YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE CHRONICLE O F ENGLAND. V O L. I. FROM THE ARRIVAL OF JULIUS CAESAR TO THE END OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. BY JOSEPvH STRUTT. L O N D O N: PRINTED BY JOSEPH COOPER, FOR WALTER SHROPSHIRE, NO. 1$, IN NEW BOND-STREET. MDCCLXXVII. Table of the general Heads of the Chronicle* PART I. Civil and Military Hiftory of 'the Britons? Hiftory of the Britons from the invafion of Julius Caefar to page the arrival of the Saxons - .- - i PART II, Civil and Military Hiftory of the Saxons. "From the arrival of the Saxpris to the end of the heptarchy 6 .j Hiftory of the Kentifh Saxons - - - 68 Hiftory of the South Saxons - - 87 Hiftory of the Weft Saxons S3 Hiftory of the Eaft Saxons - - - 121 Hiftpry of Northumberland - - 126 Hiftory of the Eaft Angles - - - 152 Hiftory of the Mercians - - - 160 Genealogical Tables of the kings of the heptarchy - *8o PART IIL Ecclefiaftical Hiftpry of the Britons and Saxons. Chap. I. Druidical religion of the Britons - - 1 8# {/^~ Chap. II. Ecclefiaftical hiftory of the Britons from their con- verfion to Chriftianity, to the arrival of the Saxons - 201 v Chap. III. Ancient religion of the Saxons - 21 i Chap, IV. Ecclefiaftical hiftory of the Saxons from their con- verfion by St. Auguftine, A.D. $96, to the acceffion of Eg bert, A. D. §03. - - - 215 PART IV- "Dijfertation on the Manners, Cuftoms, &c. offhe Britons* Chap. I. Names of the feveral Britifh nations, and where they were fituated - 241 Chap.IL Conftitution, Government, and Laws of the Britons 245 Chap. III. Changes in the Britifh government, occafioned by the Romans - 248 Chap. IV. State of architecture amongft the Britons - 253 - Chap, V, Art of war and military difcipline of the Britons 257 Chap, { viii ) page Chap. VI. . Agriculture,- and- dependent arts. - 261 Chap. VII. Commerce and navigation of the Britons - 264 Chap. VIII. Working of metals, and coinage of the Britons 268 Chap. IX. Clothing arts,' and habits of the Britons - 271 Chap. X. Learning, and the ftate of the polite arts amongft the ancient Britons - - - - 276 Chap. XI. Defcription of the Britons and their particular manners - - - - - 284 Chap. XII. Military conduct and fortifications of the Romans 200 PART V. "Differ tdtion on the Manners, Cuftoms, &c. of the ancient Germans and Saxons to the end of fhe Heptarchy. Chap. .1. The government, conftitution, and laws of the an- » cient Germans - 309 Chap. II. The ftate of architecture among the ancient Germans and Saxons - - - - 316 Chap. III. Artof war,- &c. of the Germans and the Saxons 325 Chap. IV. State of agriculture and dependent arts amongft the Germans and Saxons - - - 331 Chap. V. Navigation and commerce of the Saxons - 33$ Chap. VI. Working of metals, &c, and the Coins of the Saxon kings _ _ n _ _ _ 338 Chap. VII. Cloathing arts, and habits of the Germans and Saxons _____ Chap. VIII. Learned men, and the ftate of learning amongft the Saxons - Chap. IX. State of the polite arts amongft the Saxons. - 350 Chap. X. Particular manners, &c. of the ancient Germans and the Saxons - 339 344 353 CHRONICLE t ' ] CHRONICLE O F E N G LA N D. PART I. From the Invafton of Julius ¦ Cafar to the Arrival of the Saxons,, NOW had Caefar with conqueft run through Gaul, when the de- Cae£ar.'s ««><£' ftined time was come, in which the ancient inhabitants of this.eariiefta«jnaL! ifland fhould be found emerging to public view from their long *"-• and lamentable obfcurity. From Casfar we difcover the firft tranfient glances of their government, habits, and manners.. Rude indeed and un- polifhed, yet brave and hardy •, blinded with firperftition and clouds of error, yet hofpitable and generous, is this venerable picture of Britain's ancient inhabitants. If there were ever any earlier accounts of Britain than thofe which Caefar has given, they are now unhappily loft to the prefent age :-~her kings, her heroes, and the acts of her noblemen, are clean wiped out from the rolls pf antiquity ; nor have we the leaft light left, by which we might difcover even the fainteft traces of their exiflence. The artful merchants, as well Phoenicians as Greeks (who traded hither for tin and other valuable me tals) held not only the defcription of the people fecret, but even kept from public knowledge the fituation of the ifle itfelf. Lamenting, then the want of more ancient records, proceed we to a faithful examination of thofe which we are poflefled of,, and which may be deemed authentic. Vol. I. B Julius HISTORY OF; THE BRITONS. Part I. A.A.C.55 Caefar's firft ex pedition. Voiufenus fent to explore the caaft of Britain The Britons fend ambafia- dors to Caefar. Voiufenus re- Caefar's embar kation and land ing in Britain. Julius Casfar, whofe unbounded ambition led him to feek frefh lau rels in remote climates, and to fet up the Roman ftandard in unknown regions, was now defirous of adding to the glory which he had already- acquired, by the conqueft and.fubjection of the diftant inhabitants of Britain, who in their fecret receffes. had fo long remained fequeftered from the world, , and unsjifturbed. by any foreign war.* The reafon which ,he himfelf hasbeen pleafed to affign to us for his undertaking of this expedi tion, Was, becaufe the Britons had aided their neighbours, the Gauls,, in their wars againft him ; therefore; he thought himfelf fufficiently jufti fied in that revenge which he had now,refolved to take.f His firft ftep was to enquire of thofe merchants who traded to Britain, concerning the fize of the ifland, its inhabitants, their cuftoms, and mi litary difcipline, and alio particularly what havens they might have for the reception of large fhips ; ' but the accounts Jie received from thefn were fo ver^' vague and uncertain, that he>was obliged to fend* otrt Caiusr Voiu fenus with a galley to coaft about near theftiore, in order to make the beft difcoveries that he could, and return to him again as quickly as poffible ; whilft he himfelf, commanding his navy to affemble together, marched towards the territories of the Morini,^ as conjecturing that province to lie the neareft to Britain.T In the mean time, thrs-purpoft of Ciefar's was not fo fecretly conduct ed, but that the Britons received intelligence thereof from the Gaulifh merchants : upon which, they fent ambafTadors immediately from feveral of their cities -to, Casfar, offering himhoftages, and "making proffers of peace. Thefe meflengers he received very gracioufly, promifing them fairly, and encouraging them to continue in the fame quiet refolutions. Thus were they difmifled, and with them he fent Corriius, king of the Atrebatians,§ to whom commiffion was given to go to as many of the ftates as he could, and perfuade them to feek alliance with the Romans, and to inform them that Casfar himfelf would fhortly come thither. Cae far the rather chofe this, man to execute his commiffion, becaufe he ap proved of his bravery and conduct, and alfo fuppofed he would be faith ful to him ; befides, he was thought to have great intereft amongft the Britifh ftates : yet, upon the return of the ambafTadors, the aflembly of r,he Britons (whether becaufe they fufpected the fmooth promifes of Casfar, or apprehended that Comius was only fent as a fpy over them) feized upon him immediately, and threw him into prifon.|| NowC. Voiufenus returned to Casfar on the fifth day, having made all the difcoveries he could by failing near the fhore, for he did not dare to land, nor truft himfelf amongft the people. . Casfar having prepared eighty fhips of burthen, embarked two of his legions j when giving the neceffary orders to the chief officers whom he. * Sueton. in Vita Jul.Csef. f Caef. Com. deBel. Gal. lib. iv. cap. 18. J The Morini 'inhabited the fea -coafts abou t Calais and Boulogne. 4 § The Atrebatian* were an ancient Belgic nation, who inhabited Artm, II Csf. Bel. Gal. left Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 3 left behind him in Gaul, he fet fail about the third ;Watch of the' night, A.A.C.55. commanding his horfemen to go to the refidue of his fhips, which lay further off within eight miles, and had been held back by the wind, that they might there embark and follow him. He himfelf with, his foremoft fhips reached the Britifh coafts about ten o'clock in the fore noon, the 26th day of Auguft, and fifty-five years before Chrift,* where he found the hills covered with armed men, and the place alfo very in commodious for their landing ; therefore, he ordered his navy to eaft an chor, and waited 'till three o'clock the coming of his horfemen : but when he found that they did not make their appearance, he called a coun cil of his lieutenants and tribunes, and declared to them the information he had received from Voiufenus, and alfo what he was refolved to do ; defiring them in all things to obferve his nod, and to be careful that his orders fhould be duly performed in exact and proper time. This done, he caufed them to weigh anchor, and with his fleet he came to a plain and open fhore, which is commonly thought to be Deal, in Kent.f But the Britons perceiving his intention, lent their forces thither to prevent his landing. Caefar's fhip being too large to come up clofe to the fhore, the foldiers,: to their great difadvantage, were obliged to leap into 'the waves, and wade to the land j which the Britons obferv-ing, entered the wa ter a little way^j and gave the Romans fuch a warm reception,, that, as Casfar himfelf confeffes, they were greatly terrified. To remedy this in convenience, he caufed the gallies to advance, in which were fet up the flings and other inftruments of war ; a fight fo unufual difmayed the Bri tons, and they began to give back : yet even now the Roman foldiers feemed unwilling to leave their fhip, until the ftandard-bearer of the tenth legion, making earneft fupplication to the gods, threw himfelf from the fhip and advanced towards .the Britons, calling to the reft to follow, if they wifhed. to prevent their ftandard from falling into the hands of their enemies. Fired a't his words, and animated by his bold example, the fol diers prefently leaped into the water, and advanced, left they fhould lofe their enfign. The encounter was fharp and fierce on both. fides ; for the Romans jumping confufedly out of their fhips, could neither get firm footing nor keep in proper array; and the Britons watching their oppor tunity, came down upon them in companies, and where but few were afifembled, made a violent attack, throwing their darts with vaft refo lution and courage, to the great hurt and annoyance of the Romans. Caefar feeing this, caufed all his fmall boats to be filled with foldiers, and where any of his companies were oppreffed, he fent them fuccour ; by this means the chief of the foot were landed, which was no fooner done than they charged fiercely upon the Britons, and put them to flight. J Yet thisvictory was by no means- compleat, for the want of the horfemen to purfue them. * Philofophical Tranfaftiows, No. rgj. f Vide Speed's Chron. and Lambardes' Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, vol. I. Peramb. of Kent. chap. i. % Dion, Hift. Rom. lib. 39. B 2 Having 4 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A.A.C.55. Having now gained footing, he encamped near the fhore; but the Britons fue f0rBritons thus repulfed, were fo dejected and difmayed, that they con- peace. eluded amongft themfelves, the beft method which they could purfue would be to fubmit to Casfar : therefore, they fent ambafTadors to him a fecond time, withCOmius of Artois, whom they had now releafed from his confinement; and they excufed themfelves for having put him in bonds, laying all the blame of that tranfaction upon the fury of the com mon people ; they alfo fued to Casfar for peace, and proffered to give him hoftages. He gently reproving them, confented to take their ho- ftages; part of which were immediately delivered, and the reft promifed to be fent in a few days. After this, the Britifh chiefs reforted from every fide, and fubmitted themfelves and their cities to Caefar.* The lon-es fu- The fourth day after the arrival of the Romans in Britain, the fhips in RomL^ the which the Roman cavalry were embarked, were difperfed, and driven back by a great tempeft ; and alfo, by the fpring tides, Caefar's fhips and galleys, which were near, and upon the fhore, were broken and fpoiled. The Britons perceiving thefe unfortunate accidents to have happened to the Romans, began by degrees- to withdraw from the camp, and privately to affemble their men out of the country. Casfar feeing the delay of the Britons in the delivery of the remainder of the hoftages, fufpedted their intentions ; therefore, he quickly made every provifion neceffary for the camp, and repaired his fhips with the lofs of twelve, which were broken- upandufed.f The Britons a- The Britons now broke out into open hoftilities with the Romans, and jain begm the macje a fierce attack upon one of their legions, which was foraging; but Casfar coming timely to their aid, they recovered their camp again with out much lofs : thefe accidents were followed by many ftormy days, which confined the Romans to their camps. In the mean time, the Bri tons carefully publifhed abroad the fmallnefs of the numbers of their ene mies ; and invited all their neighbours to join with them in making a no-r ble ftruggle for the recovery of their liberty ; the thoughts of fhaking- off the threatening oppreffion glowed in their fouls, and they joyfully flocked from every. quarter, aflembling together a numerous hoft : they refolved immediately to attack the Roman entrenchment; but Casfar, as^ foon as he was informed of their intentions, brought his men out of the- camp, and drew them up in battle array before the entrance ; a fierce en gagement enfued, but in the end the Britons were totally overcome ; and the Romans purfuing them, made a prodigious flaughter,, and burnt their houfes on every fide. J Caefar retams to The victory obtained, -Caefar withdrew into- his- camp ; and the fame- day the miferable remnant of the Britons fent their ambafTadors to him again to pacify his anger, . and fue for peace. Reproving them for their difingenuity, he charged them with a double number of. hoftages, and? * Ca£. Bel. Gal. lib. iv. cap. 25.. + CxL cap. 30, 11.. f Ib. c._6. Et Dion. Hiit. Ronwl. 39,. com- Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. commanded them to be brought over intp Gaul to him. Casfar having A. A. C. 55. thus fettled his affairs in Britain, took the firft fair opportunity of depart ing thence ; and a little after midnight weighing anchor, he returned into Gaul, leaving the Britons to the performance of their promifes.* This was the end of Casfarys firft expedition, and that according to his own account of it : yet we find a very fhort ftepmade towards the conqueft bf the ifland: and indeed his precipitate departure, not even waiting for the delivery of the hoftages which were demanded, and forfaking entirely thofe advantages which he had gained, feem ftrong indications ofhis ha ving met with a much warmer reception from the Britons than he had expected. Yet fo greatly did he extol this performance, in the letters which he fent to Rome, .that the fenate decreed a fupplication of twenty days to his honour. But all that was gained by this exploit, either for his own advantage, or public benefit, was the glory only of the under- taking.-)- No fooner had Casfar in fafety reached Gaul, than he ifiued forth his Prepares fof a. orders for preparations to be made, hecefTaryfor a fecond invafion of Bri-f?comUxt,edi- tain; and commanded his lieutenants to build him as many new fhips as. they could during the courfe of the winter, and to repair fuch of the old. ones as were damaged; but he caufed fome necefiary variations to be made in thofe fhips which were now built, from the ufual method adopted by the Romans. In the firft place, they were madelower, for the conve- niency of loading ; and again, they were made broader, the better to con tain the horfes, and things of great weight. Thefe orders werefo punc tually complied with, that on Caefar's return to Gaul in the fpring, he found fix hundred fhips and twenty-eight gallies, all ready to be fet afloat in a few days. l The fpring advancing, Casfarordered his fleet tameet him at CalarsjTA A C c_ from whence he knew was the fhorteft cut into Britain; which order was carefully obeyed by all his fleet ; forty fhips excepted, which were dri-c^ayfa.'ls'ae»in ven back again by a violent tempeft. Casfar embarked with five legionsr of foot, and two thoufand horfemen, , fetting fail at fun-fet ;" (probably about the month of May, or June}- arid at noon he reached Britain, where he landed without the leaft oppofition; for the Britons, difmayed at the appearance of the Roman fleet, which feemed fp numerous, had left the1 fhore, and retired higher up into the country ..§ When Casfar had landed his troops, he learnt, from certain fugitives, where the chief forces of the Britons were pofted. He refolved inftantly to purfue- them ; therefore,, having fixed on a proper place for his. camp, he left his fhips at anchor, with ten cohorts and three hundred horfemen to guard them'; fetting- forward about the third watch with the main body of his army towards1 the enemy. When he had marched about twelve miles, in the night,. he came in fight of the Britons, who had taken poft by a river's fide, ||- * Casf. Bel. Gal. lib. iv. cap. 3_-. j: Dion. Hift. R.om. lib. xxxix., i Partus Itius* § Caef. Bel. G'al. lib. v. cap. y: ]| Thought to be the Stour, in Kent. and 6 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part i. A.A.C54. and were poffeffed of the rifing grounds, from whence with their chariots and horfemen they made a vigorous attack upon the Romans ; but being at laft repulfed by Casfar's cavalry, they retired into the woods, and hid themfelves .in their fortrefs, where they occupied a ftrong place, well for tified both by nature and by art;* for with timber which they had cut down, they had clofely barricadoed all the paffes ; themfelves fallying out in fmall parties to defend the entrenchments, and prevent the Romans from poffeffing the entrances. But the foldiers of the feventh legion ha ving raifed a mount, marched (firmly, knit together) under the covert of their fhields., and without the lofs of much blood, took the fortificationi and drove the Britons from the woods. But Casfar would not permit his foldiers to make any long purfuit, becaufe the day was far advanced, and he knew they were unacquainted with the nature of the country. The reft of the evening he fpent in fortifying his camp.f Cxfar'sihins d?.- Early the next morning Caefar divided his army into three battles, and fent them out in purfuit of the fugitive ©ritons ; who, however, were not gone far, for their rear was defcried by the Roman foldiers when they had proceeded but a fmall diftance from their camp. All things being thus difpofed, a fudden and unexpected alarm put a flop to the purfuit ; for Casfar received the difagreeable news from Q^Atrius (whom he had left to guard the fleet) that in the night, by means of a dreadful tempeft, his fhips had all of them fuftained great damage, and many of them were quite deftroyed. On the reception of this alarming account, Caefar re called his troops, and with his whole force halted back to the camp, where he foon beheld the miferable devaftation. However, not difmayed with this unexpected fhock, he immediately fet uppn the repairing of thofe fhips which were left, and fuch was the activity of his foldiers, that in ten days the navy was again repaired and put in order," with the lofs of forty fhips only. . This done, with great labour he drew them upon the fhore, and inclofed them within the camp. Having thus made them fe cure, he left the fame guard as before in the entrenchment, and with his , army returned again to the place where he had defeated the Britons. J The Britons e- It may indeed feem ftrange that the Britons fhould have let flip fb fa- \ea a general. voura]-ie an opportunity of diftreffing the Romans as feems now to have offered ; for whilft they were attentively bufy in the reparation of their fleet,, they might moft likely have made a fuccefsful attack upon them. But it appears that they were employed in a different manner during this interval, as in the electing of a general, the ftrengthening their confe deracy, and increafing their power. Convinced, as they were, of the fuperior force of the Roman legions, they now refolved to enter into a ftrong combination, and for a time to facrifice their private animofities to the public good. Happy if thefe refolutions had been as faithfully fol lowed as they were prudently made 1 The public choice fell upon Cafi- * Writers in general have fuppofed this f Cscf. Bel. Gal. lib. v. cap. 8, entrenchment was made fomewhere about l Ibid. cap. 9. the fpot on which Canterbury now ftands. ' bellanus, Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. r bellanus, prince of the Caffi, or Cativellauni,* who was accordingly A. A. C. 54. elected as general over them. He was a man of apprpved-valour and experience, who had long before the arrival of Casfar been bufied in con tinual wars and difcords with the neighbouring cities ; nor muft we here pafs over a very important fubject, which offers to view :--- the death of Imanuentius, the king of the Trinobantes, whom Cafibellanus had flain, and ufurped the government of that dominion. Mandubratus, the fon of Imanuentius, in order to fecure -his own life, fled from Britain into Gaul, feeking the protection of Casfar; and with the view of revenging himfelf on Cafibellanus, fpurred Casfar on to undertake the- conqueft' of his native land."f Cafibellanus thus placedat thehead of the Britifh forces, endeavoured in "cafibeiianus's the firft place to hinder the licentious marches of the Roman troops, fally- conduit. ing out upon them, when an occafion ferved, with his chariots and horfes, and fkirmifhing fiercely with them; but finding he was not able to cope with them, he made his retreat to the hills, and the Romans too eager in their purfuit,- hadacohfiderable number of their detachment cut off by the flying parties of the Britons.. After this time the Britons retired, arid lay clofe in the woods, waiting a proper opportunity of attacking the Romans ; which they did in a fudden manner as they were fortifying their camp, without the leaft fufpicion of danger : for the Britons iffuing with great impetuofity from the woods, fell furioufly upon the party fet to guard the trenches, and a fierce engagement enfued. Casfar' alarmed for their fafety, fent out two cohorts to their fuccour, but before they joined their fellows, the defperate Britons feeing their danger, broke through the midft between, the two parties, and retired, with little lofs, to their fecret Feeeffes.lj: On the part of the Romans, (amongft others) Q^Laberius Durus, a tribune, was flain.§ • The next day after this encounter, the Britons appeared at a diftance upon the hills in ftraggling parties, fhew- ing themfelves but feldom ; nor did they make their attacks fo often, or fo fharply, as they had done the day before. Caefar prefuming from thefe circurriftaHces, that they would not dare to attack his troops, fent out * three legions, and all the horfe, with Caius Trebonius, a lieutenant, to forage: when on a fudden the Britons iffued from the woods with great impetuofity, and fell upon the Romans on every fide. But the horfemen of the Romans bearing down clofely upon them, fupported and followed by the foot, flew a great number of them, giving them no time to rally again, or leap from their chariots to oppofe them. || This difcomfiture fo damped the fpirits of the Britons, that they dif- caHbeiianas re. banded themfelves, and no more united their whole power to oppofe the £ires flom Cae- Romans.. Cafibellanus, their general, alfo difcOuraged by the defection " of h is -allies, and their continual murmurs, feeing that his troops were • * The ancient inhabitants of Hertford- § Stow, quoting the Chronicle of Wygr {hire, Bedfdrdfhire, and Buckinghamfliire. more, fays, this action happened at 'Chefton ¦f Csef.'Bel. Gal. lib. v. cap. 16. wood, near where Kochefter now ftands. j Ibid. lib. v. cap. 1 1. " |1 Catf. Bel. Gal. lib. v. cap. 1-5. not 8 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. A.C.54. not anequal match with the Romans, in a pitched battle, refolved to re tire into his own territories, and to aft only on the defenfive. Casfar purfued the Britons along the banks of the Thames, and at laft refolved. to enter the dominion of Cafibellanus. This crafty general fufpecting that the Roman chief would moft probably form fuch a defign, caufed ftrong fharp ftakes to be fet down into the bottom pf the river, in the only place where it wasfordable, which was fo artfully performed that they were en tirely hid by the water from the fight pf the Roman foldiers;* and this ftratagem would doubtlefs have been productive of a happy effect, but that Casfar getting intelligence thereof by the means of fome fugitives, his troops were as careful as poffible to avoid them. -Casfar being come to the brink of the river,- found the oppofite bank was poffeffed by a -great army of the enemy, who feemed prepared to refift his troops: he then fent his horfes firft into the river, and commanded the foot to follow; and fo fudden were they in paffing the ftream, (although they could but juft keep their heads above the water) and fo. violent was' their attack upon the Britons, that they foon gave back, and retired fur ther up into the country.f various nates Whilft Casfar was upon his march, the Trinobantes, one of the chief fubmit to c_. provjnces 0f Britain, through their diflike to Cafibellanus", _ who had flain their king, nOwtook the opportunity of revenge; for, finding that Man- dubratus, their prince, was with Casfar-, and under his protection, they fent ambafTadors to him, fubmitting themfelves to his direction, and offering him hoftages ; at the fame time intreating him to protect their prince from the injuries of Cafibellanus, and fend him "back to take the govern ment of their ftate upon him. Caefar willingly complied with their re-, quefts, fending Mandubratus to them, demanding only forty hoftages^ and a certain quantity of provifions for his army ; which demand they inftantly complied with. Their example was followed by the Cenimag- ni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and the Caffi. Caefar derived great advantage from the fubmiffion of thefe ftates, becaufe from them he re ceived fuch information as he defired concerning Cafibellanus, and alfo, was directed to his city, which was ftrongly fortified about with woods and marfhy grounds ; in which, he was informed, there was placed a great number of men, and a vaft quantity o'f cattle. Casfar was therefore determined to march thither, and attack the Britons in their fortrefs,, in hopes either to kill or take Cafibellanus, and to difperfe his allies. J Cafibellanus dif- Cafibellanus, in the mean time, well knowing, that it would be im- ^mys/"to/his poffible with open force to oppofe the paffage of the Romans, difbanded the greater part of his army, keeping only with him about four thoufand chariots, and under covert of the woods watching carefully the rout which Casfar and his army took ; he drove away the cattle and the people, * Two ancient authors affirm, that thefe driven into the bed of the river. Bede Ecc. ftakes were to be feen in their days; they Hift. lib. i. cap. 2. & Ann. After. are faid to have been of the bignefs -of a f Csef. Bel. Gal. cap, 14 & ir. man's thigh, bound about with lead, and j Ibid, cap, 17. from Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 9 from thence into the woods, and haraffed the Romans in .their marches, A. A. C. 54* fetting furioufly upon all fuch as were fent out to forage ; fo that Casfar, to enfure his own fafety, was obliged to reftrain his men from ftraggling far from the main body, and to confine their plunders within the limits of their march. Notwithftanding thefe difficulties, Casfar refolutely marched, up to the Caefar takes Ae city of Cafibellanus,* and commanding his army to ftorm it in two places.