A two months Hour in the
United* States of America.
Arthur S.H.Hi tellings.
Philadelphia, 1897

E "I give ityfeiftibte
the founding of a College in, thi} .Colony'''

1

Yale University*
JAN 17 1098

ft Two Months' Tour

HBrary.

IN THE .* j» .•*
UNITED STATES
1 If (^^ ^" 6^* ^^* ^^*
NORTH "AMERICA

BY

ARTHUR S. H. HlTCHINGS
Delegate from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to the Philadelphia Commercial Museums

PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED AND
PUBLISHED BY JOHN C YORSTON
& COMPANY. MDCCCXCVII 

I^Z^L*? (U^t^l^T.

ft Two Months* Took

in the > * >
united states
\j\ &* v& •£* •£* *3*
NORTH AMERICA

BY
ARTHUR S. H. HITCH1NGS
Delegate from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to the Philadelphia Commercial Museums

PHILADELPHIA : PRINTED AND
PUBLISHED BY JOHN C. YORSTON
& COMPANY. MDCCCXCVII 

Au Revoir.
It is now two months since I landed on this hospitable
shore after a few days' voyage in an American steamship,
on board of which I commenced to form my favorable
disposition toward the citizens of the United States, and
from the twenty-ninth of May, when I left the steamship
St. Louts, to the present date, I have learned to love this
great country for the sake of its people.
I do not propose to describe the tour of the delegates
of Brazil and the other countries of this continent through
the industrial centres visited, nor to make references to
my pleasant and friendly companions. This pleasant
task is being undertaken by others, with time and special
means of accomplishing it. My object is a selfish one,
and yet pardonable.
I have to tell my friends, immediately on my return to
my own country, not only what I have seen but also
what I have done and what I have said in acknowledg
ment of the importance of the idea which induced me to
accept of the polite invitation from the Board of "The
Philadelphia Commercial Museums."
A reproduction of the words I uttered at many of the
assemblies that received us, in a way which has made
us all feel so grateful, will partly accomplish my duty
toward my own countrymen. Many Brazilians who, like
myself, speak your language, will prefer to read my ad
dresses as spoken, and in publishing them in Philadelphia,
I embrace this opportunity of publicly saying, Farewell.
Farewell to the many who have a right to expect it, but to
whom I could not, owing to their number, attempt to write
individually in the short time left me before embarking.
I have, during the past week, reviewed the hundreds
of catalogues, cards, samples and souvenirs given to me
during the forty days' tour through many States. I
(i)

wished to classify everything and in a proper commercial
form acknowledge their receipt, but I had to abandon the
desired task, for it would require many days to finish it.
I must bid adieu to all correspondents, commercial and
private, through the press which they have made so great,
and I here promise to make good use in Brazil of all
the printed matter which loads my several boxes. There
are many things which I know will do for our Brazilian
trade, and I will not allow my own business to be a hin
drance to any extension my information may further in
the trade between the two great Republics of this conti
nent. In my parting address last week (July 2 1 ), at " The Phil
adelphia Museums," I had the pleasure of speaking upon
the subject of ' ' Reciprocity. ' ' I may not have justified the
principle as connected with the present system of tariffs,
but in other ways and in kindly feeling, no one will sur
pass me in advocating Reciprocity. As I esteem it be
tween individuals, so do I desire it between the people of
Brazil and the people of the great Republic of George
Washington. My address at the ' ' Philadelphia Commercial Mu
seums" was as follows:
Before entering on the subject I have been asked to refer to, I
beg to signify my sincere thanks for the exceeding kindness which
I and the other delegates have met in all the cities we have visited
in this country. We have been afforded through our tour the
opportunity for appreciating the vast resources and great indus
tries of a large part of these United States. We have been received
in your chambers of commerce, your universities, your clubs and
your homes, and on every occasion we have been struck with the
wonderful advancement which every branch has shown us, and
are charmed by the welcome that your citizens have so warmly
extended to us.
Others will describe more comprehensively the details of what
we have seen and admired, and do justice to the display of Ameri
can inventive genius, but I may be permitted before saying fare
well to the Board and members of the Philadelphia Museums
which prepared for us the way to such a gratifying and useful

excursion, to thank them for the same, and their officers and em
ployes for the efficient manner in which the whole tour was con
ducted whereby we travelled with ease and comfort thousands of
miles and visited places with an aggregate population of many
millions, without the minutest trouble or displeasure.
I must avail myself of the present opportunity also to renew
our thanks to the citizens in general, of this great Republic, for
the exceeding kindness they showed us everywhere. I would
personally write at least to those who have bound me to their
friendship, but even this pleasing duty I must forego for a while.
I know they'll judge me generously, and in this at least, we shall
be reciprocal, for such reciprocity does not depend on legislation,
but solely on kindly disposition.
Reciprocity — if it were as easy between nations, would undoubt
edly be a just definition of fair and friendly trade, but circum
stances often, almost always, create difficulties which prevent a
practical realization of such a disposition. That friendly countries
should be inclined to make it a system is natural, but I do not
think this can exist without free trade, and I would be wrong in
holding out prospects which would indicate any treaty by which
Brazil would bind itself to favor one country more than others. I
believe that the exceptional bounties Canada is giving to Great
Britain are legislative blunders, and time will prove it. They are
opposed to the broad and liberal laws which secured to England
her extensive foreign trade, and will retard the progress of the
dominion which has otherwise so many advantages. With this view
I cannot believe that their reciprocity (for such it is), will last long.
It would be still more difficult to have exceptional laws favoring
the many nations on the American continent. The interests of
these nations are not alike, nor can their produce and manufac
tures find an outlet and consumption within their respective or
united boundaries. Burope must necessarily be sought after, both
by North and South America, and it would be inconsiderate to
propose any legislation that would exclude existing equality
whereby all nations are treated alike. Such legislation would in
terfere with production ; it would lead to surplus stocks, and exact
quantities for barter would be required instead of progressive in
crease, which only greater and greater intercourse with the whole
world can foster and regulate.
But, gentlemen, are not the Philadelphia Museums at this very
time confirming this view by sending one of their ablest men (Mr.
William Harper) to Africa, Australia, and other countries, to study
the means of enlarging the commerce of the United States beyond
Pan-American lines?

