly gainful ; for we brought nothing into the 7
world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out ; but having 8
food and shelter, let us be therewith content. They who seek 9
for riches fall into temptations and snares, and many foolish
and hurtful desires, which drown men in ruin and destruction.
For the love of money is a root of all evils; and some, 10
through coveting it, have been led astray from the faith, and
pierced themselves through with many sorrows.
Exhortations to But thou, O man of God, flee these things; andll
Timotheus. ' , ' & '
follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love,
stedfastness,6 meekness. Fight the good fight7 of faith, lay 12
hold on eternal life, to which thou 8 wast called, and didst con-
' The A. V. is inconsistent with the article ol. The verb dimkapf3dvopai has the
sense of claim in classical Greek (Arist. Ran. 777), though not elsewhere in the N. T.
* Noauv irepl — antithesis to iyiaivovai above. Compare Plato Phaidr. b voaii*
irtpl kbyuv aKoyv.
3 The best MSS. read Stairaparpi/Sai. The original meaning of iraparpipi) is friction,
4 The A. V. here reverses the true order, and violates the laws of the article.
The words dtj/ioraao dirb tuv toiovtuv are not found here in the best MSS.
6 'Tiropovyv, stedfast endurance under persecution.
i Here we have another of those metaphors from the Greek games, so frequent with
Si Paul. See 2 Tim. iv. 7.
8 Kal is omitted by the best MSS.

ITEST EPISTLE TO TTMOTHEUS. 459
13 fess the gcod " confession before many witnesses. I charge
thee in the presence of God who gives life to all things, and
Christ Jesus who bore testimony under Pontius Pilate a to the
14 good confession, that thou keep that wbich thou art command
ed, spotlessly and irreproachably, until the appearing of our
15 Lord Jesus Christ ; which shall in due time be made manifest
16 by the blessed and only 3 potentate, the King of kings, and Lord
of lords ; who only hath immortality, dwelling in light unap
proachable ; whom no man hath seen, nor can see ; to whom
be honour and power everlasting. Amen.
17 Charge those who are rich in this present world, Duties of tho
not to be high-minded, nor to trust in uncertain
riches, but in " God, who provides all things richly for our use.
18 Charge them to practise benevolence, to be rich in good works,
19 to be bountiful and generous, and thus to store up for them
selves a good foundation for the time to come, that they may
lay hold on eternal 6 life.
20 0 Timotheus, guard0 the treasure which is com- Timotheus again
. -, ' -, >ii r. reminded of his
mitted to thy trust, and avoid the profane babblings commission.
21 and antitheses ' of the falsely-named " Knowledge ;" 8 which
some professing, have erred concerning the faith.
1 " The (not a) good confession " means the confession of faith in Jesus as the
Christ. (Compare Rom. x. 10.) Timotheus had probably been a confessor of Christ
in persecution, either at Rome or elsewhere ; or it is possible that the allusion here
may be to his baptism.
* For this use of paprvpu with the accusative, compare John iii. 32, b tupaKe, rovni
paprvpel. Our Lord testified before Pontius Pilate that He was the Messiah.
3 Movog. This seems to allude to the same polytheistic notions of incipient Gnosti
cism which are opposed in Col. i. 16.
4 Tip (firvri is omitted by the best MSS.
6 The majority of MSS. read ryg bvrug Zuyg, the true life, which is equivalent to the
received text.
6 The irapaKaraByKy here mentioned is probably the pastoral office of superintend
ing the Church of Ephesus, which was committed by St. Paul to Timotheus. Cf. 2
Tim. i. 14.
7 'AvnBiaeig. There is not the slightest ground (as even De Wette allows) for sup
posing with Banr, that this expression is to be understood of the contraries opposi-
tiones (or contrasts between Law and Gospel) of Marcion. If there be an allusion to
any Gnostic doctrines at all, it is more probable that it is to the dualistic opposition
between the principles of good and evil in the world, which was an Oriental element
in the philosophy of some of the early Gnostics. But the most natural interpretation
(considering tho junction with Kevotbuviag, and the koyopax'iag ascribed to the heretics
above, vi. 4) is to suppose that St. Paul here speaks, not of the doctrines, but of the
dialectical and rhetorical arts of the false teachers.
8 From this passage we see that the heretics here opposed by St. Paul laid claim tt
» peculiar philosophy, or Tvuaig. Thus they were Gnostics, at all events in name

4G0 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
concluding ben- Grace be with thee.1
•diction. The expectations which St. Paul expressed in the above letter of
more prolonged absence from Ephesus, could scarcely have been fulfilled
for soon after2 we find that he had been in Crete (which seems to imply
that, on his way thither, he had passed through Ephesus), and was now
again on his way westwards. We mnst suppose, then, that he returned
shortly from Macedonia to Ephesus, as he hoped, though doubtfully, to be
able to do when he wrote to Timotheus. From Ephesus, as we have just
said, he soon afterwards made an expedition to Crete. It can scarcely
be supposed that the Christian Churches of Crete were first founded
during this visit of St. Paul; on the contrary, many indications in the
Epistle to Titus show that they had already lasted for a considerable
time. But they were troubled by false teachers, and probably had never
yet been properly organised, having originated, perhaps, in the private
efforts of individual Christians, who would have been supplied with u
centre of operations and nucleus of Churches by the numerous colonies of
Jews established in the island.3 St. Paul now visited them in company
with Titus," whom he left in Crete as his representative on his departure.
He himself was unable to remain long enough to do what was needful,
either in silencing error, or in selecting fit persons as presbyters of the,
numerous scattered Churches, which would manifestly be a work of time.
Probably he confined his efforts to a few of the principal places, and
empowered Titus to do the rest. Thus, Titus was left at Crete in the
same position which Timotheus had occupied at Ephesus during St. Paul's
how lar their doctrines agreed with those of later Gnostics, is a farther question. We
have before seen that there were those at Corinth (1 Cor. viii. I, 10, 11) who were
blamed by St. Paul" for claiming a high degree of yvuaig ; and we have seen him con
demn the <pikoao<l>ia of the heretics at Colossas (Col. ii. 8), who appear to bear the
closest resemblance to those condemned in the Pastoral Epistles. See Vol. I. p.
448-459. 1 'Apyv is not found in the best MSS.
' See note on the date of the Pastoral Epistles in the Appendix,
3 Philo mentions Crete as one of the seats of the Jewish dispersion ; see Vol. 1. p. 18.
4 For the earlier mention of Titus, see above, pp. 124, 125. There is some interest
m mentioning the traditionary recollections of him, which remain in the island of
Crete. One Greek legend says that he was the nephew of a pro-consul of Crete, an
other that he was descended from Minos. The cathedral of Megalo-Castron on the
north of the island was dedicated to him. His name was the watchword of the
Cretans, when they fought against the Venetians, who came under the standard of St
Mark. The Venetians themselves, when here, " seem to have transferred to him part of
that respect, which, elsewhere, would probably have been manifested for Mark alona
During the celebration of several great festivals of the Church, the response of the
Latin clergy of Crete, after the prayer for the Doge of Venice, was Sancte Marce tu
nos adjuva ; but, after that for the Duke of Candia, Sancte Tite, tu nos adjuvn.
Pashley's Travels in Crete, vol. i. p. 6 and 175.

EPISTLE TO TITUS. 461
recent absence ; and there would, consequently, be the same advantage in
his receiving written directions from St. Paul concerning the government
and organisation of the Church, which we have before mentioned in the
case of Timotheus. Accordingly, shortly after leaving Crete, St. Paul
gent a letter to Titus, the outline of which would equally serve for that of
the former epistle. But St. Paul's letter to Titus seems to have been still
farther called for, to meet some strong opposition which that disciple had
encountered while attempting to carry out his master's directions. This
may be inferred from the very severe remarks against the Cretans which
occur in the Epistle, and from the statement, at its commencement, that
the very object which its writer had in view, in leaving Titus in Crete,
was that he might appoint Presbyters in the Cretan Churches ; an indica
tion that his claim to exercise this authority had been disputed. This
Epistle seems to have been despatched from Ephesus at the moment when
St. Paul was on the eve of departure on a westward journey, which was to
take him as far as Nicopolis ' (in Epirus) before the winter. The following
is a translation of this Epistle.

THE EPISTLE TO TITUS.
I. 1 Paul, a bondsman of God, and an Apostle of salutation
Jesus Christ — sent forth3 to bring God's chosen to faith,
and to the * knowledge of the truth which is according to
2 godliness,5 with hope of eternal life, which God, who
cannot lie, promised before the times of old;6 (but He
3 made known His word in due season, in the message7
committed to my trust by the command of God our
4 Saviour), — to Trrus, my teue son in our common faith.
Grace and Peace8 from God our Father, and the Lord
Jesus Christ our Saviour.

1 See below, p. 465, note 10.
* For the date of this Epistle, see the Appendix.
» The original here is perplexing, but seems to admit of no other sense than this;
iirbarokog Kard npupiav would mean an apostle sent forth on an errand of punish
ment ; so dir&GTokog Kard irlanv means an apostle sent forth on an errand of faith.
Compare 2 Tim. i. 1, dirbarokog kot" eirayyekiav £uyg.
4 For imyvuaig, see note on 1 Tim. ii. 4.
' Eioefleia. See not» on 1 Tim. ii. 2.
B End xpivuv aiuviuv: i. e. in the old dispensation; it Rom. xvi, 25 and note 00
2 Tim. i. 9.
' Literally, proclamation.
• The hcBt MSS. omit Ikcog here.

462 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF BT. PAUL.
commission of This was the [very] cause ' why 1 left thee in £
bto the°&etan' Crete, that thou mightest- farther * correct what is
Churches. ' . ^ , , • •«. T
deficient, and appoint Presbyters in every city, as I
0!rrre3sbyte0",s. gave thee commission. No man must be appointed c
a Presbyter but he who is without reproach, the husband of
one wife,3 having believing children, who are not accused of
riotous living, nor disobedient; for a4 Bishop must be free 1
from reproach, as being a steward of God ; not self-willed, not
easily provoked, not a lover of wine, not given to brawls, not
greedy of gain ; but hospitable to 5 strangers, a lover of good 8
men, self-restrained,6 just, holy, continent ; holding fast the 9
words which are faithful to our teaching, that he may be able
both to exhort others in the sound 7 doctrine, and to rebuke the
gain-sayers.ntus must oP- For there are many disobedient babblers and de- io
pose the false , , _ , „ . , . . .
teachers. ceivers, specially they of the circumcision, whose 11
mouths need 8 bit and bridle ; for they subvert whole houses,
by teaching evil, for the love of shameful gain. It was said by 12
one of themselves, a prophet 9 of their own, —
" Always liars and beasts are the Cretans, and inwardly sluggish."
This testimony is true. "Wherefore rebuke ,0 them sharply, 13
i This commencement seems to indicate (as we have above remarked) that, in exer
cising the commission given to him by St. Paul for reforming the Cretan Church,
Titus had been resisted.
3 'EiriSiopBuoyg, not simply SiopBuoyg (as in A. V.).
3 This part of the Presbyter's qualifications has been very variously interpreted
See note on 1 Tim. iii. 2.
4 Tbv iiriaxoirov : rightly translated in A. V. " a" (not the) " bishop," because the
article is only used generically. . So, in English, " the reformer must be patient :'•'
equivalent to " a reformer," &c. We see here a proof of the early date of this Epistle,
in the synonymous use of iirioKoirog and irpea0vrepog ; the latter word designating tho
rank, the former the duties, of the Presbyter. The best translation here would be the
erm overseer, which is employed in the A. V. as a translation of liriaKoirog, Acts xxi
28 ; but, unfortunately, the term has associations in modern English which do not
jermit of its being thus used here. Compare with this passage 1 Tim. iii. 2.
4 Cf. 3 John 5, 6. In the early Church, Christians travelling from one place to
another were received and forwarded on their journey by their brethren ; this is the
"hospitality" so often commended in the New Testament.
• See the list in Appendix of words peculiarly used in the Pastoral Epistles, and
note on 1 Tim. ii. 9.
' See the list above referred to.
8 'Eirtoropi^eiv (tirirov) : to put a bit and bridle upon a horse.
¦ Epimenides of Crete, a poet who lived in the 6th century b. c, is the author
quoted. His verses were reckoned oracular, whence the title "prophet." So fcy
Plato he is called dvi)p delog (Legg. i. 642), and by Plutarch, <teo(j>ikyg (Sol. C 12)
10 'Ekeyxe seems to refer to the previous ikiyxeiv (verse 9).

EPISTLE TO TITUS. 463
14 that they may be so and in faith, and may no more give heed
to Jewish fables,1 and precepts" of men who turn away from
15 the truth. To the pure all things are pure ; 3 but to the polluted
and unbelieving nothing is pure, but both their understanding
16 and their conscience is polluted. They profess to know God,
but by their works they deny Him, being abominable and dis
n. obedient, and worthless4 for any good work.
1 But do thou speak conformably to the sound Directions to
1 • -n i l. i i i-, Titus ho,T is
2 doctrine. Exhort the aged men to be sober, arave, is t0 '"struct
. i . „ . ° those of differ-
self-restramed, sound in faith, m love, in stedfast- ent a«CB and
' sexes.
3 ness. Exhort the aged women, likewise, to let their
deportment testify of holiness, to keep themselves from slander
4 and from drunkenness, and to give good instruction ; that they
may teach discretion to the younger women, leading them to
5 be loving wives and loving mothers, self-restrained, chaste,
keepers at home, amiable and obedient to their husbands, lest
6 reproach be brought upon the Word of God. In like manner,
7 do thou exhort the young men to self-restraint. And show
thyself in all things a pattern of good works ; mani- His own con-
8 festing in thy teaching uncorruptness, gravity,5
soundness of doctrine not to be condemned, that our adversa
ries may be shamed, having no evil to say against us.6
9 Exhort bondsmen to obey their masters, and to Duties of slaves.
10 strive to please them in all things, without gainsaying ; not
purloining, but showing all good fidelity, that they may adorn
1 W.vBoig. See note on 1 Tim. iv. 7.
2 'EvTokalg : these precepts were probably those mentioned, 1 Tim. iv. 3, and Col.
ii. 16-22. The "Jewish" element appears distinctly in the Colossian heretics (cf.
aufifSdrav, Col. ii. 16), although it is not seen in the Epistles tc Timothy. Comp. i?i.
9, and see Vol. I. p. 451.
3 It would seem from this, that the heretics attacked taught their followers to al>-
stain from certain acts, or certain kinds of food, as being impure. We must not,
however, conclude from this that they were Ascetics. Superstitious abstinence from
certain material acts is quite compatible with gross impurity of teaching and of prac
tice, as we see in the case of Hindoo devotees, and in those impure votaries of Cybele
and of Isis, mentioned so often in Juvenal and other writers of the same date. The
early Gnostics, here attacked, belonged apparently to that class who borrowed their
theosophy from Jewish sources, and the precepts of abstinence which they im
posed may probably have been derived from the Mosaic law. Their immorality it
plainly indicated by the following words.
4 'ASbxipoi : literally, unable to stand the test ; i. e. when tested by the call of duty,
they fail.
f The best MSS. omit dtyBapciav.
"Hpuv (not ipuv) is the reading of the best MSS

iQi THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
aenerai motives the doctrine of God our Saviour in all things. For U
of Christianity. ^ ^^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^^ manifestj bringing
salvation to all1 mankind; teaching us to deny ungodliness 12
and earthly lusts, and to live temperately, justly, and godly in
this present world; looking for that blessed hope,' the appear- 13
ing of the glory of the great God, and our3 Saviour Jesus
Christ; who gave Himself for us, that He might redeem us 14
from all iniquity, and purify us unto Himself, as " a peculiar <
people," zealous of good works. These things speak, and ex- 15
hort and rebuke with all authority. Let no man despise thee.lll.
Duty towards Remind 5 them to render submission to magis- 1
Government . .'. . i /-i
and towards trates and authorities, to obey the (jrovernment, to
unbelievers ge
nerally, perform every good work readily, to speak evil of 2
no man, to avoid strife, to act with forbearance, and to shew all
meekness to all men. For we ourselves also were formeiiy 3
without understanding, disobedient and led astray, enslaved to
all kinds of lusts and pleasures, living in malice and in envy,
hateful and hating one another. But when God our Saviour 4
made manifest His kindness and love of men, He saved us, not 5
through works of righteousness which we had done, but accord
ing to his own mercy, by the laver " of regeneration, and the
renewing of the Holy Spirit, which He richly poured forth 6
upon us, by Jesus Christ our Saviour ; that, being justified by 7
His grace, we might become heirs, through ' hope, of life eter-
mtus must en- nal. Faithful is the saying,8 and these things I de- 8
' This statement seems intended to contradict the Gnostic notion that salvation was
given to the enlightened alone. It should be observed that the i/ of T. R. is omitted
by the best MSS.
* Compare the same expectation expressed, Rom. viii. 18-25.
3 The A. V. here is probably correct, notwithstanding the omission of the article
before aurypog. We must not be guided entirely by the rules of classical Greek, in this
matter. Comp. 2 Thess. i. 12, and see Winer Gram. § 19, 5.
4 Aabv irepiovaiov. This expression is borrowed from the Old Testament. Deut.
vii. 6. Deut. xiv. 2. and other places. (LXX.)
s St. Paul himself had no doubt insisted on the duty of obedience to the civil magis
trate, when he was in Crete. The Jews throughout the Empire were much disposed
to insubordination at this period.
6 Aovrpbv does not mean "washing" (A. V), but laver; i. e. a vessel in which
washing takes place.
' Kar' ikiriSa is explained by Rom. viii. 24, 25.
8 The " saying " referred to is supposed by some interpreters to be the statement
which precedes (from 3 to 7). These writers maintain that the Iva makes it nngram-
matical to refer the iriarbg b kbyog to the following, as is done in A. V. But this ob
jection is avoided by taking Iva as a part of the quotation, and surjposing it used with

EPISTLE TO TITUS. 465
sire thee to affirm, " Let them that have believed in works and n-
s-, t i j. . 8ist tms fala*
9 God be careful to practwe good works." These *eaoh,!ra.
things are good and profitable to men : but -avoid foolish dispu
tations,1 and genealogies,3 and strifes and contentions concern-
10 ing the 3 Law, for they are profitless and vain. A sectarian,"
11 after i,wo admonitions, reject, knowing that such a man is per
verted, and by his sins is self-condemned.
12 When I send Artemas or Tychicus 5 to thee, en- special aire*
j , „, ,, „ . _ tionsforTitu*
deavour to come to me to JNicopolis ; 6 for there I journey to »
, ¦*¦ cop olis.
L3have determined to winter. Forward Zenas the
lawyer and Apollos on their journey zealously, that they may
14 want for nothing. And let our people also ' learn to practise
good works, ministering to the necessities of others, that they
may not be unfruitful.
15 All that are with me salute thee. Salute those salutations!
who love us in faith.
Grace be with you all.8 concluding i*
•/ nediction.
We see from the above letter that Titus was desired to join St. Paul
at Nicopolis, where the Apostle designed to winter. We learn, from an
incidental notice elsewhere,9 that the route he pursued was from Ephesus
to Miletus, where his old companion Trophimus remained behind from
sickness, and thence to Corinth, where he left Erastus, the former Trea
surer of that city, whom, perhaps, he had expected, or wished, to accom
pany him in his farther progress.^ The position of Nicopolis 10 would ren-
the subjunctive (like birug in classical Greek) as equivalent to an imperative. Com
pare Eph. v. 23, y ywi) Iva tjio^yrai rbv uvSpa. ,
1 Zyryaeig : see 1 Tim. vi. 4, and 2 Tim. ii. 23.
* See 1 Tim. i. 4.
3 Compare ivrokai (i. 14), and vopoSiSaax. 1 Tim. i. 7.
' Aloenxbv. We have seen that atpeaig is used by St. Paul, in his earlier writings,
simply for a religious sect, sometimes (as Acts xxvi. 5) without disapprobation, some
times (as 1 Cor. xi. 19) in a bad sense ; here we find its derivative aipenxbg (which
occurs nowhere else in the N. T.) already assuming a bad sense, akin to that which it
afterwards bore. It should be also observed that these early heretics united moral
depravity with erroneous teaching ; their works bore witness against their doctrine ;
»nd this explains the subsequent dpaprdvei, uv airoKaraKpiTog. See Vol. I. p. 452-454.
s Cf. Col.iv. 7. e See below, note 10.
' i. e. The Cretan Christians were to aid in furnishing Zenas and Apollos with all
bat they needed.
• The dpyv is omitted in the oest MSS. 8 2 Tim. iv. 20.
" It is here assumed that the Nicopolis spoken of Titus iii. 12, was the city of that
vol. II.— 30

466 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
der it a good centre for operating upon the surrounding province ; and
thence St. Paul might make excursions to those Churches of Illyricum
which he perhaps • founded himself at ¦ an earlier period. The city which
was thus chosen as the last scene of the Apostle's labours, before his final
imprisonment, is more celebrated for its origin than for its subsequent his
tory. It was founded by Augustus, as a permanent memorial of the vic
tory of Actium, and stood upon the site of the camp occupied by his land
forces before that battle. We learn, from the accounts of modern travel
lers, that the remains upon the spot still attest the extent and importance
of the " City of Victory." " A long, lofty wall spans a desolate plain ; to
the north of it rises, on a distant hill, the shattered scena of a theatre ;
and, to the west; the extended, though broken, line of an aqueduct con
nects the distant mountains, from which it tends, with the main subject oi
the picture, the city itself." 2 To people this city, Augustus uprooted the
neighbouring mountaineers from their native homes, dragging them by his
arbitrary compulsion " from their healthy hills to this low and swampy
plain." It is satisfactory to think (with the accomplished traveller from
whom the above description is borrowed) that, "in lieu of the blessings
of which they were deprived, the Greek colonists of Nicopolis were con
soled with one greater than all, when they saw, heard, and talked with
the Apostle who was debtor to the Greeks."
It seems most probable, however, that St. Paul was not permitted to
spend the whole of this winter in security at Nicopolis. The Christians
were now far more obnoxious to the Roman authorities than formerly.
They were already distinguished from the Jews, and could no longer
shelter themselves under the toleration extended to the Mosaic religion
So eminent a leader of the proscribed sect was sure to find enemies every
where, especially among his fellow countrymen ; and there is nothing im
probable in supposing that, upon the testimony of some informer, he
was arrested 3 by the Duumvirs of Nicopolis, and forwarded ^to Rome *
for trial. The indications which we gather from the Second Epistle to
name in Epirus. There were other places of the same name, but they were compara
tively insignificant.
' See above, p. 128.
* See Wordsworth's Greece, p. 229-232, where a map of Nicopolis will be foand,
and an interesting description of the ruins. See also Leake's Northern Greece, vol. i.
p. 178, and vol. iii. p. 491 ; and Merivale's Rome, vol. iii. p. 327, 328.
» It may be asked, why was he not arrested sooner, in Spain or Asia Minor? The
explanation probably is, that he had not before ventured so near Italy as Nicopolis.
4 The law required that a prisoner should be tried by the magistrates within whose
jurisdiction the offence was alleged to have been committed ; therefore a prisoner ac
cused of conspiring to set fire to Rome must be tried at Rome (Geib 487 490 491)
There can be no doubt that this charge must have formed one part of any accusation
brought against St. Paul, after 64 a.d. Another part (as we have suggested bciow)
may have been the charge of introducing a religio nova et illicita.

HIS SECOND EOMAN IMPRISONMENT. 467
t imotheus render it probable that this arrest took place not later than
mid-winter, and the authorities may have thought to gratify the Emperoi
by forwarding so important a criminal immediately to Rome. It is true
that the navigation of the Mediterranean was in those times suspended
during the winter ; but this rule would apply only to longer voyages, and
not to the short passage * from Apollonia to Brundisium. Hence, it. ia
not unlikely that St. Paul may have arrived at Rome some time before
spring. In this melancholy journey he had but few friends to cheer him. Titus
had reached Nicopolis, in obedience to his summons ; and there were
others, also, it would seem, in attendance on him ; but they were scattered
by the terror of his arrest. Demas forsook him, " for love of this present
world,"3 and departed to Thessalonica; Crescens" went to Galatia on
the same occasion. We are unwilling to suppose that Titus could have
yielded to such unworthy fears, and may be allowed to hope that his
journey to the neighbouring Daimatia 5 was- undertaken by the desire of
St. Paul. Luke,<s at any rate, remained faithful, accompanied his mastei
once more over the wintry sea, and shared the dangers of his imprisonment
at Rome. This imprisonment was evidently more severe than it had been five
years before. Then, though necessarily fettered to his military guard, he
lad been allowed to live in his own lodgings, and had been suffered to
preach the Gospel to a numerous company who came to hear him. Now,
he is not only chained, but treated " as a malefactor." 7 His friends,
indeed, are still suffered to visit him in his confinement, but we heai
nothing of his preaching. It is dangerous and difficult 8 to seek his prisou,
so perilous to show any public sympathy with him, that no Christian ven-
1 The reason for supposing this is, that it leaves more time for the events which in
tervened between St. Paul's arrest and his death, which took place (if in Nero's reign)
not later than June. If he had not been arrested till the spring, we must crowd the
occurrences mentioned in the Second Epistle to Timothy into a very short space.
3 Even an army was transported across the Hadriatic by Caesar, during the season
of the " Mare Clausum," before the battle of Philippi.
3 2 Tim. iv. 10.
' ' 2 Tim. iv. 10.
5 Ibid. See above, p. 126.
6 2 Tim. iv. 11.
7 2 Tim. ii. 9. According to the legends of the Mediaeval Church, St. Paul was
imprisoned in the Mamertine prison, together with St. Peter ; see the Martyrology of
Baronius (Par. 1607), under March 14. But there is no early authority for this story,
which seems irreconcileable with the fact that Onesiphorus, Claudia, Linus, Pudens,
&c., had free access to St. Paul during his imprisonment. It seems more likely [see
2 Tim. i. 16] that he was again under military custody, though of a severer natura
than that of his former imprisonment. Very full details will be found in Sir TT
Gell's work on Rome and its neighbourhood.
» 2 Tim. i. 16.

468 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tures to stand by him in the court of justice.1 And as the final stage of
his trial approaches, he looks forward to death as his certain sentence.
This alteration in the treatment of St. Paul exactly corresponds with
that which the history of the times would have led us to expect. We
have seen that his liberation took place early in a. d. 63 ; he was therefore
far distant from Rome when the first Imperial persecution of Christianity
broke out, in consequence of the great fire in the summer of the following
year. Then, first, as it appears, Christians were recognized as a distinct
body, separate both from Jews and heathens ; and their number must have
been already very great at Rome, to account for the public notice attract
ed towards a sect whose members were, most of them, individually so ob
scure in social position.3 When the alarm and indignation of the people
was excited by the tremendous ruin of a conflagration, which burnt down
almost half the city, it answered the purpose of Nero (who was accused
of causing the fire) to avert the rage of the populace from himself to the
already hated votaries of a new religion. Tacitus 4 describes the success
of this expedient, and relates the sufferings of the Christian martyrs, who
were put to death with circumstances of the most aggravated cruelty.
Some were crucified ; some disguised in tlie skins of beasts, and hunted to
death with dogs ; some were wrapped in robes impregnated with inflam
mable materials, and set on fire at night, that they might serve to illumin
ate the circus of the Vatican and the gardens of Nero, where this diabol
ical monster exhibited 'the agonies of his victims to the public, and gloated
over them himself, mixing among the spectators in the costume of a char
ioteer. Brutalised as the Romans were, by the perpetual spectacle of
human combats in the amphitheatre, and hardened by popular prejudice
against the " atheistical " sect, yet the tortures of the victims excited even
their compassion. "A very great multitude " as Tacitus informs us, per
ished in this manner ; and it appears from his statement that the mere
i 2 Tim. iv. 16. s 2 Tim. iv. 6-8. 3 1 Cor. i. 26.
4 The following is the well-known passage of Tacitus : — " Sed non ope humana, non
largitionibus principis, aut Deum placamentis, decedebat infamia, quin jussum incen-
dium crederetur. Ergo abolendo rumori Nero- subdidit reos et qusesitissimis pcenis
affecit, quos per flagitia invisos vnlgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus
Christus, Tiberio imperitante, per Procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus
erat ; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per
Judaeam, originem illius mail, sed per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut
pudenda confluunt celebranturque. Igitur primum correpti qui fatebantnr, deinde
indicio eorum multitudo ingens, hand proinde in crimine incendii, quam odio humaui
generis, convicti sunt. Et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti lan-
iatu canum interierint, aut crncibus affixi, aut flammandi atque, ubi defecisset dies, in
us~m nocturni luminis urerentur. Hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat, et cir-
cense liidicrum edebat, habitu aurigre permixtus plebi, vel curriculo insistens. Unde,
quamquam adversus sontes, et novissima exempla meritos, miseratio oriebatui, tan-
quam non utilitate publica, sed in srevitiam unius absumerentur." (Tac. Ana
xv. 44.)

HIS SECOND EOMAN IMPRISONMENT. 4.QQ
fact of professing Christianity was accounted sufficient1 to justify their
execution : the whole body of Christians being considered as involved in
the crime of firing the city. This, however, was in the first excitement
which followed the fire, and even then, probably, but few amoDg those who
perished were ' Roman citizens. Since that time some years had passed
and now a decent respect would be paid to the forms of law, in dealiug
with one who, like St. Paul, possessed the privilege of citizenship. Yet
we can quite understand that a leader of so abhorred a sect would be sub
jected to a severe imprisonment.
We have no means of knowing the precise charge now made against
the Apostle. He might certainly be regarded as an offender against the
law which prohibited the propagation of a new and illicit religion (rdigio
nova et illicita) among the citizens of Rome. But, at this period, one
article of accusation against him must have been the more serious charge,
of having instigated the Roman Christians to their supposed act of incen
diarism, before his last departure from the capital. It appears that
" Alexander the brass-founder " (2 Tim. iv. 14) was either one of his
accusers, or, at least, a witness against him. If this was the same with
the Jewish3 Alexander of Ephesus (Acts xix. 33), it would be probable
that his \ testimony related to the former charge. But there is no proof
that these two Alexanders were identical. We may add, that the em
ployment of Informer (delator)4 was now become quite a profession at
Rome, and that there would be no lack of accusations against an unpopu
lar prisoner as soon as his arrest became known.
> It was criminal, according to the Roman law, to introduce into Rome any religio
nova et illicita. Yet, practically, this law was seldom enforced, as we see by the
multitude of foreign superstitions continually introduced into Rome, and the oeca
sionai and feeble efforts of the Senate or the Emperor to enforce the law. Moreover,
the punishment of those who offended against it seems only to have been expulsiou
from the city, unless their offence had been accompanied by aggravating circum
stances. It was not, therefore, under this law that the Christians were executed ; and
when Suetonius tells us that they were punished as professors of a superstitio
nova et malefica (Suet. Nero, 16), we must interpret his assertion'iu accordance with
the more detailed and accurate statement of Tacitus, who expressly says that the vio-
tiras of the Neronian persecution were condemned on the charge of arson. Hence the
extreme cruelty of their punishment, and especially the setting them on fire.
a No doubt most of the victims who perished in the Neronian persecution were
foreigners, slaves, or freedmen ; we have already seen how large a portion of the Ro
man Church was of Jewish extraction (see p. 155, n. 3). It was illegal to subject a
Roman citizen to the ignominious punishments mentioned by Tacitus ; but probably
Nero would not have regarded this privilege in the case of freedmen, although by
their emancipation they had become Roman citizens. And we know that the Jewish
population of Rome had, for the most part, a servile origin ; see Vol. I. p. 386, and
Vol. Ii. p. 369.
> An Alexander is mentioned, 1 Tim. i. 20, as a heretic, who had been excommuni
cated 1/y St. Paul. This is, probably, the same person with the Alexander of 2 Tim
iv. 14; and if so, motives of personal malice would account for his conduct.
* Set Geib, p. 531, 532.

4:70 THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Probably no long time elapsed, after St. Paul's arrival, before hia
cause came on for hearing. The accusers, with their witnesses, would be
already on the spot ; and on this occasion he was not to be tried by the
Emperor in person,1 so that another cause of delay,2 which was often
interposed by the carelessness or indolence of the Emperor, would be
removed. The charge now alleged against him, probably fell under the
cognisance of the City Prsefect (Prsefectus Urbi), whose jurisdiction
daily encroached, at this period, on that of the ancient magistracies.3
For we must remember that, since the time of Augustus, a great though
silent change had taken place in the Roman system of criminal procedure.
The ancient method, though still the regular and legal system, was rapidly
becoming obsolete in practice. Under the Republic, a Roman citizen
could theoretically be tried on a criminal charge only by the Sovereign
People ; but the judicial power of the people was delegated, by special
laws, to certain bodies of Judges, superintended by the several Praetors.
Thus one Prsetor presided at trials for homicide, another at trials for
treason, and so on.4 But the presiding magistrate did not give the sen
tence ; his function was merely to secure the legal formality of the pro
ceedings. The judgment was pronounced by the Judices, a large body oi
judges, (or rather jurors,) chosen (generally by lot) from amongst the sena
tors or knights, who gave their vote, by ballot, for acquittal or condemnation.
But under the Empire this ancient system, though not formally abolished,
was gradually superseded. The Emperors from the first claimed supreme 5
judicial authority, both civil and criminal. And this jurisdiction was ex
ercised not only by themselves, but by the delegates whom they appointed.
It was at first delegated chiefly to the Praefect of the city ; and though
causes might, up to the beginning of the second century, be tried by the
Praetors in the old way, yet this became more and more unusual. In the
1 Clemens Romanus says that Paul, on this occasion, was tried M tuv iiyovpevuv.
Had the Emperor presided, he would have said iirl rav Kaiaapog.
¦' See above, p. 376.
a " Omnia omnino crimina prsefectura urbis sibi vindicavit," (L. i.r pr. D. de Offift
Trasf. Urb.) quoted by Geib, p. 440.
4 This was the system of Qutestiones Perpetuae. It is fully explained by Geib in
his second book, p. 169-215, and the change in his third book, p. 393-411.
5 The origin of this jurisdiction is not so clear as that of their appellate jurisdiction,
which we have explained above (p. 292). Some writers hold that the Emperor as
sumed the supreme judicial power as an incident of his quasi-dictatorial authority.
Others (among whom is Geib, p. 420-422) think that it was theoretically based
upon a revival of that summary jurisdiction which was formerly (in the earliest ages
of the Commonwealth) exercised by the great magistrates whose functions were now
concentrated in the Emperor. Others again refer it to the Tribunician power con
ferred upon the Emperor, which was extended (as we have seen) so as to give him a
supreme appellate jurisdiction ; and by virtue of which he might perhaps bring before
his tribunal any cause in the first instance, which would ultimately come under hi*
judgment by appeal.

FTEST STAGE OF HIS FINAL TEIAL. 471
reign ot Nero it was even dangerous for an accuser to prosecute an
offender in the Praetor's instead of the Prefect's court.1 Thus the trial a!
criminal charges was transferred from a jury of independent Judices to a
single magistrate appointed by a despot, pud controlled only by a Council
of Assessors, to whom he was not bound to attend.
Such was the court before which St. Paul was now cited. We have
an account of the first hearing of the cause from his own pen. He writes
thus to Timotheus immediately after : — " When I was first heard in my
defence, no man stood by me, but all forsook me, — I pray that it be not
laid to their charge. — Nevertheless the Lord Jesus stood by me, and
strengthened my heart ; that by me the proclamation of the Glad-tidings
might be accomplished in full measure, and that all the Gentiles might
hear ; and I was delivered out of the lion's mouth." We see, from this
statement, that it was dangerous even to appear in public as the friend or
adviser of the Apostle. No advocate would venture to plead his cause,
no procurator a to aid him in arranging the evidence, no patronus (such as
he might have found, perhaps, in the powerful JDmilian3 house) to appear
as his supporter, and to deprecate,4 according to ancient usage, the seve
rity of the sentence. But he had a more powerful intercessor, and a
wiser advocate, who could never leave him nor forsake him. The Lord
Jesus was always near him, but now was felt almost visibly present in the
hour of his need.
From the above description we can realise in some measure the exter
nal features of his last trial. He evidently intimates that he spoke be
fore a crowded audience, so that " all the Gentiles might hear ;" and this
corresponds with the supposition, which historically we should be led to
make, that he was tried in one of those great basilicas which stood in the
Forum. Two of the most celebrated of these edifices were called the
Pauline Basilicas, from the well-known Lucius JEmilius Paulus, who had
built one of them and restored the other. It is not improbable that the
greatest man whoever bore the Pauline name was tried in one of these.
From specimens which still exist, as well as from the descriptions of Vi-
truvius, we have an accurate knowledge of the character of these halls of
justice. They were rectangular buildings, consisting of a central nave and
two aisles, separated from the nave by rows of columns. At one end of
1 Tacitus relates that Valerius Ponticus was banished under Nero, " quod reos, ne
apud Prasfectum urbis arguerentur, ad Pratorem detulisset." (Ann. xiv. 41.)
* The procurator performed the functions of our attorney.
We have already (Vol. I. p. 153) suggested the possibility of a connection of
clientship between Paul's family and this noble Roman house.
- It was the custom, both in the Greek and Roman courts of justice, to allow tho
friends of the aocused to intercede for him, and to endeavor by their prayers and tears
to move the feelings of his judges. This practice was gradually limited under tie
Imperial regime. Geib, p. 590.