-^0 a ,be a~ at once, they foon gained an entrance, and put the Britons to" flight, great numbers of them were flain, the reft efcaped at the oppofite fide,, hiding themfelves in the deep receffes of the woods, whilft Casfar plun dered the town, and found great ftore of cattle and provifions. . Cafi- bellarius, like a brave and noble general, not yet eaft down with thefe repeated fhpeks of evil fortune, formed an excellent and truly political fcheme; for, recollecting how far the Romans were come from their fhips, and being informed how fmall the numbers were which were left to guard them, imagined that a favourable opportunity offered to deftroy the fleet ; therefore, he difpatched fpeedy meffages to the four kings of Kent, Cin- getorix,- Carnilius, Taxamagulus, and Segonax, exhorting them , to ga ther all the forces together that they could, in order to make an attack upon the Roman foldiers left behind in the camp, and to burn the fleet. Thefe orders they inftantly obeyed, but indeed with ill fuccefs; for the, victorious Romans beat them from the camp, with great flaughter, and took Cingetorix prifoner.f . This laft effort of the unfortunate Cafibellanus fucceeding fo ill, - toge- Cafibellanus - ther with the diffentions and controversies of his allies, and the faithleff- fjrb.mits t0 C** uefs of the Britifh ftates, at laft reduced him to fuch ftraights, that fee-i irig no hopes of defending his territories any longer, and having per formed all the duties of a true patriot apd a valiant foldier, he fubmitted . liimfelf to. the fevere decrees of fate, fending ambafTadors to Casfar to fue for peace ; -alfo, the better to gain his favour, he fent with them Comius of Artois, Casfar's friend. This fubmiffipn of Cafibellanus was a moft fortunate event for Caefar ; for, as he had determined to winter in Gaul, and the feafon was now advancing, he by this means put a much quicker end to the war, than could have been expected. However, he received the ambafTadors with the air of a conqueror, and demanded a certain num ber of hoftages to be delivered up, and ftipulated a tribute to be annually paid tothe Romans ; he alfo ftrictly commanded Cafibellanus, in no man ner of fort taopprefe Mandubratus, or the people of his dominion. This done, Casfar taking the hoftages, marched back to his fleet, and at two embarkations returned again with his army into Gaul. J We fhould. be very glad to have known how great the annual tribute obfervations o« was, which Caefar laid upon the Britons.§ It feems, indeed, to have^"5 "ped" * Suppofed to ftand on the very fpot where § Speed, quoting an old anonymous Verulam was afterwards built. Chronicle, fays, it was eftimated at three •f Caef.Bel. Gal.lib.v. cap. 18: thoufand pounds yearly. Vide Speed's Chr, | Ibid. cap. 19, fol. 49. ^ ¥ol,I. C been io HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. A.C.54. been demanded only to fave his honour, and add a confequence "to his expedition : for how could he ever expect that it fhould be paid by the Britons, when he neither erected one fingle fort upon the land, nor left one fingle cohort, to enforce the payment. Thefe confiderations haye led feveral judicious authors to conjecture, that he has let his exploits in Britain in a much more favourable light than is confident with truth ; and when any one fhall reflect on his unbounded ambition, and love of fame, this opinion will feem far from improbable. Befides, the expence of this undertaking we may eafily conceive was very confiderable ; and the fatigues which he and his army underwent, far more than equal to the victories, or profits which accrued to him from it. So that the whole confidered, there was but little juft reafon for him to boaftof his enterprize ; and of this himfelf feems to have been convinced, as he now left the ifland with a refolution never to return to it again. - From From the departure of Casfar to the invafion of Claudius, a fpace of "t0 '¦"'ninety-feven years, we find but little authentic matter concerning the af- A. D. 40. fairs of this realm : for during the whole of this time, the Britons met with no actual difturbance, and but few alarms, from foreign enemies : fp that the ancient authors have either entirely neglected the accounts of Britain, or what they have faid is fo difperfed, and fo trifling, that the moft which can be collected from them will throw but a faint and uncer tain light upon the tranfactions of this people. Thus much appears to be certain, that foon after Caefar left Britain, and the fears of a foreign ene my were diffipated, they broached afrefh their inteftine quarrels ; and the whole land was prefently rent and torn with different factions, and civil broils.* civil wars a- In thefe wars, Cafibellanus and his fucceffors, with their fubjects the rnongft the Bri- Cattiveilauni, fo far prevailed above the reft, that they reduced to their rule the Trinobantes, the Dobuni, and feveral other chief nations. Amidft this general confufion, thofe nations feem to have been the moft grieyoufly oppreffed who. had fo' lately fubmitted themfelves to C^far,, and implored his protection : for of thefe, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Segontiaci, were fo abfolutely conquered, that they loft both name and confequence as diftinct ftates, and from this time are no more men tioned by fucceeding writers, f Cowe°rft!inr-nCea During tne reign of Auguftus, there flourifhed in this realm a king of » p«»«- great repUte called Cunobelinus, (and faid by fome to be the fucceffor of Cafibellanus). He was by far the moft powerful prince of this period,. and feems to have arrived at fuch a pitch of grandeur and royalty, as was. unknown in Britain before his time : for his rule extended over almoft all the fouthern part of the kingdom; his thief feat was at Camulodunum,J which royal city is faid in general by the modern authors to have been at: * Vide Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, -f- Ibid. & Stow's Chr. & Speed's Chr. vol. 1. chap. 1. * See Camden, Speed, &c. 4 Maldon,. Part I. HISTORY OF THE; BRITONS. u Maldori, inEffex. After his death, his dominions were divided between Fr°^ his widow Cartifmandua, the queen of the Brigantes, and his two fons, „ -^* Caractacus andTogodumhus, who were the moft confiderable princes in A.D. 43, Britain when it was invaded by Claudius.* Soon after Casfar's return from Britain, the Roman ftate, embroiled by civil wars at civil diffentidns, turned their fwords againft each other. During thefe ^°™eibpurteeVbeing alarming, commotions, Britain was forgot, and the tribute fo far from be- demanded. ing paid, was not even demanded; and this not only during the wars, but even long after peace and quietnefs was eftablifhed in the empire.- Auguftus, indeed thought proper to threaten the Britons with an invafion, which, however, he never accomplifhed ; being convinced, perhaps, that the expence of carrying on the war would be far greater than the profits "he could expect' to reap from the-conqueft; and this was what he called " Reafon of State."f Yet to add the greater terror to his threats, in the fixth year of his A. A.C.as- reign a preparation was made, and he marched his troops forward into Gaul, when he received information that the Pannonians had revolted ; tenfto invade therefore, altering his refolutions relative to Britain, he turned his power Britain. againft the rebels.t Thus were the Britons for a time relieved from their fears. Four years after, he opened the temple of Janus at Rome, threatening a. a. C. 2 1. again to invade Britain ; but when he had marched as far as Ariminum, he was met by certain ambaffadors, fent from. feveral of the Britifh ftates, "^Jf" hls who fubmitting. themfelves to him, humbly begged his protection, and fued for peace. § Auguftus, contented with thefe affurances, altered his intentions, and with his forces turned afide to quiet fome difturbances which had arifen in Gaul. But as thefe promifes were moft likely only made by fome few of the Britifh ftates, whofe intereft might greatly de pend upon the favour of the Romans, the whole of the tribute was far from being paid. The emperor, apparently incenfed, at thefe delays, with great threa- A.A.C.20. tening made preparations a third time to punifh'the neglect of the; Britons; but juft as he was on the point of fetting forward, an actual reputed! tSasa'B ^rebellion in Bifcay prevented him. Thus, after all thefe ipecious ap pearances, the Britons ftill continued unmolefted, and in fafety. How ever, they feem in fome meafure to have been intimidated ; for, as foon as they heard of the anger of Auguftus, they difpatched ambaffadors to Rome, excufing themfelves to Casfar, and entreating peace ; they alfo fwore fealty to him in the temple of Mars, and brought large gifts with them, which were laid up in thecapitol.Jt From this time, the Britons * Dion, in Claud. named Theomantius, or Tenuantis, who -j- Tacit, in Vita Agric. fucceeded Cafibellanus. " This man, (fays % Dion, in Vita Auguft. Rapin) fent rich prefents to the emperor, § Ibid. which were laid up in thecapitol." But what ' || Dion Caff. lib. illi. I may here add, authority he had for this aflertion is very jhat the Britifh Hiftories fpeak of a king, uncertain. C _ willingly ,a HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. A. C 2 1. willingly paid tolls and impofts upon all "fuch commodities astheypur- ' i? chafed of the merchants.*- , A* D' 4* In the fame manner, Tiberius (after the death of Auguftus, whom he fucceeded in the empire) received the prefents, and took the willing Tiber;us would tribute of the BritonS) abftaining from all hoftilities. During the reign uir, " of this emperor, the Britons and Romans feem to have kept up a per fed good underftanding one with the other, as we may reafonably con clude, from the tender and humane treatment which fome of the foldiers of Germanicus met with, who were fhipwrecked upon the coaft of Britain, where they were well receivedt>y the petty kings, who ruled in thofe parts, , and fent in fafety back to their general.f A. D. 40. The fenfelefs and wicked Caligula, who fucceeded Tiberius in the em- - pire, made great preparations for the invafipn of Britain ; but when he S'S'd'tl^1' had with his army proceeded as far as thofe parts of Holland which lie facing Norfolk, there met him fome miferable Britons, who fubmitted. themfelves to him, and begged his protection. At the head of thefe fugitives came Admimus, the fon of Cunobellinus, who had been banifhed from Britain by his father ; but for what particular caufe is not recorded. Caligula received him gladly, and wrote letters to the fenate at- Rome, replete with boaftings, and extolling his great fuccefs, with as much con fidence, as if all Britain had already been his own. Not content with all this idle vaunting, amongft other mad and extravagant exploits, he caufed all his men to be drawn up in their ranks, and to be fet in battle array upon the fea-fhore; he alfo caufed the baliftas, and other inftruments of war, to be placed in proper order, as if he was actually upon the point of engaging with the enemy : all which being done according to his com mand, he went himfelf into a galley which he ordered to put from the fhore, and to proceed fome fmall diftance upon the fea ; when re turning again, he caufed the trumpet to found the charge of battle, and iffued forth his command for every man to fill his helmet with the fhells that lay upon the beach, declaring, that he had now fubdued the ocean, and that thofe were the fpoils, which were well worthy of a place in the capitol, amongft the various and honourable trophies of conquered na tions. He then greatly commended the courage of his foldiers, and re warded them profufely ; J and after he had built a tower upon the fpot, a lafting memorial of his unequalled folly ! he returned to Rome, demand ing a triumph for his memorable exploit.§ The fecurity of Thus Britain remained a long time unmolefted, notwithftanding the, late preparations made by the Romans ; and this laft ridiculous expedi- * Strabo, lib. iv. -Houfe, in remembrance of this ridiculous ¦j- Tacit. Annal. lib. ii. cap. £. expedition againft Britain^ where they often % Dion. lib. 59. & Sueton. in Vita, C. find ftones with infcriptions ; one of which. Calig. _ had thefe capitals upon.it, C. C. P. F. thus § Of this tower, fays Camden, there are interpreted, Caius Caligula Pharum Fecit.. great ruins in Holland, but overflowed with. Camd.Brit. Stow's Ghron. Vid'cSpeed,. the water, and to this day . called Brytonrs &c tion. the Britons, PartI. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 13 tion pf Caligula entirely fbppreffed their fears, and,rendered them fo fe- A. D. 40. cure, that when Claudius (the fucceffor of Caligula) caufed an actual invafion to take place,' they had neglected the making any neceffary pre parations; not in the leaft fufpecting the reality of his defign, until the arrival of the Roman legions convinced them he was in earneft.* The Britons had long neglected to pay the tribute to the Romans, and A. D. 43.- Claudius taking the province affairs into ferious confideration, was de-„, ,. r , , °. f it ii 1 • Claudius fends termined to reduce them to obedience; and he. was the more particu-A. Piautbsinto- larly moved to the commencement of hoftilities by the inftigation of aBritain' fugitive Briton, named Bericus, he being expelled from his native country, as a feditious and dangerous perfon, fled to Rome, fupplicating the protection of the emperor ; who, by his advice and perfuafion, was entirely confirmed in his intentions. Wherefore, he fent an army over into Britain, which confifted of four legions ; who, with their auxilia ries and the cavalry, amourited to the full number of fifty thoufand men ; and over thefe Aulus Plautius, a man of 'confular dignity, was elected' general. Under him in command, was Vefpafianus, (who was after wards emperor) and his brother Sabinus, with other excellent officers. The emperor alfo Ordered the general, that if he fhould meet with any great or unexpected refiftance from the Britons, he fhould write to Rome, and he himfelf would- come overinto Britain- in perfon to aid' him. f- Aulus - Plautius arriving at Britain, landed his men without any'-Auius Pi™this oppofition from the Britons, who feemed not in the leaft to have i\1f_landsinBnUir!»- pedted the reality of the emperor's defign. At this time alfo, Cunobelli- nus being dead, his dominions were divided between his widow, Cartif mandua, and his two fons, Caractacus and Togodumnus. Befides, the harmony which fubfifted between thefe parties, was by no means fuch as might have been expected from their near- relation, nor fuch as the fafety of the realm- required. % The two princes,' however, upon the firft news of the arrival of the-He overcomes Romans, armed their fubiects, and withdrew into the woods ; for it was S,ara^acus and'; . . J • 1 1 ¦ t» ' * ogodumnus, • not their defign to come to- an- open engagement with the Koman troops, but rather to protract the time till the winter fhould fet in, when they ex pected for certainty. that their enemies woulddepart again,-as Julius Casfar with his forces had done heretofore. But Plautius prefently on his arri val, marched up into the country, (guided,-no doubt, by the feditious Be ricus, to the places where his friends refided,. and where his chief intereft lay, which feems to-have been moflly amongft- the Cattiveilauni and Do- buni) and by his direction, the Romans firft dame up with Caradtacus,. whom they defeated'; and prefently after, they engaged' with his brother Togodumnus, whom they alfo overcame. Thefe important victories ob tained,, great part of the Dobuni fubmittedto the Romans: thefe, moft, probably,, were the.fubjects.of Cogidunus,,a prince beloved and efteemed: * Dion. lib. Ix,. | Ibid.-, f Ibid.'- •i4 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 43, by the emperor Claudius, as well for his early fubmiffion, as. for hi* fteady adherence t& the Roman caufe,* Another aftion Plautius having firft left a garrifon arrfongft the Dobuni, purfoed the BmoTan^Rc- flying Britons, who had taken fhelter behind a large river, where they mans. . were encamped, thieving themfelves well fecured,_ as they knew the ri- ver was deep, and that there was no bridge over which the Romans could pafs to attack them. But Plautius perceiving the advantage they pof feffed, caufed fome of his German auxiliaries (who were excellent fwim* mers) to pafs the river; which they had no fooner done, than, inftead of attacking the Britifh army, they fet upon their chariot, horfes, which they wounded and ham-ftringed, rendering them entirely unfit forfervice,. In the mean time, Vefpafianus having paffed the water with his troops, (unknown to the Britons) in another place, fet upon them fuddenly,. and a vaft number of them were flain. Yet the hardy Britons obftinate- ly refilling, would not turn their backs, but maintained their ground with great bravery until the next day, when a moft grievous and bloody conflict enfued ; for fome time the fcales of victory hung doubtful, but at laft the good fortune of the Romans preponderated, and the Britons, no lpnger able to refift, were-put. to flight. This conqueft was chiefly owing to the Valour and conduct of C. Sidias Geta; whofe courage in this bloody, conflict, was rewarded with triumphal honours at Rome,. though he himfelf had not yet attained to the honour of the confular de-s gree.f The Britons The Britons thus defeated, made their retreat to the north, fide of the conquered asain- Thames, which they paffed at a place where the marfhes, and ftagnated- waters, occafioned by the overflowing of the river, rendered the pafiagej both difficult and dangerous, efpecially to the Romans, who were unac quainted with the nature of the place ; but the Germans, regardlefs. of the danger, followed the enemy, and the reft of the Roman army paffing the river over a bridge, which they found' a little higher up, J came; upon the Britons, and gave them another fignal overthrow. But the Roman foldiers being too eager in the .purfuit, a great number of them perifhed in the bogs and fwamps.§ In this conflict alfo, the Britons, loft Togodumnus, one of their chief generals, and the fon of Cunobellinus. .forUtn!eUemperor. Notwithftanding the Romans had fo far fucceeded, and defeated the Britons with confiderable flaughter ; yet was there no^profpect of con cluding the war as yet, for the Britons far from making any advances to wards a peace, or expreffing the leaft fubmiffion, feemed. only the more . exafperated, and the more infatiate in their thirft of revenge : wherefore, * Tacit, in Vita Agric. feems to have been-laid ; or a bridge a little f Dion. lib. Ix. higKer up. He feems (adds my author) to X Rapip makes the following remark up-- have confounded fome river, which runs in- on this paffage : " Notwithftanding the to the Thames, with the Thames itfelf. authority of Dion Caflius, it is improbable Rapin.Hift.Eng. vol. i. booki. there fliould have been a ford fo near the § Dion, lib lx. Thames' mouth, as the fcene of this aftion Plautius Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 15 Plautius difpatched meffengers to the emperor, fignifying to him, that A. D. 43. his prefence was abfolutely neceffary to put a final conclufion to the war. Claudius gladly received this fummons, and having made great prepara tions, with a mighty army, both of horfe and foot, paffed over into Britain ; alfo with his army he brought large elephants, whofe ftrange and tremendous appearance in battle might damp the courage of the Britons.* „ When Claudius had landed his forces in Britain, he encamped near The fuccefs of the Thames ; foon aftej which he paffed the river, and entered into the £'t;^'us 8 cxpe- country of the Tririobantes, where he had a fharp conflict with the Bri tons : but in the end the Britifh forces were totally overthrown, and the Romans got poffeffipn of Camulodunum, the chief city of Cunobellinus.f, Soon after, Caefar won feveral other towns and ftates, which were of great Confequence ; fo that when he had received the fubmiffion of fuch princes. as were obliged, or difpofed, to feek an alliance with him, he appointed Plautius the firft governor of this new province, and returned back to- Rome in lefs than fix months from his firft fetting out,, entering the city in triumph. J Vefpafianus (whom Claudius had leftthefecond in command) fucceeded The fuccefs, of, fo well in his office, that he not only acquired great efteem and ho- VerPafian-- nour, but laid the firft foundation ofhis future glory and greatnefs- At the head of one of the divifions of the Roman troops,, he carried on the war againft the Belgic Britons, who inhabited the fea-coafts from Kent to the land's end. Here in the courfe of a few years, after thirty fharp con flicts,, he fubdued the Belgae,. together with the Deurotriges, two of: the moft powerful nations in thofe parts.. He alfo took above twenty towns, and entirely conquered the- ifle of Wight.§ In the mean time,, Aulus Plautius made war upon the inland Britons, who were commanded by Caractacus. We are not informed of the particular exploits of Plau tius, but we find, in general,, he was. fo fuccefsful,, that on his. return, to Rome he was honoured with an ovation, or lefier triumph,, the empe ror walking at his left hand to the capitol.f. When Plautius was recalled in the year of our Lord 47, the direction A..D. 47,. ©f the affairs in thisifland feems to have been managed by legates, or the commanders of the legions,, to the year, 50, at which, time,, Oftorius: Scar * Dion-lib. Ix. TI..CLAVDIO CMS. t Thus fays Dion, daffius ; but Sueto- p^n^MAX-V P. IX. nius affirms, that he came over into .Britain, GOS, V. IMP. XVI. P. P. and that part of the jfland fuh'mitted to him; SENATUS POPVL. Q^R. QVOD> within a few days after his arrival,, without REGES BRITANNIA ABSQVE either battle or bloodfted ; which laft ac- - VLLA IACTVRA DOMVERIT- ¦ -count feems to beconfirmed by this infcrip-. r^^So* SUBEGEMT. . of Britfin611 m ' See WriSht's Travels> Page 293- • X Dion,.ut,fup.& Suet, in Claud.. §. SuetVin.VitaVefp. [| .Dion.&Sueton. utfup.. pula XS HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 50. pula was deputed by the emperor to take upon him the government of Britain. orrorius lands Oftorius, at his firft arrival, found all things in great confufion ; the in Bric"in- enemy were plundering the allies of the Romans ; and they committed thefe depredations with the greater boldnefs, becaufe they were not un der any apprehenfions (as the winter was now begun) that the- new ge neral would enter the field againft them, at the head of troops, which he was as yet but a Granger to. But he, on the other hand, prudently con fidered, that a fudden check put upon their proceedings, mult be every way advantageous to the Roman affairs : therefore, collecting his army together with all convenient fpeed, he marched forward againft thofe who were in arms, and overcame them with great flaughter ; purfuing thofe which fled, and were ftraggling abroad. And that he might ren der the province the more fecure from the neighbouring enemies, he erected a chain of forts upon the banks of the rivers Nen and Severn; alfo to prevent any inteftine difcord, he caufed all bufy, or fufpected per fons, as well fubjects as allies, to deliver up their arms.* Theiceni re- This laft policy of Oftorius was the occafion of a new war; for the v arms, and the reft, on promife of peace, A. D. 50. were pardoned. His next ftep was to fecure the conquefts which he had made ;" therefore, he planted a numerous colony of veteran foldiers at OamulPdunum.* No foorier had^Oftorius thus prudently reftored peace and quietnefs to caraaacusop- the fouthern parts of the kingdom, than- frefh difturbances called him ^.the R°" to the field again. . The.reftlefs Silures,j- with Caractacus. at their head, (who by his prudence .and, valour had madejhis name famous) were up in arms, and threatened deftruction to the Roman power. To put a fudden and effectual end to this growing evil, the Roman general, with the chief of his" troops, marched towards the territories of the Ordovices, J for the crafty leader of the Britifh forces having got together a nume-- rous army, took the advantage of transferring the war from his own to another ftate ; where, with his whole hoft, he waited the coming of the Romans : : he, Was encamped in a moft advantageous place, for he had fortified a ftrong hill,§ before which there flowed a large river, the fords of which were . difficult and uncertain. Alfo, to prevent the foldiers from landing on, the oppofite banks, he placed a great body of his beft foldiers by the river-fide, and directly before the entrenchment. All thirigs thus prudently difpofed, he himfelf encouraged his men, to make a brave, and noble refiftance ; adding, .in apathetic and animating man ner, that " On the fortune of that day depended the glorious re-efta- " b/lifhment of their liberties, or the perpetual fhame of bondage and " fervitude." He then invoked the names of their anceftors, who had chaced Caefar the dictator out of Britain, and by whofe valour they were delivered; from the impbfitionsr of the Romans, and their wives and children protected from difgrace. Thefe words were received with re peated olamours'of applaufe and approbation ; and fuch was their happy effect, that glory glowed in every Britifh breaft,. for, every man lift up his hand, and fwore by the powers which he adored, that either death or ' conqueft fhould put an end to his labours. H . Oftorius, aftonifhed at - the valiant appearance of the Britons, as alfo Csraflacus over- the advantagEsrof the poft v/hich they poffeffed, became doubtful of fue- "™ by Ofto" cefs. But the foldiers themfelves loudly demanded battle, beieeching him to lead them forward to the enemy., He therefore examining what places of the river would be the leaft dangerous to ford, led his army thi ther, and they boldly rufhing into the ftream, made themfelves mafters of the oppofite bank with but little difficulty. Now a fierce engagement enfued) the, JBritons defending their, entrenchments with great bravery, threw down their darts, upon the enemy ; on the other fide, the Romans * Tacit. An. ut fup. name of Caraftacus, which anfwers exactly f The inhabitants of South Wales.. the defcription here given by Tacitus, vyhere X North Wales. the veftiges of all thefe rampires are ftill vi- ' § There is a hill in Shropfnire, near the fible. Camd. Brit, in Shrop. confluence of the Colun and Teme, called || Tacit. Annal. ut fup. Caer Caradoc, from Caradoc, the'Briufb. - Vol.. L D perceiving 18 B HISTORY OF T-HE BRITONS. Part I. A D. 50, perceiving that they fought to' great difadvantage- at' a diftance, preffed forward to the entrenchment under the covert of their fhields, and break ing down the rude rampire of ftones, attacked the Britons hand to hand, - who finding themfelves unable to fupport the clofe encounter with their antagonifts, fled to the higher grounds, where the light-armed infantry of the Romans clofely followed, and drove them from their pofts with great flaughter. So ended this day's action, in the total defeat of the Britons, and advancement of the Roman glory. Amongft the prifoners which were taken in the camp of Caractacus, were his wife, his daugh ter, and his brothers.