ADDRESS LiBRM.vf OF Governor Charles E. Hughes BEFORE THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE . CITY OF NEW YORK ON Friday Evening, January 3 1 J908 /..,, .. J V.*' ADDRESS OF Governor Charles E. Hughes BEFORE THE Republican Club OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK ON Friday Evening, January 31 1908 CORRESPONDENCE WHICH PRECEDED THE MEETING AT THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, OK JANUARY 31, 1908. THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, 54 AND 56 West 40x11 Stkeet, New York, January 18, 1908. Hon. Chaeles E. Hughes, Albany, N. Y.: My Deae Goveenoe: — At a recent meeting of the Republican Club of the city of New York, very largely attended, a resolu tion was adopted with practical unanimity strongly urging the next Republican National Convention to nominate you for the office of President of the United States and to that end inviting; the co-operation of Republicans generally. The President of the Club has appointed a committee of twenty- iive to carry out the purpose of the resolution. The committee has entered upon the duties assigned to it and! its efforts have met with a most gratifying public response. Under the circumstances, it has seemed to us that some ex--- pression from you would be timely. As Chairman of this committee and in the hope that this sug gestion may meet with your approval, I write to inquire whether ¦ you will meet your fellow-members of the Republican Olub at its. clubhouse at such time as may suit your convenience. Very sincerely yours, (Signed) JAliES S. LEHMAIER.. STATE OF NEW YORK: Executive Ohambee, AxBAWY, January 21, 1908. Mr. James S. Lehmaiee, Chairman of Committee, Bepuhlican eiuhy 54 West' 4:0th Street, New. Yor1c City; Mt Deae Me. Lehmaiee: — Your letter of the 18th has been received. I am deeply sensible of the honor conferred upon me by my fellows-rmembers of the Republican Club in the passage of the resolution to which you refer, and it will give me pleasure to ac cept the invitation. In accepting it, it is proper for me to re state my position: It is my desire that the sentiment of the party shall have the freest expression and that such action shall be taken as will be for its best interests. I do not seek office nor shall I attempt to influence the selection •or vote of any delegate. The State administration must continue to be impartial and must not be tributary to any candidacy. I have no interest in any factional controversy and desire above all things that there shall be deliberation, honest expression of the party will, and harmony of effort. I cannot fail to recognize the great honor which the nomina tion would confer or the obligation of service which it would im pose. Nor should I care to be thought lacking in appreciation ¦of the confidence an(i esteem which prompt the efforts of those who sincerely desire to bring it about. The matter is one for the party to decide, and whatever its decision I shall be content. I shall be glad to meet, lyith the members of the Club as you suggest, and to make such further statement as may be appro priate. In view of the engagements al'ready made I do not see how it will be possible to have such a meeting before the evening of January Slst. And if that date suits your convenience, ar rangements for the meeting may be made accordingly. Very tinly yours, (Signed) CHARLES E. HUGHES. ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR HUGHES. Fellow Merribers of the Bepuhlican Club: In the adoption of the resolutions which preceded the call of this meeting, you have conferred upon me an honor of which .1 cannot express adequately my appreciation. It is enhanced by the fact that it comes from old friends and associates, — the fel low members of an organization with which it has been my privi lege to be identified for twenty years, and from a body of loyal and earnest Republicans whose zeal for the welfare of the Repub lican party and unselfish devotion to its interests are known throughout the country. I cherish your friendship. I esteem your confidence. And in recognition of both, and of the obli gation imposed upon me by your action, I shall define my position. Since I took office I have sought to make it clear that I would not become involved in factional strife or use the powers of office to further any personal interest. I am, and have been constantly, solicitous that the administration of the affairs of this State shall not be embarrassed by collateral considerations, and that every question shall be presented and decided upon its merits, unaf fected by suggestion of ulterior motives. For this reason I have avoided gratuitous discussion of questions foreign to my official duty. But when, in justice to those who have honored me with their confidence, and to the party which, as we all desire, should act freely and with full information, it becomes a duty to speak, I have no desire to remain silent. Nor should I in any event care to preserve availability at the expense of candor. I THE EEPUBLICAN EECOED. The Republican party is the party of stability, and the party of progress. Its fundamental policies have determined the course of the Nation's history. Largely, they, are now without serious challenge and are removed from any controversy the issue of which might be regarded as doubtful. They include the policy •of union in opposition to every divisive sentiment or disrupting iorce. They include the policy of establishing the national credit upon a sure foundation in opposition to those financial vagaries which, paraded at one time with solemn argument and fervid appeal as the hope of the people, are now by common con- -sent relegated to our museum of political absurdities, wholly amusing save for our keen appreciation of the peril we narrowly .escaped. And they also include the policy of protection to Ameri can industry in the interest of the wage earners of our country and in order to safeguard those higher American standards of Jiving