ADDRESS

LiBRM.vf
OF

Governor Charles E. Hughes

BEFORE THE

REPUBLICAN CLUB

OF THE .

CITY OF NEW YORK

ON

Friday Evening, January 3 1
J908
/..,, .. J V.*'

ADDRESS

OF

Governor Charles E. Hughes

BEFORE THE

Republican Club

OF THE

CITY OF NEW YORK

ON

Friday Evening, January 31

1908

CORRESPONDENCE WHICH PRECEDED THE MEETING AT
THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, OK
JANUARY 31, 1908.
THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW
YORK,
54 AND 56 West 40x11 Stkeet,
New York, January 18, 1908.
Hon. Chaeles E. Hughes, Albany, N. Y.:
My Deae Goveenoe: — At a recent meeting of the Republican
Club of the city of New York, very largely attended, a resolu
tion was adopted with practical unanimity strongly urging the
next Republican National Convention to nominate you for the
office of President of the United States and to that end inviting;
the co-operation of Republicans generally.
The President of the Club has appointed a committee of twenty-
iive to carry out the purpose of the resolution.
The committee has entered upon the duties assigned to it and!
its efforts have met with a most gratifying public response.
Under the circumstances, it has seemed to us that some ex---
pression from you would be timely.
As Chairman of this committee and in the hope that this sug
gestion may meet with your approval, I write to inquire whether ¦
you will meet your fellow-members of the Republican Olub at its.
clubhouse at such time as may suit your convenience.
Very sincerely yours,
(Signed) JAliES S. LEHMAIER..

STATE OF NEW YORK:
Executive Ohambee,
AxBAWY, January 21, 1908.
Mr. James S. Lehmaiee, Chairman of Committee, Bepuhlican
eiuhy 54 West' 4:0th Street, New. Yor1c City;
Mt Deae Me. Lehmaiee: — Your letter of the 18th has been
received. I am deeply sensible of the honor conferred upon me by
my fellows-rmembers of the Republican Club in the passage of the
resolution to which you refer, and it will give me pleasure to ac
cept the invitation. In accepting it, it is proper for me to re
state my position:
It is my desire that the sentiment of the party shall have the
freest expression and that such action shall be taken as will be for
its best interests.
I do not seek office nor shall I attempt to influence the selection
•or vote of any delegate. The State administration must continue
to be impartial and must not be tributary to any candidacy.
I have no interest in any factional controversy and desire above
all things that there shall be deliberation, honest expression of the
party will, and harmony of effort.
I cannot fail to recognize the great honor which the nomina
tion would confer or the obligation of service which it would im
pose. Nor should I care to be thought lacking in appreciation
¦of the confidence an(i esteem which prompt the efforts of those who
sincerely desire to bring it about. The matter is one for the
party to decide, and whatever its decision I shall be content.
I shall be glad to meet, lyith the members of the Club as you
suggest, and to make such further statement as may be appro
priate. In view of the engagements al'ready made I do not see
how it will be possible to have such a meeting before the evening
of January Slst. And if that date suits your convenience, ar
rangements for the meeting may be made accordingly.
Very tinly yours,
(Signed) CHARLES E. HUGHES.

ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR HUGHES.

Fellow Merribers of the Bepuhlican Club:
In the adoption of the resolutions which preceded the call of
this meeting, you have conferred upon me an honor of which .1
cannot express adequately my appreciation. It is enhanced by
the fact that it comes from old friends and associates, — the fel
low members of an organization with which it has been my privi
lege to be identified for twenty years, and from a body of loyal
and earnest Republicans whose zeal for the welfare of the Repub
lican party and unselfish devotion to its interests are known
throughout the country. I cherish your friendship. I esteem
your confidence. And in recognition of both, and of the obli
gation imposed upon me by your action, I shall define my position.
Since I took office I have sought to make it clear that I would
not become involved in factional strife or use the powers of office
to further any personal interest. I am, and have been constantly,
solicitous that the administration of the affairs of this State shall
not be embarrassed by collateral considerations, and that every
question shall be presented and decided upon its merits, unaf
fected by suggestion of ulterior motives. For this reason I have
avoided gratuitous discussion of questions foreign to my official
duty. But when, in justice to those who have honored me with
their confidence, and to the party which, as we all desire, should
act freely and with full information, it becomes a duty to speak,
I have no desire to remain silent. Nor should I in any event
care to preserve availability at the expense of candor. I
THE EEPUBLICAN EECOED.
The Republican party is the party of stability, and the party
of progress. Its fundamental policies have determined the course
of the Nation's history. Largely, they, are now without serious
challenge and are removed from any controversy the issue of