472 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the nave was the tribune,' in the centre of which was placed the magi»
trate's cnrule chair of ivory, elevated on a platform called the tribunal.
Here also sat the Council of Assessors, who advised the Prsefect upon the
law, though they had no voice in the judgment.3 On the sides of the tri-
bune were seats for distinguished persons, as well as for parties engaged
in the proceedings. Fronting the presiding magistrate stood the prisoner,
with his accusers and his advocates. The public was admitted into the
remainder of the nave and aisles (which was railed off from the portion
devoted to the judicial proceedings) ; and there were also galleries along
the whole length of the side aisles, one for men, the other for women.3
The aisles were roofed over ; as was the tribune. The nave was originally
left open to the sky. The basilicas were buildings of great size, so that s.
vast multitude of spectators was always present at any trial which excited
public interest.
Before such an audience it was, that Paul was now called to speak in
his defence. His earthly friends had deserted him, but his Heavenly
Friend stood by him. He was strengthened by the power of Christ's
Spirit, and pleaded the cause not of himself only, but of the Gospel. He
spoke of Jesus, of His death and His resurrection, so that all the. Hea
then multitude might hear. At the same time, he successfully defended
himself from the first 4 of the charges brought against him, which perhaps
1 The features of the basilica will be best understood by the following ground-plan
of that of Pompeii. Here the tribune is rectangular ; in others it was semicircular.

4
i 1 t-lb.

t  1ST.

GROUND PLAJt OP THE llASD-ICA OF POMVQI. (FKOH GEIi'S POMPEH.)
' Geib, p. 664.
' Pliny gives a lively description of the scene presented by a basilica at an interest
ing trial : " Densa circumstantium corona judicium multiplici circulo ambibat. Ad
hoc, stipatum tribunal, atque etiam superiore basilicae parte, qua fceminae, qua. viri, et
audiendi (quod erat difficile) et (quod facile) visendi studio imminebant." (Plin. Ep
vi. 33.)
4 The hypothesis of an acquittal on the first charge agrees best with the Bfivovyv i*
tiToparog kiovrog (2 Tim. iv. 17). We have seen that it was Nero's practice (and there-
lore, we may suppose, the practice of the Praefects under Nero) to hear and decide
each branch of the accusation separately (Suet. Ner. 15, before cited). Had the trial
taken place under the ancient system, we might have supposed an Ampliatio, which
took place when the judioes held the evidence insufficient, and gave the verdict Aon
liquet, in which case the trial was commenced de novo; but Geib has Bhown that
under the Imperial system the practice of Ampliatio was discontinued. So also was
*he Comperendinatio abolished, by which certain trials were formerly divided into a
primp, actio and secunda actio. (See Geib, p. 377, 378, and 665-667.) We cannot
therefore agree with Wieseler in supposing this "irpury dirokoyia" to indicate an Am
vliatio or Comperendinati* See Wieseler, p. 406, note 3.

HE IS.EEMANDED TO PRISON 473
1 accused him of conspiring with the incendiaries of Rome. He was de
livered from the immediate peril, and saved from the ignominious and
painful death ' which might have been his doom had he been convicted on
such a charge.
He was now remanded to prison to wait for the second stage of his
trial. It seems that he himself expected this not to come on so soon as it
really did ; or, at any rate, he did not think the final decision would be
given till the following " winter, whereas it actually took place about mid
summer. Perhaps he judged from the long delay of his former trial ; or
he may have expected (from the issue of his first hearing) to be again
acquitted on a second charge, and to be convicted on a third. He cer
tainly did not expect a final acquittal, but felt no doubt that the cause
would ultimately result in his condemnation. We are not left to conjec
ture the feelings with which he awaited this consummation ; for he has
himself expressed them in that sublime strain of triumphant hope which
is familiar to the memory of every Christian, and which has nerved the
hearts of a thousand martyrs. "I am now ready to be offered, and the
time of my departure is at hand. I have fought the good fight, I have
finished iny course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth is laid up for me
the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall
give me in that day." He saw before him, at a little distance, the doom
of an unrighteous magistrate, and the sword of a bloodstained execu
tioner ; but he appealed to the sentence of a juster Judgj, who would
soon change the fetters of the criminal into the wreath of the conqueror ;
he looked beyond the transitory present ; the tribunal of Nero faded from
his sight ; and the vista was closed by the judgment-seat of Christ.
Sustained by such a blessed and glorious hope — knowing, as he did,
that nothing in heaven or in earth could separate him from the love of
Christ — it mattered to him but little, if he was destitute of earthly sym
pathy. Yet still, even in these last hours, he clung to the friendships of
early years ; still the faithful companionship of Luke consoled him, in the
weary hours of constrained inactivity, which, to a temper like his,
must have made the most painful part of imprisonment. Luke was the
only one 3 of his habitual attendants who now remained to minister to him;
his other companions, as we have seen, had left him, probably before his
arrival at Rome. But one friend from Asia, Onesiphoros,4 had diligently
1 See the account given by Tacitus (above quoted) of the punishment of th& sup
posed incendiaries. In the case of such a crime, probably, even a Roman citizen
would not have been exempted from such punishments.
3 2 Tim. iv. 21.
3 2 Tim. iv. 11. If we suppose Tychicus the bearer of the Second Epistle to Tim
othy (2 Tim. iv. 12), he also would have been with St. Paul at Rome, till he woa
despatched to Ephesus.
4 2 Tim. L 16.

iii THE LDJE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
sought him out, and visited him in his prison, undeterred by the fear ol
danger or of shame. And there were others, some of them high in station,
who came to receive from the chained malefactor blessings infinitely
greater than all the favours of the Emperor of the world. Among these
was Linus, afterwards a bishop of the Roman Church ; Pudens, the son
of a senator ; and Claudia, his bride, the daughter of a British king.'
But however he may have valued these more recent friends, their society
could not console him for the absence of one far dearer to him : he longed
with a paternal longing to see once more the face of Timotheus, his be
loved son. The disciple who had so long ministered to him with filial
affection might still (he hoped) arrive in time to receive his parting wards,
and be with him in his dying hour. But Timotheus was far distant, in
Asia Minor, exercising apparently the same function with which he had
before been temporarily invested. Thither then he wrote to him, desiring
him to come with all speed to Rome, yet feeling how uncertain it was
whether he might not arrive too late. He was haunted also by another
fear, far more distressing. Either from his experience of the desertion of
other friends, or from some signs of timidity which -Timotheus''' himself
had shown, he doubted whether he might not shrink from the perils which
would surround him in the city of Nero. He therefore urges on him very
emphatically the duty of boldness in Christ's cause, of stedfastness under
persecution, and of, taking his share in the sufferings of the Saints. And,
lest he should be prevented from giving him his last instructions face to
1 For the evidence of these assertions, see note on 2 Tim. iv. 21. We may take
this opportunity of saying, that the tradition of St. Paul's visit to Britain rests on no
sufficient authority. Probably all that can be said in its favour will be found in the
Tracts of the late Bishop Burgess on the origin of the Ancient British Church. See
especially pp. 21-54, 77-83, and 108-120.
* We cannot say with certainty where Timotheus was at this time ; as there is no
direct mention of his locality in the Second Epistle. It would seem, at first sight,
probable that he was still at Ephesus, from the salutation to Priscilla and Aquila, who
appear to have principally resided there. Still this is not decisive, since we know
that they were occasional residents both at Rome and Corinth, and Aquila was him
self a native of Pontus, where he and Timotheus may perhaps have been. Again it
is difficult, on the hypothesis of Timotheus being at Ephesus, to account for 2 Tim. iv.
12. " Tvxikov diriaretka elg 'Efeaov," which Timotheus need not have been told, if
himself at Ephesus. Also, it appears strange that St. Paul should have toid Timo
theus that he had left Trophimus sick at Miletus, if Timotheus was himself at Ephesus,
within thirty miles of Miletus. Yet both these objections may be explained away, as
we have shown in the notes on 2 Tim. iv. 12, and 2 Tim. iv. 20. The message about
Dringing the articles from Troas shows only that Timotheus was in a place whence the
road to Rome lay through Troas ; and this would agree either with Ephesus, or Pon
tus, or any other place in the north-west of Asia Minor. [See the map showing the
Roman roads in tills district, Vol. I. p. 279.] It is most probable that Timotheus wai
not fixed to any one spot, but employed in the general superintendence of the Pauline
Churches throughout Asia Minor. This hypothesis agrees best with his designation aa
an Evangelist (2 Tim. iv. 5). a term equivalent to itinerant missionary.

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 475
face, he impresses on him, with the earnestness of a dying man, the varioiu
duties of his Ecclesiastical office, and especially that of opposing the he
resies which now threatened to destroy the very essence of Christianity.
But no summary of its contents can give any notion of the pathetic ten
derness and deep solemnity of this Epistle.

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.'
I.
1 Paul, an Apostle of Jesus Cheist by the will of salutation.
God — sent forth3 to proclaim the promise of the life
2 which is in Christ Jesus — to Timotheus my beloved
Son. Grace, Mercy, and Peace from God our Father, and
Christ Jesus our Lord.
3 I thank God (whom I worship, as 3 did my fore- Timotheus is
- , . , . \ i -r i reminded of hia
lathers, with a pure conscience) whenever 4 I make v^t history
. ,, . ana exhorted
mention oi thee, as 1 do continually, in my prayers to peraever-
' ¦ •* ' •> * » ance and cour-
4 might and day. And I long to see thee, remember- ^Jj^j**
ing thy [parting] tears, that I might be filled with
5 joy. For I have been5 reminded of thy undissembled faith,
which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois and thy mother
6 Eunice, and (I am persuaded) dwells in thee also. Wherefore
I call thee to remembrance, that thou mayest stir up the gift of
7 God, which is in thee by the laying on of my 6 hands. For
1 For the date of this Epistle, see the Appendix.
* 'Airboro?.og Kar' tirayyekiav (uyg. See note on Tit i. 1.
3 Some interpreters have found a difficulty here, as though it were inconsistent with
St. Paul's bitter repentance for the sins he had committed in the time of his Judaism.
(Cf. 1 Tim. i. 13.) But there is no inconsistency. All that is said here is, that the
worship (7.arpeia) of God was handed down to St. Paul from his forefathers, or, in
other words, that his religion was hereditary. This is exactly the view taken ol
the religion of all converted Jews in Rom. xi. 23, 24, 28. Compare also tS> irarpuip
¦Help (Acts xxiv. 14), and irdcy oweiSyaei dyaBy ireirokirevpai (Acts xxiii. 1).
These latter passages remind us that the topic was one on which St. Paul had probably
insisted, in his recent defence ; and this accounts for its parenthetical introductics
here. 4 Literally, as the mention which I make of thee in my prayers is continual.
6 Aapuv is the reading of the best MSS. Perhaps a message or other incident had
reminded St. Paul of some proof which Timotheus had given of the sincerity of his
faith (as Bengel thinks) ; or, still more probably, he was reminded of the faith of
Timotheus by its contrast with the cowardice of Demas and others. He mentions it
here obviously as a motive to encourage him to persevere in courageous stedfastness.
« The grace of God required for any particular office in the early Church was con
ferred after prayer and the laying on of hands. This imposition of hands was repeated

A 6 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
God gave us not a spirit of cowardice, but a spirit of power
and love and self-restraint.1 Be not therefore ashamed of the 8
testimony of our Lord, nor of me His prisoner ; but share the
affliction a of them who publish the Glad-tidings, according to
the power of Goof. For He saved us, and called us with a holy 9
calling, not dealing with us according to our own works, but
according to His own purpose and grace, which was bestowed
upon us in Christ Jesus before the times 3 of old, but is now 10
made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ,
who has put an end to death, and brought life and immortality
from darkness into light; and this He has done by the Glad- 11
tidings, whereunto I was appointed herald and apostle, and
teacher of the G entiles. Which also is the cause of these suf- 12
ferings tlhat I how endure ; nevertheless I am not ashamed ;
for I know in whom I have trusted, and I am persuaded that
He is ablo to guard the treasure * which I have committed to
Him, even unto that day.
Exhortation to Hold fast the pattern of sound 5 words which 13
mission faith- thou hast heard from me, in the faith and love
which is in Christ Jesus. That goodly treasure 14
which is committed to thy charge, guard by the Holy Spirit
who dwelleth in us.
conduct of eer- Thou already knowest that I was abandoned " by 15
tain Asiatic
whenever any one was appointed to a new office or commission. The reference here
may, therefore, be to the original " ordination " of Timotheus, or to his appointmen'
to the superintendence of the Ephesian Church. See Vol. I. p. 437, and compare Acts
riii. 18, and 1 Tim. iv. 14 ; also Vol. I. p. 269, note 7.
1 "Zuijipoviopog would restrain the passion of fear.
* Literally, share affliction for the Glad-tidings. The dative used as in Phil. i. 27.
(De W.)
3 Hpb xpbvav aluviav (which phrase also occurs in Titus i. 2) appears to mean the
period of the Jewish dispensation. The grace of Christ was virtually bestowed ou
mankind in the Mosaic covenant, though only made manifest in the Gospel.
4 Tijv irapaKaraByKyv pov. It is strange that so acute an interpreter as De Wette
should maintain that this expression must necessarily mean the same thing asTi)e
xcki)v irapaKaraByKyv in verse 14. Supposing St. Paul to have said " God will keep
the trust committed to Him ; do thou keep the trust committed to thee," it would not
follow that the same trust was meant in each case. Paul had committed himself, his
soul and body, his true life, to God's keeping ; this was the irapaKaraJByKy which he
trusted to God's care. On the other hand, the irapaKaradyKy committed to the charge
of Timotheus was the ecclesiastical office entrusted to him. (Compare 1 Tim. vi. 20.)
6 'Tyiaivovruv kbyuv. The want of the article shows that this expression had be
come almost a technical expression at the date of the Pastoral Epistles.
<^This appears to refer to the conduct of certain Christians belonging to the pro
vince of Asia, who deserted St. Paul at Rome when he needed their assistance. Oi it

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 477
all :the Asiatics, among whom are Phygellus and christians at
16 Kermogenes. The Lord give mercy to the house of
Onesiphorus ; ' for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed
17 of my chain;3 but when he was in Eome, sought me out
18 very diligently and found me. The Lord grant unto him that
he may find mercy from the Lord in that day. And all his
n services 3 at Ephesus, thou knowest better 4 than I.
1 Thou, therefore, my son, strengthen thy heart 5 Duty of Timo-
. , , ,..,_.,. ° .J theus on Church
2 with the grace that is m Christ J esus. And those government.
things which thou hast heard from me attested" by many
witnesses, deliver into the keeping of faithful men, who shall
be able to teach others in their turn.7
3 Take thy 8 share in suffering, as a good soldier of He is exhorted
. ° ° not to shrink
4 Jesus Christ. Ihe soldier when 9 on service abstains ft°m suffering,
from entangling himself in the business of life, that he may
5 please his commander. And again, the wrestler does not win
6 the crown, unless he wrestles lawfully.10 The husbandman who
toils must share the fruits of the ground before " the idler.
¦ry 'Aalq. is used instead of ol iK ryg 'Aaiag, because these persons had probably now
returned home.
1 An undesigned coincidence should be observed here, which is not noticed by
Paloy. Blessings are invoked on the house of Onesiphorus, not on himself; and in
verse 18 a hope is expressed that he may find mercy at the last day. This seems to
show that Onesiphorus was dead ; and so, in iv. 19, greetings are addressed not to
himself, but to his house.
* Ti)v ukvaiv. Hence we see that St. Paul was, in his second imprisonment, as in
the first, under Custodia Militaris, and therefore bound to the soldier who guarded
him by a chain. See above, p. 288.
3 Moj is omitted by the best MSS.
4 Beknov, because Timotheus had been more constantly resident at Ephesus than
St. Paul.
s 'EvSw. Cf. Rom. iv. 20 and Eph. vi. 10.
B We agree with De Wette, Huther, and Wiesinger, that the construction here is
yxovaag Sid paprvpuv, but cannot agree with him in supposing Sid equivalent to
ivuiriov, nor in referring this passage to Timothy's ordination or baptism. The literal
English must be, those things which thou hast heard from me by the intervention of
many witnesses, which is surely equivalent to, " by the attestation of many wit
nesses." In a similar way St. Paul appeals to the attestation of other witnesses in 1
Cor. xv. 3-7.
7 The Kal seems to have this meaning here.
« IvyKOKoirdByaov is the reading of the best MSS., instead of ci ovv kok.
9 Observe the force of arparevSpevog. Cf. Luke iii. 14.
>° Nopipug. See Vol. H. p. 199. The word dBkelv is not confined to wrestling,
bat includes the other exercises of the athletic contests also ; but there is no English
verb co-extensive with it.
: »• Uoutov. The Authorised Version, and not its margin, is here correct

478 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Consider what I say; for the Lord will1 give thee understand- 7
ing in all things. Bemember that Jesus Christ, of the seed ! of 8
David, is3 raised from the dead, according to the Glad-tidings
which I proclaim. Wherein I suffer affliction even unto 9
chains, as a malefactor ; nevertheless the Word of God is bound
by no chains. Wherefore I endure all for the sake of the 10
chosen, that they also may obtain the salvation which is in
Christ Jesus, with glory everlasting. Faithful is the saying, 11
'¦'¦For* if we have died with Him,b we shall also lime with
Him ; if we suffer, we shall also reign with Him;ifwc denyu
Him, He also will deny us; if we be faithless, yet He abidethn
faithful; He cannot deny Himself."
He must op- Call men to remembrance of these things, and 14
pose the false ¦,-,/» i-r-i -i 1
teachers and adiure them before the Lord not to contend6 about
their immorali- ¦'
ties, and care- WOrds, with no profitable end, but for the subver-
fully preserve ' A '
his own purity. s}on 0f their hearers. Be diligent to present thyself 15
unto God as one proved trustworthy ' by trial, a workman not
to be ashamed, declaring the word of truth without distortion.8
But avoid the discussions of profane babblers ; for they will 16
go farther and farther in ungodliness, and their word will eat 17
like a cancer. Among whom are Hymenseus and Philetus ; 18
who concerning the truth have erred, for they say that the
resurrection is past » already, and overthrow the faith of some.
1 Auaei, not Stpy, is the reading of the best MSS. ' De Wette and others object to
this verse, that it is impossible to suppose that St. Paul would imagine Timotheus so
dull of apprehension as not to comprehend such obvious metaphors. But they have
missed the sense of the verse, which is not meant to enlighten the understanding of
Timotheus as to the meaning of the metaphors, but as to the personal application of
them. * i. c. though a man in flesh and blood ; therefore His resurrection is an encourage
ment to His followers to be fearless.
3 'Eyyyeppivov not iyepSevra.
* This is another of those quotations so characteristic of the Pastoral Epistles. It
appears to be taken from a Christian hymn. The Greek may be easily sung to the
music of one of the ancient ecclesiastical chants.
- Rom. vi. 8, el direBdvopev civ Xpiarip iriarevopev on xal av^yaouev airip.
6 Compare 1 Tim. vi. 4.
' AoKipog, tested and proved worthy by trial. Cf. 2 Cor. xiii. 7.
8 'OpBoropeiv (not found elsewhere in the New Testament) means to cut straignt. So
in the LXX. StKaioavvy bpBoropel bSovg. (Prov. xi. 5.) The metaphor here, being
connected with the previous ipydryv, appears to be taken from the Work of a carpenter.
8 See Vol. I. p. 451, and the passage of Tertullian quoted in the note there, which
shows that the Gnostics taught that the Resurrection was to be understood of the
rising of the soul from the death of ignorance to the light of knowledge. There is
nothing here to render doubtful the date of this Epistle, for we have already seen thai

SECOND EPISTLE TO TTMOTHEUS. 479
19 Nevertheless the firm ' foundation of God stands unshaken
having this seal, "The Lord Tcnew them that were his"'' and
" Let every one that nameth the name of the Lord depart from
'HOmiquity."* But in a great house there are not4 only vessels of
gold and silver, but also of wood and clay ; and some for
21 honour, others fqjr dishonour. If a man therefore purify him
self from these, he shall be a vessel for honour, sanctified and
fitted for the master's use, being prepared for every good work.
22 Flee the lusts of youth ; 5 and fqllow righteousness, faith,
love, and peace with those who call on the Lord out of a pure
23 heart; but shun the disputations of the foolish and ignorant,
24 knowing that they breed strife ; and the bondsmen of the Lord e
Jesus ought not to strive, but to be gentle towards all, skilful
25 in teaching, patient of wrong, instructing opponents with
meekness ; if God perchance may give them repentance, that
they may attain the knowledge of the truth, and may escape,
26 restored 7 to soberness, out of the snare of the 8 Devil, by whom 3
they have been taken captive at his will.
*ven so early as the First Epistle to Corinth, there were neretics who denied the
resurrection of the dead. Baur's view — that the Pastoral Epistles were written
against Marcion — is inconsistent with the present passage ; for Marcion did not deny
the resurrection of the dead, but oaly the resurrection of the flesh. (See Tertull. adv.
Marcion, v. 10.
1 The Authorised Version here violates the laws of the article.
* Numbers xvi. 5. (LXX with Kvpiog for Qebg.) We must not translate iyvu
¦ knoweth^" as in A.V. The context of the passage, according to the LXX. (which
differs from the present Hebrew text), is, "Moses spake unto Core saying . . . The Lord
knew them that were His, and that were holy, and brought them near unto Him
self; and whom He chose unto Himself, He brought near unto Himself."
3 This quotation is not from the Old Testament ; Isaiah Iii. 11 is near it in senti
ment, but can scarcely be referred to, because it is quoted exactly at 2 Cor. vi. 17
The MSS. read xvpiov instead of the Xpiorov of T. R.
4 The thought here is the same as that expressed in the parable of the fishes and of
the tares, — viz. that the visible church will never be perfect. We are reminded of
Rom. ix. 21 by the oKevy tig dnptav.
s Compare I Tim. iii. 2, and the remarks upon the age of Timotheus in the Essay in
the Appendix, on the date of these Epistles.
« Kvpiov. Compare Sovkog Xpiarov, 1 Cor. vii. 22.
' 'Avavyipuaiv. See 1 Cor. xv. 34.
8 The expression Siu(iokog appears to be used here, and in Bph. iv. 27, and Eph. vi.
11, for the devil, who is elsewhere called Zaravdg by St. Paul. In the Gospels and
Acts the two expressions are used with nearly equal frequency.
» The interpretation of this last clause is disputable. The construction is awkward,
and there is a difficulty in referring avrov and iKeivov to the same subject ; but De
Wette shows that this is admissible by a citation from Plato. Wiesinger refers aim
V Timotheus, and iKeivov to God.

480 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. ILL
Dangerous cr- Know this, that in the last1 days evil times.]
rorsofthe"Zasf 7 , _., ., ml
*•»»¦" shall come. For men shall be selfish, cove- 2
tous, false boasters,2 haughty, blasphemous, disobedient to
parents, ungrateful, unholy, without natural affection, ruthless, 3
calumnious, incontinent, merciless, haters of the good, treacher- 4
ous, head-long with passion, blinded with pride, lovers of
pleasure rather than lovers of God ; having an outward form 5
of godliness, but renouncing its power. From such turn 6
away. Of these are they who creep into houses, and lead
captive silly women, laden with sin, led away by lusts of all 7
kinds, perpetually learning, yet never able to attain the know
ledge3 of the truth. And as Iannes and Iambres4 resisted 8
Moses, so do these men resist the truth, being corrupt in mind,
and worthless 5 in all that concerns the faith. But they ° shall 9
not advance farther, for their folly shall be made openly mani
fest to all, as was that of Iannes and Iambres.
Exhortation to But thou hast been the follower 7 of my teaching 10
be stedfast in ^ . . . .
Paul's doctrine, and behaviour,8 my resolution,9 faith, patience, love,
and stedfastness ; my persecutions and sufferings, such as n
befel me at Antioch Iconium, and Lystra.10 rThou hast seen]
1 'Eoxuraig ypepaig (used without the article, as having become a familiar expres
sion) generally denotes the termination of the Mosaic dispensation ; see Acts ii. 17.
1 Pet. i. 5, 20. Heb. i. 2. Thus the expression generally denotes the time present ;
but here it points to a future immediately at hand, which is, however, blended with
the present (see verses 6, 8), and was, in fact, the end of the Apostolic age. Compare
1 John ii. 18, ioxdry upa iariv. The long duration of this last period of the world's
development Was not revealed to the Apostles ; they expected that their Lord's re
turn would end it, in their own generation ; and thus His words were fulfilled, that
none should foresee the time of His coming. (Matt. xxiv. 36.)
' Several of the classes of sinners here mentioned occur also Rom. i. 30.
3 For the meaning of iiriyvumg (Cf. above, ii. 25), see Rom. x. 2, and 1 Cor. xiii. 12.
4 These, as we find in the Targum of Jonathan, were the traditional names of the
Egyptian sorcerers who opposed Moses.
6 'ASoKtpoi, see Tit. i. 16, and note.
6 It has been thought that this oi irpoKoipovaiv iirl irke'iov contradicts the asser
tion in ii. 16, iirl irkeiov irpoKoipovoiv daeftelag ; but there is no contradiction, for the
present passage speaks of outward success, the former of inward deterioration. Im
postors will usually go on from bad to worse (as it is said just below, irpoxbfovtjiv ir\
t5 x£ip0v> verse 13), and yet their success in deceiving others is generally soon ended
by detection.
7 HapyxokovByxag cannot be accurately translated " hast fully known" (Authorised
Version), but its meaning is not very different. Chrysosti<m explains it rovruv ei
udprvg. 8 In this meaning dyuyii is found in LXX.
• TlpoBiaei : compare Acts xi. 23.
"> It has been before remarked how appropriate this relerence is. See Vol. I. p. IM

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 481
12 what persecutions I endured ; and out of them all the Lord
delivered me. Yea, and all who determine to live a godly
13 fife in Christ Jesus, will suffer persecution. But wicked men
and impostors will advance from bad to worse, deceiving and
14 being deceived. But do thou continue in that which was
taught thee, and whereof thou wast persuaded ; knowing who
were ' thy teachers, and remembering that from a child thou
15 hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee
wise unto salvation, by the faith which is in Christ Jesus.
16 All Scripture is inspired by God, and may profitably be used
for teaching,2 for confutation,3 for correction,4 and for right-
17 eous discipline ; a that the man of God may be fully prepared,
IV. and thoroughly furnished for every good work.
I 1 6 adjure thee before God and Jesus Christ, who solemn charge
is about to judge the living and the dead — I adiure commission
, . TT. . . r -n- i . ¦¦ faithfully, in
2 thee by His appearing and His kingdom — proclaim expectation ot
J L L ° or CVii times, and
the tidings, be urgent in season and out of season, ofPaul's death.
convince, rebuke, exhort, with all forbearance and • persever-
3 ance in teaching. For a time will come when they will not
endure the sound doctrine, but according to their own inclina
tions they will heap up for themselves teachers upon teachers,
4 to please their itching ears. And they will turn away their ears
from the truth, and turn aside to fables.
5 But thou in all things be sober,7 endure affliction, do the
work of an Evangelist,8 accomplish thy ministration in full
6 measure. For I am now ready » to be offered, and the time of

1 Tivuv is the reading of the best MSS.
1 St. Paul frequently uses the Old Testament for teaching, i. e. to enforce or illus
trate his doctrine ; e. g. Rom. i. 17.
3 The numerous quotations from the Old Testament, in the Romans and Galatians,
are mostly examples of its use for confutation.
4 'EiravopBuaiv means the setting right of that which is wrong. The Old Testa
ment is applied for this purpose by St. Paul in 1 Cor. xiv. 21. 1 Cor. x. 1-10, and,
generally, wherever he applies it to enforce precepts of morality.
5 TlatSeiav ryv hi Sixatoavvy. The word iraiSeia has the meaning of chastisement
or discipline ; compare Heb. xii. 7. It is here used as a severer kind of iiravbpBuaig.
Thus the Old Testament is applied in 1 Cor. v. 13.
c The best MSS. omit oiv iy&> and tov Kvpiov, and read koI instead of Kard in this
verse. » N>?0e, not " watch." (A. V.)
» Compare Eph. iv. 11. And see Vol. I. p. 436.
9 "&Sy oirevSopat, literally, I am already in the very act of being poured out as a
sacrificial offering. Compare Phil. ii. 17.
vol n. — 31

482 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
my departure is at hand. I have fought1 the good fight,! ij
have finished my * course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth is
laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the s
righteous3 judge, shall give me in that day; and not to me
only, but to all 4 who love His appearing.
Tucotheus ia Do thy utmost to come to me speedily ; for De- 9
»mTto Eome mas has forsaken me, for love of this present world, 10
and has departed to Thessalonica ; 5 Crescens is gone
to Galatia, Titus to Daimatia ; Luke alone is with me. Take 11
Mark« and bring him with thee, for his services7 are profitable 12
to me ; But Tychicus « I have sent to Ephesus.
When thou comest, bring with thee the case 9 which I left 13
at Troas with Carpus, and the books, but especially the parch
ments. •
intelligence of Alexander the brass-founder 10 charged " me with 14
the progress of *
¦ It is impossible to translate ayuva yyuviopai fully in English. It is not strictly
correct to render it "I have fought the fight," and seems to introduce a new metaphor;
dyuv means a contest for a prize, and the metaphor is taken from the Greek foot
races. I have run the good race would be perhaps more exact. The literal English
is, I have completed the glorious contest. See pp. 198-200 above, and 1 Tim. vi. 12.
3 Apbpov, the course marked out for the race. This expression occurs only in two
other places in the New Testament, both being in speeches of St. Paul.
3 " The righteous judge " contrasted with the unrighteous judge, by whose sen
tence he was soon to be condemned.
4 Ildai is the best reading. See Tischendorf.
s Demas is mentioned as a "fellow-labourer" at Rome with St. Paul, Philem. 24,
and joined with Luke, Col. iv. 14. Nothing further is known of him. Crescens is not
mentioned elsewhere. In saying here that he was deserted by all but Luke, St. Paul
speaks of his own companions and attendants ; he had still friends among the Roman
Christians who visited him (iv. 21), though they were afraid to stand by him at his
trial. " Mark was in Rome during a part of the former imprisonment, Col. iv: 10.
Philem. 24.
' AiaKoviav, not " the ministry." (Authorised Version.)
- If we suppose (see above, p. 474, note 2) that Timotheus was at Ephesus, we must
conclude that Tychicus was the bearer of this Epistle, and the aorist dirioreika, " i
tend herewith," used acoording to the idiom of classical letter-writers. See Winer,
§ 41, 5, p. 254.
» Qaikbvyg means either a travelling-case (for carrying clothes, books, Ac.)* or »
travellmg-cloak. The former seems the more probable meaning here, from the men
tion of the books.
i» Xakxeig. Whether this Alexander is the same mentioned as put forward by the
Jews at Ephesus in the theatre (Acts xix. 33), and as excommunicated by St. Paul (1
Tim. i. 20) we do not know. If these names all belong to the same person, he was
probably of the Judaizing faction. See above, p. 87.
» 'EveSeUaro (not •¦ did." Authorised Version). ' The verb hSeiKvvpai, though oi
frequent occurrence in the New Testament (in the sense oi exhibit, display, manifest),
does not elsewhere occur m the same construction as here, with an accusative of th

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 4gg
much evil in his declaration ; the Lord reward him Paul's trial.
15 according to his works. Be thou also on thy guard against
him, for he has been a great opponent of my arguments.1
16 When I was first heard in my defence" no man stood by me,
17 but all forsook me ; (I pray that it be not laid to their charge.)
Nevertheless the Lord Jesus 3 stood by me, and strengthened'
my heart,4 that by me the proclamation of the 5 Glad-tidings
might be accomplished in full measure, and that all the Gen
tiles might hear ; and I was delivered out of the lion's mouth.6
18 And the Lord shall deliver me from every evil, and shall pre
serve me unto His heavenly kingdom. To Him be glory unto
the ages of ages. Amen.
19 Salute Prisca and Aquila, and the household of salutations and
,~ . , personal intelli-
OneSiphOrUS. genee.
20 Erastus 7 remained at Corinth ; but Trophimus I left sick at
Miletus.
thing, and a dative of the person. The active form of the verb in classical Greek has
a forensic sense, — viz. to make a declaration against ; and as the verb is here used in
an active sense (the active form of it not occurring in the New Testament), we may
not unnaturally suppose that it is so used here. At any rate, the literal English ia
"Alexander manifested many evil things against me."
i The "arguments" here mentioned are probably those used by St. Paul in his
defence. ' On this irpary dirokoyia, see above, p. 472. The ancient interpreters, Eusebius,
Jerome and others, understood St. Paul here to refer to his acquittal at the end of hk
first imprisonment at Rome, and his subsequent preaching in Spain ; but while we
must acknowledge that the strength of the expressions irk.ypotjiopyBy and irdvra re
iBvy are in favour of this view, we think that on the whole the context renders it
unnatural. 3 'O Kvptog.
4 'EveS. Cf. Rom. iv. 20. Eph. vi. 10. « Td Kypvypa, scilicet tov eiayyekiov.
6 By the lion's mouth may be only meant the imminence of the immediate peril;
but it may mean that St. Paul, at his first hearing, established his right, as a Roman
citizen, to be exempted from the punishment of exposure to wild beasts, which was
inflicted during the Neronian persecution on so many Christians. On the historical
inferences drawn from this verse, see the preceding remarks.
' This verse is an insuperable difficulty to those who suppose this Epistle written»in
the first imprisonment at Rome ; since it implies a recent journey, in which St. Paul
had passed through Miletus and Corinth. (See Wieseler's vain attempt to get over
this difficulty, Chronologie, p. 465-469.) It has been also thought inexplicable that
Paul should mention to Timotheus (who was at Ephesus, so near Miletus) the fact that
Trophimus was left there. But many suppositions might be made to account for this.
For instance, Trophimus may have only stayed a short time at Miletus, and come on
by the first ship after his recovery. This was probably the first communication from
S'. Paul to Timotheus since they parted ; and there wonld be nothing unnatural even
if it mentioned a circumstance which Timotheus knew already. For example, A. at
Calcutta writes to B. in London, " I left C. dangerously ill at Southampton,''
ritho&gh he may be sure that B. has heard of C* illness long before he can receive
the letter.