* c..raa«cus be- Caractacus indeed efcaped from the general ruin, but being now no" Sfn? the longer able to make head againft his enemies ; forfaken and deftitute, ¦: he halted to Cartifmandua, the queen of the Bngantines, to whom he relates the ill fortune of that laft fatal field, imploring her to defend and proteft him. But fhe, unworthy woman, in order to eftablifh herfelf in the favour of the Romans, put him into bonds, and delivered him up to Oftorius ; bafely facrificing the intereft of her country, and cruelly be traying the unhappy man, who fought protection at her hand, merely to advance her own private and inglorious views, f cai_fl«iis led The unfortunate Caractacus, thus perfidioufly betrayed, was, together K-Rome. wjtj1 njs w-fej njs daughters, and _ his brethren, fent to Rome. The fame ofhis noble ftruggles for liberty were not only expanded throughout all the Roman provinces, but alfo even in the city of Rome itfelf, he was fpoken of with great honour. When he entered Rome, the people were affembled from all quarters to fee the hero, of whom Fame had fo highly fpoken. He was brought into the prefence of the emperor in procefiion, his fervants going firft, after them was carried the bracelets, chains,' and other fpoils, the filent trophies of his extenfive victories over the neighbouring ftates; then followed his brothers, his wife, his daughter; and laft of all he came himfelf; his greatnefs of mind remaining ftill. unconquered by diftrefs : and while others were petitioning for forgive- nefs, he neither held down his head, nor fued in words for mercy. When he had reached the tribunal, where Caefar himfelf was feated, with an- undaunted prefence he fpake the following words : " If my moderation in profperity had been equal to the greatnefs of The rpeech of " my birth and fortune, I fhould have come to this city as a friend,, and fh^mperoV0 " not lik(: a caP«ve ; nor wouldeft thou have difdained to receive me ciaudius. " with articles of peace, becaufe I am defcended of noble progenitors, and " I have ruled over many warlike nations. The difhonoiir of my prefent " lot, is your glory : I had horfes, men, arms, and wealth ; what " wonder then, if I was unwilling to be deprived of them? If you will " bear .rule over all men, why it follows, that all men muft becorne " obedient ! Had I yielded myfelf to thee fooner, neither had my for- " tune, nor your glory, been made fo famous; for then, oblivion would * Tacit. Annal. ut fup- ^. Ibid, ** have Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. - r9 " have quickly followed my^fufferings. But now, if you will permit me A. D. 50. " to live, I fhall remain an eternal example of your clemency." When he had finifhed this affecting fpeech, Caefar beholding the brave- caraaaois par cels ofhis conduct, was ftruck with admiration, and caufed his bonds to #- Tacit. Annal. ut fup. D 2 deftruction ao HISTORY OF .THE B.RITONS. Part I, A. D, 53. deftruction feems with too fore, a fcent tohavepurfued the miferable Britons; for what the cornbined force of the Romans could not alone have done, their own imprudences and civil difcords effectually com- pleated, Cartifmandua, the faithlefs queen of the Brigantines, divorced herfelf from her hufband, Venufius ; and not thus contented, fhe pub licly efpoufed Vollocatus, her hufband's armour-bearer, and proclaimed him king. Her hufband, Venufius, was the chief of the Huiccii,* a brave and valiant man, and farnous for his knowledge in military affairs. Till this time he had continued faithful to the Romans, and under their immediate protection ; but irritated by thefe unjuft meafures of Cartif mandua, he revolted from them, and with all the forces he could col lect, affailed her dominions. Thefe bickerings continued for a fpace between themfelves alone, till fuch time as the perfidious queen, by trea* chery, intercepted the brother of Veriufiusv This laft act exafperated the people in general, who greatly favoured the caufe of the injured Ve nufius ; and they being alfo fearful of her growing power, took up arms in all quarters againft her, and invaded her kingdom with a great army. Matters now growing ferious,vand the confequences alarming, the Ro mans thought it high time to take the field, and protect their allies from the threatening danger : therefore,' two cohorts were fent to join with the forces of Cartifmandua, and a fharp and.bloody battle enfued. The victory was long doubtful, but in the end, the Brigantines,- with the af fiftance of the Roman troops, . overcame the invaders, and drove them from the field. Yet this was not the end of the war; for at laft, -Venu fius, repeating his attacks, fucceeded fo.well, that he drove out his faith* lefs queen, and got poffeffion of the kingdom, j- ' The Britons are About the fame time, alfp, a legioniinder the command of CasfiusNa- fica fought with the.Britons in another place, and was fuccefsfuL After thefe fevere ftrokes of ill fortune, the Britons were quiet for a time. Di dius himfelf doth not appear to have had any hand in the conqueftshere made; for being far advanced in years, and having in his former days obtained many honours, he thought it fufficient for him to execute his. charge, and expel his enemies by the help of others, fo that he did but juft preferve what acquifitions his predeceffors had gained. Only, that further in the ifland he erected fome few forts, purely for the name and ( opinion of having enlarged his government., A. D. 54. Claudius Caefar dying whilft thefe things were acting in Britain, was, ciauau,, fuc- fucceeded by Ner.° > a bloody and deteftable tyrant, who was as capri- eeeded by Nero, cious in his refolutions, as he was wicked in the execution of them. For fome time he was doubtful in his own mind whether he fhould not recall the Roman troops from Britain, and leave the diftreffed inhabitants in I J}* ?T?' h^Ylt^ Warwiekfhire f- Tacit. Annal. lib., si v. iq.. & Hift. lib. and Worcefterihire. _ Vide Dr. Henry's Hift,. iii, cap. 9. Brit. vol. I. chap. iii. feci. 1. 4 , full .Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONl at .full poffeffion of their own native freedom. But then again, his vanity A. D. 54. preponderated in the fcale, joined with a pretended regard for the glory .and memory ofhis father, Claudius."* The firft three years of Nero's reign, Aulus Didius continued gover- A. D. 57. nor of Britain, and was then fucceeded by Verannius, who died within a year •after Iris arrival. His laft will manifefted his ambition, in which he be- raade governor ¦flowed much flattery upon' Nero ; and vaunted, that if his life had been o{ Britain- fpared two years longer, he would have reduced the whole province to obedience. A vain and' inglorious boaft ! which it is not likely he could have accomplifhed ; for the whole fervice that he performed during the time of his government, was only making- fmall inroads into the terri tories of the Silures, and wafting part of their country.f No fooner was Veranhius dead, than Suetonius fucceeded him in his A. D. 58. command. This man, during the courfe of vtwo years, made war upon Suetoni . f0Cr the Britons with great fuccefs, fubduing frefh nations, and eftablifhing «fs. garrifons.J In his third year, he determined to invade and fubdue the ifland of A. D. 61. Mona, or Angiefea, which was well inhabited, arid had conftantly af- forded an afylum for all feditious perfons, who were enemies to the Ro- 0f Angiefea. man government. The garrifons which he had erected in Britain, he thought would be- a fufficient check upon the inhabitants, as they would alfo fecure the province itfelf from any foreign invafion. Therefore, col lecting a great army, he fet forward Pn his expedition ; and becaufe the fea betwixt Britain and Angiefea is fhallow, and the landing very uncer tain-, he caufed a number of flat-bottomed veffels to be built, in which his infantry Were tranfported to the oppofite fhore, the horfes pairing over the ford. Againft them, on the other fide, the Britifh forces were drawn up in clofe array, and well furnifhed with weapons. Amongft them appeared their wives and daughters, all habited in mourning at tire, running to and fro, their difhevelled hair fleeting in the wind, and brandifhing flaming fire-brands in their hands. Round about them were feen the Druids, lifting up their hands to heaven, and pouring forth horrid imprecations. Amazed andterrified at fuch an unufual appear ance, the Roman foldiers flood aghaft, as marks only for the Britons to difcharge fheir weapons at. But foon encouraged by the animating ex ample of their chieftain, they forgot their fear, and marching boldly up to their enemies, encountered them fo fharply, that they quickly put them to flight. Suetonius, made a cruel ufe ofhis victory," flaughtering the flying Britons, and thrufting the Druids into, the fires which, them felves had kindled.. Having thus obtained firm footing on the ifland,., * Sueton.. in Vita Neron. X- Tacit, in Vit. Agric*. ¦j; Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap.. 9. he aa HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 6 1. he proceeded to place garrifons in their towns ; he alfo overthrew their altars, and burnt their facred groves.* ™in*iin°l Whilft Suetonius was thus employed in Angiefea, the Britons at home, roeusnreavoic?e' taking the advantage of his abfence, began a rebellion, fo alarming in its confequences, that it threatened a total deftruction to the whole body of the Romans, and ended in a prodigious flaughter on either fide. The Icenians feem firft to have ftirred in this revolt, and their example was prefently followed by the reft. The chief caufe which induced them to take this flep, appearsto be as follows : f Caufe of the re- Prafutagus, their Icing, and a faithful ally to the Romans, . dying at this time, in order the more firmly to fix the peace of his ftate, and the better to fecure his houfe and family from infult, in his ,laft will made Nero joint heir with his two daughters, to all his effects. But the con fequence of this rheafure proved directly contrary to his intention ; for as he was very rich, his will was no fooner known, than his whole wealth was feized upon by the avaricious Romans, and his realm was plundered by the greedy centurions. His queen, Boudicea, a woman of great cou rage, remonftrating againft their unjufl proceedings, was taken by them, and fcourged in a contemptuous manner. Not thus content, they vio lated the chaftity of her two unfortunate daughters ; the chief men of the ftate they thruft out of their poffeffions, and all the late monarch's mi7 ferable relations they reputed as flaves. J The Trinoban- This complication of grievances called aloud for redrefs, and the un- voker'", tnY6" happy fufferers raifed up their wretched heads, determining to make a •why. violent ftruggle fpr the recovery of their loft liberty. Defperate in their grief, they rufh to arms, and are quickly joined by the Trinobantes, an other powerful nation ; who, too like them, were groaning under the cruel opprelfion of the conquerors. With thefe the colony of veteran foldiers ftationed at Camulodunum, were exercifing their unlimited power, thrufting the inhabitants from their houfes and eftates, feizing upon their goods,§ and retorting the ignominious names of flaves upon thofe who dared to remonftrate. Some lent them money at an exorbi tant intereft, and then made their demands upon them when they were unable to pay, infilling upon the full reftoration. And to complete their calamity, the very priefts, (who officiated in a temple ereded in that city, to the honour of Claudius) under the colour of religion, feized upon and wafted the little wealth, which yet remained to thefe wretched fufferers. || Ripened by thefe repeated injuries to rebellion, they rofe againft their tyrannical oppreffors, and flocked with joyous hope of re- * tu^'1' Annal- lib-xiv- caP- I0- which Decianus Carus (the procurator of + *°!d- the realra) declared fliould be renewed. I y- vr ty n go,; as well as thofe who were aged and infirm, he left behind;. No fooner had Suetonius left London, but Boudicea, queen" of the^ondon and Ve- Icenii, with her numerous army,, entered the eity, putting all whom they™1"™ deftroyedl found therein to the fword. From thence they marched on to the free city of Verulam, (now called St. Albans) which they alfo conquered, taking great fpoils. The fuccefs which had hitherto crowned the labours- of the incenfed Britons, and the hope of recovering their native liberty,- added daily frefh fupplies to; their army; for their number, which at the firft revolting' amounted to 1 20,006, was by this time fo much in creafed, that their forces confifted of full 230,000 fighting men ; a moft tremendous multitude ! all fixed in their hatred to the Romans, and their allies, and crying aloud for vengeanccf They retaliated the injuries they had received from their enemies with a- heavy hand,, for they would1 not fell or exchange any of their prifoners, but either- killed with the fword, gibbeted, burnt, or crucified,, all thofe who were, fo unfortunate as to fall into their hands.;}; Suetonius having now collected the. whole of his forces- together,- The two armies amounting'hearlyto' ten thoufand' men,, determined- to- try the fortune ofmeeti a ^pitched battle ; therefore, he chofe a place which, was every way fafe * Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. io.- j: Tacit. Annal. ut fug* ¦jv'Xiphilin ex Dion,, lib.lxii... and' 24 HXST.ORY OF THE BRITONS. P>rt J.: A. D. 61. and convenient, at the end of an open plain, inclofed at the back with a large thick wood, and the entrance, to it very narrow; fo that, on the one hand, he was fecuredfrom the private ambufhes. ofhis enemies, and on the other, he was not in danger* of being furrounded, and hemmed in by their numerous forces. When he had taken poffeffion of this advanta geous poft, he put his men in due array for the battle, and in that ppfi-: tion waited the approach of the Britons, who, with heroic Boudicea at their head, were now advancing towards them, thinking themfelves fe-- cure of conqueft; and that the- revenge might be the more complete,, they had brought their wives and their daughters, in waggons and carts,. to behold the diftrefs and mifery which they now intended to bring upon. their late intuiting conquerors. Before the engagement, their queen, whp was a tall and comely woman, flood in her chariot clad in her royal robes ; on either fide of her was placed one of her injured daughters.; * when, looking upon the furrounding multitudes, fhe encouraged thern, in a noble and couragious' fpeech, to fight bravely in the defence of their country. She declared to them, that their being led by a woman was. , far from being any difgrace ; on the contrary, it was agreeable to their antient cuftoms : for her own part, fhe affirmed, that fhe fought, neither for wealth nor dominion in the profecution of the war, but.only revenge of her repeated injuries.. She fhewed, that the inordinate lull of the Ro mans was grown to fuch a pitch, that even age itfelf could not fecure their wives and: daughters from fhameful violation ; and added, that the gods themfelves had favoured their juft vengeance, in permitting the flaughter of fo many of thofe tyrants as they had already deftroyed. Thofe who efcaped, had either hid themfelves in their camp, or faved themfelves by flight. She then concluded, with exhorting them to exert their utmoll valour, as men determining either to conquer, or to die ; for, fays fhe, " this is my refolution, who am but a woman, even though "you, whoaremen, may wifh to live like flaves." Repeated fhouts, and clamours of applaufe, proclaimed the effect of this animating fpeech upon the Britifh troops. On the other hand, Suetonius was not filent at this, approaching danger, but addreffed his foldiers in a juft and fenfible man- ? ner, exhorting and intreating them not to be difmayed at the loud and repeated clamours of their barbarous enemies, Cf who, (faid he) notwith- " ftandihg their numbers, and fecurity of thevictory, unarmed as they are, " will not be able to withftand the force of your weapons, nor your valour, " who have fo often put them to flight ; and the fmallnefs of our army, in " comparifon with the numerous multitude of our enemies, will greatly " augment the glory of the victory." His foldiers heard his exhortations with joy, and by their readinefs to engage the enemy, feemed to prefage the approaching conqueft. When Suetonius had finifhed his fpeech, and given forth the neceffary orders to his troops, they all prepared for battle, Handing ftill in their * Dion, lib. lxii. & Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. 1 1. ppft M Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 25 poft until the Britons were come up, who firft began the combat, fiercely A. D. 61. affaulting the .Romans with their darts. The Romans abode the con flict, without quitting their flations, until the enemy had fpent.the greater part of their miffive weapons, when the fourteenth legion Tallied out upon them in a pointed battle, and being clofe fupported by the auxiliary troops, drove them back ; Suetonius then caufed the cavalry to advance, who, with their long lances, broke the ranks of the enemy, and put them to fuch confufion, that they gave back on every fide. To make the calamity the greater, the diftreffed Britons had blocked tip all the paffes with the carts and waggons, in which they had brought their women, that their flight was now impeded, fo that a prodigious flaugh ter enfued. The victorious Romans triumphed in the horrid deftruction, and fo cruel were they in their conqueft, that even the haplefs women, who had been the mournful fpectators of the overthrow of their deafeft friends, to compleat the revenge of thefe mercilefs conquerors, were all of them put to the fword. In the action, four hundred of the Roman foldiers were flain, and a few more wounded; but much more fatal was this day to the Britons, for of them near eighty thoufand were de- ftroyed.* ,- Suetonius, before he began this decifiye battle, had fent exprefs orders p. Pofthumus to Pcenius Pofthumus, camp-mafter of the fecond legion, that he fhould flays himfclf' come to him with all his troops to reinforce the army: .but he, either through fear of being intercepted by the Britons in his march, or appre- henfive that they would entirely fubdue the Romans, neglected the or ders of the general, and kept himfelf clofe within his camp. When he heard pf the fuccefs of Suetonins, he was fo overcome with fhame and grief, that he- inftantly flew himfelf. • The miferable remnant of. the Britons, who had by flight efcaped frorh Boudicea poifons this fatal field, began, now to gather head again, refplying once more to herfeU- try the chance of war. But in the interim, their haplefs queen, unable . to fupport the horror of the late defeat, ended her life by ppifon. This laft accident fo damped their fpirits, that the greater part of them, changing their former refolutions, difperfed themfelves ; and thofe who remained, in arms were all of them eafily fubdued.f Evil. fortune, ftill untired, purfued the haplefs Britons ; nor yet was the Suetonius re- capacious meafure of their woes filled up : for the latedeftru.ctive war, was called' ftill more deftructive in its dreadful confequences ; as, during their trou bles, they had entirely neglected the cultivation of their grain, a grievous famine enfued, which reduced them to the greateft diftrefs._ Suetonius alfo, cruel in his conquefts, purfued the flying remnants of thefe mifefa-. ble fufferers with unrelenting rigour. This feverity of the' governor, moved Junius Claficianus, who had lately fucceeded Catus as procurator, (and who was no friend to Suetonins) to propagate reports greatly to his difadvantage ; declaring, that a new governor ought to be fent, who, * Tacit, Annal. lib. xiv. cap. 11. f Ibid. &VitaAgric. Vol. I. E without 26 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 'Part I. A. D. 61. without the malice and arrogance of a conqueror, would receive fuch as fubmitted themfelves with clemency. He alfo wrote to Rome, that un lefs Suetonius fhould be recalled, and another placed in his- ftead, the war with the Britons would be endlefs. When Nero had received thefe letters, he fent Pplycletus, a favourite freed-man, with a pompous reti nue into Britain, to examine into the affair, and to reconcile the dif ferences between the governor and the procurator. But his reports being more favourable concerning Suetonius than thofe which the procurator had made, he was for a while continued in his charge. But he, foon af ter, in the difpatch of fome bufinefs, having unfortunately loft a few gallies upon the fhore, was finally recalled, either the end of this year, or early in the beginning of the next.* A. D. 62. Petronius Turpilianus fucceeded Suetonius in the government of Bri tain; a man of mild behaviour, who, as he was not well acquainted with fucclcZs'ueto- tne offences of the Britons, was the more gentle in receiving thofe to nius. mercy who liibmitted themfelves to, him. During his rule, the war died away, he not attempting to enlarge the extent of the province ; nor did the Britons (who now enjoyed the bleffings of peace) in the leaft moleft or difturb his quiet. After he had been three years poffeffed of the go vernment, he furrendered it up to Trebellius Maximus.f A. D. 65,. Trebellius was ftill more unwarlike and inactive than his predeceffor ; . for he was by no means acquainted with the management of war affairs. hisidiEnefs.US' He maintained the tranquility of the province by a method of foftnefs and compliance ; through thefe means, the Britons were foiled, as it were, into a ftate of perfect idlenefs : for being of late fo overcome with the toils and fatigues of war, they had, in the prefent moment, learned to love fuch vices, as humoured them in pleafure and eafe. The civil, wars, which now rent Rome itfelf, were a fufficient caufe that the flug- gifhnefs of the governor was not enquired into : yet, though the Britons- were by this means kept in quiet, the Roman foldiers under his com mand grown turbulent and licentious through their idlenefs and inacti vity, began to murmur. Thefe fparks of fedition were blown into a- flame by Rofcius Cariius, lieutenant of the twentieth legion ; who, greatly difliked the governor : from private bickerings they proceeded- to public diffentions ; fo that the army in general, taking part with Cse- fius, took up arms againft their chief; but he, by flight,, efcaped "their prefent fury. During his abfence, the government of the province was. managed by the lieutenant, who kept all things in peace and good order; Caelios indeed bearing the chief authority. But fome time after, Tre bellius^ refumed the command, but with an authority altogether preca rious, without all fpirit, and deftitute of all dignity.f * Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. 1 1. j Tacit..Hift. lib.i. cap. q.& Vita Aerie; f Ibid. & Vita.Agric. R 4 To Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 27 To reform thefe grievances, Vitellius fent Vettius Bolanus into Bri- A. D. 69. tain, to take the charge of the province upon him ; but he treading in B u tie the fame fteps with his predeceffors, there remained toward the enemy governor of bh- tlie fame floth and negligence, with the fame infolent fpirit in the camp : "'"• this difference only to be made, that Bolanus was a virtuous man, and fiibjeet to no hate, becaufe he had given no reafon for it ; therefore, iri- ftead of gaining a proper authority over them, he only fecured their af fections. Throughout the whole government of Bolanus, the civil wars continued at Rome between Vitellius and Vefpafian ; the latter of thefe he feems moft to have favoured : for when Vitellius fent to him in Bri tain, requiring him to fend fome of the Roman troops to reinforce his le gions, Bolanus returned for anfwer, that " the Britons were a people fo " very unquiet, that they could but juft be kept in order with 'all the " forces which he had ; therefore, he could not fpare any, without ha- *' zarding the entire lofs of the province." During all this time the Bri tons lived quietly in their different ftates.* When Vefpafian had thoroughly eftablifhed himfelf in the Roman em- A. D. 70. pire, he recalled Bolanus, in whofe ftead he fent Petilius Cerialis, who „, B . t. r- n 1 t» • i-i ii • i The Brigantines firft broke in upon the peace which the Britons hitherto had enjoyed ; overcome. and he ftruck a general terror into the feveral ftates by making war upon the Brigantines, who were efteemed the moft powerful nation of the whole province. Several bloody engagements enfued ; but fo fuc- cefsful in general was the Roman chief, that he conquered the greater part of their country, and continued to ravage the reft with war and de- vaftation : by which actions he acquired great renown and glory. He was principally affifted in his. wars by the valour and conduct of Julius Agricola, who had the charge of part of the army, and fought with great fuccefs. f Cerialis was fucceeded alfo by a brave and valiant man, named Julius .a. D. 75. Frontinus, who, befides the fecuring all the former conquefts, entered and fubdued the powerful and warlike nation of the Silures ; and his ex- Broome!!"* °" cellent conduct was the more manifeft, as he had not only the bravery of the enemy to ftruggle with, but alfo the difficulties of places and advan tageous pofts, which the Britons had taken poffeffion of, from their per fect knowledge of their own country.^; After this governor, came Cnaeus Julius Agricola, who arrived in Bri- A. D„ 7.8.' tain about the middle of the fummer, where he found the army already . . . , A en cola flic- retiring into their ftations, imagining that the fervice of the year was at ceeds to the _o- an end. But he being thoroughly convinced, that the honour and fue- «™nw»tof Brj- cefs of a general depended greatly on his exploits in his firft fetting out, , * Tacit. Hift. lib. i. cap. 9. Vita Agric. J Ibid. f Vita Agric. E 2 therefore, overeome. 28 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 78. therefore, notwithftanding the difadvantage of the fummer being far fpent, and the intention of the foldiers to take their eafe, he determined to fet forward againft the enemy, and not omit the fmalleft occafion which offered to keep them under. The Ordovicians were the firft that felt the fury of his arms, who had a little before his arrival in Britain al moft totally cut in pieces a band of horfemen belonging to the Romans. This favourable effay encouraged fuch of them as were defirpus of war to rife ; whilft others, more prudent, ftill delayed, till they had witnefs of the courage and conduct of the new general.* The Ordovices Agricola now advancing againft the Ordivicians, entered their terri tories ; but as they did not chufe to come forth upon the plains to en counter with him, he refolved to make the firft attack. Notwithftand ing they were poffeffed of the advantages of the higher ground ; and be caufe his foldiers fhould not have any , reafon for complaint, he led the way himfelf, at the head of the army. Animated by his bold example, with more than wonted alacrity they afcend the rifing grounds, and cou- ragioufly fetting upon the Britons, put them to flight, purfuing them with fo great a flaughter, that almoft all the whole nation was now cut off. This dreadful effect of the valour and prudence of AgricPla, ftruck fuch a terror into the minds of the reft of the Britons, that they chofe to, remain quiet, and fubmit themfelves to him. Angiefea fub- The Roman general, that he might eftablifh his fame on ftill furer grounds, was not content with the conqueft already gained, but refolved entirely to fubdue the ifle of Angiefea, (which Suetonius Paulinus had firft invaded.) As this important refolution was quickly formed, when- he proceeded to the execution, the want of fhipping appeared to be a material objection ; but this difficulty could not prevent his perfeve rance in his defign ; therefore, he caufed fuch ofhis auxiliaries, as knew. the fords (and who were very dexterous in fwimming, fo as in the water at once to manage themfelves, their horfes, and their arms) to enter the river in the fleeteft places, and make a fudden defcent upon the enemy ; who were ftruck with fuch confternation when they faw that neither the water itfelf, nor the want of fhips, could flop the progrefs of the Roman troops, that they fubmitted themfelves to them, and yielded up the ifland. Agrkoi«'= pru- The whole of the fummer being now paft, Agricola fpent the winter jm govern- jn thg reformation Qf fuch abufes a& na(j ^^ ^ ^^ q{ ^ ^^ _ ^ firft began with his own family, doing nothing" with partiality, but ac cording to the deferts of men. He then eafed and remitted feveral grie vous tributes, caufing an equal diftribution of all public burthens ; and above all, he utterly aboliflied all exaftions, which had been more grie vous to the wretched Britons than even the tribute itfelf; By thefe means*, acquired the love of the peoplein peace, as much as he had in- fpired them with dread in war. * Vita Ague, & infra. When, dued PartL HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 29 When the fummer was come, he affembled his army, and made Tudden A. D. 79. attacks upon the enemy, harraffing them continually from place to place r-colareduc in fuch fort, that they could not obtain the leaft reft or quietnefs. He the Britons w carefully took poffeffion of the moft advantageous polls, ufing every cir- P,ace- cumfpedtion in the examination of all places which feemed likely to prove dangerous, before his army was permitted to pafs them. Thefe prudent meafures, as on the one hand they fecured him the victory, fo on the other, they fo damped the courage of his enemies, that they, dared not take the field againft him. When he had thus reduced all things to good order, - he proceeded, with the fweet allurements of peace, to fe cure the wavering minds of the Britons ; and fuch an effect had thefe le nitive meafures upon them, that feveral communities, which till this time had afferted a ftate of equality and independence, laid down their arms, fubmitting themfelves unto him, giving hoftages, and permitting forts and garrifons to be erected in their different ftates.