A reign of terror is not the kindpf rule under.which right action and deliberate
judgment are possible— William McKinley.

Republican Policy Triumphs
Leaders of the Party Attest the Wisdom of the
President's Administration.

LINCOLN AND McKINLEY
Comparison of the Presidential Campaigns Thirty-six
Years Ago and Now.

ART OR HUMBUGGERY
Genuine Anti-Imperialists Not Caught in tine
Kansas City Net.

WO MAW CAW TAKE HIS PLACE.
President McKinley's Re -Election Demanded for the Good of
the Conntry.
[By "Hon. David B. Henderson of Iowa, Speaker of Rational House of Representatives. ]
No man can take the place of President McKinley, and when the bal
lots are counted in November, the sensible people of the country will
demonstrate to the world that no man will be allowed to take h\s place.
The name oiLHamilton suggests three thoughts to me that may be
; appropriate for 1900: First, a strong government; second, a just govern
ment; third, a protective government. In this great world of otfrs, full of
-powerful nations,. aggressive in their governments, this nation as a govern
ment must be strong to take care of our people. No government can be
strong that is not just. We cannot hold the love or support of our people
unless we are just in the interpretation and enactment of our laws. No
'government will answer the purposes of the American people that is not
protective. These three principles w^ere the cardinal ones of that great
statesman and patriot, Alexander Hamilton. ' •
PROTECTION BY THE GOVERNMENT.
- This government must protect capital and labor and give each a fair
chance. It must protect rich and poor, black and white — an,d brown— old
and young, men and women, and the* children, too. Unless we have a
government strong enough to protect our citizens everywhere the flag floafs
we shall fail in our duty to ourselves and the world about us. It must be a
government that will protect its citizens whether in the heart of Chicago or
in the heart of China. These doctrines I take as the watchwords of the
hour. I would, have men elected who would act them like McKinley, as

well as believe in them. I want the people to elect such men .because I
believe in them thoroughly. I therefore say, elect William McKinley and
Theodore Koosevelt. VITAL ISSUES OF THE HOUR.
Militarism a Bugbear— Our Policy in the Philippines and in China
Entirely Justified.
[By Hon. Cushman K. Davis, United States Senator from Minnesota.]
This campaign is portentous. Others have been conducted on few
issues, economic or moral. In this one, the Democratic party and its candi
date means the reversal of every policy, domestic and foreign, monetary,
financial, protective and expansive, which has made the administration of
President McKinley one of the most glorious in our history by the splen
dor of its military and naval achievements, by its revival of dying indus
tries, by its financial legislation, by its making the United States the first .
money power in the world, by its extension of our sovereignty, and by our
advancement to the forefront of international influence.
The measures and policies which have wrought these imposing political
transformations are denounced and their abrogation is demanded by the
declaration. of Democratic principles made at Kansas City.
This declaration does not denounce the administration of President
McKinley for its failures, it. condemns it for its achievements. It declares
them to be destructive of true prosperity and subversive of our institutions.
It demands that the gold standard shall be abolished, and that protection to
American industries shall cease.
PIAX FIRST LOWERING OF FLAG.
For the first time the sovereignty of the United States over territory
held by an unquestionable title is to be "abandoned and the flag lowered,
and that, too, in capitulation to a flagrant insurrection against its authority.
All this, and more than this, is demanded by the Democratic party as a
reason for its investiture with power, and is promised to the American
people in case power is given to do it. Such demands, such promises, such
threats, such consequences will receive the most considerate condemnation
of the people.
No Democratic platform, no Democratic speaker expresses any satis
faction with our triumphs in war, or with the abounding prosperity of our
people, or with our international ascendancy. How can they rejoice in a
prosperity which falsifies every prediction they made four years ago, and
the approval of which now would refute every claim that they can possibly
make for their political restoration?
The present administration has kept the faith in "which the American
people invested it with power, has performed every act to which it was
pledged, and has fulfilled every expectation which has arisen from sudden
events which were foreseen four years ago.
IMPERIALISM NOT THE ISSUE.
The real, the paramount question before the American people is not
imperialism. It is whether these conditions and the policies which have
produced them, are to be abandoned, or even put to the chance of abandon
ment in the pursuit of — theories, I was about to say, but not of theories — in
the repetition of experiments which have always proved disastrous in the
very respects in which our prosperity is now so abounding, for it is never to
be forgotten that the Kansas City platform, while it denounces expansion
and what it calls imperialism, also specifically condemns the policy of pro
tection as enforced by the statute which was passed immediately after the
inauguration of President McKinley ; condemns our financial policy and
the gold standard under which money has become more abundant than it
ever was before and interest lower, and twice demands the free and unlimited-
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1.