484 THE LJFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Do thy utmost to come before winter. 21
There salute thee, Eubulus, and Pudens, and Linus,1 and
Claudia,2 and all the brethren.
> Linus is probably the same person who was afterwards bishop of Rome, and ii
mentioned by Irenseus and Eusebius.
' a Pudens and Claudia. The following facts relating to these names are taken
from an ingenious essay on the subject entitled 'Claudia and Pudens, by J. Wil
liams, M. a. (London, 1848)."
There are two epigrams of Martial (iv. 13. and xi. 64), the former of which describes
the marriage of a distinguished Roman named Pudens to a foreign lady (peregrina)
named Claudia, and the latter of which tells us that this Claudia was a Briton, and
gives her the cognomen of Rufina. When the latter epigram was written, .she had
grown-up sons and daughters, but herself still retained the charms of youth. Both
these epigrams were written during Martial's residence at Rome ; and, therefore, their
date must be between a.d. 66 and a.d. 100. (See Clinton's Fasti.) The former of the
two epigrams was not published till the reign of Domitian, but it may very probably
have been written many years earlier. Thus the Claudia and Pudens of Martial may
be the same with the Claudia and Pudens who are here seen as friends of St. Paul iu
A.D. 68.
But, further, Tacitus mentions (Agric. 14) that certain territories in the south-east
of Britain were given to a British king Cogidunus as a reward for his fidelity to Rome :
this occurred about a.d. 52, while Tiberius Claudius Nero, commonly called Clau
dius, was emperor.
Again, in 1723, a marble was dug up at Chichester, with thes following inscription
(in which the brackets indicate the part lost by the portioo of the stone broken off).
[N]EPTUNO ET MINERVA
TEMPLUM
LPRJO SALUTE DOMUS DIVESLE
AUCTORITATE TIB. CLAUD.
[CO]GIDUBNI REGIS LEGATI AUGUSTI IN. BRIT.
[COLLEGIUM FABRORUM ET QUI -IN EO
[A SACRIS SUNT] DE SUO DEDICAVERUNT DONANTE AREAM
[PUD]ENTE PUDENTIN1 FILIO.
Now, the Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus here mentioned as British king of Chi
chester, is proved by Mr. Williams to be undoubtedly the same mentioned by Tacitus ,
and we see that Cogidunus had (according to the practice in such cases) adopted tho
nomen and pranomen of nis patron the emperor Claudius. Hence, this king's daugh
ter must, according to Roman usage (see Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, p. 640),
have been called Claudia. It is also in exact accordance with that which was the
common practice in such cases, that a daughter of king Cogidunus should have been
sent to Rome (as a pledge of his fidelity) to be there educated. If this was done the
young Claudia would no doubt be placed under the protection of Pomponia, the wife
of Aulus Plautius, the conqueror of Britain; for this Plautius had been the Imperial
legate in Britain, a.d. 43-52, and had been aided by the fidelity of Cogidunus. Now
this Pomponia (as we learn from Tacitus, Annal. xiii. 32) was accused in a. d. 57 of
being tainted with "a foreign superstition:" which may not improbably have been
Christianity. And if so, she may have converted her supposed protigte Claudia.
Another connecting link between Claudia and Pomponia may perhaps be found in
the cognomen Rufina attached to Claudia by Martial. For a distinguished branch of
the Pomponian gens at this period bore the cognomen Rufus; and if our Pomponia
was of this Rufine branch, it. would be agreeable to Roman usage that her protigte
Claudia should be called Rvfin a. And this probability is increased when we find a

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 485
22 The Lord J esus Christ be with thy spirit. Grace concluding ben
be with you1 all.
We know not whether Timotheus was able to fulfil these last requesta
of the dying Apostle ; it is doubtful whether he reaehed Rome in time to
receive his parting commands, and cheer his latest earthly sufferings. The
only iutimation which seems to throw any light on the question, is the
statement in the Epistle to the Hebrews, that Timotheus had been libe
rated from imprisonment in Italy. If, as appears not improbable,5 that
Epistle was written shortly after St. Paul's death, it would be proved not
only that the disciple fearlessly obeyed his master's summons, but that he
actually shared his chains, though he escaped his fate. This, also would
lead us to think that he must have arrived before the execution of St.
Paul, for otherwise there would be no reason to acoount for his being
himself arrested in Rome ; since had he come too late, he would naturally
have returned to Asia at once, without attractiug the notice of the au
thorities. We may, therefore, hope that Paul's last earthly wish was fulfilled.
Yet if Timotheus did indeed arrive before the closing scene, there could
have been but a very brief interval between his coming and his master's
death. For the letter which summoned him3 could not have been de-
Rufus (in Martial's Epigram) taking an interest in the marriage of Claudia. We
know also that a Jewish Christian at Rome bore the name of Rufus (see Rom. xvi. 13,
and note) ; and it may be conjectured that this Rufus had assumed his Roman name
(as we know was commonly done by the Jews) from his being under the protection of
one of this powerful house of Pomponius Rufus, some of whom would thus again be
connected with Roman Christianity.
Lastly, in the above inscription we find the name of Pudens, son of Pudentinus,
united with that of Cogidunus ; which would exactly correspond with the hypothesis
that the former was a son-in-law of the latter.
There are only two difficulties in the identification of the Claudia and Pudens of
St. Paul, with the Claudia and Pudens of Martial. First, that, had St. Paul's Claudia
and Pudens been husband and wife, the name of Linus would not have been inter
posed between them. This, however, is not a conclusive objection, for the names of
Linus and Pudens may easily have been transposed in rapid dictation. Secondly, that
the Pudens of Martial and of the Sussex inscription acted as a pagan. To meet this,
it may be supposed either that Pudens concealed his faith, or that his relatives, in their
anxiety to shield him, did idolatrous acts in his name.
We may add that, according to the tradition of the Mediaeval Church (which could
hardly be acquainted with these epigrams of Martial) a certain Timotheus, son of a
Eoman senator named Pudens, took part in the conversion of the Britons to Chris
tianity. ' 'TpCv (not ami) is the reading of the best MSS., which also omit apyv. In Eng
lish we are compelled to insert all here, in order to shew that you is plural
• See the next chapter. If our Chronolgy be right, Timothy's escape would be ac
counted for by the death of Nero, which immediately followed that of St. Paul.
' Supposing the' letter to have been despatched to Timotheus on the 1st of March,
he eould scarcelv have arrived at Rome from Asia Minor before the end of Mav.

4b6 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
spatched from Rome till the end of winter, and St. Paul's martyrdom tooli
place in the middle of summer.' We have seen that this was sooner than
he had expected ; but we have no record of the final stage of his trial,
and cannot tell the cause of its speedy conclusion. We only know that it
resulted in a sentence of capital punishment.
The privileges of Roman citizenship exempted St. Paul from the igno
minious death of lingering torture, which had been lately inflicted on so
many of his brethren. He was to die by decapitation ; * and he was led
out to execution beyond the city walls, upon the road to Ostia, the port
of Rome. As he issued forth from the gate, his eyes must have rested
for a moment on that sepulchral pyramid which stood beside the road,
and still stands unshattered, amid the wreck of so many centuries, upon
the same spot. That spot was then only the burial-place of a single Ro
man ; it is now the burial-place of many Britons. The mausoleum of
Caius Cestius3 rises conspicuously amongst humbler graves, and marks
the site where Papal Rome suffers her Protestant sojourners to bury their
dead. In England and in Germany, in Scandinavia and in America,
there are hearts which turn to that lofty cenotaph as the Sacred Point of
their whole horizon ; even as the English villager turns to the gray church
tower, which overlooks the grave-stones of his kindred. Among the
works of man, that pyramid is the only surviving witness of the martyr
dom of St. Paul ; and we may thus regard it with yet deeper interest, as
a monument unconsciously erected by a pagan to the memory of a martyr.
Nor let us think that they who lie beneath its shadow are indeed resting
(as degenerate Italians fancy) in unconsecrated ground. Rather let us
say, that a spot where the disciples of Paul's faith now sleep in Christ, so
1 Nero's death occurred in June, a. d. 68. Accepting therefore, as we do, the uni
venal tradition that St. Paul was executed in the reign of Nero, his execution must
have taken place not later than the beginning of June. We have endeavoured to
show (in the article on the Pastoral Epistles in the Appendix) that this date satisfies
all the necessary conditions.
1 Such is the universal tradition ; see note. 2 in the next page. The constitutional
mode of inflicting capital punishment on a Roman citizen was by the lictor's axe.
The criminal was' tied to a stake ; cruelly scourged with rods, and then beheaded.
See Livy, ii. 6. " Missi lictores ad sumendum supplicium, nudatos mrgis ccedunt,
securique feriunt." Compare Juv. 8, " legum prima securis." But the military
mode of execution — decapitation by the sword — was more usual under Nero. Many
examples may be found in Tacitus ; for instance, the execution of Subrius Flavius
(Tac. Ann. xv. 67). The executioner was generally one of the speeulatores, or im
perial body-guards, under the command of a centurion, who was responsible for: the
execution of the sentence. See the interesting story in Seneca de Ira, lib. i. cap. .1 6.
3 The pyramid of Caius Cestius, which now marks the site of the Protestant bpryh)«-
ground, was erected in, or just before, the reign of Augustus. It was outside the wall*
in the time of Nero, though within the present Aurelianic walls. See Beschreibuag
Roms, vol. iii. p. 435. Also Burton's Antiquities of Rome, p. 250 ; and Burgess, noi
li. p. 207.

ST. paul's death. 487
near the soil once watered by his blood, is doubly hallowed ; and that
their resting-place is most fitly identified with the last earthly journey
and the dying glance of their own Patron Saint, the Apostle of the Gen
tiles. As the martyr and his executioners passed on, their way was crowded
with a motley multitude of goers and comers between the metropolis
and its harbour — merchants hastening to superintend the unloading of
their cargoes — sailors eager to squander the profits of their last voyage
in the dissipations of the capital — officials of the government, charged
with the administration of the Provinces, or the command of the legions
on the Euphrates or the Rhine — Chaldean astrologers — Phrygian eunuchs
^dancing-girls from Syria with their painted turbans — mendicant priests
from Egypt howling for Osiris — Greek adventurers, eager to coin their
national cunning into Roman gold — representatives of the avarice and
ambition, the fraud and lust, the superstition and intelligence, of the Im
perial world. Through the dust and tumult of that busy throng, the
small troop of soldiers threaded their way silently, under the bright sky
of an Italian midsummer. They were marching, though they knew it
not, in a procession more truly triumphal than any they had ever followed,
in the train of General or Emperor, along the Sacred Way. Their prisoner,
now at last and for ever delivered from his captivity, rejoiced to follow
his Lord ' " without the gate." The place of execution was i;ot far dis
tant ; and there the sword of the headsman * ended his long course of
1 Heb. xiii. 12, iga ryg irvkyg eiraBe.
' The death of St. Paul is recorded by his cotemporary Clement, in the passage
already quoted as the motto of this Chapter ; also by the Roman presbyter Caius
(about 200 a.d.) (who alludes to the Ostian road as the site of St. Paul's martyrdom),
by Tertullian (Apol. v. and other passages referred to in the note at the end of this
Chapter), Eusebius (in the passage above cited), Jerome, and many subsequent writers.
The statement of Caius is quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ii. 25). That of Jerome is
the most explicit, " Hie ergo decimo quarto Neronis anno (eodem die quo Petrus)
Romae pro Christo capite truncatus sepultusque est, in via. Ostiensi." (Hieron.
Catal. Script.) The statement that Paul was beheaded on the Ostian road agrees with
the usage of the period, and with the tradition that his decapitation was by the sword,
not the axe: "Paulum gladio occidit" (Orosius, Hist. vii. 7); and similarly Lactan-
tius de Morte Persec. It was not uncommon to send prisoners, whose death might
attract too much notice in Rome, to some distance from the city, under a military
escort, for execution. Wieseler compares the execution of Calpurnius Galerianus, as
recorded by Tacitus, " custodia militari cinctus ne in ipsa, urbe conspectior mors foret.
ad qnadragesimum ab urbe Lapidem via. Appia. fuso per venas sanguine extinguitur "
(Tac. Hist. iv. 11). This happened a.d. 70. The great basilica of St. Paul now standi
outside the walls of Rome, on the road to Ostia, in commemoration of his martyrdom.
and the Porta Ostiensis (in the present Aurelianic wall) is called the gate of St. Paul.
The traditional spot of the martyrdom is the tre fontane not far from the basilica ;
see the note at the end of this Chapter. The basilica itself (S. Paolo fuor de' muri)
was first built by Constantine. The great work on it is JVicolai delta basilica di S
Paolo (Rom. 1815). Till the Reformation it was under the protection of the King*

488 the life and epistles of st. paul.
sufferings, and released that heroic soul from that feeble body. Weeping
friends took np his corpse, and carried it for burial to tliose subterranean
labyrinths,1 where, thriugh many ages of oppression, the persecuted
Church found refuge for the living, and sepulchres for the dead.
Thus died the Apostle, the Trophet, and the Martyr ; bequeathing te;
the Church, in her government and her discipline, the legacy of his Apos
tolic labours ; leaving his Prophetic words to be her living oracles
pouring forth his blood to be the seed of a thousand Martyrdoms
Thenceforth, among the glorious company of the Apostles; among the
goodly fellowship of the Prophets, among the noble army of Martyrs,
his name has stood pre-eminent. And wheresoever the holy Church
throughout all the world doth acknowledge God, there Paul of Tarsus is
revered, as the great teacher of a universal redemption and a catholic re
ligion- — the herald of glad tidings to all mankind.
of England, and the emblem of the Order of the Garter is still to be seen among its
decorations. (See Bunsen's Beschreibung Roms, vol. iii. p. 440.) The church is de
scribed by Prudentius (Peristeph. Hym. 12) : " Titulum Panli via servat Ostiensis."
1 Eusebius (ii. 25) says that the original burial-places of Peter and Paul, in the
Catacombs (xotpyrypia), were still shown in his time. This shows the tradition on the
subject. Jerome, however, in the passage above cited, seems to make the place of
burial and execution the same. See also the following Note.

NOTE.
On certain Legends connected with St. Paul's Death.
We have not thought it right to interrupt the narrative of St. Paul's last impris
onment, by noticing the legends of the Eoman martyrology upon the subject, nor
by discussing the tradition which makes St. Peter his fellow-worker at Eome, and
the companion of his imprisonment and martyrdom. The latter tradition seems
to have grown up gradually in the Church, till at length, in the fourth century, it
was accredited by Eusebius and Jerome. If we trace it to its origin, however,
it appears to rest on but slender foundations. In the first place, we have an
undoubted testimony to the fact that St. Peter died by martyrdom, in St. John's
Gospel (Chap. xxi. 18, 19). The same fact is attested by Clemens Eomanus (a
cotemporary authority) in the passage ' which we have so often referred to. But
in neither place is it said that Eome was the scene of the Apostle's labours or
death. The earliest authority for this is Dionysius,3 Bishop of Corinth, (about
a d 17o), who calls " Peter and Paul " the "founders of the Corinthian and Roman
1 Clem. Rom. i. 5.
• The passage of Ignatius (ep. ad Rom. c. 4) sometimes quoted is quite inconclusiva
(oiK ug Tlirpog koi Tlavkog SiaTaooopai vplv), even if it be genuine, which few pa»
bages in tho epistles of Ignatius can be confidently assumed to be.

LEGENDS CONNECTED WITH ST. TAUl's DEATH. 489
Chwchcs," and says that they both taught in Eome together, and suffered martyr-
dom " about the same time " (Kard rbv avrbv Kaipbv).' The Eoman Presbyter Caius
(about a.d. 200), in the passage to which we have already referred (p. 487, note),
mentions the tradition that Peter suffered martyrdom in tlie Vatican (which, if ho
suffered in the reign of Nero, he very probably would have done. See Tac. xv.
44, before quoted). The same tradition is confirmed by Irenseus,2 frequently
alluded to by Tertullian,3 accredited (as we have before mentioned) by Eusebius *
and Jerome,5 and followed by Lactantius,6 Orosius,7 and all subsequent writers till
tlie Reformation. This apparent weight of testimony, however, is much weak
ened by our knowledge of the facility with which unhistoric legends originate,
especially when they fall in with the wishes of those among whom they circnlate ;
and it was a natural wish of the Eoman Church to represent the " Chief of the
Apostles " as having the seat of his government, and the site of his martyrdom,
in the chief city of the world. It cannot indeed be denied, that St. Peter may
possibly have suffered martyrdom at Eome ; but the form which the tradition
assumes in the hands of Jerome, viz. that he was bishop of Eome for twenty-five
years,8 from a.d. 42 to 68, may be regarded as entirely fabulous ; for, in the first
place, it contradicts the agreement made at the Council of Jerusalem, that Peter
should work among the Jews (Gal. ii. 9 ; compare Eom. i. 13, where the Eoman
Christians are classed among Gentile churches) ; 2dly, it is inconsistent with the
First Epistle of St. Peter (which, from internal evidence, cannot have been writ-
ten so early as 42 a.d.), where we find St. Peter labouring in Mesopotamia;'
3diy, it is negatived by the silence of all St. Paul's Epistles written at Eome.
If Jerome's statement of St. Peter's Eoman Episcopate is unhistorical, his
assertion that the two Apostles suffered martyrdom on the same day "> may be
safely disregarded. We have seen that upon this tradition was grafted a legend
that St. Peter and St. Paul were fellow-prisoners in the Mamertine.11 It is like
wise commemorated by a little chapel on the Ostian Eoad, outside the gate of San
Paolo, which marks the spot where the Apostles separated on their way to death.1'
1 Dionysius, quoted in Euseb. H. E. ii. 25. * Iren. adv. Haer. iii. 3.
3 Tertull. Scorp. 15, and Prescript, adv. Haer. 36.
' In the place before cited, and in his Chronicon.
» See above, p. 487, note. e De Mort. Persec. 2. * Hist. vii. 7.
8 Jerome says that St. Peter "secundo Claudii anno ad expngnandum Simonem
magum Romum pergit " (Hieron. Sc. Ecc. sub Petro). Wieseler has shown how this
notion probably originated from Justin's well-known mistake of Semo Sancus for
Simon Magus (Wieseler, p. 572, &c.).
0 It is scarcely necessary to notice the hypothesis that in 1 Pet. v. 13, where St
Peter sends salutations from " Babylon," he uses Babylon for Rome. We know from
Josephus and Philo that Babylon in the Apostolic age contained an immense Jewish
population, which formed a fitting field for the labours of St. Peter, the apostle of the
circumcision. See Wieseler, p. 557, note 1.
10 See the passage cited above, p. 487, note.
" See Martyrology of Baronius (Par. 1607) under March 14 (the passage before re
ferred to, p. 467, note). " Romss natalis sanctorum quadraginta septem martyrum
qui baptizati sunt a B. Apostolo Petro, cum teneretur in custodia Mamertini cum co-
apostolo suo Paulo, ubi novem menses detenti sunt." How obviously irreconcilable
is this with 2 Tim. iv. 11, " Luke alone is with me."
'' Beschreibung Roms, vol. iii. p. 439.

490 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
St. Peter's martyrdom is commemorated at Eome, not only by the great basilica
Which bears his name, but also by the little church of Domine quo vadh on the
Appian Way, which is connected with one of the most beautiful legends » of the
martyrology. This legend may be mentioned in advantageous contrast with that
connected with the supposed site of St. Paul's death, marked by the church of S.
Paolo die tre fontane. According to the latter, these three fountains sprang up
miraculously " abscisso Pauli capite triplici saltu sese sustollente." ' The legend
goes on to say, that a noble matron named Lucina buried the body of St. Paul
on her own land, beside the Ostian Eoad.
1 The legend is that St. Peter, through fear of martyrdom, was leaving Rome by the
Appian Road in the early dawn, when he met our Lord, and, casting himself at the
feet of his Master, asked him " Domine quo vadis ?" To which the Lord replied,
" Venio iterum crucifigi." _The disciple returned, penitent and ashaiued, and was mar
tyred. * See the Acta Sanctorum, vol. vii., under June 29, in the " Acta S. Pauli Apostoli "
The place is described as being " Ad Salvias Aquas, tertio ab Urbe lapide."

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 431

CHAPTER XXVjTL
HE BEING DEAD YET SPEAKETH. (Heb. XI. 4.)
Et ng ovv iKKkyaia ixei ravryv ti)v hrusrbkyv ug Havkov, airy ebSoKipeirtt
KttX iirl Toirtp  rig Si b ypdipag rijv liriarbkyv, rb piv ukyBeg Qebg otSev.
(Oeioexes ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 25.)
"Ad Hebraeos epistolam Pauli, sive cnjuscunque alterius earn esse putna,"
(Bjekontmbs, Comm. in Titum, c. 2.)
TBS EPISTLE TO THE BEBREWS.—TIS INSPIRATION NOT AFFECTED BY THE DOUBTS CON
CERNING ITS AUTHORSHIP.— ITS ORIGINAL READERS,— CONFLICTING TESTIMONY OF TILE
PRIMITIVE CHURCH CONCERNING ITS AUTHOR— HIS OBJECT IN WRITING IT.— TRANSLA
TION OF THE EPISTLE.
The origin and history of the Epistle to the Hebrews was a subject of
controversy even in the second century. There is no portion of the New
Testament whose authorship is so disputed ; nor any of which the inspira
tion is more indisputable. The early Church could not determine whether
it was written by Barnabas, by Luke, by Clement, or by Paul. Since
the Reformation still greater diversity of opinion has prevailed. Luther
assigned it to Apollos, Calvin to a disciple of the Apostles. The Church
of Rome now maintains by its infallibility the Pauline authorship of the
Epistle, which in the second, third, and fourth centuries, the same Church,
with the same infallibility, denied. But notwithstanding these doubts
concerning the origin of this canonical book, its inspired authority is be
yond all doubt. It is certain, from internal evidence, that it was written
by a cotemporary of the Apostles, and before the destruction of Jerusa
lem ; ' that its writer was the friend of Timotheus ; * and that he was the
teacher 3 of one of the Apostolic Churches. Moreover the Epistle was
received by the Oriental Church as canonical from the first.4 Every
sound reasoner must agree with St. Jerome,5 that it matters nothing
1 See Heb. vii. 25. xiii. 11-13, and other passages which speak of the Temple services
us going on.'
' See xiii. 23. 3 See xiii. 19, diroKaraaraBu iplv.
4 Clemens Alex. ap. Euseb. (H. E. vi. 14) ; Orig. ap. Euseb. (H. E. vi. 25) ; and the
passages of St. Jerome quoted below.
8 " niud nostris dicendum est, banc epistolam quae inscribitur ad Hebrmos non solum
ab ecclesiis orientis, sed ab omnibus retro ecclesiasticis Grceci sermonis scriptonbui

492 THE LTFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
whether it were written by Luke, by Barnabas, or by Paul, since it is
allowed to be the production of the Apostolic age, and has been read in
the public service of the Church from the earliest times. Those, there
fore, who conclude with Calvin, that it was not written by St. Paul, must
also join with him in thinking the question of its authorship a question of
little moment, and in " embracing it without controversy as one of the
Apostolical Epistles." '
But when we call it an Epistle, we must observe that it is distin
guished, by one remarkable peculiarity, from other .compositions which
bear that name. In ancient no less than in modern times, it was an essen
tial feature of an epistle, that it should be distinctly addressed, by the
writer, to some definite individual, or body of individuals ; and a compo
sition which bore on its surface neither the name of its writer; nor an ad
dress to any particular readers, would then, as now, have been called
rather a treatise than a letter. It was this peculiarity s in the portion of
Scripture now before us, which led to some of the doubts and perplexities
concerning it which existed in the earliest times. Yet, on the other hand,
we cannot consider it merely as a treatise or discourse ; because we find
certain indications of an epistolary nature, which show that it was origi
nally addressed not to the world in general, nor to all Christians, nor even
to all Jewish Christians, but to certain individual readers closely and per
sonally connected with the writer.
Let us first examine these indications, and consider how far they
tend to ascertain the readers for whom this Epistle was originally
designed. In the first place, it may be held as certain that the Epistle was ad
dressed to Hebrew Christians. Throughout its pages theie is not a single
reference to any other class of converts. Its readers are assumed to be
familiar with the Levitical worship, the Temple services, and all the insti
tutions of the Mosaic ritual. They are in danger of apostasy to Judaism,
yet are not warned (like the Galatians and others) against circumcision ;
plainly because they were already circumcised. They are called to view
in Christianity the completion and perfect consummation of Judaism.
They are called to behold in Christ the fulfilment of the Law, in His per-
quasi Paun apostoli suscipi, licet plerique earn vel Barnabas vel Clementis arbitrentur;
et nihil ixteresse cujus sit, cum ecclesiastici viri sit et quotidie ecclesiarum lectione
celebretur. ' Hieron. Ep. ad Dardanum, 129.
i "Ego earn inter Apostolicas sine controversia amplector. . . . Quis porro earn
composucrit non magnopere curandum est  Ego ut Paulum agnoscam auctorem,
odduci nequeo." — Calvin, in Ep. ad Heb.
* We need scarcely remark that the inscription which the Epistle at present bears
was not a part of the original document. It is well known that the titles of all the
Epistles were of later origin ; and the title by which this was first known was mcrsij
vpbg 'EBoaiovg, and not Havkov irpbg 'Eftpatovg.

THE BEADEES OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 493
sou the antitype of the priesthood, in His offices the eternal realisation of
the sacrificial and mediatorial functions of the Jewish hierarchy.
Yet, as we have said above, this work is not a treatise addressed to all
Jewish Christians throughout the world, but to *>ne particular Church,
concerning which we learn the following facts : — First, its members had
stedfastly endured persecution and the loss of property ; secondly, they
had shewn sympathy to their imprisoned brethren and to Christians gene
rally (x. 32-34 and vi. 10) ; thirdly, they were now in danger of apostasy,
and had not yet resisted unto blood (xii. 3-4 ; see also v. 11, &c, vi. 9,
&c.) ; fourthly, their church had existed for a considerable length of time
(v. 12), and some of its chief pastors were dead (xiii. 1) ; fifthly, their
prayers are demanded for the restoration lo them of the writer of the Epis
tle, who was therefore personally connected with them (xiii. 19) ; sixthly,
they were acquainted with Timotheus, who was about to visit them (xiii.
23) ; seventhly, the arguments addressed to them presuppose a power on
their part of appreciating that spiritualising and allegorical interpretation
of the Old Testament which distinguished the Alexandrian ' School of
Jewish Theology ; eighthly, they must have been familiar with the Scrip
tures in the Septuagint version, because every one of the numerous quota
tions is taken from that version, even where it differs materially from tbe
Hebrew ; ninthly, the language in which they are addressed is Hellenistic
Greek, and not Aramaic.3
It has been concluded by the majority, both of ancient and modern
critics, that the church addressed was that of Jerusalem, or at least was
situate in Palestine. In favour of this view it is urged, first, that no
church out of Palestine could have consisted so exclusively of Jewish
converts. To this it may be replied that the Epistle, though addressed
only to Jewish converts, and contemplating their position and their
dangers exclusively, might still have been sent to a church which coc-
1 The resemblance between the Epistle to the Hebrews and the writings of Philo is
most striking. It extends not only to the general points mentioned in the text, but to
particular doctrines and expressions : the parallel passages are enumerated by Bleek.
a It may be considered as an established point, that the Greek Epistle which we
now have is the original. Some of the early fathers thought that the original had
been written in Aramaic ; but the origin of this tradition seems to have been, 1st, the
belief that the Epistle was written by St. Paul, combined with the perception of its
dissimilarity in style to his writings ; and 2ndly, the belief that it was addressed to the
Palestinian Church. That the present Epistle is not a translation from an Aramaic
original i3 proved, 1st, by the quotation of the Septuagint argumentatively, where it
Uififers from the Hebrew ; for instance, Heb. x. 38 : 2ndly, by the paronomasias upon
Greek words, which could not be translated into Aramaic, e. g. that on SiaByKy
(ix. 16) ; 3rdly, by the free use of Greek compounds, such as irokvpepug, diraiyacpa,
ciirepiaTarog, &c., which could only be expressed in Aramaic by awkward periphrases;
4th, by the fact that even the earliest writers had never seen a copy of the supposed
Aramaic original. Its existence was only hypothetical from the first.

494 THE LIFE AND EPIBTLES OF ST. PAUL.
tained Gentile converts also. In fact, even in the church of Jerusalem
ftself there must have been some converts from among the Gentile so
journers who lived in that city ; so that the argument proves too much.
Moreover, it is not necessary that every discourse addressed to a mixed
congregation should discuss the position of every individual member. If
an overwhelming majority belong to a particular class, the minority is
often passed over in addresses directed to the whole body. Again, the
Epistle may have been intended for the Hebrew members only of some
particular church, which contained also Gentile members ; and this would
perhaps explain the absence of the usual address and salutation at the
commencement. Secondly, it is urged that none but Palestinian Jews
would have felt the attachment to the Levitical ritual implied in the
readers of this Epistle. But we do not see why the same attachment
may not have been felt in every great community of Hebrews ; nay, we
know historically that no Jews were more devotedly attached to the Tem-
¦ole worship than those of the dispersion, who were only able to visit the
Temple itself at distant intervals, but who still looked to it as the central
point of their religious unity and of their national existence.1 Thirdly, it
is alleged that many passages seem to imply readers who had the Temple
services going on continually under their eyes. The whole of the ninth
and tenth chapters speak of the Levitical ritual in a manner which natu
rally suggests this idea. On the other hand it may be argued, that such
passages imply no more than that amount of familiarity which might be
presupposed, in those who were often in the habit of going up to the great
feasts at Jerusalem.3
Thus, then, we cannot see that the Epistle must necessarily have been
addressed to Jews of Palestine, because addressed to Hebrews? And,
moreover, if we examine the preceding nine conditions which must be sar
tisfied by its readers, we shall find some of them which could scarcely
apply to the church of Jerusalem, or any other church in Palestine.
Thus we have seen that the Palestinian Church was remarkable
for its poverty, and was the recipient of the bounty of other
churches ; whereas those addressed here are themselves the liberal
benefactors of others. Again, those here addressed have not yet re
sisted unto blood; whereas the Palestinian Church had produced many
martyrs, in several persecutions. Moreover, the Palestinian4 Jew«
1 They shewed this by the large contributions which they sent to the Temple from
all countries where they were dispersed ; see above, p. 369.
3 We cannot agree with Ebrard, that the Epistle contains indications that the Cbri*
tians addressed had been excluded from the Temple.
3 Bleek and De Wette have urged the title irpbg 'Eflpaiovg to prove the same point
But Wieseler (p. 485-488) has conclusively shewn that Ejipaiog was applied as pro
perly to Hebrews of the dispersion, as to Hebrews of Palestine.
< Cultivated individuals at Jerusalem (ag, for instance, the pupils of Gamaliel)

THE EEADEE8 OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 495
would hardly be addressed in a style of reasoning adapted to minds im
bued with Alexandrian culture. Finally, a letter to the church of Pales
tine would surely have been written in the language of Palestine ; or, at
least, when the Scriptures of Hebraism were appealed to, they would, not
have been quoted from the Septuagint version, where it differs from tkt
Hebrew. These considerations (above all, the last) seem to negative the hypo
thesis that this Epistle was addressed to a church situate in the Holy
Land ; and the latter portion of them point to another church, from which
we may more plausibly conceive it to have been intended, namely, that of
Alexandria.1 Such a supposition would at once account for the Alexan
drian tone of thought and reasoning, and for the quotations from the Sep
tuagint ; * while the wealth of the Alexandrian Jews would explain the
liberality here commended ; and the immense Hebrew population of Alex
andria would render it natural that the Epistle should contemplate the
Hebrew Christians alone in that church, wherein there may perhaps at
first have been as few Gentile converts as in Jerusalem itself. It must be
remembered, however, that this is only an hypothesis,3 offered as being
embarrassed with 'fewer difficulties than any other which has been pro
posed. Such then being the utmost which we can ascertain concerning the
readers of the Epistle, what can we learn of its writer ? Let us first ex
amine the testimony of the Primitive Church on this question. It is well
summed up by St. Jerome in the following passage : 4 — "That which is
called the Epistle to the Hebrews is thought not to be Paul's, because of
would have fully entered into such reasoning ; but it would scarcely have been ad
dressed to the mass of Jewish believers. Bleek (as we have before observed) has
shewn many instances of parallelism between the Epistle to the Hebrews and the
writings of Philo, the representative of Alexandrian Judaism.
1 The canon of Muratori mentions an epistle ad Alexandrinos (which it rejects),
and takes no notice of any epistle ad Hebraos. We cannot prove, however, that this
epistle ad Alexandrinos was the same with our Epistle to the Hebrews.
* Bleek has endeavoured to prove (and we think successfully) that these are not
only from the LXX., but from the Alexandrian MSS. of the LXX. But wc do not
insist on this argument, as it is liable to some doubt.
3 It is to be regretted that Wieseler should have encumbered his able arguments in
defence of this hypothesis (originally suggested by Schmidt) by maintaining that the
constant allusions to the Temple and hierarchy in this Epistle refer to the Egyptian
temple built by Onias at Leontopolis. This hypothesis is sufficiently refuted by Wie-
eeler's own admission (501), that even Philo the Alexandrian, when speaking of the
Temple, knows but one, viz. the Temple on Mount Zion.
; * "Epistola quae fertur ad Hebrceos non ejus [Pauli] creditur propter stili sermon-
isque distantiam ; sed vel Barnabae (juxta Tertullianum) ; vel Lucae evangelistas
(juxta quosdam) ; vel dementis (Romanae postea ecclesiae episcopi) quem aiunt sen-
tentias Pauli proprio ordinasse et ornasse sermone ; vel certe, quia Paulus scribebal
ad Eebraeos, et propter invidiam sui apud eos nomlnis, titulum in principio saluta
tionis amputaverat." — Hieron. Catal. Script

496 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
the difference of style and language, but is ascribed either to Barnabu
(according to Tertullian), or to Luke the Evangelist (according to some
authorities), or to Clement (afterwards Bishop of Rome), who is said to
have arranged and adorned Paul's sentiments in his own language ; or at
least it is thought that Paul abstained from the inscription of his name at
its commencement, because it was addressed to the Hebrews, among whom
he was unpopular." Here then we find that the Epistle was ascribed to
four different writers— St. Barnabas, St. Luke, St. Clement, or St. Paul
With regard to the first, Tertullian expressly says that copies of the Epis
tle in his day bore the inscription, " the Epistle of Barnabas to the He
brews." ' The same tradition is mentioned by Philastrius.1 The opinion
that either Luke or Clement was the writer is mentioned by Clement of
Alexandria,2 Origen,3 and others ; but they seem not to have considered
Luke or Clement as the independent authors of the Epistle, but only as
editors of the sentiments of Paul. Some held that Luke had only trans
lated the Pauline original ; others that he or Clement had systematised-
the teaching of their master with a commentary 4 of their own. Fourthly,
St. Paul was held to .be, in some sense, the author of the Epistle, by the
Greek 5 ecclesiastical writers generally ; though no one, so far as we
know, maintained that he had written it in its present form. On the other
hand, the Latin Church, till the fourth century, refused to acknowledge
the Epistle 6 as Paul's in any sense.
Thus there were, in fact, only two persons whose claim to the indepen
dent authorship of the Epistle was maintained in the Primitive Church,
viz. St. Barnabas and St. Paul. Those who contend that Barnabas was
the author, confirm the testimony of Tertullian by the following argu
ments from internal evidence. First, Barnabas was a Levite, and there
fore would naturally dwell on the Levitical worship which forms so pro
minent a topic of this Epistle. Secondly, Barnabas was a native of
1 Extat enim et Barnard: titulus ad Hebbjeos." — De Pudic. 20. " Sunt alii quoquo
qui epistolam Pauli ad Hebraeos non adserunt esse ipsius, sed dicunt aut Barnaba! esse
apostoli aut," &c. — Philast. Hasres. 89.
' Tijv trpbg 'Efipaiovg liriarbkyv Xlavkov phi elvai tyyai, yeypdtpBai Si 'Edpaioit
'EfipaiKy ifiuvy. Aovxdv Si ft^oripug airyv peBeppyvevaavra, tKSovvat rolg "Ekkyoiv.
— Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 14.
3 After stating that the style is admitted not to be that of St. Paul, Origen adds hia
own opinion that the Epistle was written by some disciple of St. Paul, who recorded
the sentiments (rd voypara) of the Apostle, and commented like a scholiast (t'-taireoel
axokioypafyaavrog) upon the teaching of his master. Then follows the passag" which
we have prefixed to this chapter as a motto ; after which he mentions the tradition
about Clement and Luke.— Origenes, ap. Euseb. Hist. Ec. vi. 25.
4 See the preceding note.
6 See the passage quoted above from Jerome's Epistle to Dardanus.
• Even Cyprian rejected it (De Exhort. Mart, cap. xi.), and Hilary is the first wrttrt
of the Western Church who received it as St. Paul's.