* The fummer campaign being over, he fpent the following winter in civil adminiftra tion ; privately exhorting the people, now pleafed with eafe and inacti vity, and openly affifting them in building of temples, houfes, and places of public affembly : he alfo caufed the noblemen's children to .be in- ftructed in the liberal fciences. Allured by thefe flattering temptations, the Britons now began to lofe fight of their antient ferocity and national cuftoms, adopting the language and habits of the Romans. Not content with thefe acquifitions, Agricola, the third rammer, pur- A. D. 80. fried his conquefts. Marching to the north, he difcovered, and paffed A . , through, feveral nations, before unknown to him or his army, and came towards the quite up to the mouth of the Tay. Nor did the Britons offer to moleft nonh' Agricola during his march ; relying, perhaps, on the hope, that in the winter he would return again with his army to the fouth. But he having thus gained footing in their territories, erected a great number of ftrong- holds and garrifons; chufing their fituation fo advantageoufly, that every fingle fort was fufficient for its own defence ; fo that in thefe forts they paffed the winter quite fecure, although in the very midft of their enemies, who thus baffled in all their defigns, abandoned themfelves to the utmoft defpair. The fourth fummer he fpent in fecuring thofe countries which he had A. D. 81- paffed through, and taken poffeffion of; and in order the better to effect He «eas .foits his defign, he built aline of forts directly acrofs the narrow neck ofkndconqudt. * Though Tacitus has not named thefe Annandale, and Nithfdale, lying along the nations, it feems likely that they fliould be fhoresof the Solway Firth. Thefe fortrefles, the Otodini, who inhabited great part of , which he built to fecure his conquefts, were Northumberland ; the Gadeni, who pof- made (as it is thought) from fea to fea, in, fefied the mountainous parts of Northum- or near, the tracl: where Hadrian's rampart, . berland, and Tiviotdale; and perhaps the and Severus' wall, was aft^rerefted. Sdgovas, the antient inhabitants of E&dale, which 30 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 8 1. which feparates the friths of Forth and .Clyde, exadly in that felf-fame place in which Antoninus Pius after erected his wall. By this means, all thefouth fide of Britain was made fecure to the Romans, and the uncon- quered northern enemies driven, as it were, into another ifland. A. D. 82. In the fifth fummer he coafted about upon the fea, and paffed the frith of Clyde, himfelf leading the wav in the firft fhip. During this cruize, o^nThefea!'15 he difcovered and fubdued feveral ftates, till then unknown to the Ro mans.;* when coming to that part of the country which fronts Ireland, he had- a full fight of it ; therefore, in thefe parts he alfo erected forts, with a view of returning when proper occafion ferved, in order to make an at tack upon that ifland : and what might the more incline him to refolve up on this ftep, feems to have been the reports of a certain petty king of that country, who, by fome domeftic diffention, was expelled from thence, and taking refuge under the protection of Agricola, reprefented to him that the conqueft of the whole ifland might eafily be accornplifhed. Pleafed with his accounts, Agricolareceived him with great fhew of friendfhip, as imagining that he might at fome time be very ufeful to him. A. D. 83. The fummer being now come, Agricola fufpecting that the nations be- -ai. u -. e 11 fore would univerfally take up arms in the defence of their liberty, caufed The Britons fall . 1,1 1 1 • • 1 n_ 1 1 upon the Ro- his fleet to be brought round to him, that it might coatt about the „ fhore, attending upon the motions of the army, who alfo marched clofe by the fea-fide. The Calidonians plainly perceiving that there was now left to them no other way of preventing the advancement of the ¦enemy than by battle, had immediate recourfe to arms. The informa tion of their coming was reported to the Romans, and there were not , wanting fome amongft them, who, mafking their fear under the colour of prudence, /advifed Agricola to return back beyond the firth of Forth, and fecure the army from the approaching danger within their ftrong- holds. But he, defpifmg their councils, refolved to abide the fortune of the field ; and becaufe he was informed that the Britons were determined to attack him in feveral bands, he divided his army into three parts, and thus marched to prevent his being furrounded, for he knew that they had the advantage of him, as well in numbers, as in- their knowledge of the country. The Britons, on the other hand, being made acquainted with the difpofition of Agricola's army, changed their own, and uniting the whole of their forces together, in the depth of the night fell upon the ninth legion, (which was weaker than the. reft f) and having flain the guards, entered the trenches ; the Roman foldiers overcome with fleep, * T,hefewere, perhaps, the Epedii, Ce- the fatal revolt under Boudicea ; and though rones, and Carnonacse, the original irihabi- it had been recruited with 2000 legionary tants of Cantyre, Argylefhire, Lorn, and foldiers, and eight cohorts of auxiliaries, was Lochabar. Vide Horfley Brit. Rom. page not yet fo ftrong as the reft. Vide Dr. 366, 367, & 369. Henry's Hift. Brit. vol. I. f The ninth legion loft all its infantry in or mans. PartI. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 31 or the general difmay, rofe not readily to oppofe the torrent, fo that the A. D. 83. Britons had already purfued the fight even into the camp itfelf. But Agricola, alarmed by the fpies, followed clofe at the backs of the enemy, caufing his light infantry to attack them in the rear, whilft they were yet engaged ; when the whole army giving a fhout, the fpirits of the foldiers belonging to the ninth legion were revived, on-hearing the fudden ap proach of affiftance, they therefore bravely repulfed the enemy. When the rifing morn difcovered to the Britons their dreadful ftate, hemmed in, as they were, on every fide, amazement and terror fhook their very fouls ; yet with defperate courage they maintained the conflict ; and even. at the very gates of, the camp a bloody engagement enfued. The Bri tons in the end were totally routed, and fled to their fecret receffes in the woods and marfhes, whofe friendly covert fheltered them from purfuit, or elfe this victory had been made fo complete, that with the day the war would alfo have been determined. The Roman foldiers, elated with their fuccefs, cried Out to their ge- Both armies re- neral, that " Nothing could now be infurmountable to their valour. "^Ztlrl tllB" They therefore defired to penetrate into the heart of Calidonia, and ad<- vance .till,, by a continued fucceffion of battles,, they might at laft reach the utmoft confines of Britain. Thus courageous were they grown by conqueft,' who, before the engagement, were defirous of making a re treat. , The Britons, far from being ready to floop to their conquerors, were only grown more defperate ; and the better to prepare for war,, they armed their young men, removing their wives and children to places of fecurity ; and in a general convention of the different ftates,, they bound themfelves by folemn league, ratified by facrifices and of ferings to their gods. Thus they mutually retired, for the winter, with minds on both fides. abundantly irritated. When the fummer was begun, Agricola fent forth his navy to ravage A. _>. 84.. the coafts,, and terrify the enemy. Having reinforced his army with fome brave Britons,, (from fuch of the fouthern nations as he could rely ch^grfnft r_w upon) he caufed them all to be lightly armed,, and putting himfelf atBriton!- their headj. marched into the country of the Calidonians, advancing to wards his enemies, who were already encamped on the Grampian hills.* The Britons had now united .their forces together, tothe amount of thirty thoufand men in arms,, and were daily ftrengthened by their friends,. who flocked' to them from all quarters, being defirous of revenging their injuries upon the Roman army, many of them bearing the banners of ho nour, which they had' obtained in former wars. At their head was Gal- gacus,, who furpaffed the reft of their leaders in courage and in birth.- Whenthe foldiers were all affembled, he addreffed them in a brave arid. animating fpeech, fetting before them thefweets of liberty,, and painting out the horrors of flavery in the moft dreadful and affecting terms ; he *' Probably the. place now called Fortingall,, about fifteen miles from Dunkell. exhorted' 32 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 84. exhorted them to fight courageoufly in the defence of their native free dom They received this noble oration of their chief with loud and noify ftiouts of acclamation ; when prefently the boldeft run to the front of the army, to give the earlieft proofs of their valour and refolution. Agricola encou- No lefs forward were the Roman legions, infpired with frefh ardour 2£" his f°'" from the brave example of their warlike general ; who called upon them to exert their utmoft courage, fetting before them the glory which they would gain by victory; as on the iffue of that important day depend ed the honourable end of fifty years hard ftruggle. The foldiers joyfully heard the exhortations of their leader, and flew to arms. Battle between .The armies on both fides advancing, the combat was at firft begun theeRomannsand and maintained at a diftance ; the Britons carefully eluded the miffive weapons of the Romans, whilft they poured a torrent of their own upon them. Agricola feeing this, caufed three cohorts of Batavians,* and two of the Tungrians,f to rufh upon the enemy, and come to clofe encoun ter with them, who being unufed to fuch kind of fighting, (and alfo having fwords very large and pointlefs, which were now rendered ufelefs) they were overcome, and retired upon the hills, but being clofely followed, the whole of their cavalry was put to flight ; their chariots mingling with the foot, they were themfelves entangled in their own -bands ; many of their chariots now abandoned by their guides, the horfes wildly tore them through the field, beating down both friends and foes alike. The infantry of the Britons, who were flanding upon the hills, and had not yet engaged, began by degrees to defcend upon the plain, in order to forround the Romans, and attack their rear, whilft they urged the vic tory ; but the watchful Agricola fufpecting their intentions, fent forth four fquadrons of horfe (which he had kept in referve) to engage with them ; which they did fo fiercely, that the Britons were repulfed, and the execution of their fcheme prevented. The Roman general now turned the defigns of his enemies upon themfelves, for he caufed thofe fquadrons of cavalry, which fought in the front, to wheel round and fall upon the rear of the Britons, which was fo fuddenly done, that a vaft flaughter enfued. The enemy now retreated on every fide, purfued by the Romans; but fome, who were too forward in the purfuit, paid fe- verely for their rafhnefs ; for the flying parties of the, Britons, when they found the companies had quitted their m;iin body, faced about, and fet , upon them fiercely ; when turning again, they fled to the woods. The carnage was fo great, that the whole field was covered with fcattered arms, carcafes, and mangled limbs, whilft the ground itfelf was dyed with ftreams of blood. In the end, the Britons were totally rout ed, and ten thoufand of their army flain ; the Romans remaining victors in the field, having only loft three hundred and forty men. The defpairof This was a night of great rejoicing to the conquerors ; but who can the Bntons. exprefs the dreadful horror of the vanquifhed! In deep defpair they wan- * Thefe were the ancient Hollanders. f Inhabitants of the countries of Liege, Cologu, &c. der PartI. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 33 der about, and from all fides the yells of the wretched women are heard; A. D. 84. wives mourning for their hufbands, mothers for their children, and maidens for their parents, all in one difmal concert joined ! others dragging along the wounded with them, calling to thofe who had efcaped ! On every ' fide the rifing flames were feen, the wild effects of their ungoverned grief, who rufhing from their own houfes, had fet them on fire ; flying to the caverns and lurking-holes, and then again quitting'them as un- fafe. . The next day difcovered a more ample fcene of conqueft ; pro found filence reigned upon the folitary hills; around was feen the thick black fmoak, arifingfrom the deferted and flaming houfes ;' but not one fingle. foul was there to be found by the fcouts, fo that the Romans could get no intelligence whither the unhappy'Britons were fled. Agricola having obtained this important victory, would not purfue Agricola retires his conquefts further at the prefent, becaufe the feafon was too far acj_forthewinter' vanced ; therefore, conducting his army into the territories of the Ho- reftians,* he there received noftages of the inhabitants!. The fleet he caufed to coaft round Britain, and fo return to Rhutupium,f from whence it had failed : he himfelf lead his army flowly through the northern ftates intotheir winter quarters. In the beginning of the next year, Agricola fent a plain and modeft A. D. 85. account of his proceedings to the emperor Domitian ; who received it Agr-IC0ia recau„ with all outward demonftrations of joy and fatisfaction, caufing the fe- ed. nate to decree to his honour triumphal ornaments, a ftatue crowned with laurels, with whatever elfe was beftowed inftead of a real triumph. But notwithftanding Domitian carried this funfhine in his face, he was at his heart envious of the glory which Agricola had acquired, therefore he was recalled from his government during the courfe of the year. if Agricola was fucceeded by Saluftus Lucullus, who, though he feems A. D. 86. not to have acquired any great renown, could not efcape the envy of the capricious emperor ; for after he had held the government a fhort time, «"& Agricola. he was put to death at his command. His only" offence appears to have been the inventing of a new kind of lance, which he called after his own name, the " Lucullean lance;" and for this pardonable piece of vanity he loft his life:§ From this period there follows a chafm in the Britifh hiftory for better a chafm in the than thirty years. During the whole reigns of Nerva and Trajan, hiflo- "" ' 0I7; rians have been quite filent concerning the affairs of Britain. And at this diftance of time," it will 'be no eafy matter to difcover whether the per fect quietnefs of the province was not the fole caufe : however this may be, it is very likely that the Roman foldiers and their allies employed « this interval in ftrengthening their fortrefles, and making fome of thofe * Now- called Angus. + Tacit. Vita Agric. f Suppofed- to-be Sandwich haven, § Sueton, in Vita Domit. fe£t; io. Vol. I. F famous HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part f. 34 A. D. 86. famous military ways, the veftiges of which are evident to this very day in various parts of the kingdom. A D 117 At the time which Hadrian fucceeded to the empire, the northern 'Britons (who had been for fome time unruly) broke out into an open juiius severus . commotion : this revolt became alarming to the province, wherefore fent.ntoBr.tam. aifpi!ltched meffengers to the emperor, and he fent Julius Severus with all fpeed into Britain; by whofe aid the turbulent rayagerswere beat back, and quietnefs in fome meafure reftored to the province. But .before he could complete the whole of his intentions, he was recalled,. and fent againft the Jews, who now began to rebel.* A D 121 Soon dfter the departure of Severus, the revolters broke forth again, ' and began a very dangerous infurredion ; infomuch, that the emperor Hadrian comes thought his,prefence neceffary to put a final flop' to thefe troublefome intoBmam. -p-r0ceedings.. Wherefore, attended by three legions of choice1 foldiers, he came to Britain, and by the prudent meafures which he purfued, pre fently reftored peace and order. He reformed many things which he found amifs ; arid the better to fecure the Roman province from the fud den attacks and inroads of the reftlefs Calidonians, he caufed a rampart,. or wall, of eirth, f to be made, as a boundary of the province ; from* the mouth of tftbTyne eaft, to the SolwayFirth on the weft. Various rea fons hav/been affignedfor Hadrian's not entering into Calidonia, and': reducing thofe nations to perfect obedience. Some affirming, that after "the departure of Agricola they had again recovered their liberties; whilft others affert, thathe voluntarily flightedthe whole of the country, as judg ing it would have coft more to conquer, and keep- in fubjection, ' than it would, yield profit when conquered.:}: Hiftdr-Jans' have not inforrried us how long this. prudent emperor continued in Britain; but it is. certain,, that his departure was haftened by a revolt in Alexandria. He left be hind him Prifcus Licinius, as governor of Britain, who kept the pro vince in. peace and. good order;, but he was foon after recalled to profe- cute the Jewifh war'4 D. 1 38. Hadrian was fucceded in the empire by Antoninus Pius,, early in whofe- reign the commotion was again begun inthe northern parts of Britain ; for the Maeatae, a nation who formed a part of the Brigantines, and inha- The Msats re- -Volt. bited beyond the wall of Hadrian,, had made fierce attacks upon the Ge- nounia, a neighbouring nation, and who were under; the protection of * XiphiU ex Dion, lib. lxix. certain old foldiers who had' ferved under ¦f Camden (from, an ancient author) de-- Agricola, and from them he received fuch-. fcribes' this wallas made of -great timber unfavourabletaecounts of' the country,, that planks, fixed into the ground,, and joined he-chofe not to enter it.. Rapin's Hift. Eiig.. one to the other, not unlike a- hedge., vol. I. book i. Camd. Brit* in Introduc. §; Eutrop.lib.viii. cap. 7, Script* Hift.. X Rapin. indeed affirms,, that he met with' Auguft. Vit, Hadrian.. 4 thi Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS, 3$ theRomanv Thefe proceedings, caufed.fueh:a-ftir in.this part of the A. D. 138, province, that the emperor difpatched Lollius. Urhicus. into Britain* where he no fooner; arrived,, than fetting, upon the IVIseatse, he entirely fuhduedthem.:* and after feveral. fharp engagements,, recovered the whole country as far as the ifthmus. which feparates. the Firths ofForth and Clyde. With, a. defign. to fecure his. conquefts, and. enlarge, the province, (after the example of Hadrian) he,, by the direction of the emperor; raifed- a ftrong rampart acrofs the. ifthmus, exactly, uppn the tract where Agricola before had erected a chain, of forts »; and, this ram7 part he, fet as the utmoft bound of the Roman empire, in Britain. f Marcus-Aurelius fucceeding Antoninus Pius, fent.Calphurnius Agri- A. D. tfy, cola into Britain to quiet fome difturbances which were juft began. It is., not unlikely but that the Masatae, and their neighbours, who fe^ds Agricou were but lately fubdued, might; be now defirous,, if poffible, to.fhakeintoBrit:lin- off their- bonds. We are not acquainted" with the fuccefs , of Agri cola-; but we may judge that it was very good, becaufe we hear no more of this commotion during, the reign of Aurelius. J After the death of Marcus Aurelius, his fon Commodus fucceeded him A. D. 180. in the empire ; in the beginning of whofe reign, the reftlefs Calidonians broke the. wall which Lollius- Urbicus had made, and being joined by in^ Britain!11 the Mseatae, burft like a torrent upon the northern parts of the province. To quell this rebellion, the Roman general took the field againft them, but his army was foon overcome, and himfelf flain; the conquerors con tinuing; their marches, and wafting the country.. When Commodus was acquainted with thefe mifchances,. he fent Ulpius Marcellus (a brave and prudent general)" into Britain; on his; arrival; (having firft reftored good order and, difcipline to the army) he, marched againft the tumul tuous revolters, and, by his, valorous conduct, defeated, thern in feyeral kt engagements, driving them back again into their own territories- with great flaughter : fo that they were forced to fue for peace, and for a time continued quietly within their own territories. But the fuccefs of Mar cellus had' like to have proved fatal to him ; for the degenerate and wicked, emperor, being as envious as he was inactive, liftened to the praifes which were beftowed uppn this excellent commander with a jea lous ear; fo that foon after being recalled, he but narrowly efcaped with his life.§ * This is what I take to be the true are.fometimes called by the general name of meaning of that paffage in Paufanius, where Brigantines) for they appear to have loft he declares, that " the emperor deprived their fovereignty by being conquered. Pauf. the Brigantines in Britain of much of their Arcad. Digeft. lib. xxxvi. land, becaufe. they had made incurfions into, -j- Script. Hift. Aug; in Vita Ant. Piu the Genounia, a neighbouring nation, un- J Ibid, in Vita Ant.Philof. der the protection of the Romans." The § Xiphil. ex Dion, lib, bcxii. part deprived feerrfs to be the Msata:, (who F a After 36 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part L A. D. 1 80. After Marcellus had left Britain, we have no certain account of his fucceffors in the government; but that they were bafe and unworthy, diers werer," we may eafily judge, from the general difcontent and mutinies which en- rcinim. fue(i in tne army. It feems, Perennius (who was a great favourite of the emperor's) managed all the bufinefs of the war according to his own pleafure; and making advantage of his mailer's idle difpofition, he took all occafions to enrich himfelf at the expence of the empire, dif- banding fuch officers as were not fuited for his purpofes, and placing otliers in their Head, who were every way difqualified for the charge they filled. Thefe unlawful meafures he purfued to fuch a length, that an univerfal difcontent enfued in Britain amongft the whole Roman army ; wherefore, they felected fifteen hundred chief perfonages, whom they fent to Rome, to accufe him to the emperor : and their juft complaints were duly attended to; for Commodus (beginning now to be jealous of his rifing power, and fearing that his views extended farther than might be fafe for him to allow) delivered him up to his aceufers, who firft caufed him to be fcoUrged, and then beheaded. And even this ven-^ geance could not fatisfy their infatiable hatred toward him ; therefore* they flew alfo his wife, and his two fons, as defirous to cut off even his* offspring from the face of the earth.* A. D. 191. Though this act of Commodus ftifled for a time the difcontent of the Pertinax fent army> yet 'll did not entirely extinguifh the fpirit of diffention which pre sto Britain, vailed amongft them ; wherefore, he. fent Helvius Pertinax into Britain, with orders to punifh fuch as were difcontented and rebellious. Pertinax venturing himfelf too far in the fuppreffion of a tumult, was ftricken down to the ground by one of the ringleaders, and left for dead ; but re* covering from his hurts, he at length appeafed the trouble',, and brought the chief offenders to juftice. Yet he gained not the love and refpect of the foldiers; for which caufe, he earneflly intreated the emperor to difc charge him from his office, which was foon after done, according to his. requeft.t * A. D. 192. When Pertinax had furrendered up the government, Clodius Albinus. was fent into Britain. This man was in fuch high efteem with the em- fent 'into BrT' peror, that he would have honoured him with the title of Caefar, but he -»«>• declined it. Some little time after his arrival, a- falfe report prevailed* that Commodus had been affaffinated at Rome; wherefore, depending upon the truth of this rumour, Albinus affembled the army, and made an oration to them, wherein he. condemned the conduct and. govern ment of emperors,, fetting before them the conveniencies. and ad vantages. of the common- wealth. This being related to Commodus, he was vexed to his very foul, and, in great anger,, fent Junius Severus to take, the * Xiphilin. ex Dion, lib. lxxii;. & vide f. Script. Hift. Auguft. .in Vita C.or_mod. Lampridius. & vide Lampridius, - rule Part I.' HISTORY OF THE BRITONS/ 37 rule of Britain upon him, and thruft Albinus from his office. But Com- A. D. 192. modus being actually flain foon after thefe refolutions were made, Clo- dius affertedhis authority, and Severus never got poffeffion of the go vernment.* During the fhort reigns of Pertinax and his fucceffor, Didfos Julianus, A. D. 193,. Albinus kept all things in quietnefs in Britain ;" taking every method that Aibinnskeepeth he could to ingratiate himfelf in. the affections of the foldiers.. quietnefs in Bri- ° tain. * Severus, who after the death of Pertinax, had been declared' emperor A.D. 194.- by his army in Germany, having flain another competitor forthe empire,. Severus deciared( who had been fet upin Syria, marched towards Rome:, where, Didius emperor. Julianus being flain, he was received by the fenate, and his title was confirmed. But noftr fearing the power of Albinus,; whom he found. ftirrhig with ' ambitious Views in Britain, in order to quiet this dan gerous rival, he created him Caefar, and proclaimed' him partner with him in the empire. Thus for a fhort time all things remained in peace ; but when Severus thought himfelf fecurely fettled in his ftate, : he fought all means to rid himfelf of Albinus : his private'practices failing to take: effect, he caufed him to be publicly declared a traitor,' and an enemy to the Roman ftate. When Albinus'heard of thefe unjuft proceedings, he gathered all his forces together, and entering Gaul, marched forward to- Lyons, where meeting with Severus, a bloody engagement enfued : the victory failing with Severus, the army of Albinus was totally routed,, and he in defpair put an end to his own life. During the abfence of Al binus, the government of Britain fell to Heraclitus, of whofe actions we find no records left. It fhould feem, that either he was foon recalled by Severus, or, that the Britons did not greatly regard his management of the province affairs. -j; The Calidonians taking the advantage of the weaknefs of the province; A. D. 198,- and being joined by the Masatae, poured their forces through all the nor- TheCai;do ;ans thern parts, and wafted the country wherever they came. To quiet thefe revolt. difturbances,, arid fecure the peace of the province, Severus fent Virtus -__u- pus into Britain! to repel the invaders, and keep them within the limits of their own ftate. But on his arrival,, finding that they were too ftrong for him, he prevailed upon the Masatae to retire, on condition of paying - them a confiderable fum of money for fome prifoner-s of war, which they hadtaken^ But this flep was a very unlikely one to check the progrefs of thefe free-booters ;. for though it kept them quiet for< a time, they foon forgot all their fair promifes, and broke out again, renewing their former ravages from time to~ time, fbr the fpace of feveral years ; till at . *" Script. Hift. Auguflvin Vita Commod. -j- Xiphilin. in Dion, lib. lxxvi. & Hero- St. vide Capitolinus.- dism.' lib, iii. X Theod, ex Dion, in lib. Ixxv. laftv jS HISTORY OF' THiE TRITONS. Part I; A, D. 198: laft, it is likely, Lupus- (tired out with- thefe continual troubles)' wrote tothe emperor to fend over a larger; body of forces, or come, himfelf in perion* to reftore tranquility- to the province.