/ Mckinley on trusts.
The President laid the subject of trusts before Congress, and an amend
ment to the, constitution-was proposed by the Republicans in the House of
Representatives during tihe last session. It provided that " Congress shall
have power to define, regulate, prohibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies,- or
combinations, whether existing in the form of a corporation or otherwise.
The several states may continue to exercise' such power in any manner not
in oonfliet with the laws of the United States.!.' i
. Here was such an opportunity as the Democracy had never had to
demonstrate the" sincerity- of its declarations. The amendment came to a
vote. The Democrats (with one or two exceptions) voted solidly against it.
The Republicans (with one or two exceptions) voted for it. The Democrats
could have completed the two-thirds vote required by the constitution.
They did not. They voted against the proposition with practical unanimity.
STATE SOVEREIGNTY INVOKED.
And upon what ground ? Upon the ground that the proposed amend
ment would diminish the existing sovereignty of the states upon this subj ect.
This is an assertion by them that it is a subject' of state jurisdiction under
the constitution, as it is, except, as to interstate and foreign commerce. The
Supreme court has defined the limitations of legislation. The legislation
which the Democrats vaguely promise would be void when tested by their
own^arguments and votes upon the amendment. In other words, the Demo
crats purpose, and have voted, to leave the power of legislation just where
it now is, while the Republican party proposed to vest it in Congress to the
fullest extent necessary.
The administration of President McKinley has done its full duty to this
country in the matter of the Boer war, and it owes no duty to any nation
excepting the United States.
DEMOCRATS SILENT ABOUT CHINA.
The Democratic party was silent respecting our relations with China,
because to declare opinions upon that subject which the American people
would receive with contempt and spurn with disgust would cause the broom
stick ghost of imperialism and militarism to vanish in an instant. So to
speak would annihilate those." paramount issues," because it would admit
that even the blind, when told, can perceive, even if they cannot see it, that
the status, the occupation, and the sovereignty of the United States in the
Philippines are at this moment and in this great crisis of civilization com
manding and absolutely indispensable. They vindicate the wisdom of hold
ing those possessions, unless the United States is to recede to the shores of
the American continent, become herself a little China, cancel herself as a
factor in the great civilizing and commercial change in the Asiatic Orient,
an event fully as important as the discovery of America by Columbus.
There are few events in our diplomatic and military history more hon
orable than the consummate skill, the wise conservatism and the unflinching
courage by which the administration of President McKinley relieved our
legatioa-and at the same time maintained proper relations with the Chinese
empire. The policy of the United States as to China should, in my opinion, be
this: It must rescue its citizens. It must exact indemnity for all injuries to
their persons or property. It will insist that China shall observe all treatiy
stipulations, and that, under any and all conditions of sovereignty, cession,
or foreign ascendancy, the open door shall remain open. We shall use no
military force for conquest, and have no concert with any European power,
except to rescue our citizens and theirs.
COVET NO CHINESE TERRITORY.
We covet no Chinese territory and we will acquire none. We desire no
territorial sphere of influence. We -will give no approval or support, phy
sical, moral or sentimental, to the dismemberment pf -China, or to the extinc-

tion of her sovereignty by the acquisition of spheres of influence by any
European power.
I look for a regeneration of China as the result of the convulsions she
is now suffering. It will come to pass not -by the partition of that mighty
and immemorial empire, but by its full entry into commercial relations with
the other nations of the world. The process will not be a long one. It has
been going on for fifty years, and has become more perfect and extensive
every year. When fully completed the United States will "be the greatest
participant in that trade , of the Pacific which Humboldt predicted more than
seventy-five years ago would be the greatest commerce that land and sea'
have ever known. We need cross but one ocean to grasp the " wealth of
Ormuz and of Ind." Europe must traverse four seas to snare it. We can
produce everything which that insatiable market can absorb, just as now we
are producing and exporting our fabrics, textile, metallic and miscellaneous
to every market in the world, as the direct result of Republican' economic
policies put in force during our civil war and steadily persisted in by that
party ever since.
This is manifest destiny; it is written by an auspicious astrologer-upon
the sky of a visible future. It will give 15,000,000 of people to our states of
the Pacific coast; it will open a career to the talents of aspiring youth and
in every way carry the United States far along on that course of national
grandeur for which I believe the nation was ordained.
PARAMOUNT ISSUES ARE ECONOMIC.
Imperialism is not the paramount issue of the campaign and cannot be
made so. The adjustment of any question as to the Philippines is to be
considered after rebellion against the sovereignty and authority of the
United States has been put down. The paramount issues this year are
financial and economic. Shall the anti-protection party1 of 16 to 1 be put in
power to advance its principles by the enormous powers and executive influ
ence in case Mr. Bryan is elected' and win the first engagement in a cam
paign the next battle of which will be for the . control of both Houses of
Congress?- The question for" the plain people is, "do they wish, with the instructions
of a bitter experience fresh and deep in their memories, to change or sub
mit to the chance of change that abounding prosperity which came with the
election of President McKinley— a prosperity which no Democratic platform
or speaker denies nor dare not rejoice in or even allude to? Aguinaldo can
wait until the American people take " a bond of fate," if necessary, by anni
hilating for the preservation of their own domestic interests the political
combination which is at the same time their enemy and the aider and
abettor of the Tagal rebels.
OUR DUTY IN THE PHILIPPINES.
The immediate duty of this government as to the Philippines is to
maintain its sovereignty and to crush rebellion against it. What its consti
tutional powers and limitations are can be more profitably discussed
and considered after the authority of the United States shall have been
firmly established. I do not believe that' the constitution contains any dis
abling inhibition which will prevent this government from governing those
islands as their best interests may demand, and according to the capacities
of their people. No such difficulties intervened in the administration of
Louisiana, Florida, or the territory which we' acquired from Mexico. Con
gress legislated at the last session in regard to the government of Alaska in
some particulars entirely unwarranted by the constitution, if the disabling
construction placed upon it by our opponents is correct. There are certain
large and general considerations, however, which, to my mind, demonstrate
that the authority to govern these dependencies is vested in Congress sub
ject to no disabling limitations of certain provisions of the constitution,