I have heard much of the Monroe doctrine, but surely such
ideas cannot apply to trade. Let us, gentlemen, as practical men,
forego all pretty notions that are not based on sound reasoning
and let us circumscribe our desires within a possible scope, so that
our views and judgment may not be clouded by sentiment mani-
festedly inferior to the practical bonds of friendship.
We have seen on our tour that the United States produces
machinery and many of the articles which we import at present
from other countries, and we have noticed that these States also
import many things similar to what we buy in Europe. There is
much here that, owing to originality of manufacture, can be intro
duced into our country, even under the present unfavorable cir
cumstances ; there are coal, oil, iron, steel, hay, corn and bread-
stuffs, which can profitably ballast your ships when you decide
to create an ocean mercantile navy, and all these are admitted
into our country at very low rates of duty or small percentage of
the expenditure with our seaports, and in the almost free admis
sion of such heavy goods there is a natural reciprocity which is
guided by the interests of consumers.
I must repeat, however, what I stated in Chicago as my opinion
when I had the honor to address the merchants of that city.
"The majority of your manufactures, although in most ways fitted
for our markets, are too high priced, and I don't believe in a
steady and increasing foreign trade or outlet for these goods until
there is a reduction in the general scale of prices. You have to
further an appreciation of your dollars which have hitherto been
so easily earned ; you must make their purchasing power greater
so that cheaper living will follow and more general content
ment." But, gentlemen, with protective duties and inflated currency
such results cannot be attained, and it has been my pleasure in
the intercourse with your countrymen in each of the great cities
from here to Baltimore and New York, thence to Boston and other
New England cities, Pittsburgh, Chicago, St. Louis, Nashville,
Cincinnati, Detroit, and other parts of our tour, to find that the
majority agree in the belief that protection has concluded its good
work, that its permanence will be effectively pernicious, also that
your currency requires without delay to be placed beyond the reach
of politics or the manipulation of silver trusts.
On my return last night, I received from the honorable secretary
of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, proof-
sheets of the address I was permitted to make to the assembly
which received the foreign delegates in that important centre, and,
in the resolution to publish proposals for a uniform international

coin, I conclude that the matter has found encouragement from
your great commercial and financial emporium.
Gentlemen, we have seen how your factories employ most ad
vanced machinery, how time and labor are economized, and how
these circumstances have been conducive to the growth of your
industries ; but these machines are exported, imitated, and in some
cases, improved on, and others are thereby enabled to compete
with you by using your own inventions, added to reduced price of
labor and untaxed cost of raw material. Competition is whole
some, for it corrects over-production, but you do require to produce
more for the employment of your skilled workmen, and you must
find markets whereby to dispose of your goods. All this necessi
tates an altered system. We wish you to succeed and will certainly
try to place your splendid manufactures in our markets. You are
favored with home-raised quantities of many of the raw materials
used ; do not enhance their cost. Your machinery is most
effective; do not expect too much from it Your workmen are very
skilled, yet do not underrate the foreigner, but to all your advan
tages add what free trade principles can alone secure, a perma
nent and engrossing international commerce which will insure the
future of every workman in this wonderful country. This is what
I understand by reciprocity, and my most earnest wish is that in
such an example, we in our country will find a lesson and an
incentive to do likewise.

In the desire to co-operate with the Museums to enlarge
the business sphere of the United States, we have found
much encouragement everywhere. We were received by
your Honorable President, Mr. McKinley, and we have
had intercourse with some of your most prominent men
in various branches, besides the manufacturers and mer
chants, who have so magnificently entertained us. We
were also taken to the great seats of learning, Harvard
and Yale universities, and their cultured vicinity will
always bring to my mind the pleasantest recollections.
In our tour we had some charming surprises. At Fall
River the girls of Borden School saluted the visitors each
with an example of drawing and writing. To me was

allotted an outline of the two Americas, and the little
Flla McCoy had penned the following ' ' Words of Cheer ' ' :
"Republics of the South — God speed !
For envy there is time nor need;
Condor and eagle freely fly —
There's room for both in Freedom's sky."
At the National Cash Register Company's factory, in
Dayton, we were seated at luncheon with sixty young
women from the works. Their ladylike deportment and
pleasant conversation was the subject of after comments
when we had left the pretty city.
At Grand Rapids, Michigan, we were received at the
ladies' club of the St. Cecilia Society, and served at their
board by the delicate hands of the members; and while
a number of the engaging ladies heaped attentions, each
one to each of us, who would gladly have reversed our
relative positions, others elated us with most exquisite
music. Many of us were privileged to visit magnificent homes
in different cities, and had further insight into the hos
pitable ways of the American people. Thus you have
bound us to your country; with such emblems of peace
and good-will you have prepared the way for extensive
relations, I not only of business but of a lasting inter
national friendship.
International trade and commerce have received a stim
ulus and reliable support, an encouragement to develop
ment and profit, from the organization of the national
undertaking headed by the Philadelphia Museums . Your
honored President, Mr. McKinley, at the formal opening of
these Museums on the second of June, comprehensively
enhanced their importance. His address should be well
remembered by all lovers of mankind, as he justly worded
his reference to the great effort which was crowned on
that memorable day. ' ' The distinguished body of gen
tlemen," he said, "who have planned this organization,
have grasped great economic truths and are prepared to