which might be regarded as doubtful. They include the policy
•of union in opposition to every divisive sentiment or disrupting
iorce. They include the policy of establishing the national
credit upon a sure foundation in opposition to those financial
vagaries which, paraded at one time with solemn argument and
fervid appeal as the hope of the people, are now by common con-
-sent relegated to our museum of political absurdities, wholly
amusing save for our keen appreciation of the peril we narrowly
.escaped. And they also include the policy of protection to Ameri
can industry in the interest of the wage earners of our country
and in order to safeguard those higher American standards of
Jiving which our people will never permit to be reduced. The
Tiepublican party has maintained the national honor, and under
its direction American diplomacy has attained the highest levels
cf honorable purpose and distinguished achievement. The great
names of the party are the priceless possession of the American
people who, irrespective of partisan affiliations, are grateful that
the violence of opposition did not deprive the Nation of their
leadership. The Republican party to-day is charged with weighty respon
sibility. By reason of its ascendancy in Congress nothing can be
accomplished save through its instrumentality. It has been the
party of constructive statesmanship, and with its present oppor
tunities its destiny is in its own keeping.
peesident eoosevblt's abministeation.
We are contemplating a new administration at the close of one
"which to a degree almost unparalleled has impressed the popular
irnagination and won the confidence of the people. The country
is under lasting obligation to President Roosevelt for his vigorous
•opposition to abuses and for the strong impulse he has given to
movements for their correction. Differences of opinion now as
always exist with regard to the best means of solving some of the
txtremely difficult problems that are presented. But those who
earnestly desire progress and the establishment of our security
on its necessary foundations of fair dealing and recognition of
<jqual rights, appreciate the great service he has rendered and the

fundamental importance of the purposes he has had in view. We
shall have in the next campaign a notable vantage ground, gained
through the general admiration of his strong personality and the
popular appreciation of the intensity of his desire to promote the
righteous conduct of affairs and the welfare of his fellow men.

THE HISTOEIC STEUGGLE POE POPULAE EIGHTS.
The most impressive revelation of modern history is the pic
ture it affords of the widespread struggle against every form of
oppression and exploitation, and the onward march of the people
toward the realization of the ideals of self-government. This
movement, sometimes checked by arbitrary power, sometimes im
peded by ignorance, sometimes suffering from the perversions of
selfish ambition, sometimes under the urgings of passion running
into wanton excesses with their inevitable reactions, nevertheless
broadly viewed is an irresistible movement against which in the
long run the opposition of class or of privilege will be powerless
to prevail. There is no rest in human affairs. The watchword
of humanity is progress. And the administration of government,
in proportion to the enlightenment of the people, will reflect in
ever-increasing degree their insistance upon the enjoyment bf
equal civil rights and upon the elimination of all evils which
threaten equality of opportunity. QUE ADVANTAGES.
In this country of extraordinary resources there are presented
to an unprecedented degree the advantages of a free society. We
are blessed with a system of government admirably adapted to
maintain the rights and to safeguard the opportunities of all. It
has not been designed for the benefit of a few, but for the many.
It is not a government for any class; it is not a government for
the holders of privilege; it is not a government for the talented
or for the rich; it is a government for the people, and it derives
its strength and its assurance of permanence from the funda
mental conception of equality before the law, and from the appre
ciation of the common rights of manhood.