* A. D. 207. Severus,, though upwards of fixty years old, and alfo afflicted with the gout, refolved, notwithftanding thefeimpediments, to enter Britain himfelf. .iBMBritthT' The love of renown was not yet extinguifhed-in his aged breaft, which joined with the ardent defire toadd the firname of Britannieus to his own, were his chief motives for coming in perfon ; his other reafons were, the continuing his army in action, and- the removing his two fons from- that fcene of loofenefs and debauchery, into, which, they were now deeply plunging at home. The northern difturbers, when, they heard that the emperor and his fons were actually upon the march towards; Britain* be gan to be apprehenfive of the confequences which might arife from: re fiftance; wherefore, they fent ambaffadors, whoj, at his arrival, made him fair proffers of peace. But being, willing to perform fome fignal action, his vanity prompted him to refufe thofe offers, and fixed his de termination to enter the north with war and force of arms. Having firft regulated fuch matters as were amifsrin the fouthern part of thekingdom, he committedit to the government of his younger fon, Geta, whilft lies with Caracalla^ (his eldefbfon), proceedediwith their army to the north, and entered the country of the Calidonians. The difficulties Innumerable were, the obfiacles; which he found in his march; the march'Tf -eve- country was full of woods, fwamps^ and dangerous paffes ; his army *u_ was conftantly harraffed by ambufhes, and fudden attacks of theenemy, who broke out upon, them from their lurking places, retiring quickly again, before head could be made againft them ; himfelf fo afflicted with the gout, that he could not ride on horfeback, but was carried in a lit ter; add to this, the conftant anguifh of mind in knowing himfelf ex pofed to the machinations of his wicked and unnatural fon, who, impa tient to obtain the empire, was ftrivingto haften thofe few- laft fands which yet remained of his father's life. Yet amidft all thefe troubles and anxieties-, with wonderful prefence of mind, he bore his infirmities, and made his way even into the very heart of Calidonia ; cutting down whole woods* draining, marfhy grounds, and erecting bridges over fuch rivers as were not eafily forded, fo that all the difficulties attending his march were by degrees removed. The better to effect thefe important works, he divided his army into two parts ; the one of which was conftantly upon the watch, in order to guard and protect the other from the fudden attacks of the enemy,, whilft they were purfuing their labours.f ^acRondud^d ^is unconcluei'ed refolution of the emperor to proceed in his under wit" h°"ca_! taking, (although we are informed by a cotemporary writer, that he loft ¦donians. * Xiphilin. ex Dion, in lib. lxxvi. & He- f Ibid* radian, lib. iii. no Part'1 ftFSTO&Y OF THE BRITONS. 59 nofewerthan fifty thoufand of his troops in his march) ftruckfoch afear A. D. ao8» into the inhabitants of Calidonia, that they were glad to conclude a peace, even on the hard conditions Gf^furrendering up to him a confide rable part of their country. When this peace was ratified, upon his re turn he furveyed the rampire (or wall of earth) which- Hadrian had caufed to bemade; and obferving that it was not by-any means ftrong enough to prevent the irruptions of' the northern enemies,, he therefore began another of folid ftone, which was compleated in two years. This wall he raifed; to1 the height of twelve feet,' making it eight feet broad, and fortified it ftfongly with towers and caftles, at convenient diftances;. The veftiges of this rftupehdous work are yet to befeen, nearly parallel. "with the rampart of Hadrian, a few paces-further to the! north ; it ex tended from the eaft near Tynemouth, tothe Solway Firth at Boulnefs* tm the weft.* -Having finifhed this laborious work,. he retired to York, afHictedwith A. D.- 210*. •a cruel difeafe, which confined him to his chamber. During the inter- Severus dI at val, the northern nations -' (hearing, perhaps, of the emperor's indifpo- York. fition) broke out again- into anopencommotion- This; breach of faith To highly exafperated: Severus,, that, in an oration which he made to- his foldiers, he ordered them' to proceed to the utter d eflruclion of the re- ¦- • "voiters^ , ' Helhitnfelfwas fo afflicted with his defeafe, that he could not execute caracalla go«- chis determined -vengeance with his own' hand- ; therefore, he placed Ca- vliteritl,e r'T racalla at the headof Ms'forces, and fent him againft the Calidonians : burhe" not 1 regarding the orders which he had received' from his father,., applfed'hhnfelf "rather to- the gaining'the Affections ©f the foldiers, than the pfofecuting'of the war.. He took all opportunities of degrading his -abfent brother before- the chief officers, and by fair promifes fought fo far to advance himfelf in their favour, that on his father's death (which he was daily contriving) he might be elected fole emperor, and his bro- " ther entirely excluded. In the mean time, Severus, (who- through the -fidelity of his- fervants, had happily efcaped all the machinations of his dif- folutefon) worn out with his own infirmities,, and grievous Afflictions, died at York; in his' laft moments appointing his two fons to be«his fuc ceffors in the empirei J Caracalla was no fooner informed of his father's death, than,, con- Severus being eluding. a .peace with the Masatas and the Calidonians^ he marched ha- ^ciUied?nth" ftilyto the fouthern parts of the province, in order to take poffeffion of north- the empire : but on his arrival, he found-that his brother had managed his affairs with fuch policy, and gained fo much importance during his * Xiphilin.&'Eutrop. lib. viii. cap. 19, — — " Let none your mercy fpare, ¦f-'Dion Caflius informs us, that he con- " Let none efcape the fury ofthe war, eluded his fpeech with thefe lines from Ho- " Children unborn fhall die." mer, : -Xiphil. ex Biony lib. lxxvi, X Xiphil. ex Dion, & Herodian. abfence, 40 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 210. abfence, that he was obliged (to his extreme regret) to fhare the impe rial honours with him. Matters thus far agreed upon, the two brothers fettling all things quietly in Britain, haftened towards Rome to be con firmed in the empire. a chafm of re. After the departure of thefe two emperors, for a fpace of more than &&'." feventy years hiftorians have faid fo little upon the affairs of Britain, that ftory- no certain or fatisfactory account can be made out. From this long fi lence we.may naturally conclude, that the governors of the Roman pro vince maintained peace and good order with their allies and neighbours; and that the Britons, inured to the yoke of their conquerors, held it more eligible quietly to endure their bondage, than ftrive for liberty at the expence of their eafe, and hazard of their lives. So much does indo^ lence dull and obliterate the traces of glory and the love of freedom in the fouls of men; and when joined with luxury, fo foftens and effeminates their difpofitions, that even defpotifrn in their governors, and cowardice in themfelves, may by degrees become not only familiar, but even plea- fant. It is true, it requires more than common policy and cunning to effect this amazing change in the«very fouls of men ; nor could it ever be done, without they themfelves lead the way, by fwallowing the gilded bait of proffered eafe : for when once the mind is inured to idlenefs and diffipation, men become obftinate in wretchednefs, and prefer the prefent grovelling condition to a future ftate of glorious liberty, if •only to be purchafed by repeated labours, and the hazards of war. Such is the mind, when debafed with vice! So much doth this world's ' happinefs often border upon ftupidity and fond conceit. To .fill up this chafm in the Britifh hiftory, is not in the power of an author ; it is true, fome few names of the governors of Britain during this fpace might perhaps be collected from infcriptions j but as thefe alPne would convey no fatisfadtion to the reader, they are thought of but little confequence.* A. D. 255. It is fuppofed, that fome of thofe thirty tyrants who infefted the Ro man ftate at one time, acted their parts in Britain ; , this opinion has been in_%mi.antS confirmed by feveral of their coins being found in this kingdom, f And .indeed it is very likely that it was fo, but yet their actions in this part of the world were not material enough to obtain a place in the ancient re cords. AD. 276. In the time of Probus, there appears to have been fome fudden fedi- Sedition ia Bri- t*on ra^e(^ ~m Britain, which was foon appeafed by Victorinus, a fa- „ain. yourite pf the emperor. J * Vide Camd. Brit. & Horfley's Brit. , that Lollianus, Pofthumus, Viftorinus, and Rom. p. 289, , .29.0, -96. Tetricus, arefuppofed to have held Britain -j- Vide Speed's Chron. who has given fix from Galienus of their coins ; and Stow's Annal. who fays, X Camd. Brit, in Introduce, When PartI. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS, 41 When Dioclefian was elected emperor at Rome, he affociated with A. D. 284" him Maximianus, as partner in the imperial dignity. Early in their Cmufius fent reign, a new fet of formidable enemies infefted the narrow feas, who were againft the pi- the Franks and Saxons, the inhabitants of the fea-coafts of Holland, [heplirpuT" and the neighbouring parts. Thefe pirates made frequent attacks upon „ theborders of Britain, carrying off great booties. To put a flop to thefe dangerous proceedings, Maximianus fent out Caraufius with the fleet, to fcour the feas, and protect the province. Caraufius had not been long in his office, before he was cenfured with injuftice in the difcharge of it : he was accufed of attending rather to the enriching of himfelf, than the foppreffion of the pirates ; for he was obferved never to attack their fhips when they were outward bound, but fet upon them conftantly as they re turned, enriched with their booty. Maximianus, therefore, ordered him to be privately put to death ; but he.efcaping the fnare that was laid for him, and hearing that preparation, was made againft him, engaged the whole fleet in his favour, and: failed from Gaul to Britain, where he affumed the purple. In the province he behaved with fuch prudence and moderation, that all the army quickly declared their refolution of fupporting his caufe. To render himfelf ftill ftronger, he entered into articles of peace with the Franks and the Saxons, taking many -of them into his army, and alfo into his fleet. Thus reinforced, he became a formidable competitor for the imperial honours ; for he was now abfo- lute mafter of the Britifh feas, and his power extended over all the Ro man dominions in Britain.* Maximianus finding his enemy too ftrong to be fubdued without a Caraufius de- large fleet, chofe rather for a time to compromife the matter with him ; f^™?*™' therefore, he confirmed his title as emperor, and gave him the whole go vernment of Britain, as well as of afew ports upon the fea-coaft of Gaul ; all which he enjoyed with tranquility for feveral years. During this in terval, (it is thought) he employed the time in ftrengthening his alli ances, and enlarging the -limits of the Roman province, by fubduing the Masatas, and their neighbours. He alfo repaired and ftrengthened. the wall which Hadrian had built, and added to it feven additional ca- ftles, with other neceffary works. f - In the mean time, Maximianus, who waited but a convenient oppor- A. D. 292. tunity to attack Caraufius, (whom he yet held as a tyrant and ufurper) ', , , v , . • 1 1 • 1 111 l' Conftantius fent intended to make war upon him; but being kept back by contrary againft Carau- winds, and wanting fkilful pilots, his purpofe was hindered. Maximi--flu5- ' anus, and -his colleague, Dioclefian, foon after elected two Casfars, Gale- rius Maximianus and Conftantius Chjorus, who were appointed to affift them in their government, and the keeping of the provinces in. peace. To Conftantius fell the charge of recovering Britain. Having received his commiffion, he halted through Gaul, and fuddenly feizing upon * Eumen. inPanegyr. + Aurel. Vi£tor. lib. ix. cap. 21, 22. & Hen, Hilt. Srit. chap. xix. Vol. I. G Bui- 42 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 292. Bulloign,* he blocked up the haven in fuch manner, that it was ren dered entirely ufelefs, notwithftanding all the endeavours of Caraufius to prevent him ; for as this was the beft harbour which he had upon the continent, he ufed every means to preferve it, but in vain. Conftan- . tius having obtained this important point, marched from Bulloign, and becaufe he had not a fleet as yet fufficiently ftrong to make an immediate attack upon his enemy, he gave orders for more fhips to be built in feveral ports of Gaul ; and that he might not in the mean feafon be idle,, he with his army entered Holland, and reduced to obedience fuch of the nations as had revolted, and entered into alliance with Caraufius. Nei ther, on the other hand, was Caraufius unemployed at ,home, but ap plied himfelf with the utmoft diligence to make every preparation necef fary for the oppofing the threatening ftorm. But whilft things were go ing forward on both fides in this manner, Caraufius was treacheroufly flain at York by Alectus, his familiar friend. f A. D. 293. When Conftantius heard of the death of Caraufius, he ceafed to pur- Aieaus airumes *"ue n*s PurP°fe °*" invading Britain, and returned to Rome. After his. the" purple.1""" departure, Alectus affumed the purple in Britain, and enjoyed his ftate unmolefted for the fpace of three years. A. D. 296. Conftantius was now fent againft Alectus with all thofe preparations which had been made to attack his predeceffor. Conftantius, when he SI^aX! had collected the whole ofhis fleet together, divided them into two parts, 'intending to land his army in two feveral places, in order to divert the in tention of the enemy. Leaving the fhore in very foggy weather, he paffed unfeen by the great fleet of Alectus, which was hovering about the' ifle of Wight. Having happily efcaped this danger, he with the firft part of his fleet reached the Britifh fhore, where he landed his men without any oppofition. His firft ftep was to burn all the fhips, as well becaufe they fhould not fall into the hands of his enemies, as to make his men the more bold and adventurous, as knowing there was no hope left of efcaping death, but by the conqueft of their enemies. Alectus no fooner heard that Conftantius had landed his troop?, than he failed from the ifle of Wight, and leaving his fhips, with his whole army advanced to give him battle. His march was very precipitate, and without the leaft or der, fo that Afclepioditus (captain of the guard) with a great body of forces, accidentally meeting with him in his way, fet upon his ftraggling- army, which, after a fharp conflict, he entirely routed. Alectus, who in the beginning of the battle had diverted himfelf of his royal robes, to- prevent his being noticed, was flain in the field,, and lay a long time dif-- regarded ere his death was known.^ * Geflariacum in Orig..> Panegyr. viii. f Eutrop. lib_ ix. cap. 22.. Eumen. J Eutrog. lib. ix. cap..2_. The- Part I. HISTORY; OF THE BRITONS. 4-3 The remnant of the defeated army, whp confifted chiefly of Franks A. D. 296. and Saxons, continued their cpurfe to London, and fet upon, that city with the utmoft fury, hoping, when, they had fpoiled it of all its wealth, to 0f th"™rnV de- make their efcape from thence by fea.. But fortunately for the inhabitants, feated- the fecond part of the fleet of Conftantius (which had been feparated from him by the fog) entered the Thames, and reached the city in fuch a critical * moment, that they faveditfrpm the deftructive ravages of the affembled foes, whom they fet upon with fuch fury, that they were entirely overcome, and the chief part of them put to the fword. By this feries of happy events, Britain was delivered from her enemies, and again united to the Roman empire, after it had been difmembered from It for the fpace of more than ten years : the fea was alfo cleared from pirates, and the free courfe of navigation once more reftored. % Neither was this fuccefs more pleafing to the Romans, than it was to the Provincial Britons, who re garded Conftantius as their guardian angel, lent from Heaven for their deliverance.* The two emperors, Dioclefian and Maximianus, now thought good A. D. 305. to refign their ftate, and the glory pf their condition, to tafte the more perfect comforts of a private life. Their refolutions were both put in ex- ™e '^"Xir ecution at one time, and the firft of May was the day in which they chofe ftate. to* bid adieu to the empire. They were fucceeded by the two Casfars, Conftahtius Chlorus and Galefius Maximianus. In the divifion- of the empire; Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul, and Britain, fell to the -fhare of Conftantius; but he, content with the honour, and not defirous of bear ing fuch wide rule, refignecl both Italy and Africa to the government of his colleague. He made his principal refidence in Britain, where he was engaged in fome difputes withthe northern nations, the particulars of which are not known. However, on his return from Calidonia, he fell fick at York, and died July 5, A. D. 306, after he had in his laft moments nominated Conftantinus for his fucceffor, who efcaping . from Galerius, was prefent at his death, f Conftantinus was the eldeft fon of Conftantius, and his mother's name A. D. 306. was Helena, fo juftly famous in ancient hiftory for her piety, and reli gious performances. She is faid to have been a native of Britain, and £°""adns''"ou[he,, daughter of a petty king, whofe name was Coil; and it is alfo affirmed, empire, that Conftantinus was born in this kingdom : though both of thefe cir cumftances may be true, yet they are not affirmed by the teftimony of any cotemporary writer. He began his reign at York, being faluted em peror by the army, immediately after the death of hisfather.J After his elec tion, the affairs of Britain required him to make fome fhort flay ; for when he had performed the laft honours to his deceafed father, he prpceeded * Eumen. Panegyr. X Eutrop. lib. x. cap. 2. VideUfler.de f Eutrop. lib. x. cap. i, & Aurel. Vict. Primord. Ecclef. Brit. cap. 8. in Conftant. G 2, with 44 ^ HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 306. with his army to the north to finifh the war againft the Masat;c and Calido- nians, (who now began to be called by the new names of Picts and Scots) where, compelling fome by force, and paying others, he concluded peace with thofe nations. Having now greater things in view, he fet fail from Britain, and landed on the continent, where he obtained a con fiderable conqueft over the Franks in Batavia; he alfo defeated fome communities who had revolted in Germany, and made both the Gauls and Germans his friends.* When he had thus fettled the province af fairs, he withdrew his forces from Germany, Gaul, and Britain, to the amount of ninety thoufand foot, and eighty thoufand horfe. With this' prodigious army he fet forward toward Italy in order, by battle, to affert his claim to the -empire againft Maxentius, fon of the abdicated Maximianus, who had affumed the purple at Rome; but Conftantinus defeating him in a decifive engagement, quickly afterwards reduced Italy, and became mafter of the world, to which this glorious con queror reftored the heavenly bleffings of peace and liberty, f - uncertainty re- It is very uncertain whether Conftantinus returned again to Britain af- ftf" us^omin ter ^e had reftored peace to the empire, which indeed is a matter of dif- again to Britain, pute, though of but very little confequence. From this time to the death of Conftantinus, which happened-May 22, the year of our Lord, 337, the ifland feems to have enjoyed a profound peace. J A. D. 337. After the death of Conftantinus, his three fons, Conftantinus, Con- . flans, and Conftantius, fucceeded him. To the elder, by divifion, fell three fons" "uc- Spain, Gaul, Britain, and part of Germany ; but he, thinking that the ceed him. empire was not equally fhared- amongft them, and looking with a cove tous eye upon the territories ofhis brethren, invaded thofe of Conftans, ambitioufly defiring to add them to his own. In the profeciition of the war, he fell into an ambufh near Aquilea, where he loft his life, toge ther with the greater part of his army. This unfortunate accident hap pened in the fpring of the year 340.^ A. D. 343. Conftantinus thus overcome, his brother Conftans feized upon his do- Conftans conies minions, over which he ruled for a time with great prudence and difcre- .ntoBnuin. tion> He prepared a large fleet, and vifited Britain in. the beginning of * Vide Camd. Brit, in Introduce. he invaded Britain, &c." But an excellent f Eufeb. Eutrop. lib. x. cap. 4. modem author obferves, that " This is X Camden is of the opinion, that the not fufficient evidence, becaufe, (adds he) words of Eufebius hint as much, where, lie thefe fliort hints of Eufebius moft probably. fays, " At laft Conftantinus failed over in- refer to what Conftantine performed here in to Britain, which is furrounded with the the beginning of his reign." Which of lea, and having overcome the inhabitants, thefe opinions is the moft juft, is left en- he begai* to think of other parts of the tirely to thejudgment of the reader. Camd. world, that he might relieve thofe who Brit, in Introduft. & Dr. Henry's Hift. o£ needed his affiftance." In another place, Britain, vol.1, chap. i. After he had inftilled into his army the § Eutrop. lib. x. cap^o. principles of humanity, modefty, and piety, the Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS.- 45 the year 343, in order to fupprefs the Picts and Scots, who had begun to A. D. 343- make inroads into the neighbouring province; . The particulars of his ex pedition, or. the fuccefs he met with, are not known:* however, from the peace, which feems for a few years after this time to have prevailed in the province, it fhould appear that they were fubdued, and reduced to quietnefs.. Some time after his return from Britain, he recovered from a lingering A. D. 350*. difeafe, which had long afflicted him ; when giving ear to the councils Conftans fla!n of wicked and diffolute men, he fell into many enormous vices.. For the by Magnentius.. fupport of his unbounded extravagances, the provinces were laid undes foch heavy exactions, that they . univerfally complained ; nor was his be haviour ac home in the leaft more equal, infomuch that he became fo difagreeable to the foldiers, that they mutinied, and fet up Maghentius againft him, by whofe means he was flain at Elna, inRoufillon, the 18 th of January in the year of our Lord, 350. After his death, Magnentius ufurped the government of Africa, Italy, and Gaul ;. to thefe, moft likely* Britain alfo may be added.jj Conftantius., when he heard of the murder of his brother,, notwith- A. D. 35,-r.. ftanding his. affairs in the eaft required his clofe attendance, laid themMa nentius d afide for a time, to revenge his death upon the ufurper. Wherefore,, ga- feated. thering a great army- together, he came againft him, and after a cruel and bloody engagement, ' routed his forces! This battle was fought 'at Murfa, in Panonia, the 28th of September, in. the year of Chrift's, nati vity, 351. Magnentius, after this defeats fuftained feveral other heavy loffes, A. D. 353;, and being at laft driven to the higheft pitch of defpair, hefhut himfelf up in. the city of Lions, where he executed the moft horrid and bloody en/of M»_ne_- refol'ution, murdering firft his mother, next all his relations,, and laft of tlus> all himfelf, to prevent their falling into the hands of his. juftly incenfed enemies. % This cruel deed was perpetrated the nth day of Auguft, in the year 353. After the death of Magnentius, all thofe nations* over which he had ufurped the rule, fubmitted to Conftantius ; who prefently after appointed GratianusFunarius. (the father of Valentiniart, who was after emperor) to be the governor^ (or, as he was then called, the vicar ofBritain ;) but Gratianus did mot long enjoy the honour ofhis poft, as. in a very fhort fpace of time we find Martinus in poffeffion of this.govern-- ment.§ . Conftantius acted not with that, equality which became a conqueror.. A. D. 354. but cruelly purfued even the diftant favourers of the deceafed tyrant with conftantius cru el. * The accounts of this war are unhap- f Eutrop. lib, x. cap. 9. pily loft, with the firft part of the hiftory J Ibid. cap. 12. Xolim. lib. ii.. «f Ammianus Marcellus, in which it is moft. § Ainmian. Marcell. litr. xiv. cap. $;. likely they were recorded. unrelenting; 46 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 354. unrelenting rigour. For: this caufe he fent one Paul, a Spaniard, his fer- cretary into Britain, to feizeupon all who had been concerned in the fe dition, and to lay them in' bonds : this mercenary fervant more than executed the unjuft commands of his^ mafter, and feized upon great numbers of harmlefs people, onthe flighteft fufpicion. Martinus, who was now vicar of Britain, and whofe foul was pierced with the cries pf oppreffed innocence, took their caufe upon himfelf, and remonftrated ' with the Inhuman officer, declaring his injuftice, and befeechihg him to forbear to hurt thofe who had not offended. Enraged at the charge of Martinus, Paul, in the heighthof his paffion, accufed him alfo of being confederate with Magnentius, and was proceeding to apprehend him, when he drew forth his fword, and fmote at Paul, with the intention of flaying him, but miffing his aim, and having no hopes of efcaping the fury of the emperor for this deed, he fuddenly turned the point with more certainty againft himfelf, and falling upon it, expired on the fpot; Paul now met with no farther oppofition in the execution ofhis cruel de figns; wherefore, a prodigious number, being put into bonds, were carr ried before the emperor, all of whom were either executed, banifhed, or other ways grievoufly punifhed. But yet Almighty God, who had per mitted the vile oppreffor, Paul, to execute his purpofes, at laft brought the whole weight ofhis vengeance upon him, for he was fome time after burnt alive, at the command of the emperor Julian.* A. D. 36a. The Roman province, which, during the fpace of the laft hundred and fifty years, had received but trifling disturbances from their trouble- nacionsrbe^n fome neighbours, the Scots and Picts, was now in a very flourifhing fredi dUturb- condition. For as the war ceafed to engrofs their attention, wealth and plenty, the bloffoms of peace, began to appear in their full luftre. Al lured by this tempting profpect, the reftlefs northern free-booters re folved now once more to enter the province, and reap with their, fwords the profits of the induftrious. By fome means or other they paffed the wall of Severus, and fet upon the borders of the fouthern nations; wherefore, Julianus (who had but lately received the honourable title of Caefar) being governor of Gaul, fent Lupinus into Britain with a con fiderable army; he himfelf not being able to come in perfon, becaufe he was at this time bufied in the German wars. No fooner was the arrival of Lupinus announced to the northern ravagers, than they left the borders of the province, and retired precipitately to their own nations ; which, when the general heard, he proceeded no farther than London, where ufing his endeavours to put all things in good order, he abode but a fhort time; for when he had fent fome additional forces to the chief garrifons, he returned again to the continent.-)- The Roman army in Britain re ceiving this neceffary reinforcement, kept their dangerous enemies in * Ammian. Marcel, lib. xiv. cap. 5. & -j- Ibid. lib. xx. cap. 1. Ibid. lib. xxii. cap. 3. fuch PartI. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 47 fuch awe during the fhort reign of Julian, and the ftill fhorter ofhis fue- A. D. 360, ceffor, Jovinan, that they were fearful of making any further attacks upon their territories. In the firft year of Valentinian, either through the negligence of the A. D. 364. Roman army, or the greater boldnefs of the northern infurgents, a The nonhern dreadful and alarming commotion was fet on foot, which threatened nations ravage danger to the whole Roman province. Three very .-powerful bands, ' e p101"""1 compofed of the Scots, the_ Picts, and the Attacotes,* taking the ad vantage of a time when the Franks and the Saxons were plundering the fouthern coafts, poured like an irrefiftible torrent into the northern parts of Britain, flaying firft Nectaridius, who had the charge of the fea-fhore, and after defeated Bulchobandes, a valiant leader of the pro vincial foldiers. To flop this dreadful inundation, Severus, an offi cer of diftinction, was firft fent into Britain, and after him. Jovinus, who had purchafed great fame with his fword in the German wars. But neither of thefe chiefs had brought forces enough to quell their nu merous enemies,, who fwarmed from all quarters, and for the fpace of thre,e fiicceffive years continued their deftructive depredations.