pursue them to their successful conclusion. Its generous
support will increase its usefulness."
I have followed this opinion with sincere conviction,
and I believe the information to be derived from such a
fountain of knowledge will facilitate in the future more
correct commercial legislation in the various countries
interested. With a view to hastening the collection of increased
information which the bureau of the Museum will com
mand, before starting on the tour of investigation, the
advisory board held several meetings and arrived at some
conclusions which will be conducive to the subject dis
cussed. In the tour some excellent accounts were given
us of the position of your various centres, and of the
United States, by gentlemen who addressed the assemblies
to which we were invited. These speeches, and those of
my fellow delegates, in a uniform publication, will be most
useful, and I understand they will appear in such a form.
I have excused myself for the present pamphlet, which
contains those of my remarks which I most adhere to,
and which received some applause. I do not forget, how
ever, to attribute the applause chiefly to the happy dis
position of my hearers.
My address before the Chamber of Commerce of the
State of New York (New York city) was reported as
follows: The Vice-President.— I take pleasure, gentlemen, in pre
senting to you the representative from Rio de Janeiro, Mr. Hitch -
ings. (Applause. )
THE ADDRESS.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen :—l think I may say that the
words we have just listened to embody and echo the true feelings
of the delegates from Mexico, Central America and South America.
We heartily agree with the sentiments expressed. We think as
you do, Mr. Chairman, that it is in a broad manner, and in no
narrow spirit, that we must carry out the ideas which have brought
us together. We have visited your Board of Trade, the Maritime
Exchange, the Coffee Exchange, in which I was very much inter
ested, and the Stock Exchange, and now we have come to you. In

all these places we have heard words of welcome, and have been
shown and had explained to us the workings of your great city.
These great centres of yours, and the one that we are in now, un
questionably, are of the most paramount importance, and our visit
to this country will be most instructive to all the delegates coming
from South America, but you will excuse me if I say that you have
in the United States one great institution that tops everything
else. I refer to the Philadelphia Museums. (Applause.) That
great, new institution is wonderful. When I first heard of it, the
name appeared to me to convey something of the kind we have
seen in other countries, but its exquisite organization, the most
extraordinary capacity that has been put into bringing about a
thorough knowledge of Northern and Southern commerce, trade
and everything that can possibly bring about a unison of the peo
ples of the great American continent, you can find in the Philadel
phia Museums. It is, in my opinion, the greatest commercial
institution of the nineteenth century. I cannot take up your time
in speaking of other relations connected with commerce, because
the gentlemen who have preceded me at the other places we have
visited in your city have each touched upon different subjects. I
have to return to you, gentlemen, our warmest thanks for the way
in which you have received us. We entertain the greatest respect
for this, the oldest institution in the commercial city of New York,
and we are imbued with respect for the memory of these fathers
of commerce and trade whose portraits look down upon this gath
ering. With your permission, sir, I will take the opportunity of reading
a few pages that I have written on a matter, which I think is of
importance at the present time, and which may lead to a uniform
system of money between the whole American continent.
If any one visiting an American mint, takes up and examines
one of your beautiful twenty-dollar coins, he will be disposed to
say, "Thisis good enough for me." And so it will be with the
sovereign or the twenty-franc piece, or with the glittering gold of
all nations. Why, therefore, change ? Why propose to do away
with systems that have satisfied our ancestors, and that, in spite
of debasements, have secured the confidence of the people, as fully
as the Church maintains the faith of its members ?
My aim is not to destroy confidence, but to invite it to less
questionable grounds; and as old measures and weights are gradu
ally giving place to the metric system, so do I hope to see a move
ment in favor of a simple and comprehensive system for the
standard measure of value, and for the commercial and social inter
course of all nations.

I have learned during my visit to Philadelphia how the citizens
of this Republic value time; and it is really paradoxical that in
the age of electricity and accelerated movement, we should all
adhere to the ancient moneys which made the exchange between
countries a study as complicated as it was extensive.
An international coin has been often advanced; and I maintain
that the necessity for it is more and more obvious, and that its
adoption must be subjected to such scientific rules and to such
plainness for the understanding of all classes, as to make a con
version practically easy.
The present generations that are to pioneer the accelerated
movements of the dawning century, and that are acquainted with
the history of the present one, must see the necessity of econo
mizing time, even in counting their money and settling with their
neighbors. The United States have, in the last ten dozen years of their inde
pendence, done more than other nations in ten centuries. I have
had occasion to appreciate the way in which much work has been
done by discounting unnecessary formalities, and venture to say,
that the varying calculations which are required by individual
monetary systems, could well be done away with by the adoption of
a uniform plan in keeping with the metre and the gram.
I said, gentlemen, that the admirers of a twenty-dollar coin will
question any change; but this they will not do if they travel,
unless all others would adopt the dollar.
I would ask, however, do the majority of the people know what
the dollar means, and the weight of gold which it names ? Do the
widespread lovers of the golden sovereign, or of the twenty-franc
piece, and of other gold coins, know more than that they are not
easily amassed ? And that so long as gold cannot be produced
from other metals, its real value will be measured by the mean
amount of time, capital and labor expended in its extraction from
the earthen crust ?
They do not know; their time does not permit it; and when
exchange from one country's coin to another's is required they
have to take what they can get.
For example, I will refer to the gold of the United States, of
France, and of the United Kingdom. In the first instance, you
have called the troy ounce of gold $18.66465, and the dollar reci
procally weighs 25.80 grains, so that a coin of $20 weighs 5i6grains.
The second example places the kilogram of gold at 3.100 francs,
and the reciprocal weight of a twenty-franc piece at 6.45 1619 grams.
The third case gives for fifteen pounds troy weight ^"701, which
reduces the weight of each sovereign to 123.252496433666191 grains.