which our people will never permit to be reduced. The Tiepublican party has maintained the national honor, and under its direction American diplomacy has attained the highest levels cf honorable purpose and distinguished achievement. The great names of the party are the priceless possession of the American people who, irrespective of partisan affiliations, are grateful that the violence of opposition did not deprive the Nation of their leadership. The Republican party to-day is charged with weighty respon sibility. By reason of its ascendancy in Congress nothing can be accomplished save through its instrumentality. It has been the party of constructive statesmanship, and with its present oppor tunities its destiny is in its own keeping. peesident eoosevblt's abministeation. We are contemplating a new administration at the close of one "which to a degree almost unparalleled has impressed the popular irnagination and won the confidence of the people. The country is under lasting obligation to President Roosevelt for his vigorous •opposition to abuses and for the strong impulse he has given to movements for their correction. Differences of opinion now as always exist with regard to the best means of solving some of the txtremely difficult problems that are presented. But those who earnestly desire progress and the establishment of our security on its necessary foundations of fair dealing and recognition of <jqual rights, appreciate the great service he has rendered and the fundamental importance of the purposes he has had in view. We shall have in the next campaign a notable vantage ground, gained through the general admiration of his strong personality and the popular appreciation of the intensity of his desire to promote the righteous conduct of affairs and the welfare of his fellow men. THE HISTOEIC STEUGGLE POE POPULAE EIGHTS. The most impressive revelation of modern history is the pic ture it affords of the widespread struggle against every form of oppression and exploitation, and the onward march of the people toward the realization of the ideals of self-government. This movement, sometimes checked by arbitrary power, sometimes im peded by ignorance, sometimes suffering from the perversions of selfish ambition, sometimes under the urgings of passion running into wanton excesses with their inevitable reactions, nevertheless broadly viewed is an irresistible movement against which in the long run the opposition of class or of privilege will be powerless to prevail. There is no rest in human affairs. The watchword of humanity is progress. And the administration of government, in proportion to the enlightenment of the people, will reflect in ever-increasing degree their insistance upon the enjoyment bf equal civil rights and upon the elimination of all evils which threaten equality of opportunity. QUE ADVANTAGES. In this country of extraordinary resources there are presented to an unprecedented degree the advantages of a free society. We are blessed with a system of government admirably adapted to maintain the rights and to safeguard the opportunities of all. It has not been designed for the benefit of a few, but for the many. It is not a government for any class; it is not a government for the holders of privilege; it is not a government for the talented or for the rich; it is a government for the people, and it derives its strength and its assurance of permanence from the funda mental conception of equality before the law, and from the appre ciation of the common rights of manhood. 8 socialism: unameeioan. Our government is based upon the principles of individualism and not upon those of socialism. It was not established to sub stitute one form of despotism for another. It was founded to attain the aims of liberty, of liberty under law, but wherein each individual for the development and the exercise of his individual powers might have the freest opportunity consistent vrith the equal right of all others, and wherein the rewards of industry and thrift, — the gains of honest effort, — might be secure. We do not seek to multiply the activities of government so as to bring about vexatious interference with liberty or to restrict legitimate enterprise. We deprecate all unnecessary govern mental action. But our individualism does not justify unbridled license. Its aims may demand, and frequently do demand, the intervention of government with necessary restrictions and regu lations not to curtail the liberty of the people, but to protect it. Wherever, in order to maintain civil rights, to secure the public from agigression, or to compel the performance of public obliga tion the action of the government as the organ of the popular will is, necessary, there its powei* should be firmly, adequately, and impartially exercised. FUNDAMENTAL PEINCIPLES. Now I do not profess to be able to speak the last word with regard to the questions which confront us. Many of them are difficult, and in the effort to reach true conclusions mistakes may be inevitable. But before these are dealt with specifically we may properly make closer inquiry as to the principles which should be the guide of our action and to which we should render unques tioned allegiance. What are the conditions, so far as government is concerned, of progress in the United States? PUEITY OP ELECTIONS. There must be the freest opportunity for the honest expression of the popular will. To this end every practicable means should be employed to preserve the purity of the ballot. Political con- titibutions from corporations have wisely been prohibited and publicity of campaign expenses should be enforced. The most stringent measures should be adopted to prevent corrupt practices. EEPEESBNTATIVE GOVEENMBNT. This is a representative government and not a pure democracy. The latter would be unworkable in a country of this magnitude. Except with regard to fundamental • questions or matters com paratively simple, it is impracticable for the electorate directly to