which, because they are inapplicable to such a situation, never could have
been designed by the framers to apply to it.
BRYAN SHRINKS FROM THE RESPONSIBILITY.
. In declaring that he will convene Congress for these purposes, Mr.
Bryan shrinks from the logical consequences of his own position. If
elected.President of the United States he will become Commander-in-Chief
of the army and navy, conducting a war which he and the platform upon
which he stands assert to be a "criminal aggression" against a people who
ought to ,be independent. As such Commander-in-Chief, holding to such
principle, he would have the right to withdraw every man from the Philip
pines, cause our squadron to sail out from Manila Bay, to evacuate entirely
the archipelago, and — to use his own language — leave their people to work
out their own destiny. As President he could recognize the existence and
independence of the Philippine republic. A bold man, holding such views
as these and with such powers, would say that he intended to use them, but
there Mr. Bryan halts and recoils. He purposes to throw the responsibility
upon Congress, well knowing that with a Republican Senate and House of
Representatives no such action as he proposes to recommend would receive
the least sanction.
MILITARISM A BUGBEAR.
I shall say but little of this bugbear of militarism. We are crippled
to-day by the inadequacy of our military force in performing our manifest
duties as to our people in China. The events in that empire demonstrate,
as did our unprepared condition at the beginning of the Spanish war, how
suddenly and unexpectedly crises may arise which will call for the exercise
of our military power and find it entirely lacking. A nation of 75,000,000 of
free people, vast in extent, need have no fear that an empire will be erected
upon the ruins of the republic by the scattered forces of an army of 100,000
men. But if an increased army leads to militarism, so does an increased navy,
and yet we hear no word of protest from the Democratic party against that,
because such a protest would be carrying the argument too far; and yet a
navy, in the establishment of militarism or imperialism, could reduce our
coast cities, could attack Washington, could hold the arsenals and strategic
points on all our shores, and do as much as and possibly more than an army
could toward the overthrow of this government or the change of its form.
A small Brazilian navy did this once as to Brazil and attempted it again.
The truth is, there is no danger from either of these great arms of our
military service. They are the right hand and the left hand of our power
and defense at home and abroad. Their- officers and men are as loyal as .
i Grant, and Sherman, and Sheridan, and F'arragut, and Porter, and Worden,
and their soldiers and sailors were in their time.
THE PARTYS MAGNIFICENT HISTORY.
If the existence of the Republican party should be closed to-day its his
tory would be thafrof the nation saved, of a protective system under which
the United States has become the greatest manufacturing nati'on in the
world, of a general industrial development which sustains 75,000,000 people,
of a financial system which has created an unimpeachable credit, of all the
Dressings which civilization can confer upon humanity.
But its existence will not end this year, nor for many years to come.
Its august mission is not yet performed. So long as it represents, as it does
now, the national prosperity and honor, national growth, with renown and
right, national prestige in the relations of the United States with foreign
powers as the result of the neutrality of a puissant nation, safe in the enjoy
ment of all its rights, because of its manifest ability to cause other nations to"
respect them,'the Republican party will shape the destinies of the American
people.

PROSPERITY COMES WITH REPUBLICANISM.
Good Times Inevitably Follow the Guidance and the Policies of the
Republican Party.
[By Hon. J. P. Doluver, United States Senator from Iowa.]
The subject of prosperity would be one entirely non-partisan if it
were not for the fact that good times in the United States have got so com
pletely mixed up with the Republican party that it is almost impossible to
separate them in the public thought. By far too little attention is given in
this world to a study of the blessings which surround us, while our troubles,
the disasters and adversities of our experience, never lack either for orator
to embellish them or for audiences to appreciate them.
The chairman of the National Democratic committee evidently had
this side of human nature in view when, the other day, in predicting Mr.
Bryan's success, he said that the workingmen of the United States who
voted for McKinley four years ago could be counted for Bryan now. Four
years ago, he said, they voted the Republican ticket under the impression
that if they lost their jobs they would have difficulty in finding others.
JSow, Senator Jones argues, owing to the universal employment of labor,
they will perceive that if they lose the job they now have it will be easy to
find another.
CHANGE IN THE LAST FOUR YEARS.
Almost every man recognizes that since March 4, 1897, the conditions of
American life have undergone a change which may almost be compared,
without irreverence, to a resurrection from the dead. I have heard many
attempts made to account for this. In the spring of 1896 I conferred upon
William McKinley a title which his administration has fully lived up to.
It was at a time when the State of Iowa was presenting to the country as a
Presidential candidate one of the most famous and useful members of the-
Senate of the United States. I had come back from a Western State popu
lated largely by old Iowa men, and in trying to explain to our people why
everybody was for McKinley I told my friend, Walter Wellman, thalkihe
whole Northwest seemed to have its heart set on McKinley and to look on
him as the "advance , agent of prosperity," a phrase which subsequently
passed into the proverbial literature of the campaign.
The President put his signature on the tariff law of 1897, which in the
years to come will bear the honored name, now left to us as a part of our
Republican inheritance, of Nelson Dingley of Maine. That law was adopted
by Congress against the written protest filed by the diplomatic represent
atives of nineteen different foreign nations. It went through by the almost
unanimous consent of the only nation for whose benefit it was framed — the
United States of America. I count that great statute as the corner-stone of
the national prosperity which followed close upon its enactment.
In 1892 no other question was .discussed. To-day the Democratic party
runs away from the tariff question in which the wages and employment of
et*ery American citizen are involved, attempts to decoy us across the Pacific
Ocean, and to hide its record and plans for the future in a network of cant
and hypocrisy about the Declaration of Independence. The Republican
party stands ready to meet them, either on the main land or the high seas,
but while we propose to meet them, while we propose to whip them where-
ever we find them, we recognize that the real field of this battle is here and
not on the other side of the world. We fight for the rights of American
labor, now everywhere employed, for the comfort of the scattered home-
MAINTAINING STANDARD OF VALUE.
Hardly less important, and in the judgment of many, even more import
ant as a foundation of national prosperity, was the solemn determination of
the American people recorded on the election day in 1896 to maintain the
standard of value on Which all contracts of the people were drawn and all
their business transacted. In their victory of that year party lines were in
a large measure lost, so that the verdict was in a high sense a popular