We have, accordingly, for the twenty-dollar gold piece 33.436
grams; for the twenty-franc gold piece 6.4516129 grams, and for
the twenty -shilling gold piece 7.98805 grams of twenty-two carat
gold, equivalent to 8.1378257 grams of -fflfo as the American and
French. A careful consideration of these figures will show that there are
decided objections in each case for their adoption as international
currency. These objections add considerable strength to an opin
ion that the unit for a universal and standard coin should differ
from all existing methods, and there is not, I believe, any unit
that is superior to the gram weight and its decimal subdivisions.
This unit Is the one I have for some years been advocating.
It was not my intention, gentlemen, to speak on this matter in
the United States, although I have expressed my plan at the
World's Fair, in Chicago, in a manuscript which you will find
catalogued; for it would appear like foreign interference in a
problem which refers to silver, and which is very much connected
with your political party spirit. I was encouraged, however, to
alter my intention on reading the words uttered by the Hon. Lyman
J. Gage, Secretary of the United States Treasury, at the Maryland
Bankers' State Convention, confirming a previous promise that the
administration would place the currency upon an enduring and
solid basis. Such a declaration, and the unanimous resolution of
the convention to oppose free coinage of silver and all debasement
emanating from such important sources, must have a beneficial
effect, not only on your home trade but also wherever American
interests are felt, the principles upheld by this country are studied,
and where its good examples often serve to prevent unsound though
popular legislation.
We have suffered severely in Brazil from the depreciation of our
currency; we have bitterly felt the withdrawal of that confidence
which the financial and commercial world at all times extend to
our country, and which we never betrayed; and all this, gentlemen,
is due to our unsound system of currency. I have lately been in
London and Paris where Brazilian stocks are largely held, and I
learned that the want of confidence was not in our good will and
honor as merchants or as a nation, but in our ability to long
comply with our determinations. Things there, however, are not
so bad as this ; we have legislators fully alive to the necessity
of righting our currency, and we have the means of doing it. For
this reason the proceedings of the Bankers' Convention greatly
gratified me, for they put a shoulder to our wheel.
I shall now enter into the description of my plan, having excused
my action, which necessarily embodies some considerations on the
position of the white metal.

My proposal, in its simple form, is that the UNIT for currency
should be the GRAM of gold.
That the relation of silver to gold shall be 5 per cent. ; that is,
20 to 1, instead of the existing proportions. That both metals
should be of -fiftf-n, and that all coins, whether small or large, which
are of one of these metals, should be exclusively of the given
standard. That whenever these metals are used in trade or art, the quality
shall be decimally stamped and declared, and shall lose its char
acteristic name where its purity is reduced to half.
That it shall be considered a fraud to sell any precious metal as
such, if it does not contain in its purity one-half or more.
I propose to make silver subsidiary to gold, and limited to the
requirements of each of the countries in which it is coined; no
foreign payments can be forced in this metal.
I propose that the gold pieces shall be received wherever con
vened, and a union established for the various guarantees required.
The present commercial relation of silver to gold is more than
double the monetary value; it would therefore appear, that in mak
ing a change, the ruling quotations ought to be considered. But I
believe in an appreciation of the white metal, as extraction of
gold has considerably increased, and when the output is insufficient
after Africa, you can go to Brazil, which is probably richer in gold
ore than any country in the world. I believe that a more cor
rect treatment of silver will also increase its use and value. The
coins of America and Europe consist of alloyed parts, containing
945. 925. 9°°. §35. 833. 8^, ?2°, 640, 600, 520, 500, and 400 mil
lesimals. This is a reflection on the past, and clearly indicates the neces
sity for an amendment in the future.
Remove all demoralizing conditions, and the metal will soon feel
the benefit.
I propose, gentlemen, that there shall be two coins of gold.
One of ten grams and one of five grams. These to be internation
ally current.
The silver coins will state on the one side their metal weight,
and on the other their monetary value of gold weight, viz., I coin,
20 grams, representing 1 gram gold; 1 coin, 10 grams, representing
.500 gram gold; 1 coin, 4 grams, representing .200 gram gold;
1 coin, 2 grams, representing .100 gram gold. Reduced to dollars,
the system would represent: $5.98, say 6 dollars; $2.99, say 3 dol
lars; 60 cents; 30 cents; 12 cents; 6 cents. (See illustrated plate.)
Lower values would naturally be represented by other metal or
copper.

This is a summary of what I have placed before my countrymen,
in Portuguese, the language of Brazil.
On the conclusion of the address, a luncheon was
served by Delmonico, after which the guests departed to
visit the tomb of General U. S. Grant at Riverside Park.
When in Boston I had occasion to return to the above
iplan of coinage, and the Boston Herald of June 16 re
ferred to it. This journal also reported, as follows, a con
versation on the tariff question, which I reproduce:
"Your Congress is putting through the new tariff bill too hur
riedly," said Mr. Arthur S. H. Hitchings, of Rio de Janeiro, to a
Boston Herald reporter yesterday while the steamer Victor was
paddling to Nahant the visitors from South America and Mexico.
"The American Congress," he continued, "should think of
what they are doing. They will spoil the work which this great
' Philadelphia Commercial Museum ' is building.
' ' I think that, first, we should have a uniform system of weights,
measures and money. I will not say much about the tariff, be
cause we have a bad protective system, and the pot has no right to
call the kettle black. Both Brazil and the United States must
bring down their tariffs, or others will scoop the market. If America
will only reduce her tariff, I promise you she will get our trade.
However good our feelings toward the United States, we are
compelled to act for the good of our own pocketbooks. If Eng
land, by importing free raw materials from us, can make the goods
we need cheaper than the American manufacturers, we shall be
compelled to take her product. If you can give us the goods as
cheap as England does, you will get our trade.
" Many of my colleagues talk about long credits. Your manu
facturers need not be frightened. The}' will be able to get their
cash, and we will find means of paying it. In your different
States you ought to get up associations of non-competitors, who
shall be connected with Brazilian traders, so that credits may be
exchanged. " You need an American bank in Brazil. The English, French
and German banks are making splendid returns. I predict that an
American bank in Rio de Janeiro would clear a net profit of from
15 to 20 per cent.
"You have built railroads on speculation. You ought to have
the same foresight to send steamers to us. The trade would
come.