8

socialism: unameeioan.
Our government is based upon the principles of individualism
and not upon those of socialism. It was not established to sub
stitute one form of despotism for another. It was founded to
attain the aims of liberty, of liberty under law, but wherein each
individual for the development and the exercise of his individual
powers might have the freest opportunity consistent vrith the equal
right of all others, and wherein the rewards of industry and
thrift, — the gains of honest effort, — might be secure.
We do not seek to multiply the activities of government so as
to bring about vexatious interference with liberty or to restrict
legitimate enterprise. We deprecate all unnecessary govern
mental action. But our individualism does not justify unbridled
license. Its aims may demand, and frequently do demand, the
intervention of government with necessary restrictions and regu
lations not to curtail the liberty of the people, but to protect it.
Wherever, in order to maintain civil rights, to secure the public
from agigression, or to compel the performance of public obliga
tion the action of the government as the organ of the popular will
is, necessary, there its powei* should be firmly, adequately, and
impartially exercised. FUNDAMENTAL PEINCIPLES.
Now I do not profess to be able to speak the last word with
regard to the questions which confront us. Many of them are
difficult, and in the effort to reach true conclusions mistakes may
be inevitable. But before these are dealt with specifically we may
properly make closer inquiry as to the principles which should
be the guide of our action and to which we should render unques
tioned allegiance.
What are the conditions, so far as government is concerned,
of progress in the United States?
PUEITY OP ELECTIONS.
There must be the freest opportunity for the honest expression
of the popular will. To this end every practicable means should
be employed to preserve the purity of the ballot. Political con-

titibutions from corporations have wisely been prohibited and
publicity of campaign expenses should be enforced. The most
stringent measures should be adopted to prevent corrupt practices.
EEPEESBNTATIVE GOVEENMBNT.
This is a representative government and not a pure democracy.
The latter would be unworkable in a country of this magnitude.
Except with regard to fundamental • questions or matters com
paratively simple, it is impracticable for the electorate directly
to express its views. Our system presupposes the fidelity of the
chosen representatives of the people. I believe in party govern
ment to enforce and apply party principles; I believe in the
responsibility of party administration in accordance with the
policies announced in the party platform. These policies are
but the described methods of public service and the defined means
believed to be conducive to the public welfare. In short, I believe
in fidelity to principle, publicly professed, and in honorable obedi
ence to the oath of office. Upon the fulfillment of these para
mount fiduciary obligations, and upon the public intolerance of
the perversion of the authority conferred by the people to the
service of any private interest, the safety of our institutions
depends. EFFICIENCY IN ADMINISTEATION.
I also believe in securing the highest possible degree of admin
istrative efficiency. Our first object should be to derive from exist
ing laws the maximum of benefit according to their intention.
The firmness and the impartiality of justice in the execution of
the laws insure that respect for law and order and that stability
of government which conditions every honorable enterprise and
underlies the prosperity of every man, whatever his work.
SPECIAL PEIVILEGE.
The battle for free institutions has been a struggle against
special privilege. It is not won merely by the creation of new
forms of government. Against every attempt to make govern
ment the instrument of selfish purposes a free people must con
stantly be on the alert. Every franchise granted by the people
is a privilege justified only by considerations of the public wel-