express its views. Our system presupposes the fidelity of the chosen representatives of the people. I believe in party govern ment to enforce and apply party principles; I believe in the responsibility of party administration in accordance with the policies announced in the party platform. These policies are but the described methods of public service and the defined means believed to be conducive to the public welfare. In short, I believe in fidelity to principle, publicly professed, and in honorable obedi ence to the oath of office. Upon the fulfillment of these para mount fiduciary obligations, and upon the public intolerance of the perversion of the authority conferred by the people to the service of any private interest, the safety of our institutions depends. EFFICIENCY IN ADMINISTEATION. I also believe in securing the highest possible degree of admin istrative efficiency. Our first object should be to derive from exist ing laws the maximum of benefit according to their intention. The firmness and the impartiality of justice in the execution of the laws insure that respect for law and order and that stability of government which conditions every honorable enterprise and underlies the prosperity of every man, whatever his work. SPECIAL PEIVILEGE. The battle for free institutions has been a struggle against special privilege. It is not won merely by the creation of new forms of government. Against every attempt to make govern ment the instrument of selfish purposes a free people must con stantly be on the alert. Every franchise granted by the people is a privilege justified only by considerations of the public wel- 10 fare, and the conditions of its exercise should be such as-to insure the performance of public obligation. There must be no en croachment on the common right for the purpose of serving the interests of the few at the expense of the many. EIGHTS OF PEOPEETY. Of fundamental importance also is respect for the rights of property. This is the security of thrift. It is of even greater importance to the poor than to the rich. The unlawful acquisi tion of property should be prevented or punished. The condi tions underlying grants of public franchises should be enforced. But property lawfully acquired must be safeguarded. LABOE AND BUSINESS CONDITIONS. We are a nation of workers. Idlers are comparatively few. Our people are employed in a vast network of activities. We must respect the demands of industry and be solicitous to pro mote the welfare of those who in agriculture, in manufacture, and in the various enterprises incident to the exchanges of com merce are contributing to the sum of national effort. The pros perity of the nation means the prosperity of its millions of toilers. We are so interdependent that any disturbance or dislocation has a far-reaching effect, and their most injurious consequences are borne by those least able to endure disaster — the wage earners and the men of limited resources. We desire to see the opportu nities for labor protected and enlarged; the conditions of labor improved; the reasonable adjustment of controversies; and above all we should seek to maintain stability and confidence, in order that the talent of our people for productive industry may havo the widest scope for honorable employment, and that we may enjoy tO' the greatest possible extent that widely diffused pros perity and happiness to which we are entitled by virtue of our resources and our energy. CONSTITUTION.VL GOVEENMENT. In this country progress cannot be made save in harmony with our constitutional system. The Constitution in its entirety must be observed. The power derived from the people must be exer- ¦11 cised upon the bonditions which they 'have laid down. The func tions of each department of government ^ — executive, legislative, and judicial — are defined, and the responsibilities of ea"ch de partment are fixed. The people have not only thus marked out the spheres and limited the powers of their representatives, but the provisions of our Constitutions are also checks, upon the hasty and inconsiderate action of the people themselves. According to our system, the controlling will of the people is found in con stitutional provisions, as interpreted and applied by the courts, and these must remain effective until the people change them by amending the Constitution in the prescribed manner. FEDEE.IL AND STATE POWEES. We must also recognize the division of powers between the federal and state governments. Through the latter, necessary' local autonomy is secured. It is essential to the permanence of free institutions that each community should attend to its par ticular affairs ; and through the powers and responsibilities of local administration, independence, public spirit, and capacity for Self- government are developed, which not only secure the enforcement of local rights, but make possible the just exercise of the powers of the central authority over those matters lying outside the proper limits of local jurisdiction. These considerations are more and not less important because of the development of interstate commerce and the powerful forces in the world of business which in their practical operation ignore state lines. And the necessary extension of the activities of the federal government as to matters inevitably committed to its con trol should make us the more solicitous that the administration of state governments should show the highest degree of efficiency. There are two dangers. The one is that serious evils of national scope may go unchecked because federal power is not exercised- The other lies in an unnecessary exercise of federal power, bur dening the central authority vath an attempted control which would result in the impairment of proper local autonomy, and ex tending it so widely as to defeat its purpose. It must be remem bered that an evil is not the proper subject of federal cognizance 12 merely because it may exist in many states. All sorts of evils exist in many