13
" I have found among the merchants of the United States a most
decided opposition to the high tariff system. You should move
toward free trade. I don't think you are yet quite ready for it. ' '
I must say here, however, that the United States can
well export much which it produces and that is very
lightly taxed in Brazil. I cannot understand why your
coal, hay, wheat and other corn do not go largely to
my country, and can only suppose this is due to a want
of merchant marine sailing under the flag of the United
States. I cannot forego the temptation of reproducing also from
the Boston Herald, of June 16, the speech of Mr. Fd-
ward Atkinson, the eminent political economist, which
so much impressed the audience at the banquet on the
previous day. I had had the pleasure of listening to sonie
of his logical remarks before the banquet, and at once felt
the influence of his master mind. Mr. Atkinson's speech
was reported as follows:
Mr. Edward Atkinson said he would give a digest of the report
which the delegation were preparing in their minds. You are say
ing, he continued, that you have enjoyed your visit to the country
nearest you but which is farthest from you by act of its own
inhabitants. In fact, it has become practically inaccessible. You
say, he continued, that there is nothing in the natural conditions,
nothing in the cost of production, nothing in the quality of goods,
nothing in the references, nothing in the Commercial Museum
lacking, nothing to prevent an instant, extensive and profitable
exchange of products with us ; no physical or material obstruction.
We are glad to report these facts, which cannot be gainsaid, and
yet we are compelled to advise our governments, our merchants
and our associates to waste no time or effort in undertaking at
present to establish trade or commerce, or the exchange of pro
ducts with the people of the United States.
There is an obstruction greater than that of physical distance,
harder to surmount than the highest mountain ranges, more ob
structive than the most dangerous bar at the mouth of any
harbor — there is a current directed against us for the avowed and
intended purpose of diverting our trade from the ports of the
United States to the great free ports of Great Britain and Germany,
to London, to Antwerp, to Hamburg and to Copenhagen.

14
That obstruction consists in the pending legislation in the Con
gress of the United States, putting heavy and, in some cases, pro
hibitive taxes on the crude or partly manufactured materials of
foreign origin which are necessary to the conduct of domestic
industry in the United States, especially in the woollen and
worsted manufacture. These taxes are imposed on foreign pro
ducts which are necessary in order that these branches of industry
may be enabled to compete with the manufacturers of Europe in
supplying us with various kinds of goods which are of necessity
purchased by us in foreign countries.
It has been difficult for us to comprehend the influences which
actuate the legislators in the national Congress of the United
States in this matter. There is a grotesque absurdity in the present
conditions, which cannot be reduced to any terms of reason or
right. We have been invited here to witness the fact, which we
fully admit, that if the manufacturers of the United States of
metal work, of textile fabrics, of leather, of wood, of many chemi
cals, and of nearly all the fabrics which we desire to buy in ex
change for our crude or partly manufactured materials, were
permitted to compete on even terms with the converters of these
materials in their finished forms in Great Britain, France and Ger
many, the preference would be given by ns to the manufactures of
the United States on their quality and on their cost. But so long
as taxes are imposed by the United States Government on these
necessary materials, which we might supply to the United States
in payment for goods bought there, which are not imposed in any
other manufacturing country, the Congress of the United States
protects the manufacturers of foreign countries to the great injury
and detriment of their own.
This travesty of the policy of protection has no intelligent or
intellectual support. Yet neither the masses of the people whose
cost of living will be increased nor the manufacturers whose
interests are imperilled appear to have any influence upon their
representatives either in the Congress or in the Senate of the
United States. This system of protection run mad is intellectually
dead. In the debates in Congress when facts, arguments and
' figures are presented by the minority who oppose such a perversion
of the power of national taxation, they are met by stolid silence
and by votes apparently given under duress by senators and rep
resentatives alike who are themselves aware of the injury they are
doing to their own constituents in supporting these obstructions to
commerce with us and our associates.
There are signs that if this act should come into force it will be
of very short duration. We find that the people of the United

15
States have become so well skilled in all the arts commonly
called manufacturing, as well as in agriculture, that they can over
stock their limited home market with far less than a year's work of
the mechanism now in existence. In respect to their agriculture,
with here and there a trifling exception, they are, to use a terse ex
pression that has been applied to the case, " smothered in their own
grease. ' ' They are endowed with such huge abundance of fertile land,
of forest, of mines of metal and of coal, and with such adequate
mechanism in the processes of distribution and conversion, as to
be practically independent of all other countries ; on the other
hand, nearly every other manufacturing country is dependent
upon the United States either for food, fuel, fibre or metal in the
conduct of their manufactures. Such is the dependent condition
of Great Britain, of Germany and of France ; yet under the strange
delusion that foreign commerce is a war upon domestic industry,
the legislators of the United States bar their ports against the ser
vice which we might render them, and thus stop the export of
their own excess, which, being held back upon an overstocked
market, has depressed the price of nearly every staple in the
country below even the low cost of their production.
Under these conditions, it seems very strange that they should
have established a commercial museum at the very centre of this
economic delusion; that they should have sent a group of mer
chants to make an effort to open commerce with South and Central
America and Mexico. Stranger yet, that they should have invited
us to view their vast resources and to welcome us, as they have,
individually, in the most hospitable manner, while, on the other
hand, permitting their Congress to forbid the very commerce with
the other States of the American continent on which all might
thrive so greatly.
Our final recommendation, therefore, is to maintain our pres
ent close trade relations with European countries, whose legislators
do not impose heavy penalties upon our commerce with them, and
to await the action of the people of the United States in removing
all legal obstructions which now forbid mutual service among
neighbors who ought to be united in the closest bonds of friend
ship, of commerce and of mutual support.
Such, gentlemen, is the report which I have to make to you as
a mind-reader of the thoughts which have been passing through
the minds of our friends during the last few days, but which they
have not yet put in writing. I do not ask them to declare whether
or not I have read their thoughts correctly, because, under exist
ing conditions, that might be an embarrassment to them. Suffice
it that we welcome them here in the most hearty manner.