10
fare, and the conditions of its exercise should be such as-to insure
the performance of public obligation. There must be no en
croachment on the common right for the purpose of serving the
interests of the few at the expense of the many.
EIGHTS OF PEOPEETY.
Of fundamental importance also is respect for the rights of
property. This is the security of thrift. It is of even greater
importance to the poor than to the rich. The unlawful acquisi
tion of property should be prevented or punished. The condi
tions underlying grants of public franchises should be enforced.
But property lawfully acquired must be safeguarded.
LABOE AND BUSINESS CONDITIONS.
We are a nation of workers. Idlers are comparatively few.
Our people are employed in a vast network of activities. We
must respect the demands of industry and be solicitous to pro
mote the welfare of those who in agriculture, in manufacture,
and in the various enterprises incident to the exchanges of com
merce are contributing to the sum of national effort. The pros
perity of the nation means the prosperity of its millions of toilers.
We are so interdependent that any disturbance or dislocation has
a far-reaching effect, and their most injurious consequences are
borne by those least able to endure disaster — the wage earners
and the men of limited resources. We desire to see the opportu
nities for labor protected and enlarged; the conditions of labor
improved; the reasonable adjustment of controversies; and above
all we should seek to maintain stability and confidence, in order
that the talent of our people for productive industry may havo
the widest scope for honorable employment, and that we may
enjoy tO' the greatest possible extent that widely diffused pros
perity and happiness to which we are entitled by virtue of our
resources and our energy.
CONSTITUTION.VL GOVEENMENT.
In this country progress cannot be made save in harmony with
our constitutional system. The Constitution in its entirety must
be observed. The power derived from the people must be exer-

¦11
cised upon the bonditions which they 'have laid down. The func
tions of each department of government ^ — executive, legislative,
and judicial — are defined, and the responsibilities of ea"ch de
partment are fixed. The people have not only thus marked out
the spheres and limited the powers of their representatives, but
the provisions of our Constitutions are also checks, upon the hasty
and inconsiderate action of the people themselves. According
to our system, the controlling will of the people is found in con
stitutional provisions, as interpreted and applied by the courts,
and these must remain effective until the people change them by
amending the Constitution in the prescribed manner.

FEDEE.IL AND STATE POWEES.
We must also recognize the division of powers between the
federal and state governments. Through the latter, necessary'
local autonomy is secured. It is essential to the permanence of
free institutions that each community should attend to its par
ticular affairs ; and through the powers and responsibilities of local
administration, independence, public spirit, and capacity for Self-
government are developed, which not only secure the enforcement
of local rights, but make possible the just exercise of the powers
of the central authority over those matters lying outside the proper
limits of local jurisdiction.
These considerations are more and not less important because
of the development of interstate commerce and the powerful forces
in the world of business which in their practical operation ignore
state lines. And the necessary extension of the activities of the
federal government as to matters inevitably committed to its con
trol should make us the more solicitous that the administration
of state governments should show the highest degree of efficiency.
There are two dangers. The one is that serious evils of national
scope may go unchecked because federal power is not exercised-
The other lies in an unnecessary exercise of federal power, bur
dening the central authority vath an attempted control which
would result in the impairment of proper local autonomy, and ex
tending it so widely as to defeat its purpose. It must be remem
bered that an evil is not the proper subject of federal cognizance

12
merely because it may exist in many states. All sorts of evils
exist in many states which should be corrected by the exercise
of local power, and they are not evils of federal concern although
they may be widespread.
On the other hand it cannot be regarded as a policy of unwise
centralization that, wherever there is a serious evil demanding
governmental correction which afflicts interstate commerce and
hence is beyond the control of the states, the power of Congress
should unhesitatingly be exercised.
But we are not left to the consideration of general principles
of governmental action. Congress has the power given to it by
the Constitution. It cannot, if it would, invade the rights of the
states. It has express authority to regulate commerce among the
several states. The scope of the interstate commerce clause and
the boundaries of the federal powers which it authorizes are the
subject of determination by the Supreme Court. Congress can
act only within the limits so fixed, and in acting within those
limits, the question is not one of power but of the nature of the
evil and of the appropriate remedy for its cure.
Having- stated these principles I shall define briefly my posi
tion with regard to certain particular questions.
CONSEEVATION OF NATIONAL EESOUECES.
There is no matter of greater importance than the conserva
tion and development of our natural resources. It is of the most
urgent necessity that our forests should be protected, and that
these priceless treasures should be preserved from ruthless destruc
tion. All the property of the people should be safeguarded from
spoliation. I am also deeply interested in the development of
inland waterways, to provide increased and adequate facilities
for our growing commerce. We should further do all in our
power to extend the area of productive activity through irrigar
tion and suitable plans of reclamation. The common right in
our public lands should be protected from encroachment, and
wherever governmental power may properly be exercised the sole
object should be the promotion of the general welfare, and all
schemes of rapacity should be frustrated.