-|- Alarmed by thefe violent proceedings, Valentinian font Theodofius, A. D. 367. one of the braveft and moft prudent generals of that age, at the head ofTheodofius a large army, into Britain. When he arrived, he found the province comes into Bri- in a moft deplorable condition ; ruin and deftruclion had paved the wayUin" of the rude revolters, who were at this time advanced as far as London : but hearing ofhis coming with additional forces, they retired with their ¦booty from thence. He, without any lofs of time, quickly purfued the track, which they had taken, and coming up with them, fought a fevere battle ; they were foon entirely routed, and fo precipitate was their flight, that they left the whole bf their vaft fpoils behind them, which Theodofius, with great juftice and goodnefs, reftored again to the ori ginal proprietors. Having obtained this fignal victory,, he invited two very able men from the continent to Britain, that they might affift him in his undertaking- The one was, Civilis, a prudent man, and well verfed -in civil affairs ; the other, Dulcitus,, a valiant chief, and experienced in military matters. He fpent the winter in regulating, what was amifs, and' fettling the tranquility of the fouthern parts of the province.^ In the fpring he took the field again at the head of his, army,, marching A. D. 368.. directly to the north. The enemy fled before him from all parts, aban- Tbe fuCCefs of doning the forts. and towns which they had taken from the provincial fol- Theodofius in diers ; however,, they left behind therhthe dreadful marks, of their rapa- B"t>in- * The Attacotes were a favage people, Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. vol. I. c. iii.fedT:. 9. who feem to have inhabited in fome' of the. 1 f- Ammian. Marcel, lib. xxviii. c_p. 3. moil northern parts of the kingdom., Vide j. Ibid.. 4^. cious 43 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 368. cious and deftructive difpofitions. Theodofius continuing ?his march took poffeffion of the fortifications which they had relihquifhed ; fuch as were deftroyed he rebuilt, and thofe which were damaged he repaired, placing ftrong garrifons in all of them, to fecure them from any fudden attacks ; fo that -by degrees he recovered the whole country as far as the wall which Severus had built. But not content with thefe acquifitions,' he pufhed his victories ftill further, and entered and fubdued all thofe nations which dwelt between the two walls, driving the lawlefs ravagers beyond the ifthmus, which feparates the firths of Forth and- Clyde; where he repaired the rampart which Lollius Urbicus (at the command of Antoninus Pius) had built, and made it once more the boundary of the Roman province in Britain. The limits between the two walls he re duced intp the form of a province, naming it Valentia, in honour of the emperor Valens.* Confpiracy »- Having conquered and driven forth the foreign enemies, he next pro- &as.a Theodo" ceeded to, repair and ftrengthen all the forts and garrifons throughout the province, which had been neglected during the foregoing peace. The military difcipline in the army he again reftored, and kept the whole in readinefs to repel the forces of their troublefome neighbours. He ca- fhiered the Arcani, a fort of light troops ftationed Upon the frontiers of the kingdom, to give timely nptice of any approaching danger, becaufe he found they had betrayed their truft; and heplaced others in their room. During the expedition into the north, a dangerous confpiracy was form ed againft the life of this excellent commander ; the ringleader and chief contriver of which was one Valentius, who had been banifhed for fome enormous crimes. - But happily, before his infamous plot was ripe for execution, it was difcovered to Theodofius ; by this fortunate circum- ftance, his life was redeemed from the dangerous fhare of treachery. Valentius, . with fome few ofhis accomplices, were brought to juftice; the reft efcaped from punifhment, for Theodofius would by no means permit any further enquiry to be made after them, left, confcious of their guilt, and hopelefs of mercy, they fhould raife a frefh diftur- bance in the army, to fecure their own fafety. j- Theodofius «- Thus prudently did Theodofius regulate his conduct in the great charge fr°ncsj>1-tCeta"d which he had undertaken ; and haying now fecu red the province from* ^"province'.0 the attacks of their foreign enemies, he fet about fuch regulations as were neceffary to be made in the government, that the connection be tween the Roman army and the provincial Britons might be held fall by the bond - of friendfhip and refpect. He began by reforming many abufes in the collecting of the public tribute ; he alfo perfuaded the emperor to remit fome part of the tax, which he thought oppreffive to the«inhabitants. He then proceeded to encourage and affift the Britons in building them houfes, repairing their cities, and enlarging their *¦ Ammian. Marcel, lib. xxvii. cap. 8. f Ibid, b. xxviii.. cap. 3. towns : .PARrl. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 49 towns : fo that from a wretched fcene of ruin and diftrefs, the province A. D. 368. was in a fhort time reftored to plenty and happinefs. When this noble general had thus happily executed his commiffion, he returned to Rome ; and foon after, Fraomarius, the king of the Buccenobants, in Ger many, was fent into Britain, and put at the head of the German auxili aries which ferved there.* '. After the departure of Theodofius, the Roman province in Britain en- A. D. 375. joyed a profound peace for feveral years. Their ftrong- holds and gar- . . rifons being well manned, prevented the incurfions of the Picts and of _rA?M»nB Scots, whilft a large and powerful fleet protected the fea-coafts from the*&ainft c»n- ravages of the Franks and .Saxons. And ftill longer might this happy tranquility have continued, had not the provincial foldiers and the Bri tons joined their whole force to advance an unfortunate pretender to the empire. The caufe of all this fatal disturbance was as follows : Gratianus, who fucceeded his' father Valentinian in the' empire, foon A. D. 379. found himfelf unable to manage the government alone; it is true, his brother Valentinian was partner with him, yet being but an in- fumes the pJr- fant, he was not able to bear any part in the adminiftration ; where- fle in Britain. fore, in the fourth year of his reign he affociated with him, Theodofius, (the fon of that Theodofius who had fo valiantly reftored* peace to Bri tain) making him equal with him in the honour and management of the ftate, that through his affiftance he might recover the declining Con dition of the empire. The advancement of Theodofius proved highly offenfive to Maximus, who at this time was governor in Britain ; for, as he thought that the fervice which he had done the ftate was equal to what had been performed by Theodofius, fo alfo he thought that his right to the honour of emperor was at leaft equal to his. Inflamed with anger at this fuppofed infolt, he determined to feize by force upon that fhare Pf honour which he thought was due to his merit: therefore, he fecured the favour of the army, and fo wrought upon them by fair pro- mifes, that they all declared their firm intentions of fupporting him in his claim to the empire. Befides, he had fo ingratiated himfelf with the provincial Britons, as well by his mild government, as in marrying the^ daughter of a Britifh chief, that, without the leaft reluctance, a great body of them, the very flower of their youth, joined the army, and de termined to follow -his fortunes.. ' , No fooner was he affured of their affiftance, .than he affumed the pur- A. D. 381. pie, and taking the advantage of the abfence of Theodofius, wh°The(ie3thof was now employed in the eaft, he with the whole of his army failed into Gratianus. Gaul, where he was no fooner arrived, and fet up his claim, than the fol diers from all parts of the continent flocked to his ftandard : for Grati- * Ammian. Marcel, lib. xxviii. cap. 3. Vol. L H anus 5o' HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 381. anus was a very weak and unpopular prince, and his rule was difagree- able to the whole army; fo that Maximus gained ground with fuch. rapi dity in the empire, that the emperor foon found himfelf deferted, and in no condition to make head againft the ufurper. Wherefore, deftitute of friends, he fled to Lions, and there was treacheroufly flain by his re- morfelefs enemies, the 25th of Auguft, in the year 383. . A. D. 383. Maximus now obtained all the provinces which had been under the government of Gratianus ; no fooner had. he taken poffeffion of them, Maxima" ° than he created his fon Victorinus (whom he had by his Britifh wife) Cas far, and made him his partner in the empire. This laft act fo highly pleafed the Britons, who came in his army, that they all of them una-* nimoufly agreed to fupport his caufe to the utmoft of their power. The young Valentinian hearing of the revolt of the army, and the death of his brother,, fought to make peace with Maximus, who receiving his propofals with refpect, a prefent agreement was patched up, and a cef- fation of arms enfued for a fmall fpace ; alfo Maximus was allowed by Theodofius to affume the title of Auguftus. He then fettled himfelf in his ftate, at Trier, in Germany ; , but yet he could not long remain quiet in his poffeffipns, for with ambitious views he marched towards Italy, hoping to intercept the young Valentinian, and feize upon his territo*. ries; but he having timely intelligence of the tyrant's defign, fled wi th ins mother to Theodofius, and perfuaded him to take the field againft him.. A. D. 388. Whilft thefe things were carrying on in the eaft, Maximus purfued his The overthrow conquefts in the weft; and coming to Aquileia, , all Italy and Africa- of Maximus. fobmitted to him. But he enjoyed not long the honours which he had obtained; for Fortune, tired of advancing his glory, nowfoddenly thruft him from her favour, to make room for his mighty and renowned anta- gonift, Theodofius, who, partly perfuaded by Valentinian,' and partly moved by ambition, took the field, and coming fuddenly upon Maxi mus, defeated him in two great, battles, he himfelf narrowly efeaping. by flight, took refuge in Aquileia. But how different was his reception- now, from that: which he had found when he entered the city, crowned with his conquefts ; depreffed by the fevere ftrokes of. misfortune,, he,. who of late was the idol of their praife, was now become the object of their contempt. Nor was vthis all the fufferings of this wretched chief; for the very foldiers who had vowed to fupport his caufe,. forgot their promifes, and for the hope of reward, delivered him up to his enemy, at whofe command he was prefently beheaded, in the year of our Lord,. 388* The Britons The Britifh forces who had accompanied Maximus,: were not prefent nied M_xTm_j at thefe unfortunate engagements; for they, with young Victor at their f«tie in Gaui. head, had been fent into Gaul, where the fame evil fate which fell upons * Vide Camden,. Speed, &q. the Part I." HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. p thefather at Aquileia, purfued the unhappy fon; for he was flain in a A. D. 388. fharp engagement, and his forces were routed. Thefe misfortunes were dreadfully felt by the miferable Britons, who now found themfelves in the midft of their enemies', country, without a leader, without pro vifions, deftitute of fuccour, and having no fhips to tranfport them to their native home. In this truly deplorable cafe they- wandered about; until they reached the fouth-weft part of Gaul, where they waited in daily hopes of getting fome paffage to Cornwall; but this alfo failing them, they were obliged to make their abode with the Belgas, who re ceived them with great kindnefs ; fo that they never returned again to Britain, but fettled finally in that part of the continent, which was then called Aremorica, and now goes by the name of Britanny, in France. In the mean time, the rumour of thefe mifhaps reaching the ears of An- dragatius, who kept the feas, (and was the very man that flew Gratianus) he was fo ftruck with fear, that he eaft himfelf headlong from his fhip - into the waves, and was drowned.* Britain foon felt the fatal abfence of her warlike fons, and groaned A. D. 393. beneath the oppreffion of her cruel enemies : for the reftleis Scots The Scots and and Picts, emboldened by the weaknefs of the province, broke pias breakout through their bounds, and began afrefh their ravages in the north, asain* whilft all the fouthern coafts were plundered and fpoiled by the piratical Franks and Saxons. At this time, Theodofius, by the death of his colleague, Valentinian, became the. fole mafter of the world When hearing of the dangerous ftate of the province in Britain, he fent Chry- fantus, a man of great valour and reputation, to its relief. This officer, (who afterwards became a bifhop) expelled the enemies, and reftored tranquility to the ftate.f Theodofius the Great died on the 17th of January, in the year of our A. D. 395. Lord, 39$, and was fucceeded by his two fons; Arcadius, the -lder,T H . bearing rule in the eaft, and Honorius, the younger, in the weft. Roman empire*? When Honorius entered upon the imperial dignity, he was but ten years of age; for which caufe, he was placed under the tuition of a nobleman, named Stiljco, who had been the faft friend of his father, his conftant companion in all his wars, and the fharer of all his glorious victories. .No fooner was the death bf Theodofius made public, and the tender years ofhis fucceffor known, but, like a mighty torrent, the enemies of the weftern empire poured in upon it from every quarter, and feemed to threaten the ftate with immediate ruin and deftruction. Amidft this' ge neral tumult, the Roman province in Britain fhould hardly have efcaped : their ferocious enemies, the Scots and Picts, taking the advantage of the time, broke forth again, and entering the fouthern parts, deftroyed and -wafted the country wherever they came : driven to the greateft diftrefs, ¦* Vide Camden, in Introduih + Sotrat. Hift. Ecclef. lib. vii. cap. 12. H 2 the 52 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 395. the provincial foldiers fled before them, whilft they, following their for tune, made daily advances into the land, till at laft, Stilico, having in fome meafure compofed the dangerous difturbances on the continent, fent a reinforcement of troops into Britain, by whofe timely affiftance the revolters were fuppreffed, and once more driven back within the limits of their native homes. A. D. 407. But unfortunately for the province, after the foreign enemy was quelled, their ftate was foon rent and torn by civil factions at home; the: thetlfou!e™0,if fpirit of mutiny and difcord feized upon the Roman troops, infomuch^. Britain. that regardlefs of the emperor, who held his rule at a diftance, they elected one amongft themfelves, whofe name was Marcus. For a time he held his ftate ; but foon after, the giddy multitude, in their capricious- humour, pulled him from his dignity, and deprived him ofhis life, fet ting up another, named Gratian, in his ftead, from whofe government they expected more fatisfaction. But their refolutions being as uncer tain as the blafts of wind, at four months end they alfo murdered him, and raifed to his feat one Conftantine, an officer of inferior degree. So- ftrangely infatuated were the minds of this rebellious crew, that prefa- - ging lucky omens from the name of this foldier, was the fole caufe of his rapid advancement.* A.D. 408. The .afpiring difpofition of Conftantine, was, moft likely, what pre ferved his life, and fecured himthe favour ofhis electors : for by keeping fxM-hiMi'nU tnem *n employ, and other prudent meafures, which he feems to have Caui. purfued, he both reigned longer, and made a greater figure, than either of his unfortunate' predeceffors. This extraordinary adventurer, when- he thought himfelf fecure in the favour of the army, left they fhould re- lapfe, refolved to amufe their mindswith great expectations; wherefore, he meditated an expedition into. GauL For this purpofe he fought all means, to ingratiate himfelf into the favour of the Britifh youth ; many of whom: he trained to arms, and enlifted into his bands. When he had prepared' all things according td nis wifh,. for this important undertaking, he with the beft of all his troops, and the flower of Britain's fons, fet fail, and landed on the continent. His firft endeavours were crowned with great fuccefs ; nor had he been long there,, before he got poffeffion of the twoi rich and extenfive provinces of Gaul and Spain. Elated with his ad vancement, he .fixed his feat of empire at Aries,, which he called Con- ftantia,, after his own name ; and declared his eldeft fon (who had for merly been a monk) his partner in the flatc Thus far the profpect was fair before him,, and all his attempts fucceeded to his- wifh ; but a fhort. time entirely changed the. fcene, and allthe glories whichhe hadfuddenly- obtained were as fuddenly eclipfed ! Making an attempt upon Italy, he failed of fuccefs ; and fome fhort time, after, he quarrelled with his beft and' * Be.de. Ecclef^Hift; lib, i. cap.. 1 i». moftk PartL HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 53 moft.pdwerful friend and affiftant, Gerontius ; which quarrel ufhered in A. D. 408,- all his misfortunes, for this valiant general, piqued at the ingratitude of Conftantine, turned his arms againft him, and intercepting his fon, Con ftans, • he flew him at Vienna, in Gaul. Immediately after this fevere ftroke, Conftantine himfelf was clofely befieged in Aries, by the army of Honorius; and when the city was taken; he was there flain in the church,. whither he had fled, as to a place of fecurity, in the year of our Lord, 411.* After the death of Conftantine, Britain yielded to Honorius, who fent A. D. 412- Victorinus thither with a powerful reinforcement, to prevent the ravages .. of the Scots, and Picts, who had begun to make difturbances upon the into Britain! borders of the province. But now the glory of the Roman empire de clined apace ; their enemies prevailed- on every fide : the continual trou bles which furrounded the ftate, obliged Honorius, to recall Victorinus' from Britain, and the whole of the army with him, to his affiftance. Af ter the departure of the Roman army from Britain, the whole province? was left in a very defencelefs ftate ; not only on account of their leaving the ifland, but alfo. by the-great emigrations, of the Britifh, youth with Maximus and Conftantine.-^ The Scots and Picts no fooner heard that the Roman troops had left a. D. 414- Britain, than thinking themfelves fecure, of conqueft, and pufhed on with the hopes of plunder, they fallied fiercely forth upon the provincial Bri- 1^^h|^^n*f tons. But the reception they met with was fuch as they did not in the leaft expect ; for after a fharp, engagement or two, they were difperfed* and driven back. This victory was chiefly owing to* a large number of veteran Romans, who, from their connections and poffeffions irt the land, chofe not to leave it when the regular troops were called away. Thefe men alarmed at the approach of the lawlefs enemies, had encou raged and affifted the Britons to make a bold refiftance in defence of their natural rights. Yet this happy effect was but a temporary miti gation of thofe evils which were ready to burft upon them j for their de- ftructive foes, renewed their ravages from time to time, and were conti nually gaining ground. The Romans who yet remained in Britain, fee ing no hopes of protecting the province from their frequent attacks, and. finding their fituation full as>unfafe as it was difagreeable,. made applica-: tion (joined with the Britons) to Honorius for affiftance ; but he having full employment for the whole of his forces, to fupport the tottering em pire fromruin,, returned for anfwer, that it was impoffible for him to affift them; and added* that "¦ he entirely gave up all claim to their alle-" **¦ giance," advifing them to defend themfelves by their own courage. Thisunfatisfactory reply,, had fuch an effect upon the Romans, that they; prefently difpofed of their poffeffions,, and taking their effects with them, * Eedfi,, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. cap.. 12.. f Ibid- departed 54 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 414. departed to the continent, infearehof a more quiet habitation, leaving the diftreffed Britons to fhift for themfelves. Trirf afthT'de With acning hearts, the wretched Britons beheld the departure of their p!,rtU?e of thee" guardian friends ! with ftreaming eyes, they furvey their native land Romans. naked and defencelefs, laid open to* the mercy of their barbarous ene mies ! They now forefaw their inevitable destruction was at hand ! Va rious were their councils, various their refolutions, yet little comfort re- fulted from either ! A fhort time foon proved how juft their apprehen^ fions were, and brought to pafs thofe miferable calamities which they expected daily : for the 'Scots' 'and Picts receiving information of this laft emigration from the province,, poured in their troops, and began again their wonted depredations. Sometimes the Britons fled before them, and fecreted themfelves in their deep receffes; at other times, endea vouring to make head againft them, they were overcome, and purfued with flaughter. For, void of military difcipline, and having their foirits depreffed by miferies, they were at leaft half overcome before the-engage- ment was begun ; whilft, on the other hand, the ferocious ravagers, hardy and inured to toil, their minds flufhed with the hope of plunder, bore down their opponents, and returned home laden with their fpoils.* A. D. 416. Thefe dangerous invafions they repeatedly made, continually ad- • vancino an(i extending their rout ; whilft the Britons, driven to defpair, treat HonoriuT" fent humble fupplications to the emperor Honorius, at Rome, for affift- fbr aid. ance, and promifed both willingly and faithfully to hold their obedience to him. Moved with their earneft petitions, and pitying their diftreffes, he received thefe meffengers very favourably ; and becaufe he was now more at leifure to attend to their complaints, than he was when they had implored his foccour before, he refolved to lend them what affiftance he could. Therefore, he fent immediately into Britain a whole legion of his troops, with which reinforcement he thought they might be able to repel their intruding foes. The scots and This falutary aid was received by the provincial Britons with the greateft marks of joy and gratitude ; their fpirits now revived again, and they prepared with ardour to accompany the Romans againft their cruel enemies. Marching directly to the north, they fell upon them, and after fome flight ftruggles, put them to flight with great flaughter, purfuing them to the utmoft confines of the province of Valentia. This important fervice performed, the Romans advifed the Britons to repair the wall of Antoninus Pius, and fortify itftrongly; by which means, it was thought the incurfions of the northern nations might be eafily prevented, and the fouthern parts of the ifland fecured from their mifchievous attacks. Af ter having given them this advice, and inftruded them in the moft proper method of rendering this fortification ftrong and advantageous, * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. cap. 12, - 4 the Picls driven back PartL HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. s$ the Romans bid the inhabitants farewel, and teturned again in triumph A. D- 416. back to Rome.* . The Britons, flufhed with their late, victories, employed themfelves A. D. 417. with -great alacrity in the repairing the wall, as they had been advifed ; The Britons fue but, inftead of building it ftrong and fubftantial with ftone, they were again to Honb- content with raifing it up with earth alone. In the mean time, the Picts "w (ot fu turned their next confiderations to the fea-coafts on the fouth, naiiy leave -Bri- which were often invaded, and damaged by the piratical Franks and tain- Saxons, who infefted the feas, and were now become a formidable fet of enemies. To prevent their landing, clofe upon the fhore, at convenient diftances, they erected ftrong forts, and built feveral caftles. After this, the Roman general gave to the Britons exact models of feveral kind of arms, and inftrudted them carefully in the ufe of them ; and now being upon the point of taking his leave, he reprefented to them, that it was by no means convenient to him, or his foldiers, to return again to their affiftance; therefore, he exhorted them to exert the utmoft of their cou rage, and to fland bravely up in the defence of their native rights : *c For, (added he) you are neither inferior in bodily ftrength, or natu- " ral endowments, to your enemies, therefore the victory will entirely " depend upon your own valour ; and the conqueft of the day muft be* "earned at the points of your fwords." When he had finifhed this friendly exhortation, he embarked with his army, and fet fail for Gaul, with no intentions of ever returning again. From this period ceafed the Roman .government in Britain, being 475 years from the invafion of Ju lius Casfar, and 420 from the birth of Chrift. f A. D. 421. Gallo left South-Britain in a flourifhing condition; the inhabitants TheHateofBri- w?re poffeffed of ftrong garrifons, and alfo large fplendid cities, enriched tain. with fculptures, and various fpecimens of Roman grandeur. The coun- : try was alfo well cultivated, and delightful, and through the whole pro vince ran thofe juftly celebrated military roads, which facilitated the travelling from place to place. Happy if that noble fpirit, and love of glory, which fo ftrongly marked, the characters of their anceftors, had yet continued hereditary to their fons ; without that animating ardour * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. cap. 12. & + Ibid. Ibid. Gild. Hift. which Part I. HISTORY OF. THE BRITONS, 57 which glows in the foldier's breaft, the victory fhall hardly be obtained ! A. D. 421. For what avails the poffeffion of ftrong places to thofe who have not cou rage fufficient for their defence.* For fome time after the Roman troops had finally left Britain, the ra- A. D. 422^. pacious Scots and Picts feem to have lain quiet in the north ; but after The Sc s a d being informed of their departure, they came from their lurking places, Piasdeftroy the and pafling the ifthmus between the firths, entered the province of Va- f™^"" ofVa" lentia, wafting and plundering wherever they came. For the fpace of feveral years they confined their ravages to this diftrict, carrying home to the mountains, for their winter provifion, what they could not con- fume upon the fpot, and fo returning in the.fummer to. renew their, wonted fpoils. -j- G-rown bolder, by -finding no oppofition made againft them, they now A. D. 426. refolved to attack the wall of Severus itfelf, (which had fo lately been repaired and ftrengthened) in order to force an entry into the fou- wauof seve'rus." therrt parts of the ifland : the fertilenefs of the country, and the hopes of obtaining richer plunder, were the chief motives which led them to pur fue thisundertaking. When they approached the wall, they found it ftrongly fortified, replenifhed with garrifons, and all the ramparts filled with armed men. This formidable appearance feemed to threaten de- ftruition to the invaders ; yet it was but in appearance : for. the fpirit of war, and fenfe of glory, feem not only to have left the Britons, but even their common reafon had- now deferted them. So little had they pro fited either from experience, or the excellent advice which they had re ceived from the Roman troops, that fome ftrange infatuation feems to have feized upon them, and made themfelves the. inftruments of their own deftruction. Inftead of fetting proper centinels in every convenient poft, whofe watch might be relieved at certain ftated times,, and plant ing-guards, to prevent their beingfuddenly furprized ; thefe unthinking people had polled the whole of their army upon the ramparts, , from the firft moment they received intelligence of the enemy's intentions; where they had all of them abode, both day and night, waiting their approach, until they were worn out with continual watching, diftreffed by hunger, . and benumbed with cold. Such was their condition at the approach of "the enemy, who were come upon them frefh from, their plunders, with every advantage on their fides. Animated with the hopes of conqueft, and fearlefs of danger, . the ravagers . marched up to the wall, and be gan the onfet with, prodigious fury; on the other hand, the Britons gave back, intimidated,, and were unable to refill them; whilft, with: hqa^s and other deftructive inftruments, they tore them trembling from ;thewallj and flew them in prodigious numbers. Finding the refiftance * Bede, fcclef. Hift. lib. i. cap. 12. Sc f Ibid. Ibid. Gild. Hift. '!VOJ_..I.. - I. fo .. ...,»,:>,v 58 HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. Part I, s A. D. 426. fo faintly kept up, the plunderers renewed the affault, and foon broke down a paffage through the rampart, and entered upon the borders of the fouthern nations ; whilft the affrighted Britons fled on every fide, and. were fiercely purfued by the Barbarians, who, without remorfe or pity, , deftroyed all that they found in their way. They employed the wholefum- mer in plundering the country; at the end of which, enriched with the fpoils, theyjoyfully returned to their fecret receffes in the north, where, with their wives and families, they fpent the winter in revellings, at their eafe. Thefe unwelcome vifits, they forgot not to renew with the fpring, for. feveral years, driving the wretched Britons from their houfes and poffef- nons, and carrying off all their effects with them to their own homes.