i6
We desire to cultivate the closest of friendly relations with
their respective countries, and we will do so, so far as the Congress
of the United States will permit. We beg to tell them that in the
judgment of many of ns here present the influences by which the
present Congress is governed and directed are being rapidly ex
posed, and that the delusion under which the present Congress is
now acting will not long stop the progress of this country or pre
vent the citizens of the United States from enjoying their personal
rights and gaining the benefits of the most extensive commerce to
which their energy and resources may hereafter entitle them.
Let me also remark that, while trade follows the flag of nations,
the flag will also follow the trade when we remove from our own
shipping the restrictions of our obsolete navigation acts, which,
more than any other force or foreign competition have driven our
flag from the ocean.
In New Haven I was called upon to answer the Mayor
of that city, Mr. Farnsworth, who had welcomed the
delegates in a most cordial manner. The following were
the reported words, and they introduced me to some of
the best-hearted men I ever met in my life.
Mr. Mayor: — Since commencing this tour through the United
States, we have been in many a bee-hive, have sipped of the honey
generously set before us, and have not once felt or received a sting.
But nowhere have we been welcomed with such enthusiasm as in
this city. As we entered New Haven, some of my friends asked
me if this was "New Heaven," for it has been, indeed, a great
reception. It is occasions like these that arouse the feeling of
brotherhood in all Americans, whether they be from the North or
from the South. As we came along we saw much and learned
much. Your methods are wonderful, and I believe it is only a
question of time, a very short time, when, by removing all barriers,
America will be one in commerce, in sentiment and in sociability.
The New Haven Morning News, of June 22, contained
the following article:
Our South American contemporaries reached New Haven last
evening and were tendered an official reception by Mayor Farns
worth and the reception committee. Mr. Arthur S. H. Hitchings,
in his reply to the mayor's address, said some very excellent and
noteworthy things, which will be found in full in another column.
The delegation as a whole impressed the New Haven public very
favorably. They are evidently representative business men of the

-7I fJ* yZc^^^^^^rxt^rf^

17
southern republics, and have in their North American peregrina
tions no other than a purely business purpose. They are evidently
not bored by the attentions they receive, but take a genuine inter
est in the town and in its various intellectual and industrial activi
ties. They will visit the largest factories to-day, and be received
by the presiding officer of the largest and greatest of them all,
President Dwight. It may be impossible for our South American
friends to carry on any extensive trade with our New Haven mer
chants, but the university is an institution which they will have
plenty of opportunities to patronize. No reciprocity treaty is
necessary for the full enjoyment of its intellectual advantages.
At St. Louis we were treated to an informal supper,
where some excellent speeches greatly edified us. A
gentleman spoke at length on "Trade and Commerce,"
and the essay will add to the best arguments on the sub
ject. But in this discourse the free silver cause was intro
duced and when, at a late hour, the toastmaster called on
my name, I could not help in some way responding to
what I looked upon as the objectionable part of an other
wise unobjectionable speech.
The hour prevented a full notice of what I said, but
the following articles which were extracted from the local
papers will show the spirit in which my words were
received.
THE SPIDER AND THE FLY.
SX-GOVBRNOR STONE ADVOCATED FREE SILVER AT THE WRONG
TIME.
(St. Louis Globe Democrat.)
There is a choice bit of gossip afloat which deals with two ex-
Governors of Missouri and a member of the Pan-American Con
gress, who has been the guest of St. Louis since Friday morning.
According to this gossip one ex-Governor led the other, like the
spider led the fly, into an argumentary net, in which the more
recent Governor became embarrassingly entangled.
Friday night the members of the Pan-American Congress, with
the local citizens' committee, enjoyed afumada, or smoker, at the
Southern. There were several speeches made, and then the com
pany adjourned to the ladies' ordinary for refreshments.
Ex-Governor Francis, a Democrat, who believes in the main
tenance of the gold standard, knew, it is said, that ex-Governor
Stone was to speak after lunch was served, and knew, furthermore.

i8
that he intended to incorporate in his speech free-silver arguments.
Governor Francis was master of ceremonies, and in some way it
was arranged that Mr. Arthur H. S. Hitchings, of Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil, representing the Commercial Association of that city, fol
lowed the Missouri apostle of the white metal. True to his political
creed, as defined by the Chicago platform, ex-Governor Stone
spoke eloquently of the merits of free trade and of the free, limit
less coinage of silver. Of course, he spoke of reciprocity, which
he made practically synonymous with free trade. His speech was
listened to attentively, but was received with little applause, as his
auditors, both guests and hosts, were advocates of the gold standard.
After ex-Governor Stone finished his speech, Mr. Hitchings was
called on. He agreed with the gentleman who preceded him that
reciprocity is a desirable institution, and differed from him but
slightly on the best way to bring it about between the Latin-
American republics and the United States. But when it came to
the monetary system as advocated by ex-Governor Stone, Mr.
Hitchings took exceptions. He expressed the sentiment of his
countrymen on the subject in a manner which was calculated to
somewhat embarrass the Missouri free-silver statesman. He
denounced the unlimited coinage of silver in no uncertain tone
and stood up valiantly for the integrity of the gold standard.
While Mr. Hitchings was speaking, significant glances were
thrown from one to another of the guests. During the river excur
sion yesterday the tilt between the ex-Governor and the Brazilian
was openly discussed. Whether or not the programme was so
arranged by ex-Governor Francis was not stated, but the different
character of the speeches and the order in which they were made
laid the foundation for many discussions.
Here is an article from another issue:
MR. HITCHINGS ON FREE SILVER.
A COMMERCIAL AUTHORITY REPLIES TO EX-GOVERNOR STONE.
The spirited debate between ex-Governor Stone and Mr. Arthur
S. H. Hitchings, of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, a member of the Pan-
American congress, which occurred at the fumada at the Southern
Friday night, and to which reference was made in yesterday's
Globe Democrat, continued yesterday to form an interesting topic
of conversation. It was generally believed that Ex-Secretary
Francis, who acted as toastmaster on that occasion, knew when he
called upon Mr. Hitchings that that gentleman would pour some
hot shot into Missouri's free silver advocate. In his speech ex-
Governor Stone exploited the white metal arguments, and in the