verdict rather than a partisan one. The strength of our institutions has
been increased by the-notice then served upon mischief-makers, agitators,'
candidates, and political leaders that whoever threatens the integrity .of
American business has to settle his account, not with a political party, but
with the united conscience, judgment, and character of the whole people.
Does anybody suppose that the author of that obsolete volume called " The
First Battle," which four years ago sold readily for $3.50 and can now be
purchased at any second-hand book store for 25 cents, would have telephoned
the Kansas City convention that he would not take their nomination unless
they stated again their intention to overthrow the gold standard, in the
words of his war cry of the last campaign, if he regarded any other issue as
paramount -to the Chicago program of 1896?
DEMOCRATIC TALK INSINCERE.
The world is so arranged that every masquerade of false pretenses,
.trying to do business upon a high morai scale, sooner or later comes to a
point -along its line of march where it can distinctly hear the laughter of
gods and menl Such a point was reached at Kansas City when " Pitchfork"
Tillman was selected on account of his voice to read the Declaration of
Independence, with its sublime precepts about the equality of men and the
. ultimate basis of human government. On February 26th last I heard Mr.
Tillman boast in the Senate that his people had openly nullified the law .of
the land, treating the great amendments of the constitution as null and void,
and with bloodshed and fraud, for which he offere'd no apology, had driven
more than^ne-half of the population of South Carolina from any participa
tion whatever, either in the government of the United States or in the
government of the community in which they were born. Until Mr. Bryan
shall stand up somewhere before the American people and, in an audible
tone of voice, utter one word of manly disapproval of the crime against
civil liberty, which, in the undisputed Democratic communities of the
United States, has left ten millions of people helpless and outcast before the
law, I, for one, intend to treat his noisy declarations on the subject of
_eqnal rights as unfit for the respect of the American people.
MCKINLEY'S SPLENDID ADMINISTRATION.
With such a hand as President McKinley's on the helm of our affairs,
the nation, troubled and perplexed as seldom before, goes steadily forward,
without doubt or fear in all the great departments of the national life. , Our
leader sits in the executive office surrounded by trusted counselors, with his
eyes on the map of the world- and the fixed purpose in his heart that neither
- loss nor harm shall come to our people in any quarter of the earth. He
has appealed to the patriotic manhood of America to stand firm and un
moved under the responsibilities of our day and generation.
The first answer has come from far off Oregon, where the majority of 1896
was multiplied by five. Vermont will follow, and then Maine, and the united
vpice of every other State, except those Democratic strongholds where love
for the constitution and devotion to the Declaration of Independence have
-at last openly abolished the republican form of government. Whatever
danger lies in our path, however rough the road which we must travel, let
us keep our faith strong iu our country and in our countrymen. Let us be
sure there is a guidance in the affairs of men higher than our poor human
wisdom, which will make the dawn of the approaching century radiant
with the promise of civil liberty not only for the helpless races within our*
own borders but for the scattered millions throughout all our possessions in
all the seas,
EINCOU* AS» McKINtEY.
The Presidential Campaigns Thirty- six Years Ago and Now.
Thirty-six' years ago in the City of Chicago, in the last days of August,
assembled the representatives of the Democratic party, and they protested

then as they are exclaiming now, that the President of the United States
was carrying on wantonly, unconstitutionally, contrary to the faith and hope
of the fathers of the Republic, in violation of the fundamental principles of
our government, a vindictive, horrible, imperialistic, devilish and totally
hopeless war, and that the perfidy of the President was wholly at fault, and
he, spattered with the blood of brethren, defied humanity and disgraced the
name and smirched the fame of America, and was ababoonish imbecile,
incompetent for public affairs, rushing the country headlong to ruin and
jesting about it. OLD DEMOCRATIC PREDICTIONS.
The Democratic party then, as now, asserted that the- war -was not pro
gressing to a victory for the Union, but going the other way.
Mr. Vallandigham, the master spirit of his party in the Chicago conven
tion, because he had been ordered out of the country by President Lincoln,
' insisted upon the invincibility of those who were in arms to destroy the
Union, and the impossibility of overcoming the military power of the
Southern States, and wrote an argument that Grant was not pressing Xee
but that Lee was pressing Grant, that the national army could not take
Richmond and was beaten back toward the sea.
The •Democratic convention passed a resolution declaring the war to
restore the Union a " failure," and demanding a convention of all the States
to compromise away the authority and integrity of the Union. The Demo
cratic party in the City of Chicago not only wrote the word " failure " over
the war, but churged it to the bloodthirsty incapacity of Abraham Lincoln.
This was even more redolent and rabid in the speeches and prevalent con
versation of the convention than in the platform. The official literature,
bad as it was, was a marked modification of the general spirit of the occa
sion. WHAT COST LINCOLN HIS LIFE.
In the campaign following, in the Northwestern States, particularlyand
especially in Ohio and Indiana, the partisan copperhead Chicago platform
-Democrats carried, at many of their meetings in the copperhead counties,
white flags in token of abject submission to the Southern Confederacy:'
Their weekly papers in the counties were malicious beyond all that is now
believable by those who have " malice toward, none and charity for all,"
toward the author of that revered phrase.
President Lincoln was charged with blood guiltiness, and those passions
were aroused and intensified that culminated in the tragedy that closed Mr.
Lincoln's life.
The current opinion is that the re-election of Abraham Lincoln— and
that is conceded to be the event that decided the fortunes of war in favor of
the Union — was almost a matter of course. It is held that the martyred
President won his second election almost without an effort. The fact was
far otherwise. The Democratic party made a determined and even desper
ate struggle. The majority of Mr. Lincoln in 1864 in the State of New
York was less than the majority for McClellan in New Jersey. The major
ities for Lincoln in New Hampshire and Connecticut were less than 3,000 in
each state, and Pennsylvania was carried for Lincoln outside the armv vote
by less than 6,000. '
Fancy the infernal howl that would go up now about imperialism if it
were arranged that the vote of the army in the Philippines and China
should be taken in the Presidential election. The troops sent home by
General Sheridan and General Meade from the valleys of the Shenandoah
and the Rappahannock increased Lincoln's Pennsylvania majority to about
15,000. DEMOCRATIC PRAISE FOR LINCOLN.
Mr. Lincoln for a time believed that he would be defeated, and wrote a
letter to that effect, which he sealed and gave to Gideon Welles, "the Secre
tary of the Navy, to keep for him. It was not to be opened until after the
election. In that letter, written in what he believed to be the shadow of