THE WHITER OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 497
Cyprus, and Cyprus was peculiarly connected with Alexandria ; so that
a Cyprian Levite would most probably receive his theological education
at Alexandria. This would agree with the Alexandrian character of the
argumentation of this Epistle. Thirdly, the writer of the Epistle was a
friend of Timotheus (see above) ; so was Barnabas (cf. Acts xiii. and
xiv. with 2 Tim. iii. 11). Fourthly, the Hebraic appellation which Bar
nabas received from the Apostles — " Son of Exhortation" < — shews that
he possessed the gift necessary for writing a composition distinguished for
the power of its hortatory admonitions.
The advocates of the Pauline authorship urge, in addition to the
external testimony which we have before mentioned, the following argu
ments from internal evidence. First, that the general plan of the Epistle
is similar to that of Paul's other writings ; secondly, that its doctrinal
statements, are identical with Paul's ; thirdly, that there are many points
of similarity between its phraseology and diction and those of Paul.2 On
the other hand, the opponents of the Pauline origin argue, first, that the
rhetorical character of the composition is altogether unlike Paul's other
writings ; secondly, that there are many points of difference in the phra
seology and diction ; thirdly, that the quotations of the Old Testament
are not made in the same form as Paul's ;3 fourthly, that the writer in
cludes himself among those who had received the Gospel from the original
disdples of the Lord Jesus (ii. '3),4 whereas St. Paul declares that the
Gospel was not taught him by man, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ
(Gal. i. 11, 12) ; fifthly, that St. Paul's Epistles always begin with his
name, and always specify in the salutation the persons to whom they are
addressed.5 1 The name is translated by Winer, Sohn kraf tiger religiiiser Ansprache, and is
derived from gM = irpo^yreieiv, or irapajcakeiv. See Winer's Realworterbuch, and
Wahl's Lexicon in voce, and Vol. I. p. 117, note 5.
3 The ablest English champion of the Pauline authorship is Dr. Davidson, who has
stated the arguments on both sides with that perfect candour which so peculiarly dis
tinguishes him among theological writers. See Davidson's Introduction, vol. iii. p.
163-259. Ebrard, in his recent work on the Epistle, argues plausibly in favour of the
hypothesis mentioned above, that it was written by St. Luke, under the direction of St.
Paul. He modifies this hypothesis by supposing Luke to receive Paul's instructions
at Rome, and then to write the Epistle in some other part of Italy. We think, how
ever, that the argument on which he mainly relies (viz. that the writer of xiii. 1&
could not have been the writer of xiii. 23) is untenable.
* It should be observed that the three preceding arguments do not contradict the
primitive opinion that the Epistle contained the embodiment of St. Paul's senti
ments by the pen of Luke or Clement.
4 Some have argued that this could not have been said by Barnabas, because tney
receive the tradition mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, that Barnabas was one ot
the seventy disciples of Christ. But this tradition seems to have arisen from a confu
sion between Barnabas and Barsabas (Acts i. 23). Tertullian speaks of Barnabas as a
disciple of the Apostles, " qui ab Apostolis didicit."— De Pudic. c. 20.
' We have not mentioned here the mistakes which some suppose the writer to havo
vol II. — 32

498 THE LD7E AND EPISTLES OF BT. PAUL.
Several very able modern critics have agreed with Luther in assigning
the authorship of this Epistle to'Apollos, chiefly because we know him tc
have been a learned Alexandrian Jew,1 and because he fulfils the other
conditions mentioned above, as required by the internal evidence. But
we need not dwell on this opinion, since it is not based on external tes
timony, and since Barnabas fulfils the requisite conditions almost equally
well, Finally, we may observe that, notwithstanding the doubts which we
have recorded, we need not scruple to speak of this portion of Scripture
by its canonical designation, as "the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to >the
Hebrews." We have seen that Jerome expresses the greatest doubts
concerning its authorship ; and that Origen says, " the writer is known to
God alone :" the same doubts are expressed by Eusebius and by Augus
tine ; yet all these great writers refer to the words of the Epistle as
the words of Paul. In fact, whether written by Barnabas, by Luke, by
Clement, or by Apollos, it represented the views, and was impregnated
by the influence, of the great Apostle, whose disciples even the chief of
these apostolic men might well be called. By their writings, no less than
by his own, he being dead yet spake.
We have seen that the Epistle to the Hebrews was addressed to
Jewish converts, who were tempted to apostatise from Christianity, and
return to Judaism. Its primary object was to check this apostasy, by
shewing them the true end and meaning of the Mosaic system, and its
symbolical and transitory character. They were taught to look through
the shadow to the substance, through the type to the antitype. But the
treatise, though first called forth to meet the needs of Hebrew converts,
was not designed for their instruction only. The Spirit of God has chosen
this occasion to enlighten the Universal Church concerning the design of
the ancient covenant, and the interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures.
Nor could the memory of St. Paul be enshrined in a nobler monument,
nor his mission on earth be more fitly closed, than by this inspired record
of the true subordination of Judaism to Christianity.
made concerning the internal arrangements of the Temple and the official duties of the
High Priest. These difficulties will be discussed in the notes upon the passages where
they occur. They are not of a kind which tend to fix the authorship of the Fr-istk
upon one more than upon another of those to whom it has been assigned.
1 Acts xviii 24.

EFISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 49U
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBEEWS.'
I. 1 God,2 who at sundry times and in divers man- God has re-
i l- i i j- i it sealed Himself
ners spake ot old to our fathers by the prophets, finally to man,.
* *¦ in tho pel-sou
2 hath3 in these last days " spoken to us by6 His Son, otHl3 Sos-
whom He appointed heir of all things, by whom also He made
3 the universe ; 6 who being an emanation ' of His glory, and an
express 8 image of His substance,3 and upholding all things by
the word of His power, when He had by Himself made purifi
cation "•' for our sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty
4 on high; being made so much greater than the angels, as He
hath by inheritance obtained a more excellent name than they
5 For to which of the Angels " said He at any who is highei
° ^ than the An-
time, " Thou art my son, this day have L begotten sels-
' We have the following circumstances to fix the date of this Epistle : —
(1) The Temple of Jerusalem was standing, and the services going on undisturbed
jvii. 25. xiii. 11-13). Hence it was written before the destruction of the Temple in
i.d. 70.
(2) lis author was at liberty in Italy ; and Timotheus was just liberated from im
prisonment (xiii. 23, 24). If St. Paul wrote it, this would fix the date at 63 ; but as
we do not hear that Timotheus was then imprisoned in Italy (either in Acts, or in the
Epistles to Timothy, where allusions might be expected to the fact), it would seem
more probable that his imprisonment here mentioned took place about the time of St,
Paul's death ; and that he was liberated after the death of Nero. This would place
the date of the Epistle in A.n. 68 or 69.
(3) This date agrees with ii. 3, which places the readers of the Epistle among those
who had not seen our Lord in the flesh ; for ypelg there plainly includes the readers as
well as the writer.
' In order to mark the difference of style and character between this and the pre
ceding Epistles, the translator has in this Epistle adhered as closely as possible to the
language of the authorised version.
3 The Hellenistic peculiarity of using the aorist for the perfect (which is not un
common in St Paul's writings, see Rom. xi. 30, and Phil. iii. 12) is very frequent in
this Epistle.
4 'Ett' ioxdrov is the reading of , the best MSS. It should perhaps rather be trans
lated, " in the end of these days," these days being contrasted with the future period
6 pikkuv aluv.
5 'Ev is more than " by " (so in the preceding verse) ; in the person of His Son
Tould be more accurate.
6 ToOf aluvag : so xi. 3.
7 'Airavyaapa, not " brightness " (A. V.), but emanation, as of light from the sun
The word and idea occur in Philo.
8 XapaKryp, literally, impression, as of a seal on wax. The same expression is used
Dy Philo concerning b dtSwg kbyog.
9 "Xirbaraaig, not "person " (A. V.), but substance. Cf. xi. 1 ; and see note on
hi. 14.
0 The Si' iavrov and ypuv of T. R. are not found m some of the best MSS.
' The Law (according to a Jewish tradition frequently confirmed in the New Tea

500 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
thee ; ' and again, "I will be to him a father, and he shall be to
me a son."1 But when He bringeth back3 the First-begotten e
into the world, He saith, "And let all the angels of God wor
ship him." * And of the angels He saith, " Who maheth his 7
' angels spirits, and his ministers flames of fire." " But unto the
Son He saith, "Thy throne, 0 God, is for ever and ever ; a 8
sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of thy Tci:igdom. Thou
hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity. Therefore, God, 9
even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above
thy fellows." e And "Thou, Lord, in the beginning didst 10
lay the foundation of the earth, and the heavens are the
works of thine, hands. They shall p&rish, but thou remainest; 11
and they all shall wax old as doth a garment, and as a ves- 12
ture shalt thou fold them up and they shall be changed;
but thou art the same, and thy years shall not fail." '
But to which of the angels hath He said at any time, " Sit 13
thou on my right hand, until L make thy enemies thy foot
stool." 8 Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to cxe- 14
cute His service, for 9 the sake of those who shall inherit salva
tion? tament) was delivered by angels (Acts vii. 53. Gal. iii. 19. Heb. ii. 3). Hence the
emphasis here laid upon the inferiority of the angels to the Messiah, whence follows
the inferiority of the Law to the Gospel. This inference is expressed ii. 3.
' Ps. ii. 7. (LXX.)
1 2 Sam. vii. 14 (LXX.) (originally spoken of Solomon, in whom we sec <t type of
Christ. Cf. Ps. lxxii.)
3 *Orav irdkiv elaaydyy, literally, when he shall have brought back, quum rursus
introduxerit, not iterum, quum introducit. (De Wette contra Bleek.) The ascen
sion of Christ having been mentioned, His return to judge the world follows.
4 This quotation forms an exception to Bleek's assertion that the quotations in this
Epistle are always from the Alexandrian text of the LXX. It is from Deut. xxxii. 43,
verbatim according to the MSS. followed by the T. R. ; but not according to the
Codex Alex., which reads viol, instead of dyyekoi. The LXX. here differs from the
Hebrew, which entirely omits the words here quoted. The passage where the quota
tion occurs is at the conclusion of the final song of Moses, where he is describing God's
vengeance upon His enemies. It seems here to be applied in a higher sense to the
last judgment.
» Ps. civ. 4. Quoted according to LXX. The Hebrew is, " Who maketh the winds
his messengers, and the flames his ministers." But the thought expressed here is, that
God employs His angels in the physical operations of the universe. Jlvevpara is
equivalent to dvepoi, as at John iii. 8 and Gen. viii. 1. (LXX.)
e Ps. xiv. 6-7. (LXX.)
i Ps. cii. 26-28. (LXX.) It is most important to observe that this deicriptior,
applied in the original to God, is here without hesitation applied to Christ.
s Ps. ex. 1. (LXX.) Applied to the Messiah by our Lord himself, by St. Peter
(Acts ii. 35), and by St. Paul (1 Cor. xv. 25).
i The A. V. '• to minister for them," is incorrect

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 501
IT 1 Therefore, we ought to give the more earnest heed to the
Uiings which we have heard, lest at anj time we should let
2 them slip.' For if the word declared by angels" was stedfast,
and every transgression and disobedience received a due re-
3 quital ; how shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation i
which was declared at first by the Lord, and was established '
4 unto us * on firm foundations by those who heard Him, God
also bearing them witness both with signs and wonders and
divers miracles, and with gifts of the Holy Spirit, which He
distributed 6 according to His own will.
5 For not unto angels hath He subjected the world 6 to come,
6 whereof we speak. But one in a certain place testified, saying,
"What is man that thou art mindful of him, or the son cf
1 man that thou regardest him ? For a little 7 while thou hast
made him lower than the angels; thou hast crowned him
8 with glory and honour ;s thou hast put all things in subjeo
tion under his feet." 9 For in that He "put all things in sub
jection " under Him, He left nothing that should not be put
under Him.
But now we see not yet all things in subjection Thehumiha-
9 under Him. But we behold Jesus, who was "for was needful,
" that He might
a Utile while made lower than the angels," crown- b« consecrates
u ' by sufferings as
ed through l0 the suffering of death with glory and Hi«h Priest for
o o o «/ man.
honour; that by the free gift of God He might
1 The active signification here given in A. V. is defended by Buttinan and Wahl.
See Wahl in voce irapajip'eu.
' Viz. the Mosaic Law. See the note on i. 5.
3 'EfieQaiuBy, was established on firm ground.
4 On the inferences from this verse, see above, p. 499.
5 Meptapolg. Cf. 1 Cor. xii. 11.
6 The world to eome here corresponds with the pekkovaav irokiv of xiii. 14. The
•abjection of this to the Messiah (though not yet accomplished, see verse 9) waa
another proof of His superiority to the angels.
' 'Bpaxv n may mean in a small degree, or for a short time ; the former is the
meaning of the Hebrew original, but the latter meaning is taken here, as we see from
verse 9th.
8 The T. R. inserts xal Karearyaag airdv iirl rd Ipya tuv xeipuv aov, but this it
not found in the best MSS.
9 Ps. viii. 5-7. (LXX.) Quoted also (with a slight variation) as referring to oar
Lord, 1 Cor. xv. 27, and Eph. i. 22. The Hebrew Psalmist speaks of mankind ; tie
New Testament 'teaches us to apply his words in a higher sense to Christ, the repre
tentative of glorified humanity.
» Compare Phil. ii. 8-9.

.. 502 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
taste death for all men. For it became Him, through ' whom to
are all things, and by whom are all things, in bringing2 many
sons unto glory, to consecrate 3 by sufferings the captain 4 of
their salvation.
For both He that sanctifieth, and they who are b sanctified, n
have all one Father ; wherefore, He is not ashamed to call them
brethren, saying, "/ will declare thy name to my brethren, mu
the midst of the congregation will I sing praises unto thee:'' *
And* again, " I will put my trust in him ; lo, Land the child- 13
ren which God hath given me."7 Forasmuch then as " the child- u
ren" are partakers of flesh and blood, He also himself likewise
took part of the same, that by death He might destroy the
lord of death, that is, the Devil ; and might deliver them who 15
through fear of death were all their lifetime subject to bondage.
For He giveth His aid,8 not unto angels, but unto the seed of 16
Abraham. Wherefore, it behoved Him in all things to be 17
made like unto His brethren, that He might become a merci
ful * and faithful High Priest in the things of God, to make
expiation for the sins of the people. For whereas He hath him- is
self been tried 10 by suffering, He is able to succour them that
are in trial.
1 Compare Rom. xi. 36, and 1 Cor. viii. 6. God is here described as the First
Cause (Si' ov), and the sustainer (Si' oi) of the universe.
2 'Aydyovre is here used for dydyovri. So SiaKpivbpevov, Acts xi. 12..
3 Tckeiuoai, literally, to bring to the appointed accomplishment, to develope the
full idea of the character, to consummate. The latter word would be the best trans
lation, if it were not so unusual as applied to persons ; but the word consecrate is often
used in the same sense, and is employed in the A. V. as a translation of this verb;
vii. 28.
4 'Apxyybv. The auZbpevoi are here represented as an army, with Jesus leading
them on. Compare xii. 2.
0 'Ayta^bpevot, literally, who are in the process of sanctification.
- Ps. xxii. 23. (LXX. with dirayyeku for Siyyyaopat.) Here again the Messianic
application of this Psalm (which is not apparent in the original) is very instructive.
' This quotation from Is. viii. 17-18 (LXX.). appears in English to be broken into
two (which destroys the sense), if the intermediate Kal irdkiv be translated. Indeed,
it may well be suspected that it has here been introduced into the MSS., by an error
of transcription, from the line above.
8 'EirtkapPdveo&M. means to assist here. So it is used in Sirach iv. 12. The A. V.
mistrar slates the present tense as past.
8 Perhaps it would be more correct to translate that he might become merciful, and
a faithful, &c.
10 Literally, hath suffered when in trial. TletpufroBat does not mean usually to be
tempted to sin, but to be tried by affliction, " calamitatibus exerceri." (Wahl.) Cf.
1 Cor. x. 13, and James i. 2. Hence it is better not to translate it by temptation,
which, in modern English, conveys only the former idea. A perplexity may perhapi

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 503
HI. 1 "Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of a hea- chnstishighe.
\enly calling, consider the apostle > and High Priest
2 of our3 Confession, Christ3 Jesus; who was faithful to Him that
appointed Him, as Moses also was "faithful in all the household
3 of God." 4 For greater glory is due to Him than unto Moses, in
asmuch as the founder of the household is honoured above the
4 household. For every household hath some founder ; but he
5 that hath founded all things is God. And Moses indeed was
"faithful in all the household of God " as " a Servant " '- ap
pointed to testify the words that should be spoken [unto hiin] :
6 but Christ as " a Son " u over His own household.
And His household are we, if we hold fast our wam'ng against
confidence, and the rejoicing of our hope, firmly unto
7 the end. Wherefore, as the Holy Spirit saith, " To-day if ye
8 will hear his voice, harden not your hearts as in the provocation
9 in the day cf temptation in the wilderness; when your jathei's
10 tempted Tne, proved me, and saw my works forty years. Where
fore L was grieved with that generation, and said, They do
always err in their hearts, and they 1 have not known my ways.
11 So L swore in my wrath, they shall not enter into my rest.""
12 Take heed, brethren, lest there be in any of you an evil heart
13 of unbelief, in departing from the living God. But exhort
one another daily while it is called To-day, lest any of you
14 be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin. For we are made
partakers 9 of Christ, if we hold our first foundation "> firmly
unto the end.
be removed from some English readers by the information that St. James's direction
to " count it all joy when we fall into divers temptations," is, in reality, an admoni
tion to rejoice in suffering for Christ's sake.
1 A-barokog is here used in its etymological sense for one sent forth.
' For bpokoyla compare iv. 14 and x. 23.
1 We have not departed here from the T. R. ; but the best MSS. omit Xpiorov.
' Numbers xii. 7. (LXX.) '0 ¦8-epdiruv pov Muvayg hi bkip rip olxip pov iriaroi
t<r'-„ The metaphor is of a faithful steward presiding ov,er his master's household
(r&Kog, not oUia).
s Qcpdiruv, quoted from the same verse, Numbers xii. 7. (LXX.) (See above.)
6 See the quotations in i. 5 ' Airol Si (emphatic).
8 The above quotation is from Ps. xcv. 7-11, mainly according to the Codex Alexan-
drinus of the LXX., but not entirely so, the Teaoapaxovra try interpolated in verse
9th being the principal, though not the only variation. The peculiar use of et here
(and iv. 3) is a Hebraism.
9 Mimxoi. Compare iii. 1 and vi. 4 (perbxovg irvevparog >
io Ti)v upxyv i% iiroordoeug; literally, the beginning of our foundation. The
orisdnil meaning of iirbaraaig is that whereon anything else stands, or is supported j

504 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
When it is said, " To-day, if ye will hear his voue, harden
not your hearts as in the provocation," — who » were they that, 16
though they had heard, did provoke ? Were they not all3
whom Moses brought forth out of Egypt ? And with whom was 17
He grieved forty years ? Was it not with them that had sinned,
whose carcases 3 fell in the wilderness ? And to whom sware 18
He that they should not enter into His rest, but to them that
were disobedient "i" And 6 we see that they could not enter in 19
[to the land of promise] because of unbelief.6 IV.
Therefore let us fear, since a promise still » remaineth of l
entering into His rest, lest any of you should be found 8 to come
short of it. For we have received glad tidings as well as they ; 2
but the report which they heard did not profit them, because
it 9 met no belief in the hearers. For we, that have believed,' 3
are entering into the [promised] rest. And thus He hath said,
" So L sware in my wrath, tlvey shall not enter into my rest." l"
Although " His works were finished, ever since the foundation
of the world ; for He hath spoken in a certain place of the 4
seventh day in this wise, "And God did rest on the seventh 5
day from ail his works; "'* and in this place again " they shall
hence it acquired the meaning of substantia, or substance (in the metaphysical sense
of the term). Cf. Heb. i. 3, and xi. 1 ; hence, again, that of subject-matter (2 Cor. ix.
4 ; 2 Cor. xi. 17). There is no passage of the New Testament where it can properly
be translated " confidence."
1 ~W^ take the accentuation adopted by Chrysostom, Griesbach, 4c., riveg (not
uvig). * The inference is that Christians, though delivered by Christ from bondage, would
nevertheless perish if they did not persevere (see verses 6 and 14). The interrogation
is not observed in A. V.
» Kuka, literally, limbs; but the word is used by the LXX for carcases. Namben
xiv. 32.
4 'AireiByaaai, not "that believed not" (A. V). See note on Rom, xi. 30.
' Kal, not "so" (A. V.).
6 The allusion is to the refusal of the Israelites to believe ia the good report of She
land of Canaan brought by the spies. (Numbers siii and xiv.)
' Karakeiiropevyg. Compare dirokeiirerai, verses 5 and 3. The reasoning is ex
plained by what follows, especially verses 6-8.
8 Aoxy, should be seen.
9 Literally, it was not mixed with belief. The other reading, my KeKepaapevcvg,
would mean, " they were not united by belief to its hearers," where its hearers
must mean the spies, who reported what they had heard of the richness of the land,
Tischendorf, in his 2nd edition, retains the T. R.
'0 The A. V. here strangely departs from the correct translation of the el eloekeii
aovrat, which it adopts above (iii. 11).
11 For the meaning of koitoi here, see Wahl.
•* Gen. ii. 2. (LXX. slightly altered.)

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 505
6 not enlvt onto my rest." ' Since therefore it still remaineth
that some must enter therein, and they who first received the
7 glad tidings thereof entered not, because of disobedience,11 He
again fixeth a certain day, — " to-day " — declaring in David,
after so long a time (as hath been said), "To-day, if ye will
8 hear his voice, harden not your hearts." For if Joshua had
given them rest, God would not have spoken afterwards of
9 another day. Therefore there still remaineth a Sabbath-rest 3
10 for the people of God. For he that is entered into God's rest,
must 4 himself also rest from his labours, as God did from His.
(1 Let us therefore strive to enter into that rest, lest any man fall
after the same example of disobedience.5
12 For the word of God e liveth and worketh, and is for God's judg-
_ , ment cannot be
sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to evaded.
the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, yea, to the ' inmost
parts thereof, and judging the thoughts and imaginations of
13 the heart. Neither is there any creature that is not manifest
in His sight. But all things are naked and opened unto the
eyes of Him with whom we have to do.
14 Seeing, then, that we have a great High Priest, Christ is a High
who hath passed 8 through the heavens, Jesus the *e touched with
a feeling of our
15 son of God, let us hold fast our Confession. For we infirmities.
have not an High Priest that cannot be touched with a feeling
i The meaning of this is, — God's rest was a perfect rest, — He declared His intention
that His people should enjoy His rest. — that intention has not yet been fulfilled, —
its fulfilment therefore is still to come.
' Here it is said they entered not Si' direiBeiav ; in iii. 19, Si' diriariav ; but thia
does not justify us in translating these different Greek expressions (as in A. V.) by the
same English word. The rejection of the Israelites was caused both by unbelief and
by disobedience ; the former being the source of the latter.
3 lafflariapbr, a keeping of Sabbatical rest.
4 Literally, hath rested, the aorist used for perfect. To complete the argument of
this verse, we must supply the minor premiss, but God's people have never yet en
joyed this perfect rest; whence the conclusion follows, therefore its enjoyment is
still future, as before.
6 The reasoning of the above passage rests upon the truth that the unbelief of the
Israelites, and the repose of Canaan, were typical of higher realities ; and that thii
fact had been divinely intimated in the words of the Psalmist.
6 The word of God is the revelation of the mind of God, imparted to man. See
note on Eph. v. 26. Here it denotes the revelation of God's judgment to the con
science. ' The re after V",IW is omitted by the best MSS. The expression, ipvxyg Kal irve&
It irog, dppuv re mi pvekuv, is literally, of soul and spirit, both joint and marrow ,
the latter being a proverbial expression for utterly, even to the inmost parts.
8 Ate/.ykvBora, not "into" (A. V.). The allusion is to the high priest passir-S
ifirouffli the courts of the temple to the Holy of Holies. Compare ix 11 and 24.

506 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
of our infirmities, but who bore in all things the likeness of our'
trials,1 yet without sin. Let us therefore come boldly to the u
throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace to v.
help in 'time of need. For every High Priest taken from l
among men, is ordained to act on behalf of men in the things
of God, that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sins; and is 2
able to bear with the ignorant2 and erring, being himself also
encompassed with infirmity. And by reason thereof, he is 3
bound, as for the people,3 so also for himself, to make offering
for sins. And no man taketh this honour on himself, but he 4
that is4 called by God, as was Aaron. So also Christ glorified a
not Himself, to be made an High Priest; but He that said
unto Him "Thou art my son, to- day have L begotten thee." b As •
He saith also in another place, "Thou art a priest for ever 6
after the order of Melchisedec" 6 Who in the days of his flesh 7
offered up prayers and supplications with strong crying and
tears, unto Him that could save him from death, and was
heard because he feared God ;' and though he was a Son, yet 8
learned he obedience 8 by suffering. And when his consecra- 9
tion9 was accomplished, he became the author of eterniJ sal
vation to all them that obey him ; having been named bj God io
an High Priest " after the order of Melchisedec"
The readers are Of whom I have many things to say, and V.ard of .1
reproached for . . _ , .. . ,
their decline in interpretation, since ye have grown'0 anil in under-
spiritual un- _ - ,
derstanding, standing." For when ye ought, after so long j time,12 12
to be teachers, ye need again to be taught yourselves, what13
> See note on ii. 18.
' The sin-offerings were mostly for sins of ignorance. See Leviticus, >?wap. v.
3 See Levit. chap. iv. and chap ix.
-- If -(with the best MSS.) we omit the article, the translation will I , "but wheu
called by God," which does not alter the sense.
s Psalm ii. 7. (LXX.) 6 Ps. ex. 4. (LXX.)
' Eikajiela means the fear of God. Compare uvSpeg eikafieig, Ac Ji ii. 5. The
sentiment corresponds remarkably with that of chap. xii. 5-11.
8 'EpaBev dtp' uv iiraBe. The readers of ^Eschylus and Herodotus are familiar
witl this junction of irdBog and pdBog. See ^Esch. Agam. and Herod. . 207 : rd Si
uoi iraBypara uaBypara yiyovev.
» Compare ii. 10 and the note there.
" Teybvare, implying that they had declined from a more advanced slate of Chris
tian attainment.
" Tatg aKoalg. Compare Acts xvii. 20, and Mat. xiii. 15. roig uoi Sapiug. yxovoav.
>a Aid rbv xpovov, literally, because of the time, viz. the length of time elapsed sines
your conversion. See the preceding introductory remarks, p. 493.
'3 We read riva (with Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c), not rivd.

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWU. 507
are the first principles of the oracles of God ; and ye have come
t3 to need milk, instead of meat.' For every one that feeds on
milk is ignorant of the doctrine of righteousness, for he is a
14 babe; but meat is for men full grown, who, through habit,
VI have their senses exercised to know good from evil. There-
1 fore let me leave " the rudiments of the doctrine of Christ, and
go on to the fulness of its teaching; not laying again the foun
dation, — of Repentance from dead works,3 and Faith towards
2 God; — Baptism,4 Instruction6 and Laying on of hands ; ¦" — and
Eesurrection of the dead, and Judgment everlasting.
3, 4 And this I will do ' if God permit. For it is warned of the
*¦ danger of apos-
impossible 8 again to renew unto repentance those *»"*>
who have been once enlightened, and have tasted of the
5 heavenly gift, and been made partakers of the Holy Spirit, and
have tasted the goodness of the word of God,9 and the powers
6 of the world to come,'0 and afterwards fall away ; seeing they "
crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh and put Him to
1 Srepeug does not mean " strong " (A. V.), but solid, opposed to liquid. We use
meat for solid food in general.
' The 1st person plural here, as at v. 11, vi. 3, vi. 9, vi. 11, is used by the writer;
it is translated by the 1st person singular in English, according to the principle laid
down, Vol. I. p. 391, note 1.
3 Bead works here may mean either sinful works (cf. Eph. ii. 1, vettpovg ralg
ipapriatg), or legal works ; but the former meaning seems to correspond better with the
ueravoia here, and with ix. 14.
4 We take the punctuation sanctioned by Chrysostom, viz. (Sairriapuv, StSaxyc,
tiriBiaeug. 6 AiSaxyg. This was the Catechetical Instruction which, in the Apostolic age, fol
lowed baptism, as we have already mentioned, Vol. I. p. 438.
6 This is mentioned as following baptism, Acts viii. 17-19, xix. 6, and other places.
' Or, let me do, if we read iroiijoupev, with the best MSS.
8 A reason is here given by the writer, why he will not attempt to teach his readers
the rudiments of Christianity over again ; namely, that it is useless to attempt, by the
repetition of such instruction, to recall those who have renounced Christianity to re
pentance. The impossibility which he speaks of, has reference (it should be observed),
only to human agents ; it is only said that all human means of acting on the heart
have been exhausted in such a case. Of course no limit is placed on the Divine power.
Even in the passage, x. 26-31 (which is much stronger than the present passage) it is
not said that such apostates are never brought to repentance ; but only that it cannot
be expected they ever should be. Both passages were much appealed to by the Nova-
tians, and some have thought that this was the cause which so long prevented the
Latin Church from receiving this Epistle into the Canon.
» i. e. have experienced the fulfilment of God's promises.
'9 The powers of the world to eome appear to denote the miraculous operations of
the spiritual gifts. They properly belonged to the aluv pik?Mv.
"' These apostates to Judaism crucified Christ afresh, inasmuch as they virtual!)
gave their approbation to His crucifixion, by joining His crucifiers.

508 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
an open shame. For the earth when it hath drunk in the rain 7
that falleth oft upon it, if it bear herbs profitable to those for
whom it is tilled, partaketh of God's blessing; but if it bear 8
thorns and thistles, it is counted worthless and is nigh unto
and reminded cursing, and its end is to be burned. But be- 9
to c^,raeTTer- loved, I am persuaded better things of you, and
things that accompany salvation,, though I thus
speak. For God is not unrighteous to forget your labour, and .0
the love ' which ye have shown to His name, in the services
ye have rendered and still render ' to His people. But I desire ll
earnestly that every one of you might show the same zeal, to
secure the full possession 3 of your hope unto the end ; that 12
ye be not slothful, but follow the example of them who through
faith and stedfast endurance inherit the promises. For God, 13
when He made promise to Abraham, because He could swear 14
by no greater, sware by Himself, saying " Verily, blessing I
will bless thee, and multiplying Lwill multiply thee;"4 and so, 15
having stedfastly endured,5 he obtained the promise. For 16
men, indeed, swear by the greater ; and their oath establisheth 6
their word, so that they cannot gainsay it. Wherefore God, 17
willing more abundantly to show unto the heirs of the promise
the immutability of His counsel, set an oath between Himself
an 1 them ; ' that by two immutable things, wherein it is im- 18
possible for God to lie, we that have fled [to Him] for refuge
might have a strong encouragement 8 to hold fast the hope set
before us. Which hope we have as an anchor of the soul, both 19
sure and stedfast, and entering within the veil ; whither Jesus, 20
1 Tofi koitov is omitted in the best MSS.
* Compare x. 32 and the remarks, p. 494. For ayioi, see note on 1 Cor. i. 2.
, s Such appears the meaning of irpbg irkypotjiopiav here. The English word satis
faction, in its different uses, bears a close analogy to wkypotpopia.
4 Gen. xxii. 17. (LXX. except that ae is put for rb airippa oov.)
6 Abraham's paxpoBvp'a was shown just before he obtained this promise, in the
offering up of Isaac
« Literally, their oath is tc them an end of all gainsaying, unto establishment
[of their word].
i Keatrevetv means to interpose between two parties. Bleek (in loco) gives in
stances of the use of the verb, both transitively and intransitively. The literal Eng
lish of ipeairevaev bpKtp, is, he interposed with an oath between the two parties.
The "two immutable things" are God's promise, and His oath.
8 This construction, joining irapaxkyaiv with Kparyaai, seems to agree better with
the ordinary meaning both of irapdxkyaig (see Heb. xii. 5 and xiii. 22), and of Koarycai
see Heb. iv. 14) than the A. V.

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 509
our forerunner, is for us entered, being made "an High Priest
VII for ever after the order of Melchisedec." '
1 For this Melchisedec,2 " king of Salem,"1 "priest The priesthood
of the most high God," 3 who met Abraham return- fled "y th?1'
ing from the slaughter of the kings, and blessed Mekhisedec) is
2 him, to whom also Abraham gave " a tenth part of from th<» loti-
. ° JT J tical Priesthood
all, 4 — who is first, by interpretation, King of J?y i4? etsrna>
3 Righteousness,5 and secondly king of Salem,6 which «&<*¦<>!•
is King of Peace — without father, without mother, without
table of descent 7 — having s neither beginning of days nor end
of life, but made like unto the Son of God — remaineth a priest
for ever.
4 Now consider how great this man was, to whom even Abra-
5 ham the patriarch gave a tenth of the choicest 9 spoil. And
truly those among the sons of Levi who receive the office oi
the priesthood, have a commandment to take tithes according
to the Law from the People, that is, from their brethren,
6 though they come out of the loins of Abraham. But he,
whose descent is not counted from them, taketh tithes from
7 Abraham, and blesseth !° the possessor of the promises. Now
without all contradiction, the less is blessed by the greater."
8 And here, tithes are received by men that die ; but there, by
9 him of whom it is testified 12 that he liveth. And Levi also,
the receiver of tithes, hath paid tithes (so to speak) by I3 Abra-
10 ham ; for he was yet in the loins of his father when Melchise
dec met him.
1 Ps. ex. 4, quoted above, verse 6 and verse 10, and three times in the next chaptei
' The following passage cannot be rightly understood, unless we bear in mind
throughout that Melchisedec is here spoken of, not as an historical personage, but as a
type of Christ.
' 3 Gen. xiv. 18. (LXX.) • Gen. xiv. 20. (LXX.)
• This is the translation of his Hebrew name, p-(s is^>2-
6 bio peace.
' ' Ayeveakbyyrog. This explains the two preceding words; the meaning is, that
the priesthood of Melchisedec was not, like the Levitical priesthood, dependent on his
descent, through his parents, from a particular family, but was a personal office.
8 Here, as in the previous dirdrup and r.pyrup, the silence of Scripture is inter
pretcd allegorically. Scripture mentions neither the father nor mother, neither the
birth nor death of Melchisedec.
9 For this meaning of uKpoBivia. see Bleek in loco.
>« AeSexdruKe and eikbyyxe, present-perfect. » To-' KoeirTcvog, compare i 4
'» Viz. testified in Ps, ex. 4. " Thou art a priest for ever '
•« ¦-} not "in" (A. VI.

510 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Now if all things' were perfected by the Levitical priest- ll
hood (since under it ' the people hath received the Law 3),,
what further need was there that another priest should rise
" after the order of Melchisedec " and not be called " after the
order of Aaron." For the priesthood being changed, there is 12
made of necessity a change also of the Law.4 .For He6 of 13
whom these things are spoken belongeth to another tribe, of
which no man give th attendance6 at the altar; it being evi-14
dent that .our Lord hath arisen ' out of Judah, of which tribe
Moses spake nothing concerning priesthood. And this Is 15
far more evident when 6 another priest ariseth after the like
ness of Melchisedec ; who is made not under the law of a 16
carnal commandment, but with the power of an imperishable
life ; for it is testified ' of him, " Thou art a priest for ever 17
after the order of Melchisedec." On the one hand,10 an old 18
commandment is annulled, because it was weak and profitless
(for the Law perfected " nothing); and on the other hand, a 1.9
better hope is brought in, whereby we draw near unto God.
And inasmuch as this Priesthood hath the confirmation of 20
an oath— (for Those priests are made without an oath, but He 21
with an oath, by Him that said unto him, " The Lord sware
and will not repent, Thou art a priest for ever" ") — insomuch 22
Jesus is13 surety of a better covenant.
And They, indeed, are I4 many priests [one succeeding to 23

1 Tekeiuaig, a word of very frequent occurrence and great significance in this
Epistle, is not fully represented by the English " Perfection." Tekeibu is to make
rikeiog, i. e. to bring a thing to the fulness of its designed development. Comp;ixe
vii. 19, and note on ii. 10.
3 'Eir' airy, under its conditions and ordinances Compare viii. 6.
> NevopoBiryrai is the reading of the best MSS.
' Nbpog (as often), anarthral for the Law. Cf. note on rlom. iii. 20.
5 Viz. the Messiah, predicted in Ps. ex. 4.
« IlpooioxyKe is the reading of the best MSS., and is present-perfect here, as well
us periaxyKe.
' 'AvarerakKev. Compare the passage of Isaiah quoted Mat. iv. 16.
» El used like eiirep here.
9 The best MSS. read paprvpelrai.
™ Uiv answering to the following Si (in verse 19). The overlooking of this caused
the error in the A. V.
11 Compare rekeiuaig, verse 11.
11 In this quotation (again repeated) from Ps. ex. 4, the words '' after the order of
Melchisedec " are not found here in the best MSS. ,
ia Tiyovev, not " was made " (A. V.), but has become or is.
14 Are, or have become, not " were " (A. V.) ; an important mistranslation, as the

EPISTLE TO THE HIBREWS. 511
another's office], because death hindereth their continuance.
24 But He, because He remaineth for ever, giveth not His priest-.
25 hood to another.1 Wherefore also He is able to save them to
the uttermost that come unto God by Him, seeing He ever
liveth to make intercession for them.
26 For such an High Priest became us, who is holy, harmless,
undefiled, separate * from sinners, and ascended above the hea-
27 vens. Who needeth not daily,3 as those High Priests," to offer
up sacrifice, first for His own sins and then for the People's ;
for this He did • once, when He offered up Himself. For the
28 Law maketh men High Priests, who have infirmity ; but the
word of the oath which was since the Law,5 maketh the Son,
who is consecrated 6 for evermore.
VIII. 1 Now of the things which we have spoken,' this The Mosaic Law,
. . , . XT. , _ . . with its Temple,
is the sum. we have such an High Priest, who hierarchy, and
sacrifices, was
hath sat down on the right hand of the throne of an imperfect
° shadow of the
2 the Majesty in the heavens ; a minister of the sane- tetter covenant,
*i «/ i and the availing
tuarv,8 and of the true tabernacle, which the Lord atonement of
« ' > Christ.
3 pitched, and not man. For every High Priest is
present tense shows that the Levitical Priesthood was still enduring while this Epistle
was written.
1 ' kirapdparog, non transiens in alium (Wahl).
3 This seems to refer to the separation from all contact with the unclean, which was
required of the High Priest ; who (according to the Talmud) abstained from inter
course even with his own family, for seven days before the day of Atonement (Tract
Jomah i. 1, quoted by Ebrard).
3 This KaB' ypipav has occasioned much perplexity, for the High Priest only offered
the sin-offerings here referred to once a year on the day of Atonement. (Levit. xvi.
and Exod. xxx. 7-10.) We must either suppose (with Tholuck) that the KaB' ypipav
is used for Siairavrbg perpetually, i. e. year after year ; or we must suppose a refer
ence to the High Priest as taking part in the occasional sacrifices made by all the
Priests, for sins of ignorance (Levit. iv.) ; or we must suppose that the regular acts of
the Priesthood are attributed to the High Priests, as representatives and heads of the
whole order ; or finally, we must take ol dpxiepeig as at Mat. ii. 4, Acts v. 24, and
other places, for the heads of the twenty-four classes into which the Priests were
divided, who officiated in turn. This latter view is perhaps the most natural. The
Priests sacrificed a lamb every morning and evening, and offered an offering of flour
and wine besides. Philo regards the lambs as offered by the Priests for the peovle,
and the flour for themselves. (Philo, Opp. i. 497.) He also says the High Priest
offered eixdg Kal ¦Svalag xafP iKaaryv ypipav. (Opp. ii. 321.) See Winer, Realw.
1. 505. 4 Oi Apx. Literally, the [ordinary'] High Priests.
5 Viz. the oath in Ps. ex. 4, so often referred to in this Epistle
" Terekeiupevov. Compare ii. 10.
' Tolg keyopevoig, literally, the things which arc being spoken.
1 Tuv dyiuv. Compare ix. 12. Elg tu uyta.