19
course of his remarks Mr. Hitchings took occasion to reply to the
advocate of free silver substantially as follows:
1 ' Gentlemen: — That America will sooner or later greatly increase
its relations between North and South no one can for a moment
doubt, for Americans are too keen not to remove the barriers which
exist at present. We also require one weight, one measure and
one coin to carry out our mutual views. I would not refer to the
currency if silver in lieu of gold had not this evening found such
decided support; but can it be possible that gold contracts in such
a country as this should be paid in silver at its present or any other
relation ? Is it right to give a dollar of forty-five cents in payment
for ioo cents? Gentlemen, have silver if you like, but don't call
it gold. A change even under the best conditions can please but
few — perhaps Mexico among those few — and not for long. But we
in Brazil want to return to gold, for we know the harm its absence
has done us. If your mines and Africa's cannot supply all that is
wanted, the interior of Brazil has more than necessary; go there
and pick it up. I could not help saying a word to uphold the
political economical principle which was so victorious in your last
election, and hope you will forgive me for trespassing so long on
your kind attention. You have had, gentlemen, the assurance of
our wish to meet you in the desire for a more extensive interchange
of commodities; and the realization of this desire now greatly rests
with you and your legislators."
In Chicago I was called |upon to make the response to
the address of welcome at the reception dinner. The
frankness of my address was due to the request that I
should speak my mind freely. My remarks were reported
as follows: RESPONSE OF ARTHUR S. H. HITCHINGS,
of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
Gentlemen of the Corporation and Chamber of Commerce: — I
take it as a special privilege to be called on to address this impor
tant assembly of citizens of the Western capital.
Wherever the delegates from Brazil and the other countries of
this continent have been received in their sister republic, they
have met with the most cordial welcome and brotherly treatment,
and this has enabled us to speak to you with a candor which would
otherwise have been impossible.
Before entering your city you prepared us for its magnitude by
showing us a great work of engineering which astonished and

pleased us; I refer to the new drainage canal, and well can you be
proud of a city that can execute such gigantic plans.
The principal object of our tour through the United States will
have been accomplished when we leave Chicago, and I may well
say that never before has there been a conception of such vast
commercial and social importance as the one which has drawn
together so many states.
On the invitation of the Philadelphia Museums we left our
respective countries, traveling in some instances many thousands
of miles, thereby recognizing the great international prospects
that such an organization was promoting.
Exhibitions in various capitals have done much good, and will
doubtless continue to do so, but the effects of many of these ex
hibitions are never so universal or lasting as their merits should
insure, because a scientific registration of their merits has never
been made in the practical manner adopted at Philadelphia.
These American Museums are examples of business-like priority
which other nations will have to follow; but you, gentlemen, have
the start, and the idea is yours in its present form.
The Museums comprise all of the advantageous exhibitions of
statistical data, of consular information, of official and private
correspondence, collections of all commercial periodicals of all
countries and languages digested and scientifically classified, and
all so comprehensively filed and located that every possible assist
ance can be derived by manufacturers, merchants or commission
agents, without loss of time and at a moderate cost.
We are anxious to help in this great work, and we feel assured
it will tend to unite this continent in greater bonds of trade, com
merce and fraternity.
Gentlemen, one of the results of the International Museums of
Philadelphia will be to do away with the notion that high prices
are essential to good results in business.
Liberty in trade is as necessary, or more necessary, than it is in
any other branch of social intercourse; nor can a healthy and
prolonged prosperity be secured if trusts and unions interfere with
the natural effects of supply and demand. There is a decided
tendency in all America which warrants a more mutual exchange
of commodities, without, however, breaking off our friendly rela
tions with the world at large.
In Brazil we have received immigrants, capital and credit from
Europe, like yourselves — and the sons of Europeans become
Brazilian citizens.
If the United States continues to increase the number and ca
pacity of its factories, foundries and other industries, it will soon

have to choose between reducing your workmen in numbers, or
reducing the sum of their earnings. The first condition must have
a terrible effect — thousands of able men seeking work, so that
others may remain in relative affluence. The second condition
will be much less objectionable — living will become cheaper and
the artisan will be able to do with two dollars what he now does
with three dollars, and the consequently cheapened article of com
merce will find its way to South America.
Cheap living never led to disorder, but dear commodities have
been the greatest factor in revolutions — upsetting and destroying
otherwise flourishing states. It must be obvious to you, as it is to
us delegates from South America, that any advance in duties on
the products of our countries cannot help to bring about that in
crease of trade relations, which your chambers of commerce have
so much tried to foster, nor can we promise that such measures
will not lead to reprisals.
It is for you, gentlemen, to act, not making exceptions to us,
but reducing among yourselves the scale of prices, all around.
This will lead to genuine, sound and increasing trade, and the
word " brisk " will be used instead of " depression." Then, gen
tlemen, you will not only supply us South Americans with manu
factured goods, but also those countries which have so cleverly
kept you at a distance from our markets. Let us have, if possible,
one measure, one weight and one currency. Let all be true as
gold, and let us be true to our one great determination, to remove
all obstacles and secure the means that shall make America pre
dominate: imposing peace, as Europe has predominated too often
by warring, and as Asia before her predominated by the exercise
of barbarism. Let peace and liberty, education and skilled labor,
and that fellowship which alone can draw mankind to the Creator
of all that is good, bless this country and ours with the fruits which
are otherwise vainly sought for.
" Mr. Hitchings," concludes the report, "then returned
his thanks in behalf of the visitors for the cordial reception
which had been extended to them, and said that on their
return to their country they would make every effort to
impress upon their peoples the knowledge that this is
the greatest country in the world."
I was pleased to find that my remarks were not dis
tasteful to the greater number of our hosts, although they
led to some discussion on the next day. One of the