defeat cast before the event, he promised if beaten to spend the time be
tween election day and the inauguration day of his opponent in helping
Bave the Union, because the platform upon which McClellan was running,
in fact.'though he had repudiated it in phrase, would make it impossible for
him as President to save the 'Union.
The attacks upon Mr. Lincoln during this campaign — and that which
Democrats are saying of Lincoln now show how fast and far the nation has
traveled in the right way — were of unceasing and astounding virulence. Let
us be grateful that Democrats of this generation think so well of Mr. Lin
coln, praise his name, commend his statesmanship and approve even of his
principles and war policy. It arouses recollections that provoke melan
choly reflections when Mr. Bryan quotes Lincoln and lifts up his strained
utterances in .eulogy — but let us " accept the gifts the gods provide," and
''praise God from whom all blessings flow." The fact that Lincoln's stature
towers beside that of Washington may yet save the country, if the extrava
gance of adulation does not weaken the appreciation of services inestimable.
THEIR ATTACKS UPON McKINLEY.
But the pebple of the United States should remember that the Demo
cratic party is warring upon William McKinley in 1900, precisely as they
warred upon Lincoln in 1864, making many of the same charges in the very
same words, even to the "imperialism," for their favorite epithet of
disrespect was in the mock title "Abrahamas I.," and there was a great deal
of an unprintable character.
The Bryan Democracy say now that the United States is at war to,-day
with the Philippine nation, and that the war is a failure now, and they use
the same language about it that they used in the time of Lincoln, and they
charged that war to him just as they charge this one to McKinley. They
said the Lincoln war, as they galled it, and they regarded it as a happy
thought to spell his name " Linkhorn," was a wicked war and without hope,
just as they charge President McKinley with the responsibility for the
Tagal war, and say that it is perfidious against an " ally " and brutal, and
that a favorable termination is not possible. Those who 'remember what
the Democratic writers, speakers and talkers — reference to the copperhead
part of the party, and they were usually in control — made the theme and
burden of their utterances in '64, find what they are saying now of Presi
dent McKinley an old, old story. ,
They said then that the war was caused by Lincoln's refusal to com
promise, and was malignant toward the foe. One of Lincoln's special
defamers, distinguished now as, a brazen trumpet blown each day for
Bryan, regarded Lincoln's murder humdrously, and indulged in grotesque
speculation about the judgment of God upon him, four months after his
death.
WHAT HISTORY WILL SAY OF HIM.
The time will come and it will not be long delayed, when William
McKinley will be greeted by all rational mankind as ever faithful, true and
brave, noble, upright, of perfect probity, of absolute courage as a subordi
nate officer on the battlefield, and as President in the Cabinet.
What history will say of him will beworthyto be written in letters of gold;
The war of this day and of a few months and two years &,go, is small
comparatively, and far away, but the cause is just, humane, according to
the traditions, the events and the dignity of the American nation. Presi^
dent McKinley walks in the footsteps of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson —
of the great line of Presidents of V-irginia, Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana and
Illinois— one does not need to name them— the world knows them— and he
upholds the standard unstained, and as Webster said, " full high advanced,"
of the great Republic. LINCOLN AND McKINLES" COMPARED.
He will leave it when- he leaves the White House, whenever that is,
greater and better than he found it; and no man can read clearly the, life of

Lincoln and fairly the life of McKinley, and capable of distinguishing the
difference between the true patriotism and false pretension without being
enlightened— unless the light has failed to guide him— that those who up
held Lincoln in '64 must uphold McKinley now.
The cause that is now tried is hardly less momentous than then. The
prosperity, the nationality, the character, the spirit of the people— the pop
ular instinct that is in the intelligence that insures the "capacity for self-
government" is now to be tested by the highest standards, weighed, meas
ured, to withstand one of the strains that our form of government contem
plates; and one would be of little faith and fertile in apprehension who did
not believe, and indeed in his soul know, that there is to be a triumph for all
causes that are honorable and of good report, in the re-election of President
McKinley. The approaching victory will be scarcely less renowned than that of
1864, for the same characteristic cause, the defense of the national life and
glory, is committed to the Republicans now as then. The redemption of
the land from a cloud that would blight the splendor that has been bright
ened in the four years just past will place the victory of McKinley in 1900
on lines as elevated and as luminous as that of Lincoln in 1864.
AT CHICAGO IN 1864 AND 1900.
Now, 1864 was the year and Chicago the city, and the last days of
August the days that the war for the nation was by the Democratic party
denounced a failure.
Behold in a glorious vision, a magical, mighty change! It is the march
of the Grand Army through Chicago, with such a triumph as Rome never
gave her legions when she welcomed them from victorious wars. . It was the
celebration of the crowded victories -for the cause of Lincoln that immedi
ately followed the Democratic proclamation of the decline and downfall of
all he represented.
Look around over this continental country to-day and see the monu
ments of glory, the mountains of prosperity, the free " life, liberty and pur
suit of happiness " by people who, in less time than has elapsed since Lincoln
left us, will number more than 100,000,000.
HEROES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Not since the days when the armies of the Potomac, the Tennessee, the
Cumberland and the Ohio marched from Virginia across the long bridge
before the national capital, unfinished butmajesticinsuperb incompleteness
and soon to be crowned by the dome not unworthy to rise among the stars —
not since the four armies marched up Pennsylvania avenue, on their left the
unfinished monument of Washington, now the loftiest white shaft memorial
of a great life 'that stands on the globe, -has a grander army marched than
that at the grand 1900 review.
Behold the march continuing by the then unfinished Treasury Depart
ment to salute before the White House the President of the United States 
not, alas, Abraham Lincoln, whose work was done— dead since the triumphant
return across the Potomac of the Grand Army of the Republic — a shining
river of steel flowing back from the tremendous scenes of cementing the
Union with the blood of the brave — the vast columns North and West
homeward bound to work of peace— the valiant Confederates who had fought
against the course of the constellations across the sky, included too in the
general triumph— all countrymen again, since Grant and Lee met " near
Appomattox with its famous apple tree" arid made the treaty written by
Grant himself to be followed by the benediction of the hero, " let us have
peace " — never has there been a pageant reyiving such riches of memory
representative of splendid achievement and prophetic of the greater here
after of our country as well as of the magnificent present— or one that was
so replete with the pathos that tells the sad story of glory and kindles the
pride of Americans into a flame, that consumes the Belittlers of th$ common

inheritance that is of the people and for them— the heroes of war came
home to be heroes of peace, and welcomed those they had confronted 6n
fields where there were two lines of fire to the House of the Fathers of the
Republic, to stay under the stately roof and be at home forever,— for Father
Abraham kept sacred in his heart and hand the constitution, and preserved
it for all the nation. When he was dead those who praised him not knew
him not. LONG LIVE THE GRAND ARMY!
The armies that marched through stately Washington when the war
was over, redeemed with the plow and the seed that brought golden har
vest the fields that had been fallow, and North and South a million homes
.were made happyhy the returning brave.
Long may the veterans of the Grand Army have their reunions and
remember with full hearts those who fell on both sides on the memorable
fields, where the volleyed thunders scattered in the opposing ranks Death
and Immortality! Long live the Grand Army of the Republic and green
and flowery be the graves of the dead, and forget not the story the name of
the Grand Army tells — that it carries the flag and keeps step to the music
of -the Union, that grows grander arid more thrilling as the years roll away.
MtJRAT HALSTEAD.