512 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
ordained > to offer gifts and sacrifices ; wherefore this High
Priest also must have somewhat • to offer. Now 3 if He were 4
on earth, He would not be a Priest at all,4 since the Priests
are they that make the offerings according to the Law ; 5 who 5
minister to that which is a figure 6 and shadow of heavenly
things, as Moses is admonished ' by God, when he is about to
make the tabernacle ; for " See," saith He, " that thou make
all things according to the pattern shewed thee in the mount.""
But now He hath obtained a higher ministry, by so much as 6
He is the mediator 9 of a better covenant, whereof the law is
given l0 under better promises.
For if that first covenant were faultless, no place would be 7
sought " for a second ; whereas He findeth fault,12 and saith s
unto them, " Behold the days come, saith the Lord, when Lwill
accomplish ,3 for the house of Lsrael and for the house of Ju-
dah a new covenant. Not according to the covenant which L 9
gave " unto their fathers, in the day when I took them by the hand to
lead them out of the lan.d of Egypt ; because they continued not in
my covenant, and I also turned my face from them, suith the Lord.
For this is the covenant which I will make unto the house of Israel 10
after those days, saith the Lord : I will give '5 my laws unto their
mind, and write them upon their hearts ; and I will be to them a
God, and they shall be to me a people. Jind they shall not teach 11
1 The same thing is said v. 1.
1 What the sacrifice was is not said here, but had been just before mentioned, vii. 27.
3 Mev oiv (not piv ydp) is the reading of the best MSS.
* Observe it is not oiK dv yv (as A. V. translates), but oiS" dv iyv.
5 Our Lord being of the tribe of Judah, could not have been one of the Levitical
Priesthood. So it was said before, vii. 14.
e Viz. the Temple ritual.
' Kexpypdnora',, cf. Acts x. 22 and Heb. xi. 7.
» Exod. xxv. 40. (LXX.)
• Moses was called by the Jews the Mediator of the Law. See Gal. iii. 19 and note.
» "Hng vevopoBeryrai, cf. vii. 11, not "was established" (A. V.), but hath been or is.
1 El yv, oiK dv i^yretro (two imperfects), hence the A. V. is incorrect.
¦* Mepfopevog refers to the preceding dpepirrog. The airolg should be joined with
Xeyei. a "Zwrekiau, here substituted for the SiaByaopai of the LXX. 'Eirl is not " with."
(A. V.)
" It must be remembered that SiaByKy does not (like the English covenant) imply
reciprocity. It properly means a legal disposition, and would perhaps be bettei
translated dispensation here. A covenant between two parties is avvByKy. Tha
new dispensation is a gift from God, rather than a covenant between God and man
(oce Gal. iii. 15-20). Hence perhaps the alteration of iiroiyaa here for the Sttfiipii
of LXX. as well as that mentioned in the preceding note.
" AiSoig, not "put." (A. V.)

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 513
every man his neighbour' and every man his brother, sayinq know
the Lord; for all shaU know me, from the least unto the greatest.
12 For I will be merciful unto their unrighteousness, and their sins
13 and their iniquities will I remember no more." * In that He saith
" A new covenant," He hath made the first old ; and that which
IX. is old3 and stricken in years, is ready to vanish away.
1 Now the first covenant also had ordinances of worship, and
2 its Holy Place was in this world." For a tabernacle was mado
[in two portions] ; the first (wherein was the candlestick,5 and
the table,6 and the shewbread,7) which is called the " sanctu-
3 ary ; and behind the second veil, the tabernacle called the
4 Holy of Holies, having the golden altar of incense,9 and the
ark of the covenant >° overlaid round about with gold, where
in '» was the golden pot " that had the manna, and Aaron's
1 The best MSS. read irokiryv instead of irkyaiov, which does not, however, alter the
sense. * Jer. xxxi. 31-34. (LXX. with the above-mentioned variations.)
* Hakaiovpevov refers to time (growing out of date), and yypaaKov to the weakness
of old age.
4 To re dyiov KoapiKov, not "A sanctuary" (A. V.), and observe the order of tha
words, shewing that KoapiKov is the predicate.
6 Exod. xxv. 31, and xxxvii. 17.
6 Exod. xxv. 23, and xxxvii. 10.
' Exod. xxv. 30, and Levit. xxiv. 5.
8 See the note on ix. 24.
8 Ovpiarypiov. This has given rise to much perplexity. According to Exod. xxx
S, the Incense-altar was not in the Holy of Holies, but on the outer side of the veil
Which separatedthe Holy of Holies from the rest of the Tabernacle. Several methods
of evading the difficulty have been suggested ; amongst others, to translate Svpiarn-
ptov, censer, and understand it of the censer which the High Priest brought into the
Holy of Holies once a year ; but this was not kept in the Holy of Holies. Moreover
Ovpiarypiov is used for the Incense-altar by Philo and Josephus. The best explanation
of the discrepancy is to consider that the Incense-altar, though not within the Holy
of Holies, was closely connected therewith, and was sprinkled on the day of Atone
ment with the same blood with which the High Priest made atonement in the Holy
of Holies. See Exod. xxx. 6-10,. and Levit. xvi. 11, &c.
"> Exod. xxv. 11.
11 Here we have another difficulty ; for the pot of manna and Aaron's rod were not
kept in the Ark, in Solomon's time, when it contained nothing but the tables of the
Law. See 1 Kings viii. 9. 2 Chron. v. 10. It is, however, probable that these were
originally kept in the Ark. , Compare Exod. xvi. 33, and Numbers xvii. 10, where
they are directed to be laid up "before the Lord," and "before the testimony, [i. e.
the tables of the Law]," which indicates, at least, a close juxta-position to the Ark.
More generally, we should observe that the intention of the present passage is not to
give us a minute and accurate description of the furniture of the tabernacle, but to
allude to it rhetorically ; the only point insisted upon in the application of the descrip
tion (see verse 8), is the symbolical character of the Holy of Holies. Hence the
extreme anxiety of commentators to explain away every minute inaccuracy is super
fluous. ,a Exod. xvi. 32, Ate.
VOL II. — 33

514. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PACTL.
rod ' that budded, and the tables ' of the covenant ; and over 5
it the cherubims 3 of glory shadowing the Mercy-seat." Where
of we cannot now speak particularly. Now these things being g
thus ordered, unto the first tabernacle the priests go * in con
tinually, accomplishing the offices " of their worship. But 7
into the second goeth the High Priest alone, once a year, not
without blood, which he offereth for himself and for the er
rors ' of the people. Whereby the Holy Spirit signifieth that 8
the way into the Holy Place is not yet made fully manifest,8
while still the outer 9 tabernacle standeth. But it is a figure 9
for the present time," under » which gifts and sacrifices are of
fered that cannot perfect the purpose of the worshipper, accord
ing to the conscience ;12 being carnal ordinances, commanding io
> Numbers xvii. 10.
* Exod. xxv. 16. 3 Exod. xxv. 18.
4 Exod. xxv. 17. Tkaarypiov is the LXX. translation of the Hebrew tTlM- (See
Wahl in voce.)
5 The writer of the Epistle here appears to speak as if the Tabernacle were still
standing. Commentators have here again found or made a difficulty, because the
Temple of Herod was in many respects different from the Tabernacle, and especially
because its Holy of Holies did not contain either the Ark, the Tables of the Law, the
Cherubim, or the Mercy-seat (all which had been burnt by Nebuchadnezzar with Solo
mon's Temple), but was empty. See above, p. 250. Of course, however, there was
no danger that the original readers of this Epistle should imagine that its writer spoke
of the Tabernacle as still standing, or that he was ignorant of the loss of its most pre
cious contents. Manifestly he is speaking of the Sanctuary of the First Covenant
(see ix. 1) as originally designed. And he goes on to speak of the existing Temple-
worship, as the continuation of the Tabernacle-worship, which, in all essential points,
it was. The translators of the Authorised Version (perhaps in consequence of this
difficulty) have mistranslated many verbs in the following passage, which are in the
present tense, as though they were in the past tense. Thus elalaaiv is translated
"went," irpootpipei "offered," irpoafyipovrai "were offered," irpoaijiipovaiv (x. 1)
" thev offered," &c. The English reader is thus led to suppose that the Epistle was
written after the cessation of the Temple-worship.
6 Tdg karpeiag, not ryv karpeiav (A. V.).
' 'Ayvoypdruv. Compare v. 2, and the note.
8 On the mistranslation of irefyavepuoBai in A. V., see note 5 above. It may be
Brted, how could it be said, after Christ's ascension, that the way into the Holy Plaee.
was not made fully manifest. The explanation is, that while the Temple-worship,
with its exclusion of all but the High Priest from the Holy of Holies, still existed, the
way of salvation would not be fully manifest to those who adhered to the outward
and typical observances, instead of being thereby led to the Antitype.
0 That irpuryg has this meaning here is evident from ix. 2.
io The A. V. here interpolates " then " in order to make this correspond with the
mistranslated tenses already referred to.
» KaB' .yv, according to which figure. "Hv is the reading of the best MSS., and
adopted by Griesbach, Lachmann, and Tischendorf s 1st edition ; it suits better with
tv-rd than the other reading, bv, to which Tischendorf has returned in his 2nd edition.
«' Ko-d av.veiSyaw rekeiuaai rbv karpeiovra. This is explained x. 2 as equivalent

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 515
meats and drinks, and diverse washings, imposed until a time
of reformation.'
ll But when Christ appeared, as High Priest of the good
things to come, He passed through the greater and more per
fect tabernacle" not made with hauds (that is, not of man's
12 building »), and entered, not by the blood of goats and calves,
but by His own blood, once for all into the Holy Place, having
[3 obtained an everlasting redemption.4 For if the blood of bulls
and goats, and the ashes of an heifer5 sprinkling the unclean,
.4 sanctifieth to the purification of the flesh ; how much more
shall the blood of Christ, who through the eternal Spirit
offered Himself without spot to God, purify our6 conscience
from dead works, that we may worship the living God.
15 And for this cause He is the mediator of a new testament;
that when death had ' made redemption for the transgressions
under the first testament,8 they that are called might receive
16 the promise of the eternal inheritance. For where a testament
to " rb pySepiav ixeiv in avveiSyaiv dpapriuv rovg karpevovrag dirat; xexaBappivovg."
Tekeiuaai rbv kar. is to bring him to the accomplishment of the rikog of his wor
ship, viz., remission of sins. It is not adequately represented by to make perfect, as
we have before remarked ; to consummate would be again the best translation, if it
were less unusual.
1 The reading of this verse is very doubtful. The best MSS. (which we follow) read
¦ taiupara instead of koI Sixaiupaaiv ; but this reading perhaps originated from a
desire to correct the soloecism which otherwise is presented by iirih eipeva. Accord
ingly, Tischendorf in his 2nd edition returns to the reading of the T. R., which is also
defended by De Wette. The construction is inixeipeva iirl /?. xal ir. x. t. k. ; literally,
imposed with conditions of (iirl) meats, fyc., until a time of reformation.
' This greater Tabernacle is the visible heavens, which are here regarded as the
outer sanetuary.
3 Literally, this building. This parenthesis nas very much the appearance of
having been originally a marginal gloss upon ov xeipoiroiyrov.
4 There is nothing in the Greek corresponding to the words "for us " (A.V.).
6 The uncleanness contracted by touching a corpse, was purified by sprinkling the
unclean person with the water of sprinkling (iSup fiavriapov), which was made with
the ashes of a red heifer. See Numbers xix. (LXX.)
6 'Hpuv (not ipuv) is the reading of the best MSS.
1 Literally, after death had occurred for the redemption of," Sfc. ; yevopevov must
be joined with elg dirokvrpuaiv.
8 The Authorised Version is unquestionably correct, in translating SiaByxy testa
ment in this passage. The attempts which have been made to avoid this meaning, are
irreconcilable with any natural explanation of b SiaBepevog. The simple and obvious
translation should not be departed from, in order to avoid a difficulty ; and the diffi
culty Tanishes when we consider the rhetorical character of the Epistle. The state
ment in this verse is uot meant as a logical argument, but as a rhetorical illustration.
Thich is suggested to the writer by the ambiguity of the word SiaBnxv

51G THE LIFE AND EPI6TLES OF ST. PAUL.
is, the death of the testator must be declared;' because a tea-] 7
tament is made valid by death, for it hath no force at all
during the lifetime of the testator.
Wherefore " the first testament also hath its dedication 3 not 18
without blood. For when Moses had spoken to all the people 19
every precept according to the Law, he took 4 the blood of the
calves and goats, with water and scarlet wool and hyssop, and
sprinkled both the book itself5 and all the people, saying,
"This is the blood of the testament which God hath enjoined 2d
unto you." 6 Moreover he sprinkled with blood the tabernacle ' 21
also, and all the vessels of the ministry, in like manner. And 22
according to the Law, almost all things are purified with blood,
and without shedding of blood is no remission. It was, 23
therefore, necessary that the patterns of heavenly things should
thus be purified, but the heavenly things themselves with
better sacrifices than these. For Christ entered not into the 24
sanctuary8 made with hands, which is a figure of the true, but
into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for
us. Nor yet that He should offer Himself often, as the High 25
Priest entereth the sanctuary every year with blood of others;
for then must He often have suffered since the foundation 26
of the world : but now once, in the end 9 of the ages, hath He
1 QepeaBai is omitted in A. V. The legal maxim is the same as that of English
Law, JVemo est hceres viventis.
1 This bBev does not refer to the preceding illustration, concerning the death of the
testator, but to the reasoning from which that was only a momentary digression.
Compare verse 18 with verses 12-14.
3 'EyKaiviCew is "to dedicate" in the sense of to inaugurate; cf. Heb. x. 20 ; so
the feast commemorating the opening or inauguration of the Temple by Judas Mac-
cabaius (after its pollution by Antiochus Epiphanes) was called iyKaivia. (John x. 22.)
* See Exod. xxiv. 3-8. The sacrifice of goats (besides the cattle) and the sprinkling
of the book are not in the Mosaic account. It should be remembered that the Old
Testament is usually referred to memoriter by the writers of the New Testament.
Moreover, the advocates of verbal inspiration would be justified in maintaining that
these circumstances actually occurred, though they are not mentioned in the books of
Moses. See, however, Vol. I. p. 176, note 1.
6 Airb is not translated in A. V.
6 Exod. xxiv. 8 (LXX. but kvereikaTo, substituted for SiiSero).
' Apparently referring to Levit. viii. verses 19, 24, and 30.
8 'Ayia, not "the holy places" (A.V.), but the holy place, or sanctuary. Com
pare viii. 2. ix. 2. ix. 25. xiii. 11. It is without the article here, as is often the
case with words similarly used. See Winer Gram. § 18, 1.
9 'Zwrekeia tuv aluvuv means the termination of the period preceding Christ'n
coming. It is a phrase frequent in St. Matthew, with aluvog instead of aiuvuv, but not

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 517
27 appeared,' to j ut away sin by the sacrifice of himself.2 And
as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judg-
28 ment, so Christ was once offered " to bear the sins of many" '
and unto them that look for Him shall He appear a second
X.time, without sin,4 unto salvation.
1 For the Law having a shadow of the 5 good things to come,
and not the very image of the reality,0 by the unchanging
2 sacrifices which year by year they offer continually,7 can
never perfect 8 the purpose of the offerers.9 For then, would
they not have ceased to be offered ? because the worshippers,
once purified, would have had no more conscience of sins. But
3 in these sacrifices there is a remembrance of sins made every
4 year. For it is not possible that the blood of bulls and goats
5 should take away sins. Wherefore, when He cometh into the
world, He saith, " Sacrifice and offering thou wouldest not, but
6 a body hast thou prepared me.10 Ln burnt-offerings and sacri-
7 fees for sin thou hast had no pleasure. Then said I, Lo, I
come (in the volume of the book it is written of me) to do thy
& will, 0 God."" When He had said before " Sacrifice and
offering and burnt-offerings and sacrifices for sin thou wouldest
not, neither hadst pleasure therein " (which are offered under
9 the law) ; " Then " (saith'2 He), " Lo, I come to do thy will, 0
God." He taketh away the first,13 that he may establish the
occurring elsewhere. The A. V. translates aluvuv here by the same word is xbapm
•bove. 1 nefavipurai ; literally, He hath been made manifest to the sight of men.
* The A. V. is retained here, being justified by iavrbv irpoayveyKev, verse 14.
* Isaiah liii. 12 (LXX.), dpapriag irokkuv avyveyxe.
4 Xuplg dpapriag. Tholuck compares Kexupiapivog dirb tuv dpaprukwv (vii. 26).
The thought-is the same as Rom. vi. 10.
6 Tuv is omitted in A. V.
6 Tuv irpaypdruv, the real things.
' Talg airalg is omitted in A. V.
8 Tekeiuaai. Compare ix. 9, and note. The rekog of the worshippers was entire
purification from sin; this they could not attain under the Law, as was manifest by
the perpetual iteration of the self-same sacrifices, required of them.
9 Tovg irpoaepxopivovg, those who come to offer.
10 In the Hebrew original the words are, " thou hast opened [or pierced] my earsf
The LXX. (which is here quoted) translates this " aupa Karypriau poi." Perhaps the
reading of the Hebrew may formerly have been different from what it now is ; or per
haps the aupa may have been an error for uria, which is the reading of some MSS.
" Ps. xl. 6-8. (LXX. with some slight variations.)
¦a ElpyKev, not " said he " (A. V.), but he hath said, or saith he.
a The first, viz. the sacrifices ; the second, viz. the will of God.

318 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
second. And in ' that " will " we are sanctified, by the offering
of the " body " ' of Jesus Christ, once for all.
And every priest 3 standeth daily ministering, and offering u
oftentimes the same sacrifices, which can never take away sins.
But HE, after He had offered one sacrifice for sins, for ever 12
sat down on the right hand of God ; from henceforth expects 13
ing " till his enemies be made his footstool." 4 For by one 14
offering He hath perfected5 for ever the purification of them
whom He sanctifieth. Whereof the Holy Spirit also is a wit- 15
ness to us. For after He had said before, " This is the cov-ia
enant that L will make with them after those days, saith the.
Lord ; L will give my Laws upon their hearts, and write them
upon their minds."s He saith also " Their sins and their inigui- 17
ties will 1 remember no more." 7 Now where remission of these 18
is, there is no more offering for sin.
Renewed warn- Having therefore, brethren, boldness to enter 19
ing against °
apostasy, the holy place through the blood of Jesus,9 by a 20
new and living way which He hath opened 9 for us, passing
through the veil (that is to say, His flesh) ; l0 and having an 21
High Priest" over the house of God; let us draw near with 22
1 In (iv) the will of God Christians are already sanctified as well as justified, and
even glorified (see Rom. viii. 30) ; i. e. God wills their sanctification, and has done His
part to ensure it.
a 2upa, alluding to the aupa Karypriau of the above quotation.
3 The MSS. are divided between lepeig and dpxtepeig; if the latter reading be
correct, the same explanation must be given as in the note on vii. 27.
4 Ps. ex. 1 (LXX.), quoted above, i. 13. (See note there.)
5 TerekeiuKev . . . roig dyia&pivovg. Literally, He hath consummated them that
are being sanctified. The verb to perfect does not, by itself, represent reketbu. See
notes on x. 1, ix. 10, and ii. 10. We should also observe, that dyia&pivovg is not
equivalent to iiytaapivovg.
6 Jer. xxxi. 33. (LXX.) The part of the quotation here omitted is given above,
viii. 10-12. It appears, from the slight variations between the present quotation and
the quotation of the same passage in Chap, viii., that the writer is quoting frcm
memory. 7 Jer. xxxi. 34. (LXX.), being the conclusion of the passage quoted before, viii. 12,
The omission of keyei with the xal which joins the two detached portions of the quota
tion, though abrupt, is not unexampled ; compare 1 Tim. v. 18.
8 'Ev tu alpari. Compare ix. 25.
» 'EveKaiviaev. See note on ix. 18.
10 The meaning of this is, that the flesh (or manhood) of Christ was a veil which hid
His true nature ; this veil he rent, when he gave up his body to death ; and through
His incarnation, thus revealed under its true aspect, we must pass, if we would enter
into the presence of God. We can have no real knowledge of God but through Hi*
incarnation. 11 'Upea piyav. The same expression is ised for High Priest by Philo and LXX.

EriSTLE TO THE HEKBEWS. 519
a true heart, in full assurance of faith ; as our hearts have been
" sprinkled"' from the stain of an evil conscience, and our
23 bodies have been washed with pure water. Let us hold fast
the confession of our hope,1 without wavering, for faithful is
24 He that gave the promise. And let us consider3 the example
one of another, that we may be provoked unto love and to good
25 works. Let us not forsake the assembling " of ourselves toge
ther, as the custom of some is, but let us exhort one another ;
26 and so much the more, as ye see The Day approaching.5 For
if we sin wilfully,6 after we have received the knowledge 7 of
27 the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sins, but a certain
fearful looking for of judgment, and " a wrathful fire that shall
28 devour the adversaries." 8 He that hath despised the Law of
Moses dieth 9 without mercy, upon the testimony of two or
29 three witnesses. Of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye,
shall he be thought worthy, who hath trodden under foot the
Son of God, and hath counted the blood of the covenant,
wherewith he was sanctified, an unholy thing, and hath done
30 despite unto the Spirit of Grace. For we know Him that hath
1 'Efifiavnapivot (alluding to ix. 13 and 21), viz. with the blood of Christ; com
pare atpari fiavnopov, xii. 24. Observe the force of the perfect participle in this and
kekovphoi ; both referring to accomplished facts. See x. 2.
• 'EkiriSog, not "faith." (A. V.)
3 Karavoupev. This is Chrysostom's interpretation, which agrees with the use ol
the verb iii. 1.
4 It was very natural that the more timid members of the Church should shrink
from frequenting the assembly of the congregation for worship, in a time of persecution.
5 " The Day " of Christ's coming was seen approaching at this time by the threaten
ing- prelude of the great Jewish war, wheiein He came to judge that nation.
6 'EKovalug. This is opposed to the " idv dpdpry aKovaiug " (Levit. iv. 2. LXX.''
the involuntary sins for which provision was made under the Law. The particular
sin heie spoken of is that of apostasy from the Christian faith, to which these Hebrew
Christians were particularly tempted. See the whole of this passage from x. 26 to
xii. 29.
, ' 'Eiriyvuaiv. Compare Rom. x. 2. Phil. i. 9, &c.
* Is. xxvi. 11. Zykog kyiperai kabv diraiSevrov, xal vvv irUp roig iirevavriavg
Ibr.-ai. (LXX.) Those who look for this quotation in A. V. will be disappointed,
for the A. V., the Hebrew, and the LXX., all differ.
9 ' AiroBvyoKei, the present, translated as past in A. V. The reference is to Deut.
xvii. 2-7, which prescribes that an idolater should be put to death on the testimony of
two or thre-? witnesses. The writer of the Epistle does not mean that idolatry was
actually thus punished at the time he wrote (for though the Sanhedrin was allowed to
judge chargeB of a religious nature, they could not inflict death without permission of
the Roman Procurator, which would probably have been refused, except under very
peculiar circumstances, to an enforcement of this part of the law) ; but he speaks ol
lie punishment prescribed by the Law.

520 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
said, " Vengeance is mina, I will repay, saith tits Lord ; and
again, " The Lord shall judge his people." a It is a fearful 3!
thing to fall into the hands of the living God.3
ana exhortation Bui call to remembrance the former days, in 32
Seconquered by -which, after ye were illuminated, ye endured4 a
great fight of afflictions; for not only were ye S3
made a gazing-stock by reproaches and tribulations, but ye
took part also in the sufferings of others who bore the like. 34
For ye showed compassion to the prisoners,6 and took joyfully
the spoiling of your goods, knowing that ye have 6 in heaven a
better and an enduring substance. Cast not away, therefore, 35
your confidence, which hath great recompence of reward. For 36
ye have need of stedfastness, that after ye have done the will of
God, ye might receive the promise. For yet a little while 37
and "He that comsth shall be come, and shall not tarry."'1 Now 38
"By faith shall the righteous live ;8" and." Tf' he* draw back
through fear, my soul hath no pleasure in him."'" But we are 39
not men of fear unto perdition, but of faith unto salvation."
1 Deut. xxxii. 35. This quotation is not exactly according to LXX. or Hebrew,
but is exactly in the words in which it is quoted by St. Paul, Rom. xii. 19. The LXX
is iv ypepp ixSiKyaeug dvrairoSuaa.
" Deut. xxxii. 36. (LXX).
3 The preceding passage (from verse 26) and the similar passage, vi. 4-6, have
proved perplexing to many readers j and were such a stumbling-block to Luther, that
they caused him even to deny the canonical authority of the Epistle. Yet neither
passage asserts the impossibility of an apostate's repentance. What is said, amounts
to this — that for the conversion of a deliberate apostate, God has (according to the
ordinary laws of His working) no further means in store than those which have been
already tried in vain. It should be remembered, also, that the parties addressed are
not those who had already apostatised, but those who were in danger of so doing, and
who needed the most earnest warning.
4 If this Epistle was addressed to the Church of Jerusalem, the afflictions referred
to would be the persecutions of the Sanhedrin (when Stephen was killed), of Herod
Agrippa (when James the Greater was put to death), and again the more recent out
break of Ananus, when James the Less was slain. But see the preceding remarks,
p. 494.
' Tot? Seopioig (not Seapolg pov) is the reading of all the best MSS.
e Not " knowing in yourselves " (A. V.). The reading of the best MSS. is lxm
tavrovg or iavrolg, that ye have yourselves, or for yourselves, i. e. as your own.
-• Habak. ii. 3. (LXX.) Not fully translated in A. V.
8 Habak. ii. 4. (LXX.), quoted also Rom. i. 17 and Gal. iii. 11.
» The "any man" of A. V. is not in the Greek. Tiroarikknuai, me subdued
(Wahl). is exactly the English flinch.
>o Habak ii. 4. (LXX.) But this passage in the original precedes the last quota
tion, which it here follows.
¦' Tlepnrolyoiv ipvxyg, properly gaining of the soul, vitce conservatio, and thus
..equivalent to salvation. See Wahl on irftiirowvpai and ireptiroiyaig.

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 521
XI. 1 Now faith is the substance ' of things hoped for, Faith define!
2 the evidence of things not seen. For therein the p'e wWcE"^-
. , . . - , bles men tn
eiders obtained a good report." prefer things
¦ A invisible to
3 By faith we understand that the universe3 is thinss ^Mo-
framed 4 by the word of God, so that the world which we be
hold 5 springs not from things that can be seen.
4 By faith Abel offered unto God a more excel- .its operation
lent sacrifice than Cain, whereby he obtained testi- empiiaed.
mony that he was righteous, for God testified 6 unto his gifts ;
and by it he being dead yet speaketh.7
5 By faith Enoch was translated, that he should not see
death, and " he was not ' found, because God translated
him." ' For before his translation he had this testimony, that
6 " he pleased God;"* but without faith it is impossible to
please Him ; for whosoever cometh unto God must have faith '°
that God is, and that He rewardeth them that diligently seek
Him.
7 By faith Noah, being warned by God concerning things
not seen as yet, through fear of God " prepared an ark, to the
saving of his house. Whereby he condemned the world and
became heir of the righteousness of faith.
8 By faith, Abraham when he was called,1" obeyed the com
mand to go forth into a place '3 which he should afterward re
ceive for an inheritance; and he went forth, not knowing
9 whither he went. By faith he sojourned in the land of pro-
1 For the meaning of iirbaraaig, see note on iii. 14.
* 'EpaprvpyByaav, cf. Acts vi. 3. This verse is explained by the remainder of the
chapter. The faith of the Patriarchs was a type of Christian faith, because it was
fixed upon a future and unseen good.
3 Toig aldvag, so i. 2.
* Observe xarypTioBai and yeyovhai are perfects, not aorists
' Td (ikeiropevov is the reading of the best MSS. The doctrine negatived is that
which teaches that each successive condition of the universe is generated (yeyovsvat)
from a preceding condition (as the plant from the seed) by a mere material develop
ment, which had no beginning in a Creator's will.
6 Gen. iv. 4. The Jewish tradition was, that fire from heaven consumed Abel's
offering. ' This has been supposed (compare xii. 24) to refer to Gen. iv. 10, but it may be
taken more generally.
« Gen. v. 24. (LXX.)
> Gen. v. 14. (LXX.), evypearyaev 'Evux rip deu.
10 Tliarevaai refers to the preceding iriareug. " Compare Heb. v. 7.
i" If we read 6 x. (with some of the best MSS.) the translation will be " He thai
was called Abraham [instead oj dbram]."
' Some of the best MSS. read birov without the article.

522 THE LIFE AND EPI8T1JES OF ST. PAUL.
mise as in a strange country, dwelling in tents, with Isaac
and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same promise. For he 10
looked for the city which hath sure1 foundations, whose
builder and maker is God.
By faith also Sarah herself received power to conceive 11
seed, even when a she was past age, because she judged Him
faithful who had promised. Therefore sprang there of one, 12
and him as good as dead, " So many as the stars of the sky in
multitude," 3 and as the sand, which is by the sea-shore 4 'nnu-
merable. These all died in faith, not having received the promises, 13
bnt having seen them afar off, and embraced them,p and con
fessed that they were strangers and pilgrims upon earth. For 14
they that say such things, declare plainly that they seek a
country. And truly if they speak6 of that country from 15
whence they came forth, they might have opportunity to re
turn ; but now they desire a better country, that is, an hea- 16
venly. Wherefore God is not ashamed to be called their God ;
for He hath prepared for them a city.
By faith Abraham, when he was tried, offered7 up Isaac, it
and he that had believed 8 the promises offered up his only be
gotten son, though it was said unto * him, " Ln. Lsaac shall thy IB
seed be called; " '° accounting that God was able to raise him 19
up, even from the dead ; from whence also (in a figure) he re
ceived him.
By faith Isaac blessed Jacob and Esau, concebning things 20
to COME.
1 Cf. xii. 28. * 'Erexev is not in the best MSS.
> Exod. xxxii. 13. (LXX.)
4 The same comparison is found Is. x. 22, quoted Rom. ix. 27.
» lleiaBivTeg is an interpolation not found in the best MSS. It was originally a
marginal gloss on dairaadpevoi. The latter word cannot be adequately translated in
English, so as to retain the full beauty of the metaphor.
6 'Epvypbvevov. Compare ipvypbvevae, verse 22. The meaning is, " If, in calling
themselves strangers and pilgrims, they refer to the fact of their having left their
native land." In other words, if Christians regret the world which they have re
nounced, there is nothing to prevent their returning to its enjoyments. Here again
we trace a reference to those who were tempted to apostatise. For the explanation
of the two imperfects, see Winer, § 43, 2.
' Tlpoaevyvoxev, literally, hath offered.
8 'AvaSel-dpevog is more than " received." (A. V.) His belief in the promises tc
his posterity enhanced the sacrifice which he made.
• Tipbg, not " of." (A. V.) Xlpbg ov is equivalent to xaiirep irpbg avrbv.
>° Gen. xxi. 12. (LXX.) quoted also Rom. ix. 7

epistle to the hebeews. 523
21 By faith Jacob, when he was dying, blessed both the sons
of Joseph ; and " He worshipped, leaning upon the top of his
staff."'
22 By faith Joseph, in the hour of his death, spake " of the de
parting of the children of Israel ; and gave commandment
concerning his bones.
23 By faith Moses when he was born was hid three months
by his parents, because " they saw that the child was goodly ;" 3
24 and they were not afraid of the king's commandment. By
faith Moses, " when he was come to years,"4 refused to be called
25 the son of Pharaoh's daughter, choosing rather to suffer afflic
tion with the People of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of
26 sin for a season ; esteeming the reproach ° of Christ greater
riches than the treasures of Egypt; for he looked beyond0
27 unto the reward.7 By faith he forsook 8 Egypt, not fearing the
wrath of the king ; for he endured, as seeing Him who is invi-
28 sible. By faith he hath established 9 the passover, and the
sprinkling of blood, that the destroyer of the first-born might
not touch the children of Israel.10
29 By faith they passed through the Bed Sea as through dry
land ; which the Egyptians tried to pass, and were swallowed
up.
30 By faith the walls of Jericho fell down, after they were
compassed about for seven days.
31 By faith the harlot Bahab perished not with the disobedi
ent," because she had received the spies with peace.
32 And what shall I more say ? for the time would fail me to
tell of Gideon, and of Barak, of Sampson and of Jephthae, of
1 Gen. xlvii. 31. (LXX.) The present Hebrew text means not the top of his staff,
but the head of his bed; but the LXX. followed a different reading. The "faith " of
Jacob consisted in fixing his hopes upon future blessings, and worshipping God, even
in the hour of death.
' 'Epvypbvevae. See verse 15. Joseph's "faith" relied on the promise that the
seed of Abraham should return to the promised land. (Gen. xv. 16.)
3 Exod. ii. 2. (LXX.) 'lSovreg airb darelov. The Hebrew speaks of his mother
only. 4 Exod. ii. 11 (LXX.).
« The reproach of Christ's people is here called the reproach of Christ. Compare
Col. i. 24 and 2 Cor. i. 5 ; also see 1 Cor. x. 4.
« 'Airiflkeire, literally, le looked away from that which was before his eyes.
' MioBair. Cf. verse 6 8 See Exod. ii. 15. » IleirolyKe, perfect.
io AirrOv. See Winer, Gram. § 22, 4.
» AireiByaaai, not " them that believed not." (A. V.) They had heard the miraclef
•rrought in favour of the Israelites (Josh. ii. 10), and yet refused obedience.