states which should be corrected by the exercise of local power, and they are not evils of federal concern although they may be widespread. On the other hand it cannot be regarded as a policy of unwise centralization that, wherever there is a serious evil demanding governmental correction which afflicts interstate commerce and hence is beyond the control of the states, the power of Congress should unhesitatingly be exercised. But we are not left to the consideration of general principles of governmental action. Congress has the power given to it by the Constitution. It cannot, if it would, invade the rights of the states. It has express authority to regulate commerce among the several states. The scope of the interstate commerce clause and the boundaries of the federal powers which it authorizes are the subject of determination by the Supreme Court. Congress can act only within the limits so fixed, and in acting within those limits, the question is not one of power but of the nature of the evil and of the appropriate remedy for its cure. Having- stated these principles I shall define briefly my posi tion with regard to certain particular questions. CONSEEVATION OF NATIONAL EESOUECES. There is no matter of greater importance than the conserva tion and development of our natural resources. It is of the most urgent necessity that our forests should be protected, and that these priceless treasures should be preserved from ruthless destruc tion. All the property of the people should be safeguarded from spoliation. I am also deeply interested in the development of inland waterways, to provide increased and adequate facilities for our growing commerce. We should further do all in our power to extend the area of productive activity through irrigar tion and suitable plans of reclamation. The common right in our public lands should be protected from encroachment, and wherever governmental power may properly be exercised the sole object should be the promotion of the general welfare, and all schemes of rapacity should be frustrated. 13 BAILEOADS. I do not believe in governmental ownership of railroads. But regulation of interstate, transportation is essential to protect the people from unjust discriminations and to secure safe, adequate, and impartial service upon reasonable terms in accordance with the obligations of common carriers. In order to have supervi sion which is both thorough and just an administrative board is necessary. I may assume that my attitude with regard to this matter is so well understood through my recommendations in relation to the enactment of the Public Service Commissions Law in this State that an extended statement is unnecessary. I approve the recent extension of the authority of the Inter state Commerce Commission by wtat is knovm as the rate bill, and I believe that the Commission should have the most ample powers for purposes of investigation and supervision, and for making rules and orders,, which will enable it to deal to the fullest extent possible, within constitutional limits, vdth interstate trans portation in all its phases. This is a just policy. The power of Congress to fix rates for interstate transportation so as to prevent improper discrimina tions and to compel carriage upon reasonable terms is undoubted. The sole question is how, and under what circumstances, it shall be exercised. But it is manifestly impossible for the legislative body, on account of the conditions under which it works, to make that thorough examination of specific cases which in justice must precede action. It may establish general standards of conduct, but the exigencies of particular cases can be met only by the painstaking consideration of an administrative board. The alter native to this policy is either the abandonment of regulation or sporadic legislative intervention under the influence of agitation and almost necessarily without proper examination of the facts or recognition of the different requirements of varied situations. No one can properly complain because legal machinery is pro vided for the rectification of abuses. And the aim should be to make the machinery adequate to the purpose of providing redress for every grievance and to insist upon standards of administra tion which will secure intelligent and patient inquiry, and im partial enforcement of the law. 14 TEUSTS AND COMBINATIONS. The Sherman anti-trust act should be clarified and made more explicit. The law may be made stronger and more effective by being made more definite. Sweeping condemnations, of uncer tain meaning, do not aid but rather embarrass the prosecution of those who are guilty of pernicious practices. Combinations and practices in unreasonable restraint of trade and which menace the freedom of interstate commerce should be condemned in precise terms. At the same time provision may well be made for joint agreements, under proper circumstances, as to railroad rates, which should be subject to the approval of the Interstate Com merce Commission. Various means have been suggested — of doubtful validity and still more doubtful utility — to prevent oppression through the conduct of large enterprises and to secure the enforcement of the law against illegal attempts to monopolize and the various devices resorted to in unlawful restraint of trade. In my judgment the most effective course is explicit definition of what is wrong and adequate punishment of the guilty. Such laws, like laws in gen eral which are definite and supported by public sentiment, are to a very, large extent self-executing. That is, they are generally obeyed. PUNISHMENT BY IMPEISONMENT. I am not in favor of punishment in the shape of fines upon corporations, except for minor offenses. The burden of fines imposed upon such corporations is either transferred to the public or is borne by stockholders, the innocent as well as the guilty. Nor am I impressed by the argument that American juries will generally be indisposed to convict where the evidence is clear, because the crime is punished by imprisonment of the offenders. But if the law be definite and the evidence warrants the presenta tion of the case to the jury, it is better in my judgment that the responsibility for failure to convict should lie Avith the jury than that conviction should be followed by penalties which are either inadequate or bear unjustly upon those who have had no com plicity in the offense. 