papers gave a spirited reply which was cut out and sent
me. It read as follows :
A CURIOUS CONTRAST.
When Arthur S. H. Hitchings, of Rio de Janeiro, rose to respond
to Chicago's welcome to the travelers from Latin-America, he
must have known that the Senate of the United States was engaged
at that very moment upon a tariff bill in restraint of international
trade. Certainly the Chicago business men who were among his
auditors knew it, and the ironical contrast between the bill and his
speech must have struck them forcibly. Perhaps it may have
caused them to wonder, too — to wonder why they were keeping
up a pretence of enlarging their commercial relations with these
foreigners while the national legislature was doing its best to make
the enlargement impossible.
' ' Liberty in trade, ' ' said Mr. Hitchings, " is as necessary or more
necessary than it is in any other branch of social intercourse. ' '
Now, that may be an economic heresy, but the sentiment was
appropriate to the occasion. The representatives of various
nations had got together for the purpose of giving it unmistakable
emphasis. Our own people had assembled to do them honor. For
that day and date at least the declaration that the home market
was all-sufficing, and that the foreigners' goods should be barred
from our shores, would have seemed grotesque and absurd.
Still the Senate went right on with that same tariff bill. The
exchange of courtesies didn't make a particle of difference nor
will it deceive the South Americans in the slightest degree. " There
is a decided tendency in all America, " said the spokesman, ' ' which
warrants a more mutual exchange of commodities, without, how
ever, breaking off our friendly relations with the world at large."
These people do not propose to sacrifice themselves on our altar.
They will continue to buy of our competitors unless we can under
sell our competitors. An advance in duties, as Mr. Hitchings
urged, will not help to bring about an increase in trade relations.
And still another abhorrent doctrine was expounded. We must
reduce prices ; we must reduce wages. Cheap living was extolled.
" It is for you, gentlemen, to act," exclaimed the speaker, "not
making exceptions to us, but reducing among yourselves the scale
of prices all around."
So proceeded the logic of a pan- American meeting, but consider
ing the trend at Washington, it really seems curious that such a
meeting should have been held at all.
Another (The Chicago Inter-Ocean, July 7,) criticizes
my views, forgetting that Brazil is a willing buyer from

23
the United States for all that they can supply on equal
terms to others, and says:
MR. HITCHINGS OF BRAZIL.
A part of the generally admirable speech of delegate Hitchings,
of Rio de Janeiro, at the after-dinner chat at the Auditorium sounds
rather strangely. He is reported thus:
"It must be obvious to you, as it is to us delegates from South
America, that any advance in duties on the products of our coun
tries cannot help to bring about that increase of trade relations
which your chambers of commerce have so much tried to foster,
nor can we promise that such measures will not lead to reprisals. ' '
As a matter of fact, the total imports to the United States from
Brazil during the fiscal year 1896 were of the value of $78,831,476,
of which $77,080,854 were duty free. Duties were paid on values
not exceeding $1,750,622 on all imports from Brazil. This certainly
is a basis liberal enough for trade between nations. But in return
for our purchase of near to $79,000,000 worth of goods, nearly all
of which were duty free in our ports, Brazil bought from us no
more than $15,135,125 in value, and levied high duties on most of
the articles sold by us to her.
On the other hand, Great Britain levied duty on every pound of
coffee imported from Brazil, and yet Brazil bought more general
merchandise from Britain than from the United States. A lecture
on the advantages of free trade hardly is in order under such
circumstances. The moral of the condition tends to reciprocity.
If we are to buy three-fourths of the Brazilian coffee crop, and to
admit it duty free, Brazil ought to admit our merchandise at low
rates of duty or without duty.
Nor can the people of the United States accept the declaration
as conclusive: "If the United States continues to increase the
number and capacity of its factories, foundries, and other indus
tries, it will soon have to choose between reducing the workmen
in numbers or reducing the sum of their earnings. The first con
dition must have a terrible effect — thousands of able men seeking
work, so that others may remain in relative affluence. The second
will be much less objectionable; living will become cheaper, and
the artisan will be able to do with $2 what he now does with $3,
and the consequently cheapened article of commerce will find its
way to South America."
It is quite possible to enlarge the capacity of our factories and to
maintain our rates of wages by adhesion to a policy of reciprocity.
So many foreign countries produce tea, coffee, sugar, rubber, hides
and the few other articles that we use but do not produce, or that
we do not produce in sufficient quantity, that there is a rivalry

24
between such foreign countries for possession of our market, pro
vided that we throw the market open to competition by giving the
most favorable terms of tariff duty to those who will buy most
largely of our surplus products. We do not know the nativity of
Mr. Hitchings, but his argument sounds like that of an English
man, or of a person of Anglican sympathy.
The one thing that is proven beyond doubt is that the fact of our
admission of Brazilian and Argentinian products duty free has not
resulted in the opening of the markets of those countries to us.
After leaving Chicago and its many sights and factories,
there was a feeling that we all wanted rest — but at South
Bend we had to admire the great works of Messrs. Oli
ver and Studebaker's, before it could be found. Finally,
at Notre Dame, Indiana, we assembled under the friendly
roof and on the lawns of that beautiful University, where
Father Morrissy and his many religious assistants gave us
good cheer and helped us to a magnificent dinner, in
a truly home-like way. It fell to my lot to answer the
Reverend Head-master and to a Spanish-speaking stu
dent, which I did in Fnglish and Portuguese. These
speeches were on less familiar subjects, and I do not
attempt to reproduce them.
I here close my brief synopsis, and will not say more
than that to the end of our tour we had constant reason to
be satisfied with having commenced it. Our last visit was
to Niagara Falls, which we viewed from both the Ameri
can and Canadian sides. The description has been made
by the wondering poets of all ages since it became known
to the world, and I will not attempt to improve upon
what has been said. Yet the commercial importance of
the great cataract has taken a grand start with the appli
cation of hydraulic electricity, and its powerful magnifi
cence made it a happily chosen ending to our tour. May
the combined waters that ripple friendly together after
such gigantic tossing, be a peaceful lesson to all humanity
and to the republics of this, our American continent.
Arthur S. H. Hitchings.
AU RE VOIR.
On Board the "Koenigin Luise,"
New York, fuly 29, 1897.

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