524 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
David, and Samuel, and the prophets ; who through faith sub- 33
dued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises,
stopped the mouths of lions,' quenched the violence of fire,' 34
escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness 3 were made
strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of
the aliens. Women 4 received their dead raised to life again ; 35
and others were tortured,5 not accepting deliverance, that they
might obtain a better 6 resurrection. Others also had trials of 36
cruel mockings ' and scourgings, with chains also and imprison
ment. They were stoned,8 were sawn9 asunder, were tempt- 37
ed,10 were slain with the sword. They wandered about in
sheep skins and goat skins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented.
They wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and 38
caves of the earth ; of whom " the world was not worthy.
And these all, having obtained a good report through faith, 39
received not the promise. God having provided some better 40
thing for us, that they, without us. should not be made per
fect.'3 1 Referring to Daniel. (Dan. vi. 17.)
* Referring to Dan. iii. 27.
3 This and the two following clauses may be most naturally referred to the Mac
cabees. 4 Referring to the widow of Sarepta (1 Kings xvii.) and the Shunamite (2 Kings vi.).
6 This refers both to Eleazar (2 Mac. vi.), and to the seven brothers, whose torture
is described, 2 Mac. vii. The verb irvpiravlaByaav points especially to Eleazar, who
was bound to the ripiravov, an instrument to which those who were to be tortured by
scourging were bound. (2 Mac. vi. 19.) The " not accepting deliverance " refers tc
the mother of the seven brothers and her youngest son (2 Mac. vii.).
6 Better, viz. than that of those who (like the Shunamite's son) were only raised to
return to this life. This reference is plain in the Greek, but cannot be rendered
equally obvious in English, because we cannot translate the first dvacrsbeug in this
verse by resurrection.
' 'Epiraiypuv. Still referring to' the seven brothers, concerning whose torments
this word is used. (2 Mac. vii. 7.)
* Zechariah, the son of Jehoiadah, was stoned. (2 Chron. xxiv. 20.) But it is not
necessary (nor indeed possible) to fix each kind of death here mentioned on some person
in the Old Testament. It is more probable that the Epistle here speaks of the general
persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes.
» According to Jewish tradition this was the death of Isaiah ; but see the preceding
note. i° The received text is here retained ; but there can scarcely be a doubt that the
reading should be (as has been conjectured) either iirvpdoByoav or iirvpuByaav, they
were burned. This was the death of the seven brothers.
" Literally, wandering — they of whom the world was not worthy — in deserts and
in mountains. Sfc. ; i. t. They for whom all that the world could give would have
been too little, had not even a home wherein to lay their head.
'' TeknuBuai. See notes on ii. 10, vii. 11, ix. 9 ; literally, attain their consumma

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. i25
xn.
1 Wherefore, seeing we are compassed about importation to
• ,r i i <• • i imitate such
with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us' also examples, and
1 • j • i ii.... *° follow Je-
-ay aside every weight, and the sin which cling- ™» ia stedfast
, _ 1 " endurance ol
etn closely round us," and run with courage3 Buffering-
2 the race that is set before us ; looking onward * unto Jesus, the
forerunner0 and the finisher of our faith; who for the joy that
was set before Him, endured the cross, despising the shame,
3 and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God. Yea,
consider Him that endured such contradiction of sinners against
4 Himself, lest ye be wearied and faint in your minds. Ye have
5 not yet resisted unto blood,6 in your conflict against sin ; and
ye have forgotten the exhortation which reasoneth ' with you
as with sons, saying, "My Son, despise not thou the chasten-
6 ing of the Lord, nor faint when thou art rebuked of him. For
whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scour geth every sen whom he
1 receiveth? If ye endure chastisement,9 God dealeth with you as
8 with sons ; for where is the son that is not chastened by his
father ? but if ye be without chastisement, whereof all [God's
tion, including the attainment of the full maturity of their being, and the attain
ment of the full accomplishment of their faith; which are indeed identical. They
were not to attain this xaPk ypuv, i. e. not until we came to join them.
1 Kai ypetg, let us, as they did. The Agonistic metaphor here (see Vol. II. p. 199)
would be more naturally addressed to the Church of Alexandria than to that of Jeru
salem. ' Eiirepiararog occurs nowhere else. Sin seems here to be described under the
metaphor of a garment fitting closely to the limbs, which must be cast off (diroBep.) if
the race is to be won. A garment would be called eiirepiaraTog, which fitted well all
round. 3 Tiropovi) (as it has been before remarked) is not accurately represented by
"patience ,-'' it means stedfast endurance, or fortitude.
4 'AQapuvreg. Compare diri/3keire (xi. 26.)
5 'Apxyybv, literally, foremost leader. Compare ii. 10. Compare also irpbSpopov
vi. 20).
" If this Epistle was addressed to the Christians of Jerusalem, the writer speaks here
only of the existing generation; for the Church of Jerusalem had "resisted unto
blood " formerly, in the persons of Stephen, James the Greater, and James the Less.
But see introductory remarks, p. 495.
7 AiakiyeTai.
* Prov. iii. 11-12. (LXX. nearly verbatim.) Philo quotes the passage to the
same purpose as this Epistle.
" Throughout this passage it appears that the Church addressed was exposed to per
secution. The intense feeling of Jewish nationality called forth by the commencing
struggle with Rome, which produced the triumph of the zealot party, would amply
account for a persecution of the Christians at Jerusalem at this period ; as is argued
bv 'hose who suppose the Epistle addressed to them. But the same cause would pro
*ice the same effect in the great Jewish population of Alexandria.

526 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
children] have been ' partakers, then are ye bastards and not
sons. Moreover, we were chastened" by the fathers of our s
flesh, and gave them reverence ; shall we not much rather sub
mit ourselves to the Father of our 3 spirits, and live ? For u
they, indeed, for a few days chastened us, after their own
pleasure ; but He for our profit, that we might be partakers of
His holiness. Now no chastisement for the present seemeth n
to be joyous, but grievous ; nevertheless* afterward, unto them
that are exercised thereby, it yieldeth the fruit of righteous
ness in peace.4
Wherefore " Lift up the hands which hang down and the fee- 12
ble knees,"' and "make even paths for your feet fu thart the haltri3
ing limb be not lamed,7 but rather healed.
warning against Follow peace with all men, and holiness without 14
which no man shall seethe Lord. And look dili- 15
gently lest any man fall 8 short of the grace of God ; " lest
any root of bitterness springing up trouble you" * and thereby
many be defiled ; lest there be any fornicator, or profane per- 16
son, as Esau, who for a single meal sold his birthright ; for ye 17
know that afterward, when he desired to inherit the blessing,
1 Observe the perfect yeybvaai, referring to the examples of God's children men
tioned in the preceding chapter.
* Eixopw iraiSevrdg. The A. V. does not render the article correctly.
' 'Hpuv is understood (without repetition) from the parallel aapxbg ypuv,
4 Kapirbv e'tpyvixbv Sixaioaivyg. God's chastisements lead men to conformity to
the will of God (which is Sixawaivy) ; and this effect (xapirbg) of suffering is (elpyvi-
Kog) full of peace. There can be no peace like that which follows upon the submission
of the soul to the chastisement of our heavenly Father ; if we receive it as inflicted by
infinite wisdom and perfect love.
5 This quotation is from Is. xxxv. 3, from LXX. (as appears by the words irapeipi-
vag and irapakekvpiva), but quoted from memory and not verbatim. The LXX. has
Urxvaare, xelpeg dveipivai Kal ybvara irapakekvpiva. The quotation here approaches
more nearly than this to the Hebrew original, and might therefore (if not quoted me-
moriter) be considered *n exception to the rule, which otherwise is universal through
out this Epistle, of adhering to the LXX. in preference to the Hebrew.
* Prov. iv. 26. (LXX nearly verbatim.)
' 'EKrpairy, be dislocated. The meaning of this exhortation seems to be, that they
should abandon all appearance of Judaizing practices, which might lead the weaker
brethren into apostasy.
• The most natural construction here is, to supply $, as in verse 16.
3 Deut. xxix. 18. This quotation is a strong instance in favour of Bleek's view, that
tho writer of this Epistle used the Alexandrian Text of the LXX. For the Codex
Alisxandrinus (which, however, is corrupt here) reads py rig tarlv iv iulv plC,a iriKolai
uvu ipvovoa tvoxky, where the Codex Vaticanus has hi x°^V (for ivoxky), which tc»
rc-spcnds more closely with the Hebrew.

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 627
h» was rejected ; finding no room for repentance, though he
sought it ' earnestly with tears.
18 For ye are not come to a mountain that may be in proportion
touched * and that burneth with fire, nor to " black- oMy of the
Gospel over tht
19 ness and darkness and tempest, 3 and " sound of ^w. wil1 b;
¦'¦i v the danger of
trumpet," 4 and " voice of words '* * — the hearers desPiBiDB "•
whereof entreated that no more might be spoken unto them ; "
20 for they could not bear that which was commanded.7 (" And
if so much as a beast touch the mountain it shall be stoned ; ",
21 and so terrible was the sight that Moses said " / exceedingly
22 fear and quake." 9) — But ye are come unto Mount Sion, and
23 to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem,'0 and to
myriads " of angels in full assembly, and to the congregation
of the first-born 'a whose names are written in heaven, and to
1 Although, with Chrysostom and De Wette, we refer this airijv grammatically to
ueravoiav, yet we think the view of Bleek substantially correct, in referring it to
ri)v eikoylav. That is, in saying that Esau sought repentance with tears, the writer
obviously means that he sought to reverse the consequences of his fault, and Main
the blessing. If we refer to Genesis, we find that it was, in fact, Jacob's blessing (tj)v
eikoylav Gen. xxvii. 35-38, LXX), which Esau sought with tears.
' irykafupivu, present partitiple ; xexavpivu, perfect participle (not as A.V.). For
the particulars here mentioned, see Exod. xix,
» Deutsiv. 11 axbrog, yvbtpog, bvekka. (LXX.)
4 Exod. xix. 16, $uvy ryg adkiriyyog yxei. (LXX.)
* Deut. iv. 12, tfiuvi)v jiypuruv. (LXX.)
6 Deut. v. 25 (LXX.), where irpoaBupeBa accounts for irpoareByvai here.
' We put a full stop after Siaarekkbpevov, because that which the Israelites " could
not bear " was not the order for killing the beasts, but the utterance of the com
mandments of God. See Ex. xx. 19.
» Quoted from Ex. xix. 12 (LXX., but not verbatim). The words i) fibkiSi xara-
Tnf.evByaerai of the received text have been here interpolated from the Old Testament,
and are not in any of the uncial MSS.
« Deut. ix. 19, ixtjiofJbg elpi (LXX). This is the passage in the Old Testament
which comes nearest to the present. It was the remembrance of that terrible sight
which caused Moses to say this ; much more must he have been terrified by the reality.
'» This is (see Gal. iv. 26) the Church of God, which has its pyrpbirokig in heaven,
though some of its citizens are still pilgrims and strangers upon earth.
11 We cannot suppose (with most interpreters) that pvpiaaiv is to be taken by itself,
as if it were ralg dyiaig pvpiaaiv (cf. Jude 14,) and dyyikuv iravyyvpei put in appo
sition to it; nor can we take iravyyvpei xal iKKkyaltf together, which would make
iravvybpei redundant. But we take pvpiaaiv dyyikuv iravyyvpei together, taking
-avyyvpei as in apposition to pvpiaaiv dyyikuv, or else as equivalent to iv iravyyipei.
which gives the same sense. Havyyvpig properly means a festive assembly, which
leminds us of " the marriage supper of the lamb."
'" Uputotokuv. These appear to be the Christians already dead and entered into
their rest ; diroyeypappevuv means registered or enrolled. Cf. Luke ii. 1 and
Phil. iv. 3.

528 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
God ' tlie judge of all, and to the spirits of just men • made
perfect,3 and to Jesus the mediator of a new covenant, and to 24
the blood of sprinkling,* which speaketh better things than
that of Abel.5
See that ye reject « not Him that speaketh. For if they2S
escaped not, who rejected Him that spake 7 on earth, much
more shall not we escape, if we turn away from Him that
speaketh from heaven. Whose voice then shook the earth, but 2tJ
now He hath promised, saying, " Yet once more only will I
shake » not the earth alone but also heaven." '° And this " Yet 27
once more only " signifieth the removal of those things that are
shaken, as being perishable," that the things unshaken may .
remain immoveable. Wherefore, since we receive a kingdom 28
that cannot be shaken, let us be filled with thankfulness ; '"
whereby we may offer acceptable worship unto God, with reve- 29
rence '" and godly fear. For " our God is a consuming fire." " XIII.
Exhortation to Let brotherly love continue. Be not forgetful to l
several moral
duties, especi- entertain strangers, for thereby some '" have enter- 2
ally to courage- °
ous profession tained angels unawares. Bemember the prisoners 3
of the faith, O *
toatueb)ead°re as though Je shared their prison ; and the afflicted,
1 The order of the Greek wo'uld lead us more naturally to translate to a judge,
who is God of all ; but we have retained the A. V. in deference to the opinion ol
Chrysostom. ' These Slxaioi (being distinguished from the irpurbroKoi above) are probably the
worthies of the ancient dispensation, commemorated chap. xi.
3 Terekeiupivuv, literally", who have attained their consummation. This they had
not done until Christ's coming. See xi. 40.
* Contrasted with the iSup fiavriapov of Numbers xix. (LXX.) Compare ix. 13-14
and x. 22.
6 Or, if we read xpelrrov and rbv (with the best MSS.), " better than Abel." The
voice of Abel cried for vengeance (Gen. iv. 10). Compare xi. 4 ; the blood of Christ
called down forgiveness.
6 It is impossible to translate irapanelaBai by the same English word here and in verse
19th ; hence the reference of the one passage to the other is less plain than in the
original. ' XpypaTifyvra, literally, " that spake oracularly."
* 'AiraSj, once, and once only. Cf. ix. 26, and x. 2.
• Seio-u is the reading of the best MSS.
» Hagg. ii. 6. (LXX., but not verbatim.)
>' Tleirotypivuv, used here as xeipoirotyrbg is (ix. 11. ix. 24), and as we often use
" things created " as equivalent to things perishable.
i* 'Exupev xapiv. Compare xapev ixei, Luke xvii. 9. If the meaning were " Let
ae >old fast [the] grace [which we have received]," it would be xarixopev ryt xapiv.
18 Eika/3eiag xal Siovg is the reading of the best MSS.
•« Deut. iv. 24. (LXX. nearly verbatim.)
'* Viz. Abraham and Lot

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 529
4 as being yourselves also in the body. Let marriage ottneci""*.
be held honourable ' in all things, and let the marriage-bed be
undefiled ; for ' whoremongers and adulterers God will judge.
5 Let your conduct be free from covetousness, and be content
6 with what ye have; for HE hath said " Twill never leave thee
nor forsake thee." 3 So that we may boldly say, " The Lord
is my helper, and I will not fear. "What can Man do unto
me?"1
1 Bemember them that were your leaders,6 who spoke to you
the Word of God ; look upon 6 the end of their life, and follow
the example of their faith.
8 Jesus Christ7 is the same yesterday and to-day and for
9 ever. Be not carried away 8 with manifold and strange doc
trines. For it is good that the heart be established by grace ;
not by meats,9 which profited not them that were occupied
10 therein. We have an altar whereof they that minister unto
11 the tabernacle have no right to eat. For '° the bodies of those
beasts whose blood the High Priest bringeth" into the Holy
1 Tipiog b ydpog must be taken imperatively on the same grounds as dQikdpyvpog b
rebirog, which immediately follows.
* The MSS. A, D, and some others read ydp here, which is adopted by Lachmann
and Bleek.
3 Deut. xxxi. C. Kvpiog o -&ebg * * * aire ay ae dvy, aire py ae iyxaTakiirg
(LXX.). This is »id by Mosss. In Josh. i. 5 (LXX.) we find a direct promise from
God, almost in the same words, ovx iyxarakeiipu ae, oiff iirepbipopal ae, addressed to
Joshua. The citation here, being not verbatim, may be derived from either of these
places. Philo cites the same words as the text.
4 Ps. cxviii. 6. (LXX.)
6 'Hyovpivovg is not rulers, but leaders. Compare Acts xv. 22. "AvSpag yyovphiovg
h rolg dSekAoig. The word is here (cf. verse 17 and -24) applied to the presbyters or
bishops of the Church. See Vol. I. p. 434, note 7.
6 'AvaBeupovvreg, a very graphic word, not to be fully rendered by any English
term. The meaning is " contemplate the final scene [perhaps martyrdom], which
closed their life and labours (dvaarootpij)."
' The A. V. here gives an English reader the very erroneous impression that
' Jesus Christ " is in the objective case, and in apposition to " the end of their conver
sation." s UapatyepeoBc is the reading of the best MSS.
9 Bpupaaiv. The connection here is very difficult. The reference seems to be, in
the first place, to Judaizing doctrines concerning clean and unclean meats ; but thence
the thought passes on to the sacrificial meats, on which the priests were partly sup
ported. Some think this verse addressed to those who had themselves been priests,
which would be an argument for supposing the epistle addressed to the Church at Je
rusalem. (Compare Acts vi. 7.)
io The connection seems to be, that the victims sacrificed on the day of Atonement
were tommanded (Levit. xvi. 27) to be wholly burned, and therefore not eaten
" Cremabantur, inquit ; non ergo comedebantur a Bacerdotibus." (Gomarus.)
" Viz. on the day of Atonement. Compare Chaps, ix. and x. .
vol. ii. — 34

530 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
Place,' are burned "witlwut the camp."' Wherefore Jesus also, 12
that He might sanctify the People by His own blood, suffered
without the gate. Therefore let us go forth unto Him "with- 13
out the camp," bearing His reproach. For here we have no 14
continuing city, but we seek one to come.3
By Him therefore let us offer unto God continually a sacri-15
lice of praise,4 that is, " the fruit of our lips " i making confes
sion unto His name. And be not unmindful of benevolence 16
and liberality; for such are the sacrifices which are acceptable
unto God.
Bender unto them that are your leaders obedience and sub- 17
mission ; for they on their part ° watch for the good of your
souls, as those that must give account; that they may keep
their watch with joy and not with lamentation; for that would
be unprofitable for you.
Thewriteraska Pray for me ; for I trust' that I have a good is
their prayers, " °
gives thenvnis conscience, desiring in all my conduct to live rightly.
own, and com- 7 D •* o J
SmaTionfrom -But ^ tne ratner beseech you to do this, that I may 19
itaiy. ke restored to you the sooner. *
Now the God of peace, who raised up 8 from the dead the 20
great * shepherd of the sheep," 10 even our Lord Jesus, through
the blood of an everlasting covenant, — make you perfect in 21
1 The words irepl dpapriag are omitted in the best MSS.
* Levit. xvi. 27. (LXX. verbatim). The camp (irapepPbky) of the Israelites was
afterwards represented by the Holy City ; so that the bodies of these victims were
burnt outside the gates of Jerusalem. See above, p. 254, note 6.
3 T^v, literally, the city which is to come. Compare x. 34 and the /3aoi.Xeiav
iadkevrov, xii.. 28.
« The Christian sacrifice is a " sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving," contrasted with
the propitiatory sacrifices of the old law, which were for ever consummated by Christ
See x. 4-14.
5 Hosea xiv. 2. (LXX.) (The present Hebrew text is different.)
6 Airo'i, emphatic.
' This seems to be addressed to a party amongst these Hebrew Christians who had
taken offence at something in the writer's conduct.
8 We have already observed that this implies that a personal connection existed
between the writer and the readers of this Epistle. The opinion of Ebrard, that this
verse is written by St. Luke in St. Paul's person, and verse 23d in his own person,
appears quite untenable ; no intimation of a change of person is given (compare Rom.
xvi. 22) ; nor is there any inconsistency in asking prayers for a prosperous journey,
and afterwards expressing a positive intention of making the journey.
» 'Avdyeiv is not to bring again (A. V.), but to bring up from below, to raise up.
(Bom. x. 7.)
>» This Is nn allusion to a passage in Isaiah (Is. lxiii 11. LXX.) where God ii
described as " He who brought up from the sea the shepherd of the sheep [ait.
Vases']."

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 53]
every good work to do His will, working in you that which is
well-pleasing in His sight, by Jesus Christ. To whom be glory
for ever.1 Amen.
22 I beseech you, brethren, to bear with these words of exhorta
tion ; for I have written shortly."
23 Know that our brother Timotheus is set at liberty ; and with
him, if he come speedily, I will see you.
24 Salute all them that are your leaders, and all Christ's
people.
25 They of Italy 3 salute you.
Grace be with you all. Amen.
1 Tu* aluvuv is probably to be omitted both here and Rom. xi. 36, and xvi. 27.
' They are asked to excuse the apparent harshness of some portions of the letter, on
tne ground that the writer had not time for circumlocution.
' 01 dirb ryg 'Iraktag. We agree with Winer (Gram. sect. 63, p. 484) in thinking
that this dirb may be most naturally understood as used from the position of the
readers. This was the view of the earlier interpreters, and is agreeable to Greek
analogy. In fact, if we consider the origin in most languages of the gentilitial prepo
sitions (von, de, of, &c), we shall see that they conform to the same analogy. Hence
we infer from thia passage that the writer was in Italy.

APPENDIX*

APPENDIX I.

ON THE DATE OP THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.
Before we can fix the time at which these Epistles were written, we must take the
following data into account.
1. The three Epistles were nearly cotemporaneous with one another. This ia
proved by their resembling eaoh other in language, matter, and style of composition,
and in the state of the Christian Church which they describe ; and by their differing
in all these three points from all the other Epistles of St. Paul. Of course the full
force of this argument cannot be appreciated by those who have not carefully studied
these Epistles ; but it is now almost universally admitted by all > who have done so,
both by the defenders and impugners of the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles,
Hence if we fix the date of one of the three, we fix approximately the date of all.
2. They were written after St. Paul became acquainted with Apollos, and there
fore after St. Paul's first visit to Ephesus. (See Acts xviii. 24, and Titus iii. 13.)
3. Hence they could not have been written till after the conclusion of that portion
of his life which is related in the Acts ; because there is no part of his history, between
his first visit to Ephesus and his Roman imprisonment, which satisfies the historical
conditions implied in the statements of any one of these Epistles. Various attempts
have been made, with different degrees of ingenuity, to place the Epistles to Timothy
and Titus at different points in this interval of time ; but all have failed, even to
satisfy the conditions required for placing any single Epistle correctly.3 And no one
Has ever attempted to place all three together, at any period of St. Panl's life before
the end of his first Roman imprisonment ; yet this cotemporaneousness of the three
Epistles is, as we have seen, a necessary condition of the problem.
4. The Pastoral Epistles were written not merely after St. Paul's first Roman im
prisonment, but considerably after it This is evident from the marked difference in
their style from the Epistle to the Philippians, which was the last written during that
imprisonment So great a change of style (a change not merely in the use of single
words, but in phrases, in modes of thought, ant in method of composition) must re-
'. We have noticed Dr. Davidson's contrary opinion before ; and we should add that Wieseler may
be considered another exception, only that he does not attempt to reply to the grounds stated by
other critics for the cotemporaneousness of the three Epistles, but altogether ignores the question
of internal evidence from style and Church organisation, which is the conclusive evidence here.
Subjoined to this appendix will be found an alphabetical list of the words and phrases peculiar to
the Pastoral Epistles.
* Wieseler's is the most ingenious theory which has been suggested for getting over this difficulty ;
but it has been shown by Hutber that neither of the three Epistles can be placed as Wieseler places
them without -involving some contradiction ot the facts mentioned in them respec&vely. (See
Huther's Psstoralbriefe, pp. 12-26.)

534 APPENDIX I.
quire an interval of certainly not less than four or five years to account for it. And
even that interval might seem too short, unless accompanied by circumstances which
Ehould further explain the alteration. Yet five years of exhausting labour, great
physical and moral sufferings, and bitter experience of human nature, might suffice to
account for the change.
5. The development of Church organisation implied in the Pastoral Epistles leada
to the same conclusion as to the lateness of their date. The detailed rules for the
choice of presbyters and deacons, implying numerous candidates for these offices ; the
exclusion of new converts (veb^vroi ') from the presbyterate ; the regular catalogue
3f Church widows ; are all examples of this.
6. The Heresies condemned in all three Epistles are likewise of a nature which
forbids the supposition of an early date. They are of the same class as those attacked
in the Epistle to the Colossians, but appear under a more matured form. They are
apparently the same heresies which we find condemned in other portions of Scripture
written in the later part of the Apostolic age, as for example, the Epistles of Peter and
Jude. We trace distinctly the beginnings of the Gnostic Heresy, which broke out
with such destructive power in the second century, and of which we have already
seen the germ in the Epistle to the Colossians.
7. The preceding conditions might lead us to place the Pastoral Epistles at any
point after a. d. 66 (see condition 4, above), i. e. in the last thirty-three years of the
first century. But we have a limit assigned us in this direction, by a fact men
tioned in the Epistles to Timothy, viz., that Timotheus was still a young man (1 Tim.
iv. 12, 2 Tim. ii. 22) when they were written. We must of course understand this
statement relatively to the circumstances under which it is used : Timotheus was
young for the authority entrusted to him ; he was young to exercise supreme jurisdic
tion over all the Presbyters (many of them old men) of the churches of Asia. Ac
cording even to modern notions (and much more according to the feelings of anti
quity on the subject), he would still have been very young for such a position at the
age of thirty-five. Now Timotheus was (as we have seen, Vol. I. pp. 197 and 265)
a youth still living with his parents when St. Paul first took him in a. d. 51 (Acts xvi.
1-3) as his companion. From the way in which he is then mentioned (Acts xvi. 1-3 :
compare 2 Tim. i. 4), we cannot imagine him to have been more than seventeen or eighteen
at the most. Nor, again, could he be much younger than this, considering the part
he soon afterwards took in the conversion of Macedonia (2 Cor. i. 19). Hence we
may suppose him to have been eighteen years old in a. d. 51. Consequently, in 68
(the last year of Nero), he would be thirty-five' years old.
8. If we are to believe the universal tradition of the early Church, St. Paul's mar
tyrdom occurred in the reign of Nero.3 Hence, we have another limit for the date of
the Pastoral Epistles, viz. that it could not have been later than a. d. 68, and this
agrees very well with the preceding datum.
It will be observed that all the above conditions are satisfied by the hypothesis
adopted in Chapter XXVH., that the Pastoral Epistles were written, the two first just
before, and the last during, St. Paul's final imprisonment at Rome. Before examining
1 1 Tim. iii. 6.
• No objection against the genuineness of the Pastoral Epistles has been more insisted on than
that furnished by Uie reference to the youth of Timotheus in the two passages above mentioned.
How groundless such objections are, we may best realise by considering the parallel case of those
young Colonial Bishops, who are almost annually leaving our shores. Several of these have been
not more than thirty-four or thirty-five years of age at the time of their appointment ; and how
naturally might they be addressed, by an elderly friend, in the very language which St. Paul hen
addresses to Timotheus.
s See the authorities for this statement above, p. 487.

DATS1 OF THE PASTOP-AL EPISTLES.

535

the details which fix the order of these Epistles amongst themselves, we shall briefly
consider the arguments of those who, during the present century, have denied the
genuineness of these Epistles altogether. These objections, which were first suggested
by Schleiermacher (who rejected 1 Tim. only), have been recently supported by Baur
(with his usual unfairness and want of exegetical discrimination) and (much more
ably and candidly) by De Wette. The chief cause assigned by these writers for re
jecting the Epistles are as follows : —

Objection.
1. The Pastoral Epistles cannot, on his
torical grounds, be placed in any portion
of St. Paul's life before the end of his first
Roman imprisonment, from which he was
never liberated.
2. The language is unlike that of St.
Paul's other Epistles.

3. The mode of composition, the frequent
introduction of hortatory commonplaces,
and the want of connection, are un-Paul-
ine.

4. The Epistles are without a definite
object, or do not keep that object consis
tently in view.

5. More importance is attached to exter
nal morality, and to " soundness " of dog
matic teaching, than in St. Paul's other
Epistles.

Answer.
1. This rejection rests on the arbitrary
assumption, which we have already at
tempted to refute in Chap. XXVH., that
St Paul was not liberated from his first
imprisonment. 2. The change of style is admitted ; but
it may be accounted for by change of cir
cumstances and lapse of time. New
words very soon are employed, when new
ideas arise to require them. The growth
of new heresies, the development of Church
organisation, the rapid alteration of cir
cumstances in a great moral revolution,
may fully account for the use of new
terms, or for the employment of old terms
in a new sense. Moreover the language
of letters to individual friends might be
expected to differ somewhat from that of
public letters to churches.
3. The change in these respects (such as
it is) is exactly what we might expect to
be caused by advancing age, the diminu
tion of physical vigour, and the partial
failure of that inexhaustible energy which
had supported » feeble bodily frame
through years of such varied trials.
4. This objection we have sufficiently
answered in the preliminary remarks pre
fixed to the translation of the several
Epistles. We may add that De Wette
fixes very arbitrarily on some one point
which he maintains to be the "object"
of each Epistle, and then complains that
the point so selected is not properly kept
in view. On such a ground we might
equally reject the most undoubtedly genu
ine Epistles.
5. This change is exactly what we
Ehould expect, when the foundations of
Christian doctrine and Christian morality
were attacked by heretics.

536

APPENDIX I.

Objection.
6. More importance is given to the hie
rarchical element of the Church than in
St. Paul's other Epistles.

7. The organisation of the Church de
scribed is too mature for the date assign
ed: especially, the exclusion of vebtjmroi
(1 Tim. iii. 6) from the Presbyterate
shows a long existence of the Church.

8. The institution of an Order of Widow
hood (1 Tim. v. 9) is not probable at so
early a period.

Answer.
6. This again is what we should havt
anticipated, in Epistles written towards
the close of the apostolic age, especially
when addressed to an ecclesiastical officer.
We know that, in the succeeding period,
the Church was (humanly speaking) saved
from destruction by its admirable organi
sation, without which it would have fallen
to pieces under the disintegrating influ
ences which were at work within it
When these influences first began to be
powerful, it was evidently requisite to
strengthen the organisation by which they
were to be opposed. Moreover, as the
time approached when the Apostles them
selves were to be withdrawn, it was neces
sary to take measures that the element
of order which their government had
hitherto supplied should not be lost to the
Church. 7. There is nothing in the church organ
isation which might not have been ex
pected at the period of 68 a. d., in churches
which had existed fifteen years, or perhaps
more. The irpeofMrepoi and Sidxovoi are
distinct orders as early as the Epistle tc
the Philippians. The ordaining of irpia-
pirepoi in every city was a step always
taken by St. Paul immediately on the
foundation of a church (Acts xiv. 23).
On the other hand, there are some points
in the Church organisation described,
which seem clearly to negative the hy
pothesis of a date later than the Apostolic
age ; especially the use of irpeofHrepog
and tiriaxoirog as synonymous.
8. The institution of such an order (so
far as it is at all implied in this Epistle)
is nothing more than what might be ex
pected to arise immediately from the
establishment of a class of widows sup
ported by the Church (as described Acts
vi. 1), such as existed from the very ear
liest period of the Church. Baur (by a
mere arbitrary hypothesis) supposes that
the Widows of our Epistle were the same
with the order of Virgins (rdg irapBivovg
rdg keyopevag xvpag, Ig. Smyrn. c. 13)
which existed in the time of Ignatius'

DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.

537

Objection.

9 Timotheus could not have been con-
lideied young, after St. Paul's first impri-
¦onment. 10. The somewhat depreciatory tone in
which Timotheus is addressed, does not
»gree with, what we know of St. Paul's
great value for him.

Answer.
whereas this very passage is a proof of
the earlier date of our Epistle; because
the xvpai of 1 Tim. are especially to be
selected from among those who had borne
children, so that no virgin would have
been admissible.
9. This is fully answered above, p. 531.

11. The Gnostic heresy is plainly at
tacked in the Pastoral Epistles ; yet it did
not exist till towards the close of the first
century. (Baur adds that the peculiar
heresy of Marcion is distinctly attacked
in 1 Tim. ; but this is allowed by De
Wette to be a mistake. See note on
1 Tim. vi. 20).

12. The heretics are vaguely described
as future, yet occasionally as present ;
the present and future seeming to be
blended together.

13. Passages from the other Pauline
Epistles are interpolated into these.

10. We must remember that St Paul
had witnessed the desertion of many of
his disciples and friends (2 Tim. iv. 10)
and it seems probable that Timotheus
himself had shown some reluctance to
encounter the great danger to which a
visit to Rome at the close of Nero's reign
would have exposed every Christian. On
the other hand, what motive could have
induced a forger to represent Timotheus
in this manner ?
11. It is not the Gnostic heresy in its
full development which is attacked in
these Epistles, but the incipient form of
that heresy. We see the germ of it so
early as in the Epistle to the Colossians.
And even in the Epistles to Corinth, there
was a party which prided itself in yvuaig
(1 Cor. viii. 1), and seems to have been
(in its denial of the resurrection, &o.)
very similar to the early Gnostics, and at
least to have contained the germ of the
Gentile element of that heresy. (See VoL
I. p. 449.)
12. This suits very well with the fact
that the Gnostic heresy had as yet only
appeared in its incipient form. Worse
was still to come. Moreover, the same
phenomenon occurs in the description of
the pvarypiov ryg dvopiag (2 Thess. ii.)
13. A writer very naturally expressef
the same thoughts in the same way, by
an unconscious self-repetition. So we
have seen in the Colossians and Ephesians.
and in the Romans and Galatians.

Having thus considered the objections which nave been made against the genuine
ness of these Epistles, we may add to this negative view of the case the positive re»
sons which may be given for believing them genuine.
1. The external evidence of their reception by the Universal Church is conclusive

538 APPENDIX I.
They are distinctly quoted by Irenasus,' and some of their peculiar expressions are
employed in the same sense by Clement, St Paul's disciple.' They are included in
the Canon of Muratori, and in the Peschito, and are reckoned by Eusebius among the
Canonical Scriptures universally acknowledged. Their authenticity was never dis
puted in the early Church, except by Marcion ; and that single exception counts for
nothing, because it is well known that he rejected other portions of Scripture, not oft
grounds of critical evidence, but because he was dissatisfied with their contents.
2. The opponents of the genuineness of these Epistles have never been able to sug
gest any sufficient motive for their forgery. Had they been forged with a view to
refute the later form of the Gnostic heresy, this design would have been more clearly
apparent. As it is, the Epistles to the Colossians and Corinthians might have been
quoted against Marcion or Valentinus with as much effect as the Pastoral Epistles.
3. Their very early date is proved, as we have before remarked, by the synonymous
use of the words irpeaj3vrepog and iiriaxoirog.
4. Their early date also appears by the expectation of our Lord's immediate coming
(1 Tim. vi. 14,) which was not entertained beyond the close of the Apostolic age.
See 2 Peter iii. 4.
5. Their genuineness seems proved by the manner in which Timotheus is addressed.
How can we imagine a forger of a subsequent age speaking in so disparaging a tone
of so eminent a saint?
6. In the Epistle to Titus four persons are mentioned (Artemas, Tychicus, Zenas,
Apollos) ; in 1 Tim. two are mentioned (Hymenseus and Alexander) ; in 2 Tim. sixteen
are mentioned (Erastus, Trophimus, Demas, Crescens, Titus, Mark, Tychicus, Carpus,
Onesiphorus, Prisca, Aquila, Luke, Eubulus, Claudia, Pudens, Linus). Now supposing
these Epistles forged at Jhe time De Wette supposes, viz. about 90 a.d., is it not cer
tain that some of these numerous persons must have been still alive ? Or, at any rate,
many of their friends must have been living. How, then, could the forgery by
possibility escape detection ? If it be said that some of the names occur only in the
Pastoral Epistles and may have been imaginary, that does not diminish the difficulty ;
for would it not have much surprised the Church, to find a number of persona men
tioned, in an epistle of Paul from Rome, whose very names had never been heard of?
7. De Wette himself discards Baur's hypothesis that they were written in the middle
of the second century, and acknowledges that they cannot have been written later than
about the close of the first century, i. e. about a. d. 80 or 90. Now surely' it must be
acknowledged that if they could not have been later than 80 or 90, they may well have
been as early as a.d. 70 or 68; And this is all which is required to establish their
genuineness.3 Taking this point, therefore, as established, we come now to consider tfoe order of
the three Epistles among themselves : —
1 lrenseuB contra Baeres. iii. sect. S and 4, distinctly quotes 2 Tim. and Titus as Epistles ' f St. Paul.
' Eiaepeia is an instance. It wiU be observed that we do not rely on the supposed quotations
from the Pastorals in Clement, because we do not think them sufficiently clear to be convincing. For
the same reason we abstain from referring to Ignatius, Polycarp, and Justin Martyr, because the pas
sages in their writings which we believe to be allusions to the Pastoral Epistles are not £J*tinctly ex
pressed as quotations, and it might therefore be said (as it has been said by Baur) that tho passages in
the Pastorals were taken from them, not they from the Pastorals.
» The above discussion of the arguments for and against the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles wai
written before the appearance of Dr. Davidson's third voluihe. The reader who is acquaint*! with that
valuable work, wUl perceive that we differ from Dr. Davidson on some material points ; nw after con
sidering his arguments, do we see reason to change our conclusions. But this difference £oes not pre
vent us from appreciating the candour and ability with which he states the arguments o» both sides.
We would especially refer our readers to his statement of the difficulties in the way of tk-i hypothesis
that these Epistles were forged, pp. 149-163.

DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 539
I. 1 Tim. In this we find St. Paul had left Ephesus for Macedonia (I Tim. i. 3), and
had left Timothy at Ephesus to counteract the erroneous teaching of the heretics
(iii.. 4), and that he hoped soon to return to Ephesus (iii. 14).
2. Titus. Here we find that St. Paul had lately left Crete (i. 5), and that he was
now about to proceed (iii. 12) to Nicopolis, in Epirus, where he meant to spend the
approaching winter. Whereas in 1 Tim. he meant soon to be back at Ephesus, and
he was afterwards at Miletus and Corinth between 1 Tim. and 2 Tim. (otherwise
2 Tim. iv. 20 would be unintelligible). Hence Titus" must have been written later
than 1 Tim.
3. 2 Tot. We have seen that this Epistle could not (from the internal evidence of
its style, and close resemblance to the other Pastorals) have been written in the first
Roman imprisonment The same conclusion may be drawn also on historical grounds,
as Hnther has well shown (p. 23), where he proves that it could neither have been
written before the Epistle to the Colossians nor after the Epistle to the Colossians
during that imprisonment. The internal evidence .from style and matter, however, is
so conclusive, that it is needless to do more than allude to this quasi-external evidence.
In this Epistle we find St Paul a prisoner in Rome (i. 17) ; he has lately been at
Corinth (iv. 20), and since he left Timothy (at Ephesus) he has been at Miletus (iv. 20).
Also he has been, not long before, at Troas (iv. 13).
The facts thus mentioned can be best explained by supposing (1) That after writing
1 Tim. from Macedonia, St. Paul did, as he intended, return to Ephesus by way of
Troas, where he left the books, &c. mentioned 2 Tim. iv. 13 with Carpus ; (2) That
from Ephesus he made a short expedition to Crete and back, and on his return wrote
to Titus ; (3) That immediately after despatching this letter, he went by Miletus tn
Corinth, and thence to Nicopolis ; whence he proceeded to Rome.
To complete this subject, we add a summary of the verbal peculiarities of the Pas
toral Epistles.
l Had 1 Tim. been written after Titus, St. Paul could not have hoped to be back soon at Ephesus.
1 Tun. iii. 14 ; for be had only just left Ephesus, and (on that hypothesis) would be intending to winter
at the distant Nieopolu.

540

APPENDIX L

PECUUAE WORDS AND PHRASES LN THE PASTORAL
EPISTLES.

It will be observed that most of the following words or phrases occur in more than
one of these Epistles, and but one of them (xak.bg) in any of the other Epistlea
written by St. Paul.

The words or phrases marked * occur nowhere else in the New Testament.
a means 1 Tim.
0 means 2 Tim.
c means Titus.
Thus a1 tac means occuring take in 1 Tim., three times in 2 Tim., and once in Titus.

* alperixbg
* dve^ixaKog
* dvbaiog upvovpai
* dpriog .
' doroxcivPipykog
' yeveakoyiai
* yopvaala
* SiafiePaiovoBai . .
* Sidfiokog (for calumnious) .
* Sidyeiv 
diSaaxakia (objectively used)
Si' yv alriav . . .

iKTpiireoBai .
hiTevftg . . . .
* iiriaropifctv . . . .
* lirityavela (for rrapovaia)
* irepoSiSaaxakelv . .
evoefiela . . . .
eiaepu . . . .
evaifiug . . .
• ixeiv (to hold fast)
(yryaeig . .
ySoval 
xaBapd (av^siSyatg or xapSia)
xakbg 

• Kevo^aviai

c.
b.
ab.aV>c\
b.
a*b.a?b. a c.
a.a c.
a be.
a c.
a4 b c\
b* c, also used once in Hebrews, and four times by St
Luke. (St. Paul always elsewhere uses Sib, which
occurs twenty-seven times in his other Epistles, but
not once in the Pastorals.)
o?b.
a\ c.alfic.a\
asb c,\
a, } altogether thirteen times ; not used once in
be, ) any other of St Paul's Epistles.
ab. a* be.
c.o?P.
o" J3 c* (used twenty-five times in the Pastorals, and
only sixteen times in all the other Epistles written
by St. Paul).
a b.

PECULIAR WORDS AND PHRASES IN PASTOEAL EPISTLES. 541

• Tioyopax'iai (or -elv)
' paxdpiog Qebg .
* paraiokoyia (or -oi)
uvBot . .
* veotjivTog

i a b.
a*.a e.

a*b c (only once besides in New Testament, viz. 2 Pet
i. 16).
a.
e. ab.
. a* be
,ab\. a b.
. a c.
.be. c.
, a3b c (thi3 phrase seems always to introduce or accom
pany a quotation).
. a c.
. a4 c.
. o* c (also aepvog is only used in Phil. iv. 8 and in i* t).
cuApav and its derivatives . ri> c* J (au^poewy alone occurs elsewhere in N. T,
viz. Acts xxvi. 25).
•rvfyovcBax . • • . a b.
• iy$g (and derivatives applied
to doctrine) . . . d> b* c*.
iiroptpvyaxeiv (and deriva
tives) . . • • 6 c*
.* imoriiraatg . • • . ab.
'XtZ£Z'^ ^ ^a * (not e, though in T.R., see Note on Tit L4>

'ohovpbg iraylg tov ita/ibAoo
irapaiTeiaOai . .
• KapaKaTa&yKii irapaKoAovdem . •
'irdpoivog • . • •
• irepiiorao&at
' rrepiavaiog . . .
'iriarbg S kbyog .
"irkyKTyg rrpoaixeiv
' aepvbryg
' aarijp (applied to God)

542

APPENDIX IT.

APPENDIX II.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

37

38

39

(?)

40

(?)

41

(?)

42

(?)

43

(?)

44

He

45

4647

46

40

60

61

Biography of St. Paul.

(?) St. Paul's conversion [supposing the fan
rgia of Gal. 1. 18 Judaically reckoned].
See Vol. I. p. 234, and note (B.) below.
(?) At Damascus.
(?) Flight from Damascus [See Vol. I. p.
234] to Jerusalem, and thence to Tarsus.
During these years St. Paul preaches
in Syria and Cilicia, making Tarsus
his head -quarters, and probably un
dergoes most of the sufferings men
tioned at 2 Cor. xi. 24-26, viz. two
of the Roman and the five Jewish
scourgings, and three shipwrecks.
See Vol. L p. 105 and 118, and note
on 2 Cor. xi. 25.
He is brought from Tarsus to Antioch (Acts
xi. 26) and stays there a year before the
famine.

He visits Jerusalem with Barnabas to relieve
the famine.
At Antioch.
At Astjoch.

His "First Missionary Journey" from An
tioch to
Cyprus, Antioch In Pisidia, Iconium, Lys-
tra, Derbe,
and back through the same places to
Antioch.
St. Paul and Barnabas attend the " Council
of Jerusalem."
[See Vol. I. p. 227-234 and note (B.) be
low.]
His " Second Missionary Journey," from
Antioch to
Cilicia, Lycaonia
Galatia,
Troas, Philippi, Thessalonica. Beroea,
Athens, and
Cohihth— Writes 1 Thess.

COTEMPORAR Y EVENTS

Death of Tiberius and accession of Caugula
(March 16).

Death of Caligula, and accession of Claudius
(Jan. 25), Judaea and Samaria given to
Herod Agrippa I.

Invasion of Britain by Aulas Plautius.
Death of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii.) [see
note (A.) below.]
Cuspius Fadus (as procurator) succeeds to
the government of Judiea.

Tiberius Alexander made procurator of Judiea
(about this time).

Agrippa 17. (Acts xxv.) made king of Chalcis
Cumanus made procurator of Judsea (about
this time) .
Caractacua captured by the Romans in
Britain ;
Cogidunus (father of Claudia \7]t 2 Tim. iv
21) assists the Romans in Britain.

Claudius expels the Jews from Rome (Acts
xviii. 2).

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

543

A.D.

53

64

55
66 67

68

61

62

64

66

67

Bioqbaphy op Sr. Paui.

At Corinth. Writes 2 Thea.

{Spring — He leaves Corinth, and reaches
(Summer) — Jerusalem at Pentecost, and
thence goes to Antioch.
(Autumn)— His "Third Missionary Journey."
He goes to
To Ephesus.
At Efhesds.
At Ephescs.
(Spring) — He writes 1 Cor.
(Summer) — Leaves Ephesus for Macedonia,
(Autumn) — "Where, he writes 2 Cor., and
thence
(Winter) — To Corinth, where he writes Oala-
lians.
(Spring) — He writes Romans, and leaves
Corinth, going by Philippi and Miletus
(Summer — To Jerusalem (Pentecost), where
he is arrested, and sent to Cassarea.
AtCiSAKEA. (Autumn) — Sent to Borne by Festus (about
August).
(Winter)— Shipwrecked at Malta.
(Spring) — He arrives at Rome.

At Rose. (Philemon,
(Spring) — Writesi Colossians,
[Ephesians.
(Autumn)— Writes Philippians.

(Spring) — He is acquitted, and goes to
Macedonia (Phil, ii. 24) and Asia Minor
(Philem. xxii.).
(?) He goes to Spain. [For this and the
subsequent statements, see Chap. XXVII. j
(?) In Spain.

(Summer) —From Spain (!) to Asia Minor
(1 Tim. i. 3).
(Summer)— Writes 1 Km. from Macedonia.
(Autumn)— Writes Titm from Ephesus.
(Winter)— At Nicopolis.
(Sprinjri— -In prison at Home.
v Writesi Tim.
(Summer)— Executed (May or June).

COTEMPORABT EVENTS.

The tetrarchy of Tracheitis given to Agrippa
Felix made procurator of Judsea. P3ee note
(C.) below.]
Death of Claudius and accession of Nero
(Oct. 13).

Nero murders Agrippina.
Felix is recalled and succeeded by Festus [see
note (C.) below].
Embassy from Jerusalem to Rome, to petition
about the wall [see note (C.) below).
Burrus dies ;
Albinus succeeds Festus as procurator ;
Nero marries Poppsea ;
Octavia executed :
Pallas put to death.
Poppaea 's daughter Claudia born.

Great fire at Rome (July 19.), followed by
persecution of Roman Christians ;
Gessius Florus made procurator of Judaea.
Conspiracy of Piso, and death of Seneca.

The Jewish war begins.

Death of Nero in the middle of Juno

I»t4 appendix n.

Note (A.). — Hale of the Famine, in Acts si. 28.
We find in Actsxi. 28, that Agabus prophesied the occurrence of a famine, and thai
his prophecy was fulfilled in the reign of Claudius; also that the Christians of Antioch
resolved (upiaav) to send relief to their poor brethren in Judsea, and that this resolution
was earned into effect by the hands of Barnabas and Saul. After relating this, St
Luke digresses from his narrative, to describe the then state (Kaf iKeivov tov xpovov)
of the Church at Jerusalem, immediately before and after the death of Herod Agrippa
(which is fully described Acts xii. 1-24). He then resumes the narrative which he
had interrupted, and tells us how Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch, after fulfill
ing their commission to Jerusalem (Acts xii. 25).
From this it would appear, that Barnabas and Saul went up to Jerusalem, to relieve
the sufferers by famine, soon after the death of Herod Agrippa I.
Now Josephus enables us to fix Agrippa's death very accurately : for he tells us (Ant
xix. 9, 2) that at the time of his death he had reigned three full years over the whole
of Judaea; and also (Ant. xix. 5, 1) that early in the first year of Claudius (41 A.D.)
the sovereignty of Judaaa was conferred on him. Hence his death was in a.d. 44.'
The famine appears to have begun in the year after his death; for (1) Josephus
speaks of it as having occurred during the government of Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius
Alexander (Ant. xx. 5, 2). Now Cuspius Fadus was sent as Procurator from Borne on
the death of Agrippa I., and was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander ; and both their
Procuratorships together only lasted from a.d. 45 to a.d. 50, when Cumanus succeeded.'
(2) We find from Josephus (Ant. xx. 2, 6, compare xx. 5, 2), that about the time of tha
beginning of Fadus's government, Helena, Queen of Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte,
sent corn to the relief of the Jews in the famine. (3) At the time of Herod Agrippa's
death, it would seem from Acts xii. 20, that the famine could not have begun ; for the
motive of the Phoenicians, in making peace, was that their country was supplied with
food from Judaaa, a motive which could not have acted while Judaea itself was perish
ing of famine.
Hence we conclude that the journey of Barnabas and Saul to Jerusalem with alms
took place in a. d. 45.

Note (B.).
In Vol. I. p. 233, we have remarked that the interval of 14 years (Gal. ii. 1) between
the flight from Damascus and the Council of Jerusalem might be supposed to be either
14 full years, or 13, or even 12 years, Judaically reckoned. It must not be imagined
that the Jews arbitrarily called the same interval of time, 14, 13, or 12 years ; but the
denomination of the interval depended on the time when it began and ended, as fol
lows. If it began on September 1st, a.d. 38, and ended October 1st, a.d. 50, it would
be called 14 years, though really only 12 years and one month ; because it began
before the 1st of Tisri, and ended after the 1st of Tisri ; and as the Jewish civil year
began on the 1st of Tisri, the interval was contained in 14 different civil years. On
the other hand, if it began October 1st, a.d. 38, and ended September 1st, a.d. 50, it
would only be called 12 years, although really only two months less than the former
1 See additional authorities for this in Wieseler, p. 130.
* Wieseler, p. 67, note 1.

NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 545
Interval which was called 14 years. Hence, as we do not know the month of th.
flight from Damascus, nor of the Council of Jerusalem, we are at liberty to suppose
flu* the interval between them was only a few weeks more than 12 years, and there
fore to suppose the flight in a.d. 38, and the Council in a.d. 50.

Note (C.)— On the Hate of the Seeal of Felix.
We have seen that St. Paul arrived in Rome in sp,mg, after wintering at Malta,
and that he sailed from Judaea at the beginning of the preceding autumn, and was at
Fair Havens in Crete in October, soon after "the Fast," which was on the 10th ol
Tisri (Acts xxvii. 9). He was sent to Rome by Festus, upon his appeal to Caasar, and
his hearing before Festus had taken place about a fortnight (see Acts xxiv. 27 to'xxv.
1) after the arrival of Festus in the province. Hence the arrival of Festus (and con
sequently the departure of Felix) took place in the summer preceding St. Paul's
voyage. This is confirmed by Acts xxiv. 27, which tells us that Paul had been in prison two
complete years (Sieria rrkypuBelayg) at the time of Felix's departure; for he was im
prisoned at a Pentecost, therefore Felix's departure was just after a Pentecost.
We know, then, the season of Felix's recal, viz. the summer; and we must deter
mine the date of the year.
(a.) At .the beginning of St. Paul's imprisonment at Caasarea (i. c. two years before
Felix's recal), Felix had been already (Acts xxiv. 10) "for many years Procurator
ofJudasa" (ix irokkuv iruv bvra Kpiryv rip IBvet rovrtp). " Many years " could not be
less than 5 years ; therefore Felix bad governed Judaaa at least (5+2=) 7 years at the
time of his recal. Now Felix was appointed Procurator in the beginning of the 13th
year of Claudius' (Joseph. Ant. xx. 7, 1, SuSeKarov irog ySy ireirkypuKtig), that is,
early in the year a.d. 53. Therefore Felix's recal could not have occurred before a.d.
(53-+-7=) 60.
(J3.) But we can also show that it could not have occurred after a.d. 60, by the
following arguments.
1. Felix was followed to Rome by Jewish ambassadors, who impeached him of
mis-government. He was saved from punishment by the intercession of his brother
Pallas, at a time when Pallas was' in special favour with JVero (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8,
9). Now Pallas was put to death by Nero in the year a.d. 62 ; and it is improbable
that at any part of that or the preceding year he should have had much influence
with Nero. Hence Felix's recal was certainly not after a.d. 62, and probably not
after A.D. 60.
2. Burrus was living (Joseph. Ant., quoted by Wieseler, p. 83) at the time when
Felix's Jewish accusers were at Rome. Now Burrus died not later than February
A. D. 62. And the Jewish ambassadors could not have reached Rome during the sea-
ion of the Mare Clausum. Therefore they (and consequently Felix) must have come
to Rome not after the autumn of a.d. 61.
3. Paul, on arriving at Rome, was delivered (Acts xxviii. 16) rp arparoirebapxy,
l Tacitus places the appointment of Felix earlier than this ; but on such a question his authority is
not to be compared with that of Josephus. See Wieseler, p. 67, note 1.
• Pallas had been mainly instrumental in obtaining Nero's adoption by Claudius ; but by presuming
too much on his favour, be excited the disgust of Nero at the very beginning of his reign (A. D. 54) .
In a. n. 55 he was accused of treason, but acquitted j and after this acquittal he seems to have
regained his favour at Court.
vol. ir. — 35

546 appendix n.
not roif arpaToireSapxaig ; ' hence there was a single Praafect in command of the
Praatorians at that time. But this was not the case after the death of Burrus, when
Rufus and Tigellinus were made joint Prsefects. Hence (as above) Paul could not
have arrived in Rome before a. d. 61, and therefore Felix's recal (which was in tha
year before Paul's arrival at Rome) could not have been after A. D. 60.
Therefore Felix's recal has been proved to be neither after a. d. 60, nor befora
A. D. 60 ; consequently it was in a. d. 60.
(y.) This conclusion is confirmed by the following considerations : —
1. Festus died in Judaaa, and was succeeded by Albinus ; we are not informed of
the duration of Festus's government, but we have proved (a) that it did not begin
before a.d. 60, and we know that Albinus was in office in Judaaa in the autumn
of a. d. 62 (at the feast of Tabernacles), and perhaps considerably before that time.
(See Wieseler, p. 89.) Hence Festus's arrival (and Felix's recal) must have been
either in 60 or 61. Now, if we suppose it in 61, we must crowd into a space of fifteen
months the following events : — (a) Festus represses disturbances, (b) Agrippa II.
' nilds his palace overlooking the temple, (c) The Jews build their wall, intercepting
nis view, (d) They send a deputation to Rome, to obtain leave to keep their wall.
(e) They gain their suit at Rome, by the intercession of Poppaea. (/) They return to
Jerusalem, leaving the High Priest Ishmael as hostage at Rome, (g) Agrippa on their
return nominates a new High Priest (Joseph), the length of whose tenure of office we
are not told, (h) Joseph is succeeded in the high priesthood by Ananus* who holds
the office three months, and is displaced just before the arrival of Albinus. This suc
cession of events could not have occurred between the summer of a. d. 61 and the
autumn of a. d. 62 ; because the double voyage of the Jewish embassy, with their resi
dence in Rome, would alone have occupied twelve months. Hence we conclude that
from the arrival of Festus to that of Albinus was a period of not less than two years,
and consequently that Festus arrived a. d. 60.
2. The Procurators of Judaaa were generally changed when the Propraators of Syria
were changed. (See Wieseler, p. 97.) Now Quadratus was succeeded by Corbulo in
Syria a. d. 60 ; hence we might naturally expect Felix to be recalled in that year.
3. Paul was indulgently treated (Acts xxviii. 31) at Rome for two years after his
arrival there. Now he certainly would not have been treated indulgently after the
Roman fire in (July, 64). Hence his arrival was at latest not after (64 — 2=) a.d. 62.
Consequently Felix's recal was certainly not after 61.
4. After Nero's accession (October 13, a. d. 54 Josephus)* mentions the following
consecutive events as having occurred in Judaaa-: — (a) Capture of the great bandit
Eleazar by Felix, (b) Rise of the Sicarii. (c) Murder of Jonathan unpunished.
(d) Many pretenders to Inspiration or Messiahship lead followers into the wilderness.
(e) These are dispersed by the Roman trsops. (/) An Egyptian rebel at the head of
a body of Sicarii excites the most dangerous of all these insurrections ; his followers
are defeated, but he himself escapes. This series of events could not well have occu
pied less than three years, and we should therefore fix the insurrection of the Egyptian
not before a. d. 57. Now when St. Paul was arrested in the Temple, he was at first
mistaken for this rebel Egyptian, who is mentioned as 6 Aiyiimog 6 irpb tovtuv tuv
^pepuv a\ aararuaag (Acts xxi. 38), an expression which would very naturally be used
If the Egyptian's insurrection had occurred in the preceding year. This would again
] The official phrase was in the plural, when there was more than one Prsefect So Trajan writ**,
11 vinctuB mitti ad prtefectos prcetorii mei debet." — Plin. Ep. x. 66
8 For the references, see Vicselnr, p. 78, et soq.

NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 547
agree with supposing the date of St. Paul's arrest to be A. d. 58, and therefore Felix's
recal a. d. 60.
5. St. Paul (Acts xviii. 2) finds Aquila and Priscilla just arrived at Corinth from
Rome, whence they were banished by a decree of the Emperor Claudius. We do not
know the date of this decree, but it could not, at the latest, have been later than a. d.
54, in which year Claudius died. Now the Acts gives us distinct information that
between this first arrival at Corinth and St. Paul's arrest at Jerusalem there were the
following intervals of time, viz. : From arriving at Corinth to reaching Antioch
lj£ years, from reaching Ephesus to leaving Ephesus 2jf years, from leaving Ephesus
to reaching Jerusalem 1 year. (See Acts xviii. xix. and xx.) These make together
5% years ; but to this must be added the time spent at Antioch, and between Antioch
and Ephesus, which is not mentioned, but which may reasonably be estimated at
X year. Thus we have h% years for the total interval. Therefore the arrest of St.
Paul at Jerusalem was probably not later than (54-{-5k=) a. d. 59, and may have
been earlier ; which agrees with the result independently arrived at, that it was
actually in A, d. 58.
It is impossible for any candid mind to go through such investigations as these,
without seeing how strongly they confirm (by innumerable coincidences) the historical
accuracy of the Acts of the Apostles.

INDEX.

Abl>i is, on the destruction of the Temple of Diana
by St. John, ii. 89 note.
Acamas, promontory of, i. 169.
Acco, il. 331. -
Achai, i. 816 -, harbours of, 412 ; province of, under
the Romans, 416.
Acre, St. Jean d', ii. 231.
Acrocorinthus, the, i. 412; its importance, ill. ;
views from its summit, ib.
Acropolis, the, i. 846, 854 : wood-cut view of the
ruins of the, 356 ; view of the, restored, 376.
Acts of the Apostles,!. 181.
Adramyttium, i. 279 ; ii. 810.
iEgina, island of, i. 845.
Anum-Karahissar, i. 271.
Agabus, the prophet, i. 127; II. 283.
Agora, the, of Athens, 1. 854.
Agricola, 1.15.
Agrippa, Herod, grandson of Herod the Great, 1.
Ill; his death, 128.
Agrippa IT., ii. 272.
Aizani, i. 277, 278.
Ak-Sher, 1. 271.
Alban, Mount, ii. 860.
Albinus, i. 289 note.
Alcibiades, character of, 1. 365; fortifications ot,
at Cos, ii. 220.
Alexander the coppersmith, ii. 85, 87.
Alexander the Great, 1. 7, 9 ; at Famphylia, 163.
Alexandria, eminence of, ii. 808. '
Alexandria Troas; i. 280, 281 ; harbour of, 282.
Ali Pasha, Governor of Bagdad, i. 137.
Almalee, in Lycia, i. 167.
Almsgiving amongst the Jews, i. 66.
" Altar of the Twelve Gods" at Athens, i. 854; to
the " Unknown God," 864.
Amphipolis, i. 819.
Amphitheatres in Asia Minor, ii. 200.
Amplias, il. 195.
Atnyntas, king of Galatia, 1. 23, 186.
Ananias, i. 93, 94.
Ancyra, description of, i. 272, 278.
Andrea, Cape St., i. 189.
Andriace, ii. 315. -
Androclus, founder of Ephesus, li. 71.
Andronicua, "kinsman" of St. Paul, li. 193.
Anemone Appenina, the, in Pisidia, i. 167 note.
Anerourium, cliffs of, i. 159.
Ancyra, 1. 247 note.
Annaeus Novatus. See Gallio.
Antioch, 1. 109 ; Jewish Christians in, 116 ; descrip.
tion and history of the city, 121 et seq. ; earth
quake and famine in, 126 ; a revelation at, 182. '
Antioch in Pisidia, i. 168; identified with the
modern town, of Jalobatch, 169; its foundation,
170; called Caesar ia by Augustus, ib.
Antioch us Kpiphanes, i. 26, 27 note.
AntiochuB Soter, i. 246.
Antigonia Troas. See Alexandria Troas.
Antinomlanism, Corinthian, i. 458 ; ii. 151.
Antinomians, it. 81.
A ntipas, son of Herod the Great, i. 28.

Antipater, I. 27.
Antipatris, If. 269.
Antonia, the fortreee, ii. 251.
Antonine Itinery, i. 817, 818.
Antoninus, Pius, i. 871.
Anxur, il. 856, 858.
Applies, ii. 193.
Apollo. Patrous, temple of, 1. 855.
Apollonia identified by Mr. Arundell, 1, 168.
Apollonia on the Adriatic, description of, i. 8M.
Apollonius of Tyana, i. 120 note ; notice of the V»
of, 344.
Apollos, i. 446; li. 18 et seq. ; followers of, 81.
Apostles, Acts of the, i. 131; their ofice in tin
Primitive Church, 482.
Apostles and Elders, letter of the, to the Christiana
of Antioch, 1.221.
Apostolic Church, the, I. 65.
Appian Way, ii. 864.
Appii Forum, ii. 859.
Appendix: I. On the Date of the Pastoral Epistlea,
ii. 533. II. Chronological Table, 542.
Aquila, i. 886, 388, 422 ; ii. 19, 83 note.
Aquila, the translator of the Old Testament inU
Greek, i. 887.
Arabia, the word, i. 96.
Aram, i. 35. •
Aramtean Jews, i. 85.
Aratus,' the Greek poet of Cilicia, 1. 378 note.
Araunah, threshing-floor of, ii. 246.
Archelaus, son of Herod, i. 28; his banishment,
54.
Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, 1. 24S.
Archippus, ii. 21.
Areopagus, i. 846, 854; description of the, 87*.
Aretas, King of Petra, I. 81 ; coins of, 107.
Arethusa, pass of, i. 820.
Argaeus, mount, i. 186.
Argo, the ship, i. 414.
Aricia, town of, ii. 360.
Aristarchus, ii. 311.
Aristobulus, ii. 193.
Aristotle, 1. 859.
Artemio, i. 140. '
Artemisian festival, ii. 83.
Artemision, the Greek month, li. 83.
Asia; the word as used by the ancients, 1. 287 el
seq.
Asia Minor, robbers in, i. 162; "water-floods"
of, 163; caravans in, 165; table-lands of, 168;
political divisions of, 285.
Asiarchs, the, ii. 88.
Aspendus, i. 160.
" Assemblies of the Wise," i. 59.
Assize-towns of the Romans, ii. 82
Assos, i. 279 ; notice of, ii. 209.
Asycrltus, ii. 194.
Athenian religion, notice of the, i. 868.
Athenodorus, i. 105.
Athens, compared with Corinth, i. 888; scenery
around, 846; description of the city of, 858 el
seq. ; its " carefulness in religion," 868; pagan
Ism of, compared with Christianity, 881
Athoi, Mount, i. 284, 286, 814, 848.

INDEX.

Attaleia, bay of, 1. 159 ; town of, 161 ; history and
description of, 200.
Attalus Philadelphus, i. 161.
Atta'us III., King of Pergamus, i. 240.
Attica, description of, i. 346.
" Augustan Band," the, i. 28.
Augustine, St., on the names "Saulus" anl
" Paulus," i. 152.
Aulon, pass of, i. 820.
Avercus, Lacus, ii. 852.
Alius river, i. 814. B.
Bal&e, ii. 852.
Balaamites. See Nicolaitans.
Barjesus, the Sorcerer,!, 147.
Barnabas at Antioch, i. 108, 118; accompanies
St. Paul to Jerusalem, with contribution-money
in time of famine, 127; becomes one of the
teachers at Antioch, 181; departs for Cyprus,
184; arrives at Selucia, 187; at Salamis, 188;
at Paphos, 141.; brought before Sergius Paulus,
148; visits Pamphylia, 158; arrives at Perga,
160; at the table-land of Asia Minor, 167;
reaches Antioch in Pisidia, 174; accompanies
St. Paul to the synagogue there, 174 ; expelled
from the city, 1S1 ; journeys towards Lycaonia,
181 ; reaches Iconium, 182 : flies from a conspi
racy of the Iconians to destroy him, 185 ;
reaches Lystra, 188; goes to Derbe, 198; turns
back and re-visits Lystra, Iconium, and An
tioch, 199; reaches Perga, 200; accompanies
St. Paul to Jerusalem, 211 ; arrives there, 218;
his address to the Christian conference at Jeru
salem, 215; returns to Antioch, 220; quarrels
with and separates from St. Paul, 252 ; his sub
sequent life, 253.
Basil, St. i. 871.
Basilicas, the Pauline, ii. 471, 472.
Basilides, the Gnostic, i. 459 note.
Baptism, infant, i. 296.
Baris, ii. 251.
Bi/fta, the, i. 419 note; ii. 252
Benjamin, lot of, i. 53.
Berenice, i. 25, 248 ; ii. 294.
Beroea, description of, i. 839.
Bethsalda, city of, i. 55.
Bethesda, pool of, ii. 252.
Bin-bir-Kilisseh, i. 183. .
Bishop, Office of, in thePrlmltive Church, i. 433.
Bithynia, description of, i. 240.
Bovillte, ii. 362.
Buldur, marble road at, i. 166 ; lake of, 168.
Burrus, the praetorian prefect, ii. 364.

0.
Cabbala, the, i. 36.
Capua, ii. 357.
Caesar, J., i. 147.
Oesarea, i. 27, 28, 115 ; its theatre, 12S : descrip
tion of the city, ii. 280.
Caius or Gaius, i. 400.
Caligula, i. 62, 110.
Campagna of Rome, ii. 861.
Campanian Way, ii. 855.
Candace, Queen, i. 19.
Cappadocia, description of, i. 249. ¦
Capreee, island of, ii. S50.
Casilinum, ii. 857.
Casius, Mount', i. 188.
Catarrhactes river, 1. 159.
Cayster river, ii. 18.
Caystrian meadows, iu71.
Cenchreie, 1. 348 ; notice of, 421 ; its' geographical
. position, ii. 195 note.
Cephas, the name, ii. 84 note.
Cephisus river, i. 849, 859, 886.
Ceramlcus, the, at Athens, i. 358.
Ceres, temple of, at Athens, I. 358.
Cerinthus, his doctrines, i. 457.
Cercnitis, lake, i. 819.
Cestrus river, i. 159.
Charity amongst the early Christiana, . 180.
"Chiefs of Asia," ii. 84.
Chios, ii. 18, 211.
Chittim, 1. 155.

Chloe, family of, ii. 30.
Chrestus, i. 886.
Chrysorrhoas river, i. 88
Chrysostom, John, i. 274.
Christianity and Judaism, i. 31, 32.
Christianity, dissemination of, in Antioch in Pisi
dia, i. 180 ; compared with Greek philosophy
868 ; its foundation in Achaia, ii. 16 ; in Rome,
founder of, not known, 155.
"Christians," the name when first used, i. 118;
extract from William of Tyre respecting, 120.
Church, the Apostolic, i. 65 ; charity of its mem
bers, 66 ; first aspect of the, 66, 07 ; formation
of the first, of united Jews and Gentiles, 180;
controversy in the, 204 ; great conference of the
Apostles and Elders of the, at Jerusalem, 214 ;
its decrees, 217 ; foundation of the, in Macedo
nia, 2M; constitution of the primitive, 481, 432
et aeq. ; ordinances of the, 437; festivals of the,
440 ; divisions in the, 441 ; heresies in the, 445,
446.
Church of Philippi, ii. 92 ; veneration of for St.
Paul, ib. ; its liberality to the Apostle, 93, 123.
Church of Tyre, ii. 229, 230.
Church, the Roman, ii. 871. .
Cibyra, "the Birmingham of Asia Minor," i, 167.-
Cicero, i. 14, 15 ; as governor of Cilicia, 24 ; at
Athens, 360.
Cilicia, i. 14, 19 ; Bough Cilicia, 20 ; Flat Cilicia,
21 ; as a Roman province, 28 • under Cicero, 24;
description of, 249.
" Cilician Gates," the, i. 199.
" Cilicium" tents, i. 47, 16S.
Ciraon, statue of, i. 854.
Ciraon of Athens, his victory over the Persians at
Plat-sa and Salamis, i. 160.
Cithaeron, hills of, i. 345.
Claudia, ii. 474, 4Sinote.
Claudius Lysias, ii; 254; letter of, to Felix, 270.
Claudius, the Emperor, ii. Ill, 113; his edict ban
ishing the Jews from Rome, i. 385.
Cnidus, notice of, ii. 221 , 818.
Colossae, ii. 4, 13; description of, ii. 3$% note.
Colosse in Phrygia, i. 272 note.
Colossians, Epistle to the, ii. 384.
Colossus at Rhodes, the, ii. 223.
Colonna, Cape, i. 345, 846.
Colony, constitution of a Roman, i, 292.
Commerce, Roman, ii. 807.
Conference, great, of the Apostles and Elders at
Jerusalem, i. 214, 215.
Constantia, i. 141.
Consular Way, ii. 355.,
Contributions for pqpr Jewish Christians, ii. 120.
154.
Conventus, ii. 82 note.
Converts in the household of Nero, Ii. 433.
Coracesium, cliffs of, !. 159.
Coressus mountains, ii, 70.
Corinth, i. 348, 383, 885, 411 ; its early history, 414
under the Romans, 415; its destruction byMum-
mius, 415 ; re- establishment of the importance
of the city under Julius Caesar, 416; tumult
at, 420.
Corinthian Church, state 'of, in time of St. Paul,
ii. 153 ; its subsequent character, ib. ,* ii. 80.
Corinthians, First Epistle to the, ii. 33 ; Second,
97.
Corinthians, licentiousness of the, ii. 27, 28.
Cornelius, i. 106, 113 ; conversion of, 114, 115.
Corn-vessels of Egypt, ii. 308.
Cos, island of, ii. 219.
Cotyteum, i. 277.
Council-house of Athens, i. 356.
Cragus, Mount, ii. 225.
Crassus, i. 147.
Crenides, city of, i. 295.
CreBcens, ii. 467.
Crispus, "ruler of the Synagogue,*' i. 400.
Croesus and the '* Ephesian Letters',1.* li. 2l»
Cuniaj, ii. 352.
Cuspius Fadus, ii. 253.
Cybistra, i. 26.
Cydnus, the river, i. 22, 48.
Cyprus, i. 17, 116, 117, 184 ; as a Roman province,
i. 141, 142 ; history of, i. 155.

INDEX.

551

B.
Dalmalia, il. 126.
Damans, the female convert at Athens, i. 331.
Damascus, i. 82 ; roads from, to Jerusalem, 84 ;
history of, 86.
Daphne, i. 12-5,
Deiotarus, King of Galatia, i. 229.
Delos, slave-trade of, i. 20.
Demas, ii. 378.
Demetrius and the silversmiths, ii. 85.
Demoniac slave, the, at Philippi, i. 800, 801.
Demoniacs, the, of the'New Testament, i. 29S.
Demosthenes, statue of, i. 854.
Demus, the, of Thessalonica, i. 334.
Denarius, silver, i. 3,
Derbe, city of, i. 188, 19S, 257, 261.
" Devil," and " daemon," i. 299.
Dicaearchia, ii. 352.
Diana, temple of, at Perga, i. 160 ; statue of, by
Praxiteles, 357.
Diana of Ephesus, worship of, ii. 21 ; Temple of
Ephesus, 73 ; worship of, 77.
Dinocrates, i. 9.
Dionysius, the convert at Athens, i. 381.
Diogenes, tomb of, ii. 196 note.
Dium, i. 342.
Drachma, the, ii. 24 note.
Drepanum, promontory of, 1. 159.
Drusilla, wife of Felix, ii. 286.
Dyrrhachium, i. 322 note.

E.
Easter, ii. 203.
Ebionltes, the, i. 453.
Edessa, i. 38S note.
Egnatia, "Via, i. 816.
Egyptian corn-vessels, ii. 803, 809.
Elder, the name, i. 433.
Elogium, i. 8.
Elymas Barjesus, i. 147.
Ep»netus, "the first-fruits of Achaia," i. S99; ii.
193.
Epaphras, ii. 21, 379, SS3.
Epaphroditus, ii. 420, 422, ¦435.
*' Ephesian letters," ii. 21.
Ephesian magic, ii. 21.
Ephesians, Epistle to the, ii. 399 ; parallelism be
tween it and the Epistle to the Colossians, 412.
Ephesus, its geographical position, ii. 18; descrip
tion of, 69 ; its natural advantages, 70; founda-
dation of the city, ib.: its present appearance,
71 ; its celebrated temple, 73 ; political constitu
tion of, 80 ; tumult in the city, 86, 87 ; speech
of the town-clerk, 87.
Ephraim, hills of, ii. 268.
Epistles of St. Paul; First Epistle to the Thessa-
lonians, i. 890; Second Epistle to the Thesalo-
nians, 402; First Epistle to the Corinthians, ii.
33; Second Epistle to the Corinthians, 97;
Epistle to the Galatians, 135; Epistle to the
Romans, 157; Epistle to Philemon, 330 ; to the
Colossians, 334; to the Ephesians, 399; to the
Philippians, 423; First Epistle to Timotheu3,
449; Second to Timotheus, 475; Epistle to the
Hebrews. 491.
Epistles, Pastoral, on the date of the, 533; pecu
liar words and phrases in the, ii, 540.
Epipolae, ii. 848.
Epictetus, philosophy of, i. 371.
Epicureans, their philosophy,!. 869.
Epicurus, garden of, i. 360; notice of him, 369
note.
Epiphaa/us, bishop of Salamis, 1. 171 note, 253.
Eponymi, the, i. 355.
Erastus, ii. 29, 195.
Erectheium, the, i. 358.
Kssenes, the, i. 34.
Eskl-Karahissar, i. 271.
Etesian winds, ii. 805.
Eubcea, island of, i. 345.
Eunice, mother of Timotheus, 1. 198
Euodia, ii. 423.
Kuroclydnn the, ii. 326.