* The miferies of The miferable Britons, driven from their eftates, now fled from before fcrlbed.t0MdC' thdr- cruel enemies, wandering about the country, fecreting themfelves in woods and caverns, without any other means of fubfiftance than what they obtained by hunting, and flaying the wild beafts of the field ; or elfe by fetting upon fuch of their own countrymen as the common ene my had fpared : fo that the whole fouthern part of Britain became one general fcene of ruin and confufion ; infomuch, that it was hard to de termine which was the moft dangerous enemy, the lawlefs northern plun derers, or the wretched natives themfelves, now grown defperate, and driven to the higheft pitch of defpair.f A. D. 446. For near twenty years was the fouthern parts of the ifland wafted and. The Britons fue ^royed by the mercilefs Picts and Scots ; during which time, the un to Aeii"s°ngo-ue fortunate inhabitants had wandered from place to place, oppreffed with vemorof Gaul, indigence, and groaning beneath the ponderous burthen of their afflic tions, without the leaft expectation of any effectual help, until the fame OfAetius, governor of Gaul, reached their ears, which revived a tranfi- tory gleam of hope in their minds, that through his aid they might be freed from the barbarity of their oppreffors, and reftored to peace ; the lofs of 'which they had fo long lamented, the lofs of which they had fo cruelly felt. The better to effect their purpofe, they fent ambaffadors to Aetius, with mournful letters, addreffed to him in this manner : " To •" Aetius, thrice conful, the groans of the Britons." In which they painted their deep diftrefs in the moft lively and feeling terms, con cluding the whole in the following pathetic ftile : " The barbarians drive •" us to the fea, the fea forces us back again upon the barbarians ; in thefe " dreadful extremities, deaths awaits us equally on both fides ; either " we muft fall by the fwords of our enemies, or elfe be drowned in the " fwelling waves." But, alas ! their rifing "hopes of comfort were foon fuppreffed, by the refufal of the governor to affift them ; for, at this time, his fofces were all employed in fervices of much greater confequence to the Roman empire ; wherefore, however ftriking their complaints might be, the moft he could afford them was pity and compaffion. J . * Gildas Hiftoria, & Hift. Ninii. + Bede, ut fup. cap. 1 2. t Ibid, & Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. c.13. Oppreffed Part I. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 59 Oppreffed with grief, the unfortunate ambaffadors return to Britain, A. D. 447. and relate with tears their want of fuccefs. Who fhall paint the horror of the furrounding natives ? Deprived at once of their laft beam of hope, Jhed'rP"at' and left in all the tortures of defpair ! The wretchednefs of their ftate tons." was augmented by their grief; and their daily increafing miferies hung heavy on their thoughts ! And, add to all thefe dreadful misfortunes, an intolerable famine began now to prevail amongft them : fo that in thefe affecting extremities, fome retired to their folitary caverns, and mourned in fecret -,y fome croffed the feas to Gaul, and fought protection with their countrymen, in Acremorica ; fome fled to North and South Wales : and others took refuge in Cornwall and Devon ; difperfing themfelves on all fides, and leaving their whole poffeffions to the mercy of their intruding enemies. The remaining part, grown defperate in their diftrefs, iffued from the woods and caverns, whither they had retreated, and fet upon the enemy with uncommon fury, often depriving the fpoilers of their fpoil. This fuccefs of a few parties, led others to follow their example ;. fo that the ravagers, at laft wearied out with continual fkirmifhes, re treated back,, and by degrees left the country, returning home to their own ftates,. where for a time they remained quiet.. This, tranfient and unhoped for appearance of peace, was quickly feized upon by the di- ftreffed Britons, who,, leaving their-folitary retreats, defcended upon the plains, and applied themfelves with the greateft diligence to till the land : fo plentifully was their induftry repaid,, that the famine, before fo grievous amongft them,, Was prefently mitigated; and,, in the end,. by repeated endeavours, abundance once more bleffed the ftate. When the Britons were thus happily delivered from their troubles, could any one expect to find, them fo dull and ftupid, as not to forefee of how fhort continuance this dawn of peace was like to proves becaufe it fprung from no certain,, or folid principle. -Surely,, if they had in the leaft reflected: on the caufe of their enemies' retreat, they would rather have found it to to have proceeded from theirrwant of fpoils equal to. their troubles, than- the fear of the Britifh arms : of courfe it. muft naturally follow, that wealth and plenty would foon induce them to return again, and renew the war, fince the hope of plunder was the only motive which urged them to the battle; the repeated inftances. which the Britons had feen, of this important truth, fhould have taught to have kept up good order and military difcipline,. whilft the fair occafion. offered,, in order to fe cure, by force of arms, the profits of their laborious toil. But fo. blind were they to. their own welfare, that carelefs of the future danger, they re folved to feize upon the prefent happy moment, to riot in the plenty which- they now enjoyed ! They quickly forgot the Being to whom they owed their prefervation,. and gave themfelves up to idlenefs. and vice ! At the fame time,, a dreadful peftilence began to rage in.the land, which fpread; fuch fudden deftruction amongft them, that the living were fcarcely fuf ficient to bury the dead. Though thus oppreffed and weakened ; though. thus 'laid open: to. the frefh invafion of their enemies.; like men obfti- 1 2. nately,- 6o HISTO'RY OF THE BRITONS. Part I. A. D. 447. nately determined upon their own total deftruction, they ftill followed their inordinate fluggifhnefs, ¦ until they had filled the meafure of their woes top full.* A. D. The Britons fend to i'-.-t Sax ons for :rid. 448. But now approached apace the fatal time, in which the total downfall of the miferable Britons fhould be made complete ! The northern . fpoilers returned again to their wonted depredations, and a tumultuous fear overwhelmed the fouthern nations. Raifed by their approaching ruin from their lethargic flumber, they foon beheld the fatality, of their errors, and dreadfully lamented their mifpent time ! To heighten the terror of their apprehenfions, a report did now prevail amongft them, thafthe Scots and Picts had collected the whole of their power, and en tered into a ftrong confederacy together, entirely to root them .out from the fouth of Britain, and plant their own northern tribes in their poffef- fions. However true or falfe thefe reports may have been, they feem to have had a furprifing effect upon the minds of the timorous Britons ; .for they prefently called- a grand council of all their different ftates, in order to confult upon the moft likely means to flop the threatening dan ger. After many confiderations, and much debate, one of their kings, and a man who feems to have borne the greateft fway in the council, named Vortigern, in an evil and ill-fated hour, rofe from his feat, and after declaring, that he thought they could not of themfelves with ftand the irrefiftible torrent of their enemies, propofed to them, that they fliould call in the Saxons, a brave and hardy people, to their af fiftance. The advice of this chief was received with joy by the fur rounding multitude, who were all ready to catch hold of the leaft hope of fuccour, without once giving themfelves the trouble to reflect upon the confequences, or weigh the danger which might refult from fuch an -im prudent ftep.f From this general approbation, the.matter-was quickly refolved upon, and ambaffadors fent with letters to the Saxons, to im plore their affiftance. J The * GildasHift. •j- Ibid. & vide Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. cap. 14. X Witichindus has given us the letter of the Britons to the Saxons, in the fol lowing abj e£t ftile : " Moft noble Saxons, " We, the wretched and diftreffed Britons, " worn out by the conftant incurfions of " our cruel andmercilefs enemies, and be- " caufe we have heard of the fame of thofe " glorious victories, which by your valour " you have obtained; therefore have we " fent our humble fuppliants to you, to " implore your kind affiftance. We have' " large and plentiful poffeffions, abound- " ing with every neceffary ; thefe, with " ourfelves, w.e fubmit to your difpofal, " if you will generoufly lend us your fuc- " cour againft our inveterate foes. Long " have we enjoyed the fweets of peace " under the powerful protection of the " Roman arms, and now we know none " fecond in glory to them, but your- " felves : therefore, to you we lift up our " hands for affiftance, and in return are " willing to abide whatever fervice you " fhall impofe upon us." But furely, how ever diftreffed the Britons might be, they neveivwould have debafed themfelves in fuch a groveling manner. It is far more likely, that Witichindus compofed this letter for them, than they for themfelves ; as PartI. HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. 61 The Saxons gladly accepted thefe invitations from the Britons ; for, as A. D. 449. they lived entirely by the fpoils which they feized upon from others,- aTheSaxon fair occafion feemed now to offer, by means of which they might enrich mifeheip to the themfelves. Wherefore, receiving the meffengers with every mark of Entons- friendfhip, they promifed them that they would fhortly come to their af fiftance with a powerful army, and protect them from the ravages of their enemies. , The Britons received this anfwer from their ambaffa dors with the greateft demonftrations of joy and fatisfaction. They now fuppofed that their deliverance was at hand, and were highly pleafed at the happy fuccefs of their councils. Thus blinded with their own fatal errors, they forefaw not the dreadful ftorm which was gathering over n their heads, replete with ruin and deftruction.* Inthe mean time, the Saxons, elated with the hopes of plunder, pre- The Saxons pared themfelves to perform the promifes v/hich they had made to the ^tIiUm '"e Britons ; and fent a confiderable reinforcement into Britain, under the command of Hengift and Horfa, who .were brothers, and born of a no ble lineage, tracing their pedigree from Woden, one of their chief gods, as all the German heroes at that time were accuftomed to do. They landed with their forces in three long fliips, called keels, t upon the ifle ofThanet, in the year of our Lord, 449, and were joyfully received by Vortigern, and the reft of the Britons, j as alfo may be the cafe in the, following * Witichindus, Geft. Sax. lib. i. anfwer of the Saxons : " Know ye, that f Verflegan quoting Pomarius, affures " the Saxons are the Britons' friends, and us, that, at this firft arrival of the Saxons,_ " ready at all times to affift them; re- there came nine thoufand men, under the " turn ye, therefore, back, and make command of the two warlike chiefs. " your countrymen glad with thefe joy- But Hedtor Boetius makes their number to " ful tidings." Nennius and others, fay, be ten thoufand, and fays, they came in the Saxons were not invited by the Bri- thirty (hips, or gallies. Verft. Reftit. of tons, hut being exiled from their own decayed Intellig. cap. v.page 116. country, landed here. However this may • j Wm. Malmf. Geft. reg. Ang. lib. i. "be, it is certain that they were well re- cap. 1, &c. ceived bv the Britons. END OF THE FIRST PART OF THE CHRONICLE. [ e3 r C H R O N I C L E • OF \ ENGLAND. PART II. From the Arrival of the Saxons to the End of the Heptarchy. THE joyful Britons quickly appointed a refidence for their new- a, d, 450. come friends, refigning to them the ifle of Thanet. And now, becaufe the Scots and Picts were continuing their he- Jvercome "he ftilities in the north, Vortigern intreated his allies to take the field againft Scots and Pifls. them : and they, defirous of fhewing their valour, by fome great exploit, readily agreed to his propofal ; wherefore, joining their forces with the Britifh army, they prefently began their march towards the foe, who were now advanced as far as Stamford, in Lincolnfhire, where the two armies met, and a fharp engagement enfued; but through the valour and conduct of the auxiliary Saxons, a complete victory was obtained, and the northern ravagers were put to flight with prodigious flaughter. This important conqueft gained the Saxons fuch great credit with Vorti gern, and the whole community of the Britons, that they looked upon them as their guardian angels, fent from Heaven to fuccour them in their diftrefs.* Hengift and Horfa feem, from their firft fetting out from Germany, A. D. 452. to have formed the defign of fettling themfelves in Britain;! and„ . .,. .- , r .p , , r° r -i Fre/h aid fent now, perhaps, the. fertile and pleafant appearance of the country, for from Ger- as well as the unwarlike difpofition of the inhabitants, were the grand mai>y- * Henry Huntingdon, lib. ii. Will, f Gildas Hift. cap. 23, Malmf. & alia. and 64 HISTORY OF THE Part II. A. D. 452. and irrefiftible temptations v/hich confirmed at once their former inten tions. Seeing how high they flood in the favour of the king, and the people in general, their next flep was with fmooth and guileful fpeeches, under the. mafk of found friendfhip, to prevail upon them to invite a fe cond band of troops from Germany; by whofe affiftance they might be able to fecure the kingdom from all its enemies, and raife its peace upon a lafting bafis. Allured by the tempting profpect of eafe and quietnefs, the heedlefs Britons readily entered into the fubtle propofals of the. Saxons ; and accordingly meffengers were iriftantly difpatched by the b -other chiefs to their native land, inviting their friends and relations to come over into Britain, and partake with them the ipoil of the coun- tr/.*- A. D. 453. &iit. Fired at the animating found of war, and eager for the plunder, the va liant German youth affembled together, and accepted' of the fair invi- riTRowenT'ihe tation from Britain, with fierce and clamorous acclamations of joy : they sa-jghterotHcn- flocked from every quarter, and uniting- together in a large company, embarked on board fixteen fhips ;f when; loofing the flying fails, they chearfully fet forward on their voyage, following the fortune of the two warlike brothers, and big with the expectations of their future rewards. On their arrival in Britain, they were received with open arms by their countrymen, and foon made acquainted with the promifing profpect v/hich lay before them. With this laft warlike band, came Rowena, the daughter of Hengift, who was a young fp rightly damfel, in the full bloom of her beauty, of which fhe poffeffed an uncommon fhare. The -Britifh king no fooner faw this lovely virgin, than he was fo- deeply enamoured v/ith her perfon, that, regardlefs of his fame, or the dangers which were likely to arife from fuch an imprudent flep, he refolved to take her to his bed ; wherefore, gaining the confent of her father, con trary to the advice of his chief friends, he inftantly made her his wife; J and this action was the more juftly cenfured by the murmuring Britons, becaufe fhe was of a foreign flock, and alfo a heathen. Hengift overjoyed at the advancement of his fortune, and now grown more bold in his der mands, petitioned the king to grant him a larger quantity of land, for the refidence of himfelf and his army, than what had been hitherto allow ed for them. His petition was inftantly complied with, and all Kent was given into his hands. Though thefe proceeding of the king were in the higheft fenfe diftafteful to the people, yet all their remonftrances were in vain ; for Hengift and his followers continually gained ground in his. favour, and every day advanced their footing in the land. * Nenrii, Hift. cap. 36, & Will. Malmf. fand men, who came over in eighteen. lib. i. fliips. i The Scottifh writers fay, that this fe- + Nenn. Hift. & Malmf. ut fup. cond reinforcement confifted of five thou- The Part II. SAXON HEPTARCHY. 65 The Saxons perceiving that the eyes of the Britons began to open A. D. 454. upon their defigns,- and findingtheir murmurs continually increafed, re- More afflftan« folved at once to fecure their fortune, and refolutely hold the territories fentforby th« which they now poffeffed: but becaufe they did not think themfelves Saxon8, fufficiently ftrong as yet, to enter into open hoftilities with the Britons, Hengift once more had recourfe to his fubtle perfuafion ; intimating to the king, that if he would permit him to fend frefh meffengers into Germany, he would invite his brother Octa, and his fonEbuffa, to come over into Britain, and bring with them a powerful reinforcement ; add ing further, that through their affiftance, the Britifh dominions might be greatly extended, by the entire conqueft and fubjugation of the Scots and Picts.* The profpect of extending his rule, without the trouble of conducting a tedious War, was fo flattering to the lazy ambition of Vor tigern, that he prefently confented to the propofal of the guileful Saxon, and empowered him to fend again into Germany for aid. Meffengers were quickly difpatched, and agreeable to the invitation of Hengift, the two chiefs embarked with their army, and coailing about Britain, ar rived at the Orkney iflands, where they landed, and did much mifchief ; paffing from thence into Northumberland, they fettled there ; where they continued for a long time, not as an independent ftate, but as fub- jects to the kings of Kent.f Woeful experience foon confirmed the fufpicions of the Britons, rela- A. D. 454. tive to the faithlefs Saxons-; and they plainly faw that the obftinacy of their' king would end. in their ruin : wherefore, repeating their murmurs, unitUgaTnff they proceeded to threastenings, fo that difcords and clamours rofe on alltheBritons- fides. Hengift and his brother feeing that the people were not to be pa cified by their arguments, and affurances of peace, pulled off the mafk of friendfhip, and declared themfelves the enemies of the Britifh ftate. In the mean time, the laft party of Saxon troops, who were fettled in Northumberland, entered into a firm league with the Scots and Picts ; and joining the' whole of their forces together, fpread like an inundation from the north. The wretched Britons, unable to refifl> fled in confu- fion from their houfes and poffeffions, fome taking refuge in the woods and folitary places ; others fly to the rocks and mountains, or feek to hide themfelves in vaults and caverns, where they felt every pinching want, and experienced the full extent of worldly woe. In this diftrefs, they wan- sdered about in fearch of their miferable fuftenance, more like ghaftly fpectres from the grave than human beings! Others, more provident, gat them to the fea-fhore, and .collecting together what, veffels they could, failed into Gaul, and fought protection amongft their friends in Brittanny. Whilft the reft, driven to defpair, come down from their for lorn habitations, and fubmit themfelves to the yoke of their cruel con- * Malmf. lib. i. Mat. Weft, fub anno -j- Ibid. 453- , Vol. I. K querors; 66 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 454.querors ; and even this ungracious mercy was prized as a fuperlative fa vour, for many of thefe haplefs wretches were put to death.* A. D. 455. During all thefe dreadful mifchances, Hengift, and his -brother Horfa, were not idle in their territories in Kent; for having openly made a LVford"'^ breach of their faith, they fet upon the Britons in the fouthern parts of Kent. ' tne kingdom, where they met with great refiftance ; for the chief leaders of the Britifh ftates, when they found that Vortigern was deaf to all their remonftrances, had depofed him from his authority, and fet up Vortimer, his eldeft fon,f a brave and valiant man, under whofe banner they pre pared to take the field ; and being joined by numbers of the miferable fugitives from all quarters, their army was daily increafed, fo that call ing upon God to affift them, they advanced againft their enemies, and defpaired not of fuccefs. Hengift and Horfa, when they heard that Vor timer was coming againft them, collected all their troops, and kept themfelves in readinefs to give him battle. Both armies met in a place called Eglefthorp, (now Aelford, in Kent) where, after a fharp and grievous engagement, it was hard to determine which had the advantage. However, if the Britons were not abfolutely overcome, they were at Jeaft fo weakened, that they judged it prudent to withdraw themfelves for a time from Kent : neither was Hengift in condition to purfue them. This battle is made famous by the deaths of two chief perfonages ; Hor fa, brother to Hengift, on the part of the Saxons ; and Catigern, bro ther to Vortimer, on the part of the Britons. J A. D. 457. Hengift, after the death of his brother Horfa, fent into Germany for Another battle farther affiftance ; and employed himfelf with the greateft diligence in between the Bri- ftrengthening his army, during the time which the Britons let him be at ""'reft. When two years had elapfed, Vortimer, having reinforced his bands, returned into Kent, and met the forces of Hengift, who was ac companied with his fon, iEfc, at Creecanford, (now called Crayford) where a fevere encounter enfued ; but finally the Saxons got the upper hand. In that unfortunate field, the Britons loft four of their chief * Witichindus, Geft. Sax. lib. iii. Gild. Chron. Sax. Nennii, Hift. cap. 45. Ethel- Hift. Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. cap. 15. et ward, lib. i. Malmlbury, lib. i. & Mat. alia. Weft, fub anno 454. f Neither Bede nor Gildas make any j Malmf. Ethelwar.d, ut fup. & Mat. mention of this prince ; and by Henry Weft, fub anno 4^5. Some haye written Huntingdon, he is faid, with his brother that Hengift fought three times this year Catigern, to have been at the battle of with the Britons, and being overcome, he Aelford, but under the conduct and com- retreated to the ifle of Thanet, and the mandof Aurelius Ambrofius; to whom the Britons recovered Kent ; and after that, leading of the following engagements alfo Hengift fled into his own country for more are attributed. The Saxon Chronicle gives help. Verftegan is of opinion, that he the honour to Vortigern himfelf, but Nen- was not forced, but went voluntarily thi- nius afcribes it to Vortimer, as alfo does ther for further affiftance. Hen. Hunt. Ethelward, Malmibury, and the chief of lib. i. Verftegan, 129. tons and Saxons. our ancient hiftorians. Hen. Hunt. lib. ii. leaders, Part II. THE KINGDOM OF KENT. 67 leaders, befides four thoufand of their common men.* Vortimer, with a.. D. 457. his remnant of the army, fled before the Saxons,' leaving Kent with all the fpeed they could, and gat them to London. : This laft unfortu- .nate blow, ftruck fuch a damp into the fouls of the1 Britons, that they dared not for a long time return into Kent ; fo that Hengift was left to poffefs his ftate unmplefted for feveral years. Immediately after the fuc cefs of this laft battle, Hengift, who hitherto had contented himfelf with the name of heretogen, or general, now affumed the titledf king, and began his rule over Kent, the firft kingdom of the Saxon heptarchy, eight years after his firft arrival into Bri tain, f * Ethelward, & alia, ut fupra*. \ Hen. Huiuvlibt.L Kj HISTORY A A C 68 ) HIS T OR Y OF THE KENTISH SAXONS. KENT, the firft kingdom poffeffed by the Saxons, contained all that part of the country, which to this day bears its original name. It ftretched from the Eaftern Ocean to the river Thames, its boundary on the north ; to the fouth-weft, its borders were terminated by the coun ties of Surry and Suffex,* From ^he Acts of HENGIST, the firft Saxon King of Kent, continued. A. D. 457. After Hengift had affumed the title of king, he bore rule over the A T>° Ahe,. whole diftrict, without any interruption from the Britons, for the fpace of feveral years. At this diftance of time, as well as from the confufion t^een the 'bh "" *n w^c^ ^e accounts of this extraordinary man are found, it will be im- tons and Saxons, poffible to trace out the whole ofhis political proceedings. In this la mentable obfcurity are buried many important facts, which, could they happily be recovered, would lead us to make the feveral periods com plete, and finally fettle many interefting difputes' relative to feveral of the chief tranfadtions. In the fame unfortunate confufion are the mat ters concerning the Britons, and their proceedings : as well as in re fpect to the commanders, under whofe banners they were led to the bat tle. Two fierce encounters between the Britons and Saxons have been recited above, and are attributed, together with two more that follow, to the prowefs of Vortimer, by fome, and thofe refpectable authors ; whilft others give Aurelius Ambrofius f the honour of firft leading the Britons to the field againft their faithlefs foes. However this may be, it is certain, that under the command of one, or both, of thefe chiefs, the Britons entered Kent again, in the year of our Lord, 46 5, J eight years after their laft- battle, and fought with the Saxons at a place * Vide Camden in Brittan. vol. I. be proved, it would at once clear up the f Gildas Hift. cap. 25. Bede, Ecclef. obfcurity; but as it cannot from ancient Hift. lib i. cap, 16. and fee a preceding authority, it muft remain in its ftill doubt- note, page 66. Some have imagined, that ful ftate. Vide Hollingihed's Chron. vol. L Vortimer and Aurelius Ambrofius were J Chron. Sax, but one arid the fame perfon ; if this could called PartII. THE KINGDOM OF KENT, 69 called Wippeds Fleet : this was a fharp and bloody engagement on both A. D. 465. fides, fo that the victory was long doubtful; but in the end, Hengift and his followers prevailing, the Britons were driven from the field. The Britons had divided their hoft into twelve divifions, at the head of every one of which was placed a leader, under the command of the chief general ; all thefe leaders, as well as a prodigious number of common men, were flain before they made their retreat.