15 TAEIFE EEVISION.- I believe in a protective tariff. It is an established policy. Our opponents would not undertake to present to the voters of the country the issue of free trade. A protective tariff is essential to the interests of our ' wage earners, in that it makes possible the payment of wages on the scale to which we are accustomed in this couiitry and thus main tains our American standards of living. Hence the difference in the cost of production here and abroad is the fundamental consideration. But I do not believe in making this policy a cover for exor bitant rates or for obtaining special privileges from the govern ment which are not based upon consideration of the general welfare. I believe that the tariff should be revised. And in order to effect whatever readjustment may be necessary to make the tariff schedules consistent with the principles underlying the protective policy, I favor the appointment of an expert commis sion, so that the facts may be ascertained without delay and that Congress may dispose of the matter in the fairest possible manner. LABOE LAWS. So far as the matter is within the power of Congress, the inter ests of labor should be safeguarded and the conditions of labor improved. I am in favor of the enactment of a law aptly ex pressed, to apply exclusively to interstate commerce, which would embody the principles of the employer's liability bill recently declared unconstitutional because too broad. I also approve the laws which have been enacted with regard to safety appliances and hours of labor in railroad service. The matter of railroad accidents deserves special investigation, and every effort should be made to obtain adequate information which will lead to appro priate measures for the protection of life and limb. Wherever the government comes into direct relation to labor, proper conditions with regard to hours, wages, safety, and com pensation for accidents should be provided. 16 THE PHILIPPINES. With regard to the Filipinos we are placed under the most sacred obligations. In justice to them and in justice to ourselves, we must omit no effort to prepare them for self-government. When they are able to govern themselves and are in a position to maintain their independence, the American people will not deny them the boon which we ourselves have so highly prized. In the meantime, the work of education and training must pro ceed, and everything that can be done consistently with the inter ests of our own people must be done to promote their prosperity. THB AEMY AND NAVY. We are devoted to the interests of peace and we cherish no policy of aggression. The maintenance of our ideals is our surest protection. It is our constant aim to live in friendship with all nations and to realize the aims of a free government secure from the interruptions of strife and the wastes of war. It is entirely consistent with these aims, and it is our duty, to make adequate provision for our defense and to maintain the efficiency of our Army and Navy. And this I favor. Within the limits of this address, it has been possible to touch upon only a few subjects which from, a national standpoint are worthy of consideration. But I have endeavored to say enough to give suitable information of my attitude. CUE ATTITUDE TOWARD THE FUTUEE. We have no problems that cannot be solved. Our citizens are intelligent and alert. There are fresh evidences daily of quick ened public spirit. The conscience of the people has been aroused and their common sense is not impaired. Through the lavish provision for education and technical training, the unexampled opportunities for cultivation and enjoyment, and the varied efforts of philanthropy, we are making steady progress in the improve ment of the conditions of our life. I do not believe in arbitrary action. We desire prosperity. We are anxious that there should be fair opportunities for all the workers of the land, for the extension of industry and commerce, 17 and that there should be the widest diffusion of blessings among a contented people. To attain these ends the rule of the people must be the rule of reason and every effort must be dominated by the sense of justice. We must be patient, impartial and thorough; investigation must precede action; good-will must displace passion; and the sole motive must be to seek the truth and to do the right. Fellow-Republicans: I do not come before you in any spirit of rivalry or self-seeking. There are many Republicans who by virtue of their character and distinguished services are worthy of the highest honor the party can bestow. I ask no favor and I make no claim. I desire that the party shall act for its best interest. PAETY HAEMONY ESSENTIAL. We must not underestimate the labors of the next campaign. It will be a hard-fought battle. We cannot expect victory unless we are united, and nothing should be done to imperil success in this State. I appeal to you in the name of the party to which you are all loyal to forget every personal difference and to make the work which precedes the convention a fitting preparation for the united effort which later will be essential. And let us not forget that the Republican party does not exist for itself. Our efforts on its behalf are justified by our convic tion that through the party we may render patriotic service to the Nation. Let this thought dominate our activities and love of country be the inspiration and the motive of every partisan effort. J. a. LVON COMPANY PRINTERS AND BINDERS ALBANY, N. V. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 08886 9202