13

BAILEOADS.
I do not believe in governmental ownership of railroads. But
regulation of interstate, transportation is essential to protect the
people from unjust discriminations and to secure safe, adequate,
and impartial service upon reasonable terms in accordance with
the obligations of common carriers. In order to have supervi
sion which is both thorough and just an administrative board is
necessary. I may assume that my attitude with regard to this
matter is so well understood through my recommendations in
relation to the enactment of the Public Service Commissions Law
in this State that an extended statement is unnecessary.
I approve the recent extension of the authority of the Inter
state Commerce Commission by wtat is knovm as the rate bill,
and I believe that the Commission should have the most ample
powers for purposes of investigation and supervision, and for
making rules and orders,, which will enable it to deal to the fullest
extent possible, within constitutional limits, vdth interstate trans
portation in all its phases.
This is a just policy. The power of Congress to fix rates for
interstate transportation so as to prevent improper discrimina
tions and to compel carriage upon reasonable terms is undoubted.
The sole question is how, and under what circumstances, it shall
be exercised. But it is manifestly impossible for the legislative
body, on account of the conditions under which it works, to make
that thorough examination of specific cases which in justice must
precede action. It may establish general standards of conduct,
but the exigencies of particular cases can be met only by the
painstaking consideration of an administrative board. The alter
native to this policy is either the abandonment of regulation or
sporadic legislative intervention under the influence of agitation
and almost necessarily without proper examination of the facts
or recognition of the different requirements of varied situations.
No one can properly complain because legal machinery is pro
vided for the rectification of abuses. And the aim should be to
make the machinery adequate to the purpose of providing redress
for every grievance and to insist upon standards of administra
tion which will secure intelligent and patient inquiry, and im
partial enforcement of the law.

14

TEUSTS AND COMBINATIONS.
The Sherman anti-trust act should be clarified and made more
explicit. The law may be made stronger and more effective by
being made more definite. Sweeping condemnations, of uncer
tain meaning, do not aid but rather embarrass the prosecution of
those who are guilty of pernicious practices. Combinations and
practices in unreasonable restraint of trade and which menace the
freedom of interstate commerce should be condemned in precise
terms. At the same time provision may well be made for joint
agreements, under proper circumstances, as to railroad rates,
which should be subject to the approval of the Interstate Com
merce Commission.
Various means have been suggested — of doubtful validity and
still more doubtful utility — to prevent oppression through the
conduct of large enterprises and to secure the enforcement of the
law against illegal attempts to monopolize and the various devices
resorted to in unlawful restraint of trade. In my judgment the
most effective course is explicit definition of what is wrong and
adequate punishment of the guilty. Such laws, like laws in gen
eral which are definite and supported by public sentiment, are
to a very, large extent self-executing. That is, they are generally
obeyed. PUNISHMENT BY IMPEISONMENT.
I am not in favor of punishment in the shape of fines upon
corporations, except for minor offenses. The burden of fines
imposed upon such corporations is either transferred to the public
or is borne by stockholders, the innocent as well as the guilty.
Nor am I impressed by the argument that American juries will
generally be indisposed to convict where the evidence is clear,
because the crime is punished by imprisonment of the offenders.
But if the law be definite and the evidence warrants the presenta
tion of the case to the jury, it is better in my judgment that the
responsibility for failure to convict should lie Avith the jury than
that conviction should be followed by penalties which are either
inadequate or bear unjustly upon those who have had no com
plicity in the offense.