ART OF HUMBUGGERY.
Genuine Anti-Imperialists Not Caught in the Kansas City Net,
- [By Theodobe W. Noyes, of The Evening Star, Washington, D. C] -
- [Theodore W. Noyes, one of the editors and. proprietors of The Evening Star, of
Washington, D. C, in the early part of the present year, 1900, made a visit to the Philip
pine Islands, goiDg by way of Hawaii, China and Japan. Mr. Noyes is not only a man of
marked ability as an editor and writer, but he has traveled all over the civilized world and
is a close observer. In the issue of his newspaper of August 10, 1900, there appeared an
article on "Anti-Imperialism," which has attracted the widespread attention of political
students and all who are most interested in the subject of expansion of our territory and
commerce. His article will be read with intense interest during the impending campaign.]
There are anti-imperialists who have not assumed that role hypocriti
cally for the purpose of revenue or revenge; who oppose without discrim
ination evejy tendency toward expansion by force and government without
the consent of the governed; who denounce every insular acquisition by the
nation in the belief that the republic's strength is in its compactness and
homogeneity; and who resist any and every policy which involves the pos
sibility of the creation of a large standing army or a powerful navy, and the
'fostering of the war spirit among the people of the republic.
Their platform, roughly outlined, would take the following shape:
ANTI-IMPERIALIST PLATFORM.
"1.^ We reaffirm and endorse Magna Charta, the Declaration of Inde
pendence, the Sixth and Eighth Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount,
the Historic Protest of Philip, King of the Pokanokets, the ' Seminoles'
Reply and the Proclamations of Emilio Aguinaldo.
"2. We denounce and deplore the land greed, born of the spirit of
imperialism, which- has taken concrete shape in the annexation of Hawaii,
Porto Rico and the Philippines, and we reaffirm the vigorous denunciations
by statesmen now dead of the unconstitutional and imperialistic acquisition
and government of Louisiana; of Florida, with the preceding and accom
panying despotic outrages upon the natives and the Spaniards; of the land
wrung .by a hateful war of conquest from helpless Mexico, and of non-con-*
tiguous Alaska.
"3. We demand abandonment by the United States of Hawaii, the
Philippines, Porto Rico and unsettled and imperially ruled Alaska, and inde
pendence for their people.
" 4. We denounce the Republican party for its bold, unblushing,
systematic and defiant imperialism and militarism in annexing and forcibly

and despotically ruling Alaska; in going to war with Spain; in annexing
Hawaii; in making and voting to ratify the treaty of Paris; in annexing and
governing Porto Rico and the Philippines and in sending troops to the
Asiatic islands to crush under the iron heel of military despotism the
Filipino patriots ; ahd we demand the immediate cessation of the Amer
ican war of criminal aggression in the Philippines."
SARCASM ABOUT LOUISIANA PURCHASE.
"5. We denounce the Democratic party for annexing~Louisiana without
the consent of its inhabitants and for governing that vast territory (larger
than the annexing republic itself) as an empire on the principles of absolute
despotism, without the consent of the governed and outside of the Constitu
tion; for waging an unholy war of conquest against Mexico; for "pushing
President McKinley into the war with Spain," according to its own boastful
confession; and for working, through its recognized leader, W- J- Bryan, for
the ratification of the treaty of Paris, well knowing the infamous criminality
of that instrument, thus deliberately endangering the stability of the
republic, with no excuse save the. low, unworthy purpose of securing a
supposed partisan advantage.
. "6. We denounce militarism with its instruments of tyranny, a standing
army and a navy and its baleful influence upon the youth of the republic , in
developing land hunger and blood thirst. We demand that the /United,
States withdraw within itself ;(as soon as practicable disband its army and
destroy or convert to peaceful uses' its navy, those fruitful breeders of
strife. We approve the spirit of Jefferson's recommendation in 1802 that
the United States navy be stored in a dry dock at Washington for safety and
economy and destruction by the elements. We denounce any extension of
the United States into non-contiguous territory in either hemisphere, for
the reason that it may lead to quarrels with our neighbors and bloodshed.
We protest against any act or omission which by any possibility may lead
to war, except in self defense. For this reason we denounce the Kansas
City convention's indirect pledge to intervene between Great Britain and the
Boers, Great Britain having already refused our offer of mediation and
indicated that it would fight to the last Englishman against intervention.
We should mind our owp business, not burden ourselves with responsibility
by encouraging further bloodshed in South Africa, and not declaim our
selves into a useless and hateful war with our kin across the sea.
NO DEMOCRATIC PROTECTORATE NEEDED.
, "7. For the same reason we further and especially denounce the Dem
ocratic party (which poses as the exponent of anti-imperialism and anti-
militarism) for the treacherous stab given under the cloak of hypocritical
friendliness to bur cause by the Kansas City platform in that it proposes for
the Philippines a protectorate, that cunning device of despotic government
to cloak imperialism, instead of granting them the full independence to which
they are entitled ; and in that it virtually declares a protectorate by the United
Spates over the whole of Central and South America arid unmistakably proposes '
to extend the strife-provoking Monroe doctrine to Asia, thus aiming blows at
the foundation, of the peaceful constitutional republic under which the whole
fabric threatens to totter to its fall.
-"8. We denounce government by protectorate as Ufa- American and un
constitutional, never contemplated in their wildest dreams by thef oref athers •
as historically the preliminary process in the operation by which a mon
archical-power absorbs an independent principality, corresponding to the
boa's preparatory saliva' /treatment of its victim before swallowing ; as a
strife-breeding, war-provoking arrangement, involving the United States in
entangling foreign alliances or rather in the entanglement of foreign
quarrels Without-the assistance of allies ; as burdening the republic with
heavy responsibilities and at the same time denying it the power and the
control necessary to meet them ; as fostering1 the military and meddlesome