* Yet this victory was by no means pleafing to Hengift and his party; for though they had gained the upper hand, yet had they loft a great number of their beft treops, as alfo one of their chief captains, named Wipped, from 'whom the place where the battle was fought, obtained its name.f The lofs fuftained on either fide was fo feverely felt, that for the fpace A. D. 473. of eight years they kept themfelves quiet ; the Britons not daring to mo- left the Saxons, whilft on the- other hand, the Saxons feem to have between^heBri- been too weak to fally.out upon the Britons: but this interval they tons and Saxons. employed in fending for fuccour from Germany, -and ftrengthening their forces. In the year 473, the war was again begun, and Vortimer, at the head of his Britons, invaded Kent, and at a place near the fea- fide, called Golmpre, he met w.ith the Saxons, under the conduct of Hengift, and his fon, iEfc, when another fharp conflict enfued : in the beginning, the Saxons had the moft favourable profpect, of victory, as being poffefled of an advantageous poft ; but during the. courfe of the battle, they were, by degrees, drawn from thence, when the Britons rallying their forces again, fet upon them afrefh, and beat them back with great flaughter, purfuing them to the ifle of Thanet, where they fled, and took refuge in their fhips. J Soon after this laft battle, Vortimer departed this life, haftened, as it A. D. 474. is thought, by the machinations of Rowena. And no fooner was his death publicly known, than Vortigern, (who, during all thefe dan- 0f the Saxons^ gerous difturbances, had hid himfelf clofely in Wales) fliewed himfelf again to his fubjects, and either by force, or crafty perfuafion, prevailed upon them to re-eftablifh him in the kingdom. In the mean time, Hen gift, hearing that Vortimer was dead, and that Vortigern had again re affirmed the reins of government, and truftihg to the power which he had over him, came from Thanet, where he had privately ftrengthened his army, and took poffeffion of his former dominions. And becaufe he found that he had not fucceeded fo rapidly as he expected by the force of arms, he was determined to try the effect of treachery and deceit : wherefore, he fent ambaffadors with a fhew of peace to Vortigern, who madepro- * Chron. Roffenfis, MS. in bib. Cott. that Hengift returned to his own country', iirfi-g. 'Nero, d. ii. and did not come back again to Britain un- f Ethelward, Hift. lib. i. til the death of Vortimer. I Some have affirmed, that it was now mifes 7o HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 474. mifes of great things, and pleaded hard that a day might be fixed, when they might meet on both fides as true friends, in order to compofe the fatal difturbances which had hitherto prevailed,, and eftablifh a lafting cordiality "between them. Thefe fair propofals deceived not only Vorti gern himfelf, but all his court ; fo that the Saxons obtained their ends, and a day was appointed by the Britons, as alfo a place pitched upon for the meting, which was the plains of Ambri, near Salifbury. On the day fixed for the final negotiation of this important bufinefs, (which was in the month of May) the Britons and Saxons met together. The for mer relying on the faith and affurance of peace of the latter, came into the field unarmed, and proceeded in a friendly manner to begin the con^- fultation ; the latter alfo received them with chearful countenances, and the fame appearance of good-will. But on a fudden, in the midft of the bufinefs, Hengift ar'ofe from his feat, and gave the watch-word* to his companions, who inftantly drew forth every man a long knife, which he had concealed under his garment, and fet upon the defencelefs Britons : and fo certain were they in their cruel defign, that three hundred of the chief perfonages of the realm were flain. f Eldol, a brave nobleman, (and faid to have been the governor of Chefter) feeing the treachery of the Saxons, caught up a large flake which accidentally lay in his way, and made fuch a brave refiftance, that after he had killed and wounded fe venty ofhis enemies, he made his efcape from the reft.J Hengift had flrictly forbid his party to make any attempt upon the life of Vortigern, wherefore, in the beginning of the maffacre, he was feized upon and kept ¦ fafe ; and for his ranfom, he was obliged to give up to Hengift, the coun ties of Effex, Suffex, and Middlefex.§ This fatal blow made fuch an im- ¦ preffion upon the fpirits of the Britons, that, fufpecting the dreadful con fequences which might arife from the death of their chief nobles, they fled again to their fecret receffes in the woods and caverns. A. D. 476. Incenfed at thefe treacherous proceedings of the Saxons, arid the weak- The dreadful ^s 0^}^eir king, who, befides his fluggifh difpofition, is accufed of de .th 0" Voni- committing inceft with his own daughter, thofe of the Britons, whofe fouls gem. yet retained fome fparks of native glory, rofe up againft him, and chaced him into Wales ; advancing tothe kingly dignity, Aurelius Ambrofius, a valiant man, and of Roman origin. ||, Encouraged by the hope which they placed in the valour and conduct of this chief, the fugitive Britons came from their fecret places, where they had taken refuge, and with one confent, imploring the affiftance of Almighty God, flocked around his flandard. His firft flep was to march into Wales againft Vortigern, who. *ThiswordwasNimeoEupe8eaxej", nulph Higden, Polychron. lib. v.. that is, draw forth your Seaxes, or dag- § Nen. Hift. cap. 48. gers. Nennii, Hift. cap. 478c 48. II Gild. Hift. cap. 25. Bede, Ecclef. Hifti -j- Ibid. lib. i. cap. 16. * X Mat. Weft, fub anno 461. & Ra- had Part II. THE KINGDOM OF KENT. 71 had retired amongft the mountains, where he built a ftrong caftle, and A. D. 476. fortified the entrances in fuch a manner, as he thought would refift the repeated attacks of his enemies. When Aurelius approached the caftle, he girt it round with a clofe fiege; and after a fhort fpace, by cafting brands of fire into it, burnt it to the ground ; and Vortiger, with all his adherents which were fhut up with him, perifhed in the flames.* • When Aurelius had compleated his expedition in Wales,' a. new and A. D. 477. unexpected alarm called for his immediate affiftance ; for a frefh band of Saxons, tempted by the fuccefs of their countrymen, had lately failed 0f the kingdom from Germany, and were landed in Suffex, where they. had overcome the of Suffex- Britons, and flain their leader. This dangerous evil called for a prefent remedy ; wherefore, with all his forces, he marched directly towards the enemy, to put, if poffible, a final flop to their advancement.! But as the fuccefs ofhis arms, and the ^proceedings of thefe late-come enemies, who now founded the kingdom of Suffex, will be fully related in the hi ftory of that kingdom, it is thought proper to omit them here, and pafs on to the affairs which relate to Kent alone. Aurelius was called back from purfuing the advantages which he had A. D. 488. •gained in Suffex, by the rapid progrefs that Hengift was making in the „, d . f kingdom; who had paffed through the very heart of it, and was got be- Hengift3. yond the Humber, fpoiling the country as he went. Aurelius following clofely at his heels, came up with him at a place called Maffabel, where both armies joined, and a very bloody battle enfued, which ended in the total overthrow of the Saxons. J After this, Aurelius fought ano ther- battle with the fame fuccefs, againft Hengift and his party, upon the banks of the river Dune. Tired out with thefe unfortunate chances, Hengift returned into Kent, where, remaining peaceable for a time, he departed this life in the year of our Lord, 48 8. § Hengift had three children, two fons and one daughter. The eldeft was ™e fh'ldren of Hatwaker, who is reported to have been duke of the Saxons in Germany, e"E1 and left in that flation, to govern them in the abfence of his father ; from whom the noble family of the dukes of Saxony is faid to have taken its origin. H i£fc was his fecond fon, who accompanied him into Britain, and was his conftant companion in his wars ; and after his death, fuc- *. Gild. Hift. cap. 25. & Bede, Ecclef. fter, and conveyed to Conneibury, and Hift. lib. i. cap. 16. Some fay, that it was there beheadedat the command of Aurelius: 'burnt by lightning from Heaven. but by what we may judge from Gildas, -f Matthew of Weft. Bede, Ethelward, &c as well as from the X It may not be improper here to take pofitive affirmations of Marinus, Floren- notice of the various opinions amongft the tius, the monk of Worcefter, and other au- ancient authors, concerning the death of thentic writers, it appears more likely, Hengift ; for Matthew of Weftrhinfter, the that he died honourably at home. author of the Chron. Roflenfis, and others, § Sax. Chron. fub anno 488. affirm, that he was taken either at, or foon || Fetrus Albinus, in Geneal. Hift. &c. after, this tattle, by Eldol, earl of Che- ceeded 7 2 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 488.ceeded him inthe kingdom of Kent. His laft child was a daughter, named Rowena, .greatly efteemed for her beauty; fhe was, as has been before obferved, married to Vortigern, king of the Britons, by whom he had one daughter, who, as fhe grew to woman's eftate, increafed in beauty and perfonal perfections ; her charms fo ftrangely bewitched her luftful father, that contrary both to the laws of God and nature, he took her to his bed ; from this horrid inceft fprang a fon, who was named Fau- flus;* in difpofition directly oppofite to that of his wicked parents, for as he grew up, he devoted his life to virtue and religion. iESC, /fe/OTHiKlNG «/Kent. A. D. 489. At the death of Hengift, i£fc, his fon, appears, with his army, to have taken refuge in the city of York, where Aurelius Ambrofius pur- r^nPu7cJEfc? fued him, and planted a clofe fiege before the walls. Fortune favouring the attempts of the Britons, JEfc was expelled from thence, and fled into Kent, where he was joyfully received by his countrymen, and pro claimed king, in the room of his deceafed father, f From the time of his election, to his death, there is but little recorded of this prince ; perhaps, owing to the profound peace in which he held his- government : for as he was lefs ambitious of the uncertain glory of war than his father, he contented himfelf with fecuring thofe dominions which he already poffeffed, rather than running the doubtful chance of enlarging his boundaries, and extending his rule. J And if he forbore to affault the Britons, they were to the full as backward in giving him occafion : for Ambrofius, and his fucceffor, Arthur, had their whole time taken up in endeavouring to fupprefs the rifing danger in other parts of the king dom ; for, befides thofe Saxons who had taken poffeffion of Suffex, (as -. has been before obferved) a frefh party of them arrived on the wefterh coafts of Britain, and had made their footing fore. A. D. 495. Thefe laft-mentioned Saxons came under the conduct of Cerdic, and his fon, Kenric, in the year of our Lord, 495 ; and this fame year they JfWeffeftT began the kingdom of the Weft Saxons.| But to return to the affairs of su"- Kent.— Although the rule of JEfc was lb mild and equitable, he failed not to gain the favour of his warlike and turbulent fubjefts ; for, in ho nour of him, the Saxon kings of Kent, who fucceeded him, were called JEfcings for a confiderable time after. || He reigned twenty-four years in peace, when he died, and left his kingdom to his fon.** OCTA, the third King of Kent. A. D. 513. Octa fucceeded his father, JEfc, in the kingdom of Kent; and, like oaa repairs him, he feems to have governed the dominion in peace. He repaired Tong caftle, x £ * Nennii, Hift. cap. 52. & Poly chron. § Chron. Sax. lib. v. - ,|| Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 5. f Nen. Hift. cap. 62. ** Chron. Sax. ; X Will. Malmf. lib. i. 4 and <% PartII. THE KINGDOM OF KENT. 13 -and fortified the caftle of Tong, and placed therein a ftrong garrifon of A. D. 513. men, to guard the adjacent country.* This caftle, which flood but a little diftance from Sittenbourn, (where the earth-works are yet to be feen) was built by Hengift, his grandfather ; and here, it appears, that Vortigern firft faw the beautiful Rowena, being invited by her father to a banquet, t In the reign of this king, Erchwine, a noble Saxon chief, with a A, D. 527. large party of foldiers, came from Germany, purfuing the fortunes of their countrymen who had fettled in Britain, and landing in the eaftern EaItesaxons be! parts of the ifland, began the kingdom of the Eaft Saxons. % Yet Erch-eHn• wine bore not his rule as over an independent ftate, but as feodary to Octa, king of Kent. After that Octa had feigned peaceably two and twenty years, he died in the' year 535, and left the kingdom to his fon, Hermenric. HERMENRIC, the fourth King of Kent. Hermenric fucceeding to the kingdom, held it the fpace of twenty- A. D. 535. five years in peace, when he died, and left the crown to Ethelbert, his fon.§ He had alfo one daughter, whofe name was Rikell ; fhe was mar- " p^""c 'ufes ¦ried (in her father's life-time) to Sledda, the fecond king of the Eaft Saxons. In this king's reign, Ida came into Northumberland with a powerful A. D. 547. reinforcement, and taking upon him the title of king, began his reign inthatdiftrict.|| SZbt land begun. ETHELBERT, the fifth King of Kent. Ethelbert was very young when he fucceeded his father Hermenric A. D. 560. in the kingdom of Kent. The furrounding Saxon ftates, taking the ad- jrthf,Ib(.rt., vantage of his youth, fet upon his territories, feeking to add them to youth anj trou. their own. But yet, with the affiftance of his friends and noblemen, he ""th^tin^ j '" weathered through the boifterous ftorm, and held his dominions with d°m. great honour.** The firft battle which he fought, and the firft that was fought between A, D. 568, the Saxons themfelves, was againft thofe of Weffex, under the command of Ceauline, their king, and his valiant fon, Cuth. Ethelbert had paffed come b/the w. the bounds of his own kingdom to meet the foe, and was come to a place S"01"' called Wibbandune, where the enemy were prepared for the engagement, * Scala Chronica, lib. i. § Polychron. lib. v. f SeeLambardesPeramb. of Kent, jiage || Malmf. lib. i. cap. 3. 245. ** Ibid, lftni. cap, 1. . J Henry Hunt, lib, ii. " Vol. I. L which 74 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Fart IL A. D. 568. which proved a defperate and bloody one : the end was unfortunate to Ethelbert ; for his whole army was defeated, and two of his chief com manders, Oflac and Cnebban, were flain in the field ; fo that he was glad to fave himfelf, and the remnant of his foldiers, by flying precipi*- tately back again into Kent.* - But notwithftanding this heavy misfor tune, he neglected not to defend the borders of his realm, and when he had gained more experience in war, and had advanced in years, he pre vailed againft all the Saxon ftates round about him, on this fide of the Humber, reigning with greater glory than any one of his predeceffors.f A. D. 575. At this time began the fixth kingdom of the heptarchy; forUffa, a valiant man, coming from Germany, entered the eaftern parts of Britain, theVft Ai°£ie°s which he fubdued ; and affuming to himfelf the title of king, called his, begun. dominions the Eaft Angles. A. D. 585. Now begun the feventh, and laft, kingdom of the Saxons, called The kingdom of Mercia; which was the largeft in circuit, and contained more counties. Mercia begun. than any of the reft. Its firft king was Crida, a brave and valiant chief.f But to return to the affairs of Kent. A. D. 594.. Ethelbert having fixed his throne in peace and tranquility,his next flep. Etb ib • was to contract an alliance with Chilperic, the king of France ; and he ries Bt-rta, married his daughter, whofe name was Berta, a Chriftian lady. By this, kin^France6 means ll pfeafed God, of his mercy, to. lay the firft foundation of the ' Chriftian religion, which fo foon after began to flourifh in the land : for one of the fpecial articles of the agreement between her father and her hufband, was, that fhe fhould be permitted to ufe the laws and rites of her church. What by her perfuafion, and the counfels of Letardus, a Chriftian bifhop, who accompanied her from France, the king's mind was turning towards the true faith ; which was the reafon that he fo readily granted Auguftine the permiffion of preaching to the people,., and was himfelf fo eafily converted.§ A. D. 616. King Ethelbert, after he had glbrioufly reigned over the Kentiffi The death of Saxons the fpace of fifty-fix years, exchanged his mortal crown for one king Ethelbert. more defirable, the 24th of February, in the year of our Lord, 616, and was buried in a church which himfelf had founded, dedicated to St. Pe ter and St. Paul, near Canterbury, by the fide of Berta, his queen, who died fome time before him.|| o/hkineCEthSfe •Aftert^e death of his firft wife, Berta, he was again married, but the ben."6 £ e " name of his fecond confort, who out-lived him, is buried in oblivion. * Chron. Saxon. § Bede, lib. i. cap. 25. •j- Will. Malmf. lib i. cap. i. |j . Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. t. I Hen. Hunt, lib. 11. , r * Happy PiyiT U. HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. 75 Happy for her, if her wicked marriage with her fon-in-law, EdbaldiA. D. 616. after the death of Ethelbert, her firft hufband, had alfo been forgot.* Ethelbert had two children by Berta, his firft wife ; a fon, named Ed- The iffue of bald, who fucceeded him in his kingdom ; and a daughter, called Ethel- Has Ethelbett- burga,, firnamed Tace, a lady of Angular beauty and piety, who was afterwards married, in the reign of her brother Edbald, to Edwine, king of Northumberland, whom fhe converted to the Chriftian faith.f OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Now we have feen the rife pf feven diftinct kingdoms of the Saxons, Names of the who divided the greateft part of South-Britain amongft them. The .y™11^0" names of thefe feven monarchies, were, Kent; Suffex, or the South Saxons; Weffex, or the Weft Saxons; Eaftfex, or the Eaft Saxons ; Northum berland ; the Eaft Angles ; and Mercia ; ali of which will be treated of diftinctly ; to every kingdom its own particular hiftory. ' Another obfervation may be neceffary to be made, that, though the Different Ger- whole of thofe numerous fupplies which came from Germany, are con- t™ng"n Britain." ftantly called by the general name of Saxons; yet they were compofed of • three different nations : the Angles, the Saxons, and the Jutes. The Jutes took poffeffion of Kent, the ifle of Wight, and fome fmall part of Weffex; the Saxons inhabited Eaftfex, Suffex, and Weffex ; the Angles fettled .themfelves in the kingdoms of the Eaft Angles, of Mercia, and Northumberland. J Alfo, the reader is wifhed to take notice, that Nor thumberland was fometimes divided into two feparate dominions, Deira and Bernicia, making then, in fact, eight kingdoms. Thus Matthew, the monk of Weftminfter, in the year of our Lord, 586, reckons-up eight Saxon kings, all of them cotemporary; as Ethelbert, in Kent ; Ciffa, in Suffex ; Ceauline, in Weffex ; Crida, in Mercia ; Ercwine, in Effex ; Titillus, in the Eaft Angles ; Ella, in Deira ; arid Ethelfred, in Bernicia.§ Notwithftanding (as we have feen) the Saxons had fet up feven inde- one kingdom pendent ftates, each of them having within itfelf a fovereign command ; [j^™™ abov* yet one of them always feems to -have been fupreme above the reft, if not in abfolute power, at leaft in glory and honour; and to the king, -, of whatever ftate had the fuperiority, was given the title of " King of " the Englifh men.||" This fupremacy did not fucceed from the fathe* tothe fon, or always continue in the fame kingdom, without reverfe- ment; but always that king who had the greateft power, or gained the * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib ii. cap. 5. 8c buried; and that her body was afterwards Malmf. lib. i. cap. i. removed by Lanfranc, to his church of - f Ibid. lib. ii. cap. 9. Here I may re- St. George, at Canterbury. Caff, in Vit. mark, that Capgrave, the legend writer, Edburg. gives -Ethelbert another daughter, whofe J Bede, Ecclef. Hift. Malmf. &c. &c. name he calls Edburga, and fays, flie was § Mat. Weft, fub anno 586. a nun in the monaftery of Minfter, in the || Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 5. ifle of Tlianet, where (he died, and was - L2 greateft 76 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 616. greateft fuccefs in war, was the heir to this honorary title : fo that one particular nation alone did not obtrude upon their neighbours, but all of them, at times, had their fhare of the glory.* JfhthPB^ffi°"s "^ tne eftablifhment of the heptarchy, the Saxons had by degrees over-run the greateft and beft part of Britain; but yet the natives pof-;, feffed a large tract of land on the weft, extending from Land's End to the firth of Clyde ; the inhabitants were all of one religion, and ufed the fame language, being in all refpects but one and the fame people ; yet they were not univerfally governed by one prince, for the land was di vided into four confiderable ftates, or principalities, as Cornwall, South Wales, North Wales, and Cumberland; each of thefe diftricts had its own prince, who was the perfon of chief authority amongft them, and head over the feparate clans ; as the head of each clan was a fort of fove reign over thofe who were under him : and it was thefe princes, who> as.. their difpofition led them to war, from time to time, made inroads into the heptarchy, and fought frequently againft the Saxons, with great variety of fuccefs. Of thefe princes we have fcarce any fatisfactory re cords ; for, though feveral authors have fet themfelves down ferioufly, to make out a complete feries of them, in a regular fucceffion, yet their accourits-{after all the pains they have taken) are fo very fufpicious and uncertain, that they cannot afford the leaft fatisfaction to a reader, who wifhes to fee nothing but truth in the hiftory of his country. Thus much we may be affured of, that when thefe kings were not employed. in foreign wars againft their general enemy, they were either difturbing their own communities with civil broils, or making inroads into the bprdering territories of their neighbours; fo that the miferable inhabi tants felt little of the comforts of peace and tranquility; or, if they did,. it was fo tranfitory, that it may be faid only to iriake them more wretch ed, by giving them a tafte of a bleffing, which they were not deftined to. enjoy. JfhfivehBritM.rs ^e °(tnefe tyrant8 are mentioned by Gildas, the Britifh hiftorian,f Xing?. "" as living in his own time, and cotemporary with each other. The firft of thefe was Conftantine, whom the author grievoufly accufes of per^ jury, adultery, and other horrid crimes ; fumming up the whole, with his cruel murder of two royal youths, together with their governors, even before the holy altar. Thefe unfortunate young men are faid to have been fons of Mordred, the former king of that diftrict, over which Conftantine now ufurped the fovereignty; and therefore, he feems, by their deaths, to have made his way to the throne.J The fecond Vas Aurelius Conanus, not in the leaft better than the former ; him the au thor accufes as a murderer of his neareft relations ; as lafcivious and adul terous; as a hater of peace, and a follower of injuftice, declaring his ,. * At. the e?d of heptarchy, a regular the fucceffion of this honourable title. lift is given of the Englifh monarchs, in T. Gildas, in his epiftle. which, at one fight, the reader may fee j Mat. Weft, fub anno 543. tfiirft PartIL T*HE KINGDOM OF KENT. 77 thirft for civil wars, and greedinefs for fpoils, unjuftly taken from their A. D.. 616. poffeffors. The third was Vortiporus, a wicked, guileful, and deceitful man; who, though he was the fon of a good king, was himfelf a de- teftable tyrant ; like the former, he murdered his relations, and call his. wife from his bed, caufing her to be flain, that he might with the more freedom enjoy his luftful paffions. The fourth was Cune- glafs, a contemner of religion, an oppreffor of the clergy ; one who offended God with his grievous fins, and warred againft man with his fword j he was proud of his own wifdom, and placed all his truft in riches, and worldly pomp ; he alfo forfook his wife, td follow his own inordinate defires. The laft was Malgo Cunus, whom our author calls the dragon of the ifles ; and alfo that he was, in arms and dominion, ftronger and greater than any other Britifh potentate^ Befides his, com miffion of horrid and unnatural crimes, he is accufed of flaying his. Uncle, who was then king, to pave his own way to the throne. After this, he put away his firft wife, and took the confort of his brother's fon (whilft: he was yet living) to his bed ; but when he had committed this open adultery for a fhort fpace, he caufed both this unfortunate woman, and her guiltlefs. hufband, to be put to death. Such are the characters of thefe five tyrants, who flourifhedin the days in which Gildas lived. Nor has that mournful author in the leaft favoured the Britons themfelves, but reprefents them as a people befotted with vice, and obftinately blind to their own good. Although this author, in the overflowing of his zeal, may have fomewhat exaggerated the accufations,, yet his authority is by no means to be doubted.* More names of Britifh princes might eafily be made out, and a long detail of their acts purfued, but as the truth of their hiftory is entirely doubtful, there needs no excufe for dropping the whole, and purfuing what appears to be more certain and authentic. The anions of The Scots and Picts retired to their own nations, and from the deci- na^""^"^.. five battle of Stamford, in the year of our Lord, 450, to the middle of the fixth century, we have no true accounts of their proceedings ; not fo much owing* perhaps, to their own inactivity,, as to their want of authors to record them ;. yet it. feems likely, that their wars (if they made any) were confined within their own territories: for had they ftruck any blow of confequence in the neighbouring dominions of the Saxons,, the hiftor rians of the early ages would not have paffed over them in filence. 'the History of the Kingdom o/"Kent continued. EDBALD, the fixth King of Kent. After the death of Ethelbert, fo juftly famous in. the Englifh annals, A. D. 616. as well for his valour, as his piety and virtue, his fon Edbald fucceeded Edbaid apoftates in the kingdom- of Kent. During his father's life-time, he had been j^"" true * Epift. Gild*.. care- 7.3 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HFPTlRCHY. Part II. A.D. 6i 6. carefully ihftrueted in the Chriftian faith, and feemed to profefs the fame with great fteadinefs ; but no fooner was he fet upon the throne, than, throwing off the mafk of religious purity, he difcovered a mind depraved and vicious. He married the widow ofhis deceafed father, and proceeded to live in fuch a diffolute manner, that hisfobjects foon threw off all rev ftraint, and returned apace to their former idolatry. But being afflicted with a grievous diftemper in his mind, the flings,, perhaps, of a wounded confidence, he was at laft, through the perfuafion of Laurence, arch- bifhop of Canterbury, re-converted to the Chriftian faith i in which he continued fledfaft to the end of his life.* A. D. 617. After his return to -religion, his firft wife either died, or he put her • awaY-J f°r he married a fecond, named Emme, the daughter of Theo-.- *rondwife?esadebert, king of Lorragnei by whom he had feveral children. . Edbaid reigned in peace twenty-four years,, and died in the year of our Lord, 640, and was buried in the church of St. Peter and St, Paul, by the fide of his father, f TheiffueofEd- By Emme, his fecond wife, he had two fons, and one daughter. Er~ :baid. menred, his eldeft fon, died before him. Ermerired married Oflave, by whom he had two fons, Etheked and Ethelbert, who were afterwards murdered at the command of Egbert, their coufin-german ;J and four daughters, Dompnenaj who married a Mercian prince, Ermingburga, Erinburga, and Ermengytha, who were nuns.§ Edbald's fecond fon was named Ercombert, who fucceeded him in the kingdom. His daughter's name was Enfwith ; fhe died a virgin, at Fulkeftone, a reli gious houfe in Kent. LRCOMBERT, ihe Jeventh King of Kent. A. D. 640. Ercomb'erTj the fecond fon of Edbaid, fucceeded him in the govern- mentof Kent. This prince was a very religious man, and the firft who wiftTan"iflue!s deftroyed the temples of the idols, throughout his kingdom : of his ci vil or military government, we find nothing recorded. He married Sex- burga, the daughter of Anna, king of the Eaft Angles,! by whom he had two fons, and two daughters. His fons were Egbert and Lofhair, Doth of them reigned in Kent after him. His firft daughter was Ermen- hild, who married Wulfere, king of Mercia. His fecond daughter was Ereongoda, a profeffed-nun in the monaftery of St. Bridget's, in France, where fhe' died, and was buried in the church of St. Stephen.** Ercom bert reigned twenty-four years, and after his deceafe, his eldeft fon, Eg bert, fucceeded him, ft * * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 5. & alia. || Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iii. cap. 9. ' f Bede, ut fup. **.Bede, in loc. cit, & Malmf. lib. i, X Chron. Sax. & Chron. Johan. Brbmptori. § Vita Si Werburgae, MS. in the Cott. ft Chron. Saxon, fub anno 664. tib. marked Caligula, A. 8. ' 4