15

TAEIFE EEVISION.-

I believe in a protective tariff. It is an established policy. Our
opponents would not undertake to present to the voters of the
country the issue of free trade.
A protective tariff is essential to the interests of our ' wage
earners, in that it makes possible the payment of wages on the
scale to which we are accustomed in this couiitry and thus main
tains our American standards of living. Hence the difference
in the cost of production here and abroad is the fundamental
consideration. But I do not believe in making this policy a cover for exor
bitant rates or for obtaining special privileges from the govern
ment which are not based upon consideration of the general
welfare. I believe that the tariff should be revised. And in
order to effect whatever readjustment may be necessary to make
the tariff schedules consistent with the principles underlying the
protective policy, I favor the appointment of an expert commis
sion, so that the facts may be ascertained without delay and that
Congress may dispose of the matter in the fairest possible manner.
LABOE LAWS.
So far as the matter is within the power of Congress, the inter
ests of labor should be safeguarded and the conditions of labor
improved. I am in favor of the enactment of a law aptly ex
pressed, to apply exclusively to interstate commerce, which would
embody the principles of the employer's liability bill recently
declared unconstitutional because too broad. I also approve the
laws which have been enacted with regard to safety appliances
and hours of labor in railroad service. The matter of railroad
accidents deserves special investigation, and every effort should
be made to obtain adequate information which will lead to appro
priate measures for the protection of life and limb.
Wherever the government comes into direct relation to labor,
proper conditions with regard to hours, wages, safety, and com
pensation for accidents should be provided.

16

THE PHILIPPINES.
With regard to the Filipinos we are placed under the most
sacred obligations. In justice to them and in justice to ourselves,
we must omit no effort to prepare them for self-government.
When they are able to govern themselves and are in a position
to maintain their independence, the American people will not
deny them the boon which we ourselves have so highly prized.
In the meantime, the work of education and training must pro
ceed, and everything that can be done consistently with the inter
ests of our own people must be done to promote their prosperity.
THB AEMY AND NAVY.
We are devoted to the interests of peace and we cherish no
policy of aggression. The maintenance of our ideals is our surest
protection. It is our constant aim to live in friendship with all
nations and to realize the aims of a free government secure from
the interruptions of strife and the wastes of war. It is entirely
consistent with these aims, and it is our duty, to make adequate
provision for our defense and to maintain the efficiency of our
Army and Navy. And this I favor.
Within the limits of this address, it has been possible to touch
upon only a few subjects which from, a national standpoint are
worthy of consideration. But I have endeavored to say enough
to give suitable information of my attitude.
CUE ATTITUDE TOWARD THE FUTUEE.
We have no problems that cannot be solved. Our citizens are
intelligent and alert. There are fresh evidences daily of quick
ened public spirit. The conscience of the people has been aroused
and their common sense is not impaired. Through the lavish
provision for education and technical training, the unexampled
opportunities for cultivation and enjoyment, and the varied efforts
of philanthropy, we are making steady progress in the improve
ment of the conditions of our life.
I do not believe in arbitrary action. We desire prosperity.
We are anxious that there should be fair opportunities for all the
workers of the land, for the extension of industry and commerce,

17
and that there should be the widest diffusion of blessings among
a contented people.
To attain these ends the rule of the people must be the rule of
reason and every effort must be dominated by the sense of justice.
We must be patient, impartial and thorough; investigation must
precede action; good-will must displace passion; and the sole
motive must be to seek the truth and to do the right.
Fellow-Republicans: I do not come before you in any spirit
of rivalry or self-seeking. There are many Republicans who by
virtue of their character and distinguished services are worthy
of the highest honor the party can bestow. I ask no favor and
I make no claim. I desire that the party shall act for its best
interest. PAETY HAEMONY ESSENTIAL.
We must not underestimate the labors of the next campaign.
It will be a hard-fought battle. We cannot expect victory unless
we are united, and nothing should be done to imperil success in
this State. I appeal to you in the name of the party to which
you are all loyal to forget every personal difference and to make
the work which precedes the convention a fitting preparation for
the united effort which later will be essential.
And let us not forget that the Republican party does not exist
for itself. Our efforts on its behalf are justified by our convic
tion that through the party we may render patriotic service to
the Nation. Let this thought dominate our activities and love of
country be the inspiration and the motive of every partisan effort.

J. a. LVON COMPANY
PRINTERS AND BINDERS
ALBANY, N. V.

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