spirit among American youth ; as inflaming the imperialistic greed for land
through foreign acquisitions and for gold through foreign trade; as
rendering essential a large armyand navy to the injury of the peaceful tax
payers, and as developing a spirit of rampant militarism and pointing straight
to the overthrow of the republic.
A STABLE GOVERNMENT WITHOUT CONSENT.
"9. We denounce the Democratic proposition to delay indefinitely
independence for the Filipinos, on the pretext of first establishing there a
stable government imposed upon them by us without their consent.
"10. We denounce the method of construing the Constitution proposed
by the Democratic party, which would make of the Philippines instanter an
integral part of the Union and thus prevent forever their separation or
secession from the United States and their enjoyment of an independent
government. ' "11. We declare that the government of our foreign acquisitions would be
safer under the Republican program of treatment as "territory belonging to
the United Spates '-' (a status recognized by th,e Constitution) to be governed
under limitations stated in the Constitution and construed and precisely
determined by the Supreme Court, than under the Democratic program of
an imperial, war-provoking, unconstitutional protectorate, or under "a
stable gdverment " forcibly imposed by us on the Philippines as an integral
part of the United States.
" 12. But we declare that both parties are worthy only of our con
demnation. Instead of suggesting and upholding any special form of
'government for the Philippines, whether a protectorate or otherwise, we
demand that the United States immediately grant them full independence,
leaving them free to determine for themselves the form of government
most pleasing to them."
ARE MALAYS BETTER THAN NEGROES?
Will the Malay, Filipino fare better at their hands than the Nprth
Carolina negro, whom the Constitution takes 'specifically under its protect
tion, but whose consent or dissent in matters of government is not to be
expressed except at peril of his life? Which organization represents more
truly the rule of force that constitutes tyranny and imperialism, that fosters
. the empire and menaces the republic — the Red Shirts intimidating, murder
ing and disfranchising the North Carolina negroes, or our army in the
Philippines, seeking to restore order and protecting peaceful Filipinos
against the robber bands?
The pillars sustaining the Kansas City platform are the Solid South and
Tammany Hall. The Red Shirts are indignant that the Filipinos' consent
to be governed has not been obtained, and they uphold the Constitution
manfully — in Luzon. Tammany Hall vigorously denounces official corrup
tion — in Havana. FREE RIOTS AND ANTI-MILITARISM.
The German-Americans, who are impressed by warnings against the
evils and dangers of a large standing army and by praise of the National
Guard as a substitute therefor, remember that the Chicago platform re
affirmed at Kansas City> in its free riot clauses caters to those who savagely
denounced the American militia also; and they note that the combined
effect of these attacks upon both army and militia and of practical mob rule ,
in certain Southern states is to point not to anti-militarisih, but to free riot,
anarchy and the complete triumph of the forces of disorder.
The German-Americans are reasonably opposed to a large standing
army and to tile system of conscription and heavy taxes which such an
army- involves. But they are also great traders, conspicuous in all mercan
tile enterprises here as in Germany, and they favor any expansion which
tends to build up foreign .trade, provided the accompanying danger of mili
tarism is reduced to a minimum. Of course, there is no standing army in

existence or proposed for the United States, which furnishes the slightest
reasonable ground of apprehension on this score. The republic which after
the civil war absorbed into civilian pursuits without the slightest jar or
hitch and without the slightest perceptible danger of the supremacy of
militarism eight hundred thousand soldiers hardened, in the military mold -
by years of desperate struggle, has nothing to fear from the army, insig
nificant in numbers and largely enrolled to meet an emergency from- civil
ian volunteers, which has developed from the war with Spain. The Ger
man-American, shaken in his belief in- the sincerity of the anti-imperialism
declarations of the Kansas City platform, is the more ready to accept the
Republican claim that, the G. O. P. is the true exponent of practical anti- ;
imperialism. TRUE REPUBLICAN ANTI-IMPERIALISM.
Summarizing its anti-imperialism achievements, the Republican party
may be imagined as saying : ,
"I freed nearly four million slaves ; I prevented the creation of a southern
empire and saved to republicanism and from imperialism the Southern states ;
I expelled French imperialism from Mexico ; I effected the withdrawal of--
Russian imperialism from Alaska ; I ejected Spanish colonial imperi
alism from both hemispheres ; I substituted a republic for the imperialism
of a corrupt monarchy in Hawaii ; I freed the Cubans from a most oppressive
and destructive form of imperialism, and will quickly enable them to enjoy
in lieu thereof self-government, republican in form ; I freed the Porto
Ricans from Spain's despotic imperialism, and have sent them rejoicing far
along the path which leads to American self-government ; I relieved the
Filipinos from the grinding, unbearable imperialism of oppressive, cruel
Spain, and would long ago have blessed them with good and stable govern
ment in accordance with American precedents but for the present hateful
and unnatural warfare precipitated under a misunderstanding of the
American intention by the Filipinos themselves.
i INSTALLING AN ASSASSIN.
"The true anti-imperialistic policy of government is not that which sets
up a protectorate over our Asiatic islands, binding the republic without con
stitutional authority to guard against foreign attack Aguinaldo's dictator
ship, a despotism buttressed by assassination, whose first independent,'
unrestrained act would be to murder the European friars and confiscate
their alleged property, and to kill the hated Chinese. Genuine anti-
imperialism demands that the republic, having struck off the chains of
Spanish oppression from the Philippines, shall govern them as part of the
territory belonging to the United States (a status recognized by the Con
stitution), through Congress (a body created by the Constitution) exercising
powers defined by the Constitution and construed by the Supreme Court of
the United States. Anti-imperialism consists in giving to the Filipinos,
rescued from Spanish despotic rule, as full a measure of American rights,
including the privilege of local self-government, as is consistent with
national and territorial welfare and as is permissible in accordance with the
Supreme Court's construction of the Constitution. Anti-imperialism con
sists in the exercise of the same powers by Congress in relation to the
Asiatic and insular territory of the United States; saved from imperialism,
as were exercised in dealing with Louisiana in the beginnings of national
growth, and in dealing with Alaska, our latest acquisition prior to those
which came to us during and after the war with Spain. Modern anti-
imperialism is even more considerate of "the interests pf the territory
belonging to the United States than that which prevailed in the earlier
days. Hawaii and Porto Rico have been favored and pushed toward
American self-government far more rapidly than Louisiana and" Alaska.
The latter waited thirty-three years and until 1900 before it reached the
• stage attained by Porto Rico in the very first legislation concerning that