Eurymedon river, 1. 159, 160.
Eutychus, restored to life by St. Paul, II. 20T.
Exorcists, Jewish, ii. 28.
Eyerdir.lake of, i. 168.

Fair Havens, il. 820.
Famagousta, i. 139.
Felix, ii. 275 ; summoned to Rome, 239.
Fellows, Sir C, on places in Lycia and Asia
Minor visited by St. Paul, i. 343, et seq.
Festivals of the Primitive Church, i. 440-
Festus, ii. 291.
Formise, ii. 857.
Fundi, plain of, ii. 353.
Furies, sanctuary of the, 1. 855.

a.
Gaggitas river, i. 295.
Gaius or Caius, i. 336 ; ii. 194.
Galatia, description of, i. 248 ; foundation cf, 246.
Galatians, Epistle to the, ii. 135; note on the
chronology of the, i. 227.
Galen, i. 145.
Gallesus, precipices of, ii. 70.
Galli, the, of Galatia, i. 273.
Gallio, originally called Annseus Novatus, pro-con
sul of Achaia, i. 417.
Gallograecia, i. 244 note.
Gamaliel, i. 56, 67.
Games of Asia and Ephesus, ii. S3.
Gate of St. Stephen, i. 74.
Gauls, settlement of the, in Asia ; i. 244.
Gazith or the " Stone Chamber," i. 70.
Gentiles at the Synagogue of Antioch 'in Pisidia, i,
178; addressed by St. Paul, 179; their recep
tion of the Word of God, 130; religiously aud
socially separated from the Jews, 205.
Gibea, i. 53.
Gilboa, Mount, i. 53.
Gnosticism, ii. 3S3 et seq,
Gophna, ii. 267.
Gospel first preached in Europe, i. 295.
" Grecians," i. 36.
Greek tongue, i. 10 ; a theological language, 10 ;
its universal spread among the educated classes.
15.
Greeks, the, i. 8 ; social condition of, 11.
Grego, Cape, i. 139.
Gregory Nazianzene, St., i. 3,72.
Grotius, on the names " Saulus" and " Paulus,*1 1.
151. H.

Hsemus, Mount, ii. 227.
Haliacmon river, i. 339.
Hannibal, in the fleet of Antiochus, i. 160.
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, statues of, i. 855.
Hebrews, Epistle to the, its authorship, Ii. 508, 513 j
its readers, 509 ; its object, 515; text of Epistle,
516.
Helena, mother of King Izates, i. 126.
Hellenist Jews, i. 85.
Heresies in the Primitive Church, i. 445, 446 ; In *h,»
latter Apostolic Church, 456.
Hermas, ii. 194.
Hermes, ii. 194.
Hermon, Mount, i. S5.
Hermus river, i. 278.
Herod Agrippa, I. i. 2S, 111.
Herod Agrippa, II., ii. 272.
Herod Antipas,i. 81.
Herodion, ii. 193.
Herod, King of Chalcis, ii. 274.
Herod the Great, i 27 ; interview with Augusta*,
ib. ; death of, 54.
Herodians, the, i. 34.
Herod's theatre and amphitheatre, ii. 200.
Herostratus, ii. 74.
Hillel, Jewish school of, i. 56, 57.

552

INDEX.

Hospitality, Christian, i. Wl, 297.
Hymettus, Mount, i. 816, 317.

I.
Iconium (modern Komeh), i. 182 ; its history, ib.
Ilissus, river, i. 849.
Irabros, island of, i. 286.
Illyricum, i. 316; Greek, ii. 126; Roman, 126.
Informers at Rome, ii. 469.
Introduction, i. ix.
Isauria, i. 20.
Isaurian robbers, i. 162.
Isbarta, i. 164 note.
Isthmian Games, ii. 198.
Isthmian stadium, note on the, ii. 196.
Isthmus, notice of the, i. 410.
•* Italian Band," the, i. 28.
'•Italian Cohort," the, of Cornelius, i. 116.
Italy, misery of, during Rome's splendour, i. 14.
Izates, King of Adiabene, 1. 19, 126.

J.
Jacob's Well, i. 85.
James, St., i. 127.
James the Just, i. 216; his address to the confer
ence of Christians at Jerusalem, ib. ; ii. 233.
Jason, i. 333 ; ii. 194.
Jebel-el-Akrab, i. 183.
Jerusalem, state of, under the Romans, i. 55 ; con
ference at between the Christians and the Pha-
rasaic Christians, i. 214,
Jewish exorcists, ii. 23.
Jewish mode of teaching, i. 58.
Jewish names, history of, i. 150.
Jewish spiritual pride and exclusive bigotry, i.
179.
Jews, language spoken by, at the period of the
Apostles, i. 8 ; religious civilization of the, 4 ;
influence of, on the heathen world, 7; their dis
persion, 16; colony of, in Babylonia, ib. ; in
Lydia and Phrygia, 17; in Africa, ib.; in Alex
andria, ib.; in Europe, 18; in Rome, ib. ; their
proselytes, ib. ; forcibly incorporated with
aliens, 19; Jews in Arabia, ib. ; in the east of
the Mediterranean, ib. ; Jewish sects, 32 ; Jews
not unfrequently Roman citizens, 46 ; state of
the Jews after the death of Herod, 56; mode of
teaching amongst, 53; almsgiving amongst,
65, 66 ; numerous in Salamis, 140 ; insurrection
of, at Salamis, ib. ; synagogue of, at Antioch in
Pisidia, 171 ; their spiritual pride and exclusive
bigotry, 179 ; intrigues of Judaizers at Antioch,
210; their influential position at Thessalonica,
326; colony of, at Bercea, 340; in Athens, 368;
in great numbers in Athens, 3S5 ; banished from
Rome by command of the Emperor Claudius,
ib.; colonies of, in Asia Minor, 886, 887; their
charges against St. Paul at Corinth, 419; Jews
at Ephesus, 423; their irritation at the pro
gress of Christianity, ii. 201 ; their conspiracy
to take the life of St. Paul in the isthmus, 202 ;
their hatred of the Roman soldiers at Jerusalem,
253 ; their indignation at the appearance of St.
Paul in the temple, 245; slaughter of Jews in
the streets of Caesarea, 281 ; Jews in Rome,
369.
Joannes, Vincente, i. 74 note.
John, the Baptist, ii. IS; disciples of the, 18.
John, St., i. 127; his meeting with St. Paul, 219.
John, "whose surname was Mark," i. 129, 159;
' leaves St. Paul and Barnabas and returns to
Jerusalem, 161, 221, 253.
Jonathan, the high priest, ii. 275.
Joppa, i. 28.
Joses. the Levite of Cyprus, i. 117.
Judaizers generally, i. 4-14.
Judsea, history of, ii. 273; geographical position
of, I. 7; notices of, .19; political changes in, 27;
state of, 54.
Judas, 1. 220, 222.
Julia, il 194.
¦Julius, city of, i. 55. .

Julias, the centurion, 279.
Juntas; " kinsman " of St. Paul, ii. 193,
Justus, i. 399. K.
Kara-dagh, or Black Mountain, i. 184.
Kara-dagh, view of, i. 262.
" Keys, The," i. 189.
Kiutayo. See Cotyseum.
KkelSeg, i. 139.
Kouieh. See Iconium.
Konieh, battle of, i. 258 note.

Ladik, i. 271.
Laodicea, church of, ii. 393.
Lasaea, ii. 320.
Latmus, Mount, ii. 219.
Lebanon i. 20.
Lectum, Cape, ii. 208.
Legions, Roman, ii. 277.
Leoni, Fort (the Piraeus), i. 349 ntU.
Lemnos, i. 285.
Leonor, the Gaulish chieftain, i. 246.
Libertines, synagogue of the, i. 66.
Limyra. Greek tablets at, i. 166.
Linus, ii. 474.
Liris river, ii. 357.
Lois, grandmother of Timotheus, i. 198.
Longinus, governor of Syria, ii. 253.
"Long legs " of Athensj the, i. 350.
"Long walls" of Athens, i. 350.
Lucius of Cyrene, i. 131, 132.
Lucrine Lake, oyster beds of, ii. 351.
Luke, St. his meeting with St. Paul, Slus «nd
Timotheus at Alexandria Troas, i. 284: they
sail from Troas, 285; arrive, at SamoU-race,
288 j reach Philippi, 290, left behind at Phi-
lippi, 311 ; visited by St; Paul at Philippi, ii.
203 ; they both sail from Philippi and arrive at
Troas, 205 : leaves Troas and arrives at Assos,
208 ; at Miletus 214 ; at Patara," 226 j at Tyre,
228 ; at Caesarea, 232 ; at Jerusalem, 236 ; writes
his Gospel, 288 ; accompanies St. Paul from
Cassarea to Rome, 311 ; remains with him till
the death of St. Paul, 312-486.
Lutar, the Gaulish chieftain, i. 245.
Lycabettus, i. 347.
Lyceum, the, i. 359.
Lydia, i, 198.
Lydia, her profession of faith and baptism, i
296. '
Lydius, the Isaurian robber, i. 163 note.
Lycaonia, i. 185.
Lystra, city of, i. 187 ; visited by St. Paul, 190.
M.
Macedonia Prima, i. 315 ; Quarta, 315 m/t; a*.
cunda, 315.
Macedonians, liberality of the, ii. 122.
Macedonia Tertia, i. 315 note.
Maeander, valley of the, i. 170 : river, il. 21*
note. ' '
Magicians, oriental, i. 146, et seq
Magnesia, ii. 214 note —
Malea, Cape, i. 412. '
Manaen, foster-brother of Herod Antipas, i. 131,
Marathon, i. 345.
Marius, i. 147.
Mark, John. See John Mark
Martyn. Henry, i. 274.
Mary, ii. 193.
Massicus Hills, ii. 357.
Megabyzi, or priests of Diana, ii. 78.
Melissae, or priestesses of Diana, ii. 78
Melita, ii. 341, 343.
Mercurius, Propylseus, i. 357.
Mesogoea, region of the, i. 34G
MeRRogis, ii. 70.

INDEX.

553

Milestone, the Golden, i. 355.
Miletus, ii. 18, 214.
Minerva Promachus, i. 348, 353 ; statue of, 358.
Minerva Hygieia, statue of, i. 357.
Minturnae, ii. 357.
Mithridates, king of Pontus, i. 248.
Mitylene, notice of, ii. 208.
" Mnason of Cyprus," i. 117 ; ii. 236.
Mnesicles the' architect, i. 357 note
Mummius, i. 415.
Munychia, height of the, i. 349.
Huratori's Canon, ii. 438.
Museum of Athens, the, i. 346.
Mycale, ii. 212.
Myra, ii. 315.
Mysia, description of, i. 276.
N.
Narcissus, ii. 193.
Navigation of the ancients, ii. 300, et seq
•'Nazarenes," i. 119.
Nazarites, the, i. 422 ; the four, ii. 240, 241 ; vow
of, ii. 243.
Neapolis, or Nablous, i. 84.
Neapolis of Macedonia, i. 287, 288.
NeoKopor, ii. 79.
Nero us, ii. 194.
Nero, his marriage with Poppasa, ii. 421.
Nero, ii. 442.
Neptune, hia statue at Athens, i. 363.
Nestor, tutor of Tiberius, i. 106.
"Nicholas of Antioch," i. 19.
Nicholas, St., ii. 315.
Nicolaitaus or Balaam! tea, i. 457.
Nicomedes III. , king of Bithynia, i. 241.
Nicopolis, ii. 128 note.
Nicopolis. in Epirus, ii. 465.
Nicosia, i. 140.
Nizib, battle of, i. 258 note.
Note on certain Legends connected with St. Paul's
death, ii. 483 ; on the heresies of the later Apos
tolic age, i. 456 ; on the parallelism between
the Epistles to the Colossians and the Ephesians,
ii. 413.
Nymphs of the Demus, i. 356.
o.
Oleander, the, in the Levant, i 166.
Olives, Mount of, ii. 250.
Olympas, ii. 194.
Olympus, Mount, i. 314, 316.
Onesimus, .the slave, ii. 379.
Onesiphorus, ii. 473. . .
Onkelos, i. 58.
Orontes,- valley of the, i. 20 ; the river, L 122 •
description of the, 135
Ortigia, ii. 348.
Overseer, office of, in the primitive Church, i. 433.
P.
Pactyasj Mount, ii. 70.
"Painted Porch," the, i. 368.
Palatine, the, ii. 418.
Paley's Horse Paulinae, ii 26 nott,
Pallas, death of, ii.'422.
Pamphylia, i. 159 ; sea of, ib.
Pamphylia, description of, i. 242.
Pangseus, Mount, i. 287.
Paoli, village of, in Pisidia, i. 164 «ofe.
Paphos, i. 141 ; New, history of, 156 et seq. ; Old,
156.
Parnes, hills of, i. 346, 347.
Paroreia, in Phrygia, i. 169.
Parthenon, the, at Athens, i. 358.
Patara, harbour of, ii. 225.
Patrobas, ii. 194.
Paul, St. a Pharisee, i. 33 ; language of his in
fancy, 39 ; his chUdhood at Tarsus, 40 ; his de
scent from Benjamin, 43 ; his early education,
t3 49 ¦ period of his birth, 44 ; his station in
life 47 • his boyhood. 51 : Bent to Jerusalem, J

52 ; his Btudy there, 63 ; his early manhood,
64 ; his taste for Greek literature, 65 : his pres
ence at the death of St. Stephen, 74 ; his perse-
cution of the Christians, 78 ; his journey t«
Damascus, 82, 83; importance of his conver
sion, 89 ; vision of Jesus Christ, 90 ; his call,
91 ; his blindness, 93 ; his recovery of sight,
95 : his baptism, to. ; his journey into Arabia
Petrsea, 96 ; his return to Damascus, 99 ; con
spiracy to assassinate him,100; his escape, ib.;
his return to Jerusalem, 101 ; his meeting with
the Apostles, 103 : he withdraws to Syria and
Cilicia, 105 ; travels with Barnabas to Antioch,
118 ; carries the contribution money from .An.
tioch to Jerusalem, in time of famine, 127 ; de
parts for Cyprus, 134 ; arrives at Seleucia, 138 .
at Salamis, ib. ; at Paphos, 141: his denuncia
tion of Ely mas Barjesus,1 148, 149 ; his name
changed to Paul, 149 ; visits Pamphylia, 158 ;
arrives at Perga, 160 ; journeys to the table
land ^ of Asia -Minor, 167 ; reaches Antioch in
Pisidia, 174 ; his address to the Jews in the
Bynagogue there, 175 ; impression made on his
hearers, 178: scene on the following Sabbath,
179 ; expelled from the synagogue,' ib. ; turns
from the Jews and preaches to the Gentiles, io. ;
journeys towards Lycaonia, 181 ; arrives at
Iconium, 182 ; escapes from a conspiracy to
crush him, 185 ; reaches Lystra, 188 ; his mira
cle there, 191 ; worship offered to him, 192 ; his
address to the Ly stria as, 193 ; stoned in the
city, 196 ; recovers from apparent death, 197 ;
travels to Derbe, 198 ; revisits Lystria, Iconium
and Antioch, 199 ; reaches Perga, 200 ; travels
to Jerusalem, 211 ; his companions on the jour
ney, ib. : his arrival at the Holy City, 213 ; his
address to the conference of Christians in Jeru
salem, 215 ; ¦ public recognition of his mission
to the heathen, 219- ; his meeting with St. John,
to. ; returns to Antioch, 220 ; rebukes St.
Peter for his weak conduct, 224 ; St. Paul's per
sonal appearance, ib. ; St. Peter's reconciliation
with him, 226 ; he proposes to Barnabas to visit
the Churches, 250 ; quarrels' and separates from
Barnabas, 251, 252 ; takes'Silas with' him into
Cilicia, 254 ; takes Timotheus into companion-
shipped; reaches Iconium,268; journeys through
Phrygia, 271 ; arrives at Galatia, 274 ; his sick
ness/ io.; his reception there, 275 ; journeys to
the JSgean, 277 ; arrives at Alexandria Troas, 282:
is joined by St. Luke at Troas, 284 ; they sail
from Troas, 285 ; arrive at Samothrace, 286 ;
reach Philippi, 290 ; St. Paul preaches the Gos
pel for the first time in Europe, 295 ; the de
moniac slave, 300 ; St. Paul scourged and cast
into prison, 303 ; his conversion of the- jailor,
307 ; released from prison, 310 ; leaves Philippi,
313; arrives at Thessalonica, 321; visits the
Bynagogue at Thessalonica, 325 ; subjects of his
preaching, 326 ; his own labor for the means of
support, 329 ; leaves Thessalonica for Beroea,
338; arrives there, -340; leaves the city, 343 ;
his arrival on the coast of Attica, 346 ; lands at
Athens, 352 ; his reflections amidst the idolatry
at Athens, 362; "left in Athens alone," ib. •
addresses the Athenians in the Agora, 372 ; goes
up to the hill of the Areopagus, 374 ; his speech
to the ' Athenians, 378 ; departs from Athens,
381 ; takes up his abode at Corinth, ib. ; his ad
dress to the Jews in the synagogue there, 389 ;
rejoined by Silas and Timotheus, ib. : writes his
First Epistle to the Thessalonians, 390 ; he turns
from the Jews to the Gentile, 399 : his vision,
401 ; writes his Second Epistle to the Thessalo-
nians, 402 ; continues to reside in Corinth, 406 :
brought by the Jews before Gallio, proconsul of
Achaia, 418 ; who refuses to hear the charges,
419 ; departs from Achaia, 421 ; takes his fare
well of the Church of Corinth, ib. ; sails from
Cenchreffl by Ephesus to Caesarea,- 422 ; visits
the synagogue at Ephesus, ib. ; reaches Caesa
rea, 424 ; leaves C-saarea for Jerusalem, ib. ;
visits Antioch for the last time, 425 ; departs
from Antioch, ii. 11 ; arrives at Ephesus, 19
the Magicians of Ephesus, 22 ; burning of th*

554

INDEX.

mystic books, 24 ; tho Apostle pays a short visit
to Corinth, 26 ; returns to Ephesus, 28 :' writes
the First Epistla to the Corinthians, 33 ; his
future plans, 67; Demetrius and the silver
smiths, 85 ; Caius a^d Aristarch-us seized by
the mob, S6 ; tumult in Ephesus, 87 ; St. Paul
bids farewell to the Christians of Ephesus, io. ;
departs from the city, it ; arrives at Alexandria
Troas, 91 ; preaches the Gospel there, 92 ; sails
fron Troas to Macedonia, ib. j lands at Nea
polis, ib. ; proceeds to Philippi , ib ; his love
for the Philippian Christians, ib. ; passes over
to Macedonia, 94 ; state of his bodily health,
ib. ; rejoined by Titus, ib. ; writes his Second
Epistle to the Corinthians, 97 ; collects contri
butions for the poor Christians in Judsea, 120;
he journeys southwards, 129 : his feelings on
approaching Corinth, 130 ; state of the Galatian
Church, 133 ; writes his Epistle to the Gala
tians, 135 ; convinces the Corinthians of his
Apostleship, 152 ; he punishes the disobedient
by publicly casting them out of the Church, ib. ;
sends a letter by Phoebe to the Roman Church,
154 ; his Epislle to the Romans, 156 ; conspir
acy of the Jews to take his life, 202; flies from
Corinth to Macedonia, ib. ; visits St. Luke at
Philippi, 204 ; they leave there together, ib. ;
arrive at Troas, 205 ; St. Paul restores the life
of Eutychus, 207 ; leaves Troas and arrives at
Assos, 208 ; at Miletus, 214 ; his speech to the
Ephesian presbyters there, 216 ; he departs
from Miletus, 219 ; arrives at Patara, 226 ; sails for
Phoenicia, 227 ; arrives at Tyre, 228 ; loaves Tyre,
230 ; arrives at Caesarea, 232 ; meets with Philip
the Evangelist, ib. ; warned by Agabus of dan
ger to be apprehended at Jerusalem, 233 ; sets
out for Jerusalem, 234 ; his reception by the
Presbyters, 237 ; advice of the Christians of
Jerusalem to St. Paul, 240 ; the four Nazarites,
ib. ; St. Paul seized at the festival of Pentecost,
244^ beaten by the mob, 253 ; rescued by Clau
dius Lysias, 254 ; his conversation with Lysias,
ib. ; the Apostle addresses the multitude from
the stairs, 255 ^their rage, 258 ; sentenced by
Lysias to " receive the lashes," 259 ; asserts his
rights as a Roman citizen, ib. ; taken before the
Sanhedrin, 261 ; struck by order of the high-
priest Ananias, ib. ; tumult in the judgment-
hall, 263 ; the Apostle taken back to the for
tress, ib. ; conspiracy to assassinate him, 264 ;
the plot discovered, 265 ; removed by Lysias to
Caesarea to be judged by Felix, 266 ; ordered to
be kept in Herod's prsetorium, 271 ; summon
ed before Felix, 283 ; charges brought against
him, ib. ; his speech before Felix, 284 ; remand
ed, 286 ; brought up again before the governor,
ti>. ; imprisoned again, 287 ; brought before
Festus, 291; his "Appeal to Caesar," ib. ; brought
before Herod Agrippa H., 294 ; his speech to
the king, ib. ; departs, from Caesarea for Rome,
310 ; puts inio Sidon, 311 ; reaches, Myra, 315 ;
Cnidus, 318 ; anchors 'at Fair Havens, 320 ;
sails from Fair Havens, 325 ; the storm, 326 ;
leaky state of the vessel, St. Paul's vision, 333 ;
his address to the sailors, ib. ; they anchor for
the night, 335 ; wrecked on the coast of Melita,
341 ; his miracles at Malta, 344 ; sails from
Malta, 348 ; puts into Syracuse, ib. ; visits
Rhegium, 349 ; reaches Puteoli, ib. ; journeys
from Puteoli towards Rome, 355 ; reaches
.Rome, 363 ; his interview with the Jews there.
372 ; his occupations during his imprisonment
at Rome, 377 ; OnesimuB, 379 ; the Apostle
writes his Epistle to Philemon, 380 ; writes his
Epistle to the Colossians, 384 ; writes bis Epis
tle to the Ephesians, 399 ; visited by Epaphro
ditus, 420 ; writes his Epistle to the Philippians,
423 : he makes many converts in Nero's house
hold, 433 ; his trial before Nero, 441 ; charges
brought against him, 443 ; acquitted, 446 ; be
goes to Asia and Spain, ib. ; writes his First
Epistle to Timotheus, 449 ; writes his Epis
tle to Titus, 461 ; hit* second imprisonment at

Rome, 467 first stage of his final trial, 471 , tt
remanded to prison, 473 ; writes his Second
Epistle to Timotheus, 475 ; his death, 486.
Pausanias, his visit to, and description of Athens,
i. 345.
Pedalium, the, of Strabo and Ptolemy, i. 139.
Pediaeus river, ib.
Pella, i. 314.
Pentecost, feast of, at Jerusalem, ii. 242
Perga, i. 60.
Pericles, statue of, at Athens, i. 357.
Peripatetics, the, i. -?<»9.
Persis, ii. 193.
Pessinus, i. 273.
Peter, St., i. 67, 115 ; iu captivity, 128 ; his ad
dress to the Conference of Christians at Jeru
salem, 215 , his weak conduct at Antioch, 223 ,
openly rebuked by St. Paul, 224 ; St. Peter's
personal appearance, ib. ; his reconciliation
with St. Paul, 226.
Persecution of Nero, ii. 434 note; 468.
Petronius, i. 111.
Phaleric Wall, i. 351 note.
Pharisees, the, i. 32 ; in Jerusalem, i. 228.
Pharasaic Christians at Jerusalem, ii. 213.
Phaselis, promontory of, i. 160 ; battles of, ib.
Philemon, ii. 21 ; Epistle to, ii. 381.
Philip, son of Herod the Great, i. 28.
Philip, tetrach of Gaulonitis, i. 55.
Philip the Asiarch, ii. 86 note.
Philip the Evangelist, the companion of Stephen,
i. 79 j ii. 232 ; his family, ib.
Philippi, description of, i. 290.
Philippians, Epistle to the, ii. 423.
Philo, i. 22; HI.
Philologus, ii. 194.
Philoraelium, city of, i. 169 : identified with Ak-
Sher, 169, 271, 272.
Philosophy^ Greek, notice of the older, i. 366.
later schools, 370 : spread of, 371.
Phlegon, ii. 194.
Phoebe of Cenchrese, ii. 154.
Phoenice, i. 212.
Phoenicians, the, i, 9.
Phoenix, harbor of, ii. 322.
Physicians among the ancients, i. 312, 313.
Piraeus, the, i. 346-349.
Pisidia, i. 162 ; robbers of, t&. ; violence of ita
flooded rivers, 163 ; mountain scenery o$ 165-168
Platsea, battle of, i. 160.
Plato, philosophy of, i, 366.
Pliny on the Conventus, or assize-town, ii. 82.
Pnyx, the, i. 346, 354, 356.
Polemo, II., King of Pontus, i. 24, 25, 248.
Politarchs, the. of Thessalonica, i. 335.
Polycarp, martyrdom of, ii. 86 note.
Pompeiopolis, i. 21.
Pompey the Great, i. 21 ; in Damascus. 26 : at
Jerusalem, 27. ,
Pomptkie marshes, ii. 359.
Pontus, last king of, i. 25.
Pontus, description of, i. 248.
Poppaea, ii. 422, 545.
Posidonium at the Isthmus of Corinth, il. 196,
Posts established by Augustus, ii. 419.
Praetorian Guards, ii. 278.
Prsetorium, ii. 416.
Praxiteles, i. 353.
" Presidents of the Games," il. 83.
Priam, Palace of. ii. 206.
Prion, Mount, ii.'70, 89.
Priscilla, i. 387, 388, 423 ; il. 19 33 npto,
Proconsuls, l. 142, el seq.
Procurators, Asiae, ii. SI note.
Propraetors, i. 142, et seq.
Proselytes, Jewish, i. 18.
Proselytes, female, at Damascus, i. 19, 172 Mil ,
at Antioch in Pisidia, 171, 181
Proseucha, at Lystra, i, 198.
Proseuchte, i. 294.
Ptolemais, ii. 231.
Pudens, ii. 474.
Puteoli, ii. 349-355

INDEX.

555

rydna, 1. 342.
Pythagoras, philosophy of, i. 366.

Q-

Qnadratus; governor of Syria, ii.
Quartus, ii. 195.

274.

R.

"Rabbinism," i. 66.
Record-house of Athena, i. 355
Remond on the Jewish dispersions, i. 18,
Rhegium, ii. 348.
Rhodes, notice of, ii. 221.
Rhodian fleet at Phaselis, i. 160.
Rhyndaciis river, i. 278.
Roman Church, of Gentile origin, ii. 155 ; name
of founder not known, ib.
Roman Amphitheatre, i. 12 ; Army, the, ii. 276 ;
Commerce, ii, 307 ; fleet at Phaselis, i. 160 ;
power in the East, i. 11 ; growth and govern
ment of, 12.
Rome, description of, ii. 361.
Rufus, ii. 194.

S.

Sadducees, the, i. 32.
Sadducees, i. 67.
Sagalassus, i. 163.
St. John, at Ephesus, ii. 89.
St. Paul's Bay, view of, ii. 344.
Salamis, i. 134, 139 ; copper mines at, 140 ; de
stroyed, ib. ; sea fight at, to. note.'; battle of, i.
160, 345.
Salonica, Gulf of, i. 343.
Samaria, il. 268.
Samaritans, the, i. 35, 79, 80.
Samian shipbuilders, i. 414.
Samos, ii. 18.
Samothrace, i. 282, 283, 286.
Sangarius river, i. 277.
Sanhedrin, the, i. 56, 69 ; its power over foreign
synagogues, 81 ; ii. 261.
Saronic Gulf, i. 345.
Sarus river, i. 260.
Sav, village of, i. 164 note.
Sav-Sou river, i. 164 note.
Saul. See Paul, St. "Saul," and "Paul," the
words, i. 46.
Sceva, sons of, the exorcists, ii. 23.
Schools, Jewish, i. 60 ; customs in, 61.
Schmmai, Jewish school of, i. 56.
Scbcenus, port of, i. 413.
Scio, ii. 211.
Scylitzes Curopalates, i. 259 note.
Secundus of Thessalonica, i. 336.
Seleucia, foundation of, i. 122, 136 ; immense ex
cavation at, 137 ; its excellent harbour, ib.
Seleucus Nicator, i. 122.
3elge, i. 163 ; robbers of, ib.
Seneca, the philosopher, i. 371, 417.
Sergius Paulus, i. 141, 145, 146.
Serres, i. 314 note.
'Seven Capes," the, ii. 225.
Sharon, plain of, ii. 268.
Sheba, queen oi,' i. 19.
Shipbuilders of SamoSj i. 414,
Ships of the ancients, ii. 300 et seq.
Bide, i. 160.
Sidon, notice of, ii. 312. .
Klas i 220, 222 : accompanies St. Paul to Cilicia,
i. 254 ; scourged and cast into prison at Philippi,
i. 304 : released from prison, 310 ; leaves Phi
lippi, 313 ; visits the Synagogue at Thessalonica,
317 ; accompanies St. Paul to Bercea, 340 ; left
behind with Timotheus, at Bercea, 341 ; joins
St. Paul at Corinth, 389 ; accompanies the Apos-
xle to Ephesus, Caesarea, and Jerusalem, 422-
425 ; remains at Jerusalem, n. 10.
Silanus the proconsul, ii. 81 note.

Silversmiths of Ephesus^ ii. 85.
Simeon, father of Gamaliel, i. 57.
Simeon, son of Gamaliel, ib.
Simeon, surnamed, "Niger, i. 131, 132.
Simon Magus, ii. 23 note.
Sinuessa, ii. 357.
Slave-trade of Delos, i. 20.
Smyrna, ii. 18.
Socrates, character of, i.366.
Soli, town of, i. 21.
Solomon, temple. of, ii. 246.
Solon, statue of, i. 354.
Sopater of Beroea, i. 336.
Sorcery, Jewish, ii. 23.
Sosipater, ii. 195, 202.
-Sosthenes, chief of the Corinthian Jewish syna
gogue, i. 419 ; beaten by the Greek mob, 420.
Spruner's "Atlas Antiquus,"i 236 note.
Stacbys, ii. 193.
Stadium, Isthmian, Note on the, ii. 196.
Stadia, in Asia Minor, ii. 200.
Stagirus, i, 320.
Stephen, St., i. 66-68 ; his trial, 70 ; his martyr
dom, 73 ; his prayer, 74 ; his burial, 77.
Stoa Poecile, the, i. 360
Stocks, the, i. 305
Stoics, i. 360 ; their philosophy, 367.
Strabo on Pamphylia, i. 159. '
Strato's tower^ ii. 280.
Stromboli, ii. 349.
Strymon river, i. 315.
Students, Jewish, i. 62.
Sulla at Athens, i. 351.
"Sultan Tareek " road, i. 168.
Sunium, Cape of, i. 345, 346.
"Synagogue of the Libertines," i. 18 ; the first,
60 ; number of, in Jerusalem, 61, in Salamw,
140 ; in Antioch in Pisidia, 171 ; ancient and
modern, 172-174 ; the, at Thessalonica, 325 ; at
Athens, 363 ; at Corinth, 389.
Syntyche, il. 423.
Syracuse, ii. 347.

Talmud, the, i. 59
Tallith, the, i. 173.
Tarsus, i. 22 ; coin of, ib. ; named "Metropolis,'
ib. ; condition of, under the Bomans, 23 ; not a
municipium, 45 ; scenery of, 48.
Taurus, Mount, i. 20, 161, 257.
"Taverns, The Three," ii. 360.
Tectosages, the, i. 244 note.
Tempe, Vale of, i. 343.
Temple, position of the, ii. 245 ; temple of Solo
mon, 246 ; that of Zerubbabel, id. ; that ot
Herod, ib. ; the Outer Court, ib.; " Porch of
Solomon. 247 ; the "Beautiful Gate," ib. ; th.
Muictuary, ib. ; Court of the Tv~omen,248 ; the
'.treasury, ib. ; the Court of Israel, 249; th.
Court of the Priests, to. ; the hall Gazith, it. j
the Altar, ib. ; the Vestibule, 250 ; the Holy
Place, ib. ; the Holy of Holies, ib. ; connexion ot
the Temple with the fortress Antonia, 253
Teucer, kingdom of, i. 140.
Tertullus, ii. 282.
Tetrapolis, the, i. 123.
Thais, tomb of, ii. 196 note.
Thales, philosophy of, i. 366.
Thamna, ii. 268.
Tuasos, i. 287 note.
Theatre, the, of Athens, i. 356.
Thecla, St., of Iconium, i. 183 ; legend of, 184.
Themistocles, Tomb of, i. 348 ¦ his fortification a(
the Pir»us, 349.
Therapeutae, the, i. 35.
Therma,i. 322.
Thermopylse, i. 345.
Thessalonian letters, the, i. 330
Thessalonians, First Epistle to the, i. 390 : Seeoal
402.
Thessaly, i. 315.
Thessalonica, i. 306 ; description of, 321.
Tiberias, 1. 28 ; city of, i. 55 j w i of, 84.

556

INMtX.

Tiberius, i. 110, 147.
Oberius Alexander, ii. 253 note, 274.
figranes, i. 136.
Timotheus, i. 197, 198, 264 ; becomes the compa
nion cf St. Paul, 265 ; his circumcision, 267 ;
reaches Iconium, 268 ; accompanies St. Paul to
Galatia and to the JSgean, 274, 277 ; sails from
Troas, 285 ; arrives at Samothrace, 286 ; at Phi
lippi, 290 ; left behind at Philippi, 311 ; again
with St. Paul at Beroea, 340; left behind at
Bercea, 341; joins St. Paul at Corinth,- 389;
accompanies St Paul in his subsequent jour
neys, 421 et seq. ; dispatched by St. Paul from
Ephesus to Macedonia, ii. 29 ; First Epistle to,
449 ; Second Epistle to, 476.
Titus, i. 211, 214 ; ii. 11 ; visits St. Paul at Phi
lippi, 94; his account of the state of the
Church of Corinth, 95 ; directed by St. Paul to
return to Corinth, 96 ; his character, 126 ; St.
Paul's Epistle to, 461.
Troas, description of, ii. 205. See Alexandria
Troas.
Triopium, promontory of, ii 222.
Trogyllium, ii. 212.
Trophimus, ii. 91, 110 note.
"rv-phena, ii 193.
Tryphosa, Si- «•
Tullianum," the, i. 306.
Iychicus, ii. 92, 380, 394.
Tyrannus, ii. 20.
Tyre, its situation and maritime supremacy, ii.
229, 231. u.
Dakno wn Gods, alters of the, t 3W noU ; 864.
UrWnui, ii. 193.

Urbs libera, constitution or, I. 333 ; Its prlrilqpa,
S34.

Valentinus, the Gnostic, i. 468 note.
Ventidius Cumanus, ii. 263.
Vestments, the sacred, ii. 253, 274.
Via Appia, ii. 354, Egnatia, i. 316.
Vitellius, i. 81, 111.
Vulturous river, ii. 357. w.
" Walls, Long," of Athens, i. SoO.
Wines of Chios, ii. 213 note.
Women, influence of, over the religious opintom
of the ancients, i. 181 ; their holy influence la
early Christianity, i. 297.
X.
Xanthus river, ii 225 ; valley of the, i. 16*
Y.
" Yailahs," i. 166 ; that of Adalia, 168.
z.
Zabeans. the, ii 13 note.
Zea, i 350.
Zealots, the, 1. 34.
Zeno, school of, i. 360 • his pnflosopky 801.
Zerubbabel, temple of, ii. 240

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