island, and Alaska is not to-day so far advanced as the organized territory of
Hawaii. "I am for sound money and practical anti-imperialism; for anti-imperi
alism at home and abroad, in North Carolina as well as in Luzon. I oppose
silver free coinage at 16 to 1 as an act of fraudulent bankruptcy, dishonor
ing the nation. I oppose government by force through Red Shirts at home
and imperialistic government by American protectorates abroad. I oppose
contraction of American trade in territory by cowardly abandonment under
fire of any of our acquisitions from Spain. My motto is: " Prosperity at
. home ; prestige abroad !" as opposed to " Panics at home, and a perilous
pusillanimity abroad !"
PLATFOKM HUMBCGGERY PERSONIFIED.
The various humbugging, vote-inviting inconsistencies which have
been noted as developing in and under the Kansas City platform give to that
document, as varyingly construed and practically applied,- the aspect of
groveling in the dust to beg for votes and of submitting even to the hu
miliation of confessing insincerity and disregard of veracity if only its men
dicancy may be successful, .. Tasuch an extent, indeed, does this spirit per
meate and characterize the. document that, without any severe strain upon
the imagination, ttie, platform, personified, may be conceived as saying to
American voters:
" If you are offended at anything I assert, don't believe it. I can say
without either undue 'vanity or mock modesty that I have built up a no
torious reputation which entitles me to inake this request for incredulity
with full confidence that it will be readily granted.
"You will remember that I made free trade the paramount issue in 1892
and won upon it, but the prophecies of evil based upon my success were not
fulfilled, for I did npt redeem my pledges. I adopted the Wilson tariff bill
which, you will remember, was denounced by my own people as protective
in principle.
DISPOSED TO SHELVE SILVER.
"In 1896 I made free silver -at 16 to" 1 the paramount issue to please the
Populists and silver Republicans. Of course being unsuccessful, I cannot
demonstrate that I was no more in earnest about free coinage than about
free trade. It is significant, however, that with the conditions unchanged
from 1896 except that the Republicans have identified themselves more com
pletely than ever with the gold standard, I consider the money question as
no longer paramount. I treat it as subordinate and incidental, and, outside
of the perfunctory verbal reiteration -of it, I am disposed to shelve it as not
an issue at all.
"If by directly contradicting the money plank of the Republican plat
form I have inadvertently made silver free coinage the one technical, legal
issue of -.the campaign, I am inclined rather than have words over the
matter to yield and confess judgment on that issue.
" So in respect to anti-imperialism about which I have so much to say
as the paramount issue to-day, no expansionist need to be alarmed. You
will notice that I do not propose to abandon any of our acquisitions; that I
hint at this- course only in the case of the Philippines, and that even in
respect to these islands I announce as the first step the provision of a stable
government. I do not- say that I would take any other course to establish
this stable government than that followed by the Republican administration.
Who can say how long it will take me to establish this stable government?
Who can say that long before this stable government is established to my
,satisf action the Filipinos theriiselves will not wish to remain annexed?
INSINCERITY OE THE BRYAN PRESS.
"A number of statesmen and newspapers support the Kansas City plat
form in.the light of this reading and construction of it.- Why may not any

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expansionist do the same';' The solid South, my strongest backer, produces
the cotton which is the most conspicuous factor in our wonderfully-increasing
Asiatic trade. The material interests of the South demand expansion, and
the merest glance-at conditions, in North Carolina and Louisiana, as sample
states, will indicate how much solicitous care will be taken in the Philip
pines to secure the uncoerced consent of the dark-skinned governed.
"The independence which is suggested by me for the Filipinos is sand
wiched between a preface of stable government and the postscript of a
protectorate. -It is to be delayed indefinitely during the unlimited period
of establishing a stable government, and modified indefinitely, ¦ if it ever
arrives, by a sovereignty ^dividing protectorate.
" The foreign policy declared by me is viewed by some of you as pusil
lanimous, but I call on you to note that as the supporter of an advanced
Monroe doctrine in this hemisphere 'which declares the republic's imperial
jurisdiction over the Three Americas and throws down the gauntlet of
defiance to the outside world, I go farther than the farthest, for I announce
that (1) the United States has exercised and is now exercising a protectorate
over the republics of Central and South America, and (2) that this protect
orate is of the same order as that which the United States would exercise
over territory once belonging to it to which it might grant domestic self-
government. ,There is not much peace-loving pusillanimity in a policy
which thus irritates the sensitive and jeajous Spanish South Americans, and
slaps the whole world in the face. Nor is there any pusillanimity in my
suggestion of a war with England over the inalienable right of the Boers to
govern the outlanders without the- latter's consent.
ALL SORTS ARE WELCOME.
"All sorts and conditions of political opinion may gather comfortably on
my declarations — free coinage.and anti-free coinage voters; silver Republi
cans and gold Democrats; Populists and conservative anti-populist Demo
crats; contortionist anti-imperialists and trade, and territorial expansionists;
imperialists who favor a protectorate and the manifest destinarians of the
advanced Monroe docjrine.
"To any class of voters whatsoever who\are inclined to cast their ballots
against me because they credit what I assert or seem to assert on any sub
ject I can only say: 'Believe me, I am not to be believed.'
"Hosea Biglow has well stated my political creed: -
" ' In short, I firmly du believe
' In Humbug generally,
' Fer it's a thing thet I perceive
' To hev a solid vally ;
' This heth my faithful shepherd ben,
' In pasture sweet heth led me, ,-
- 'An' this'll keep the people green
' ' To feed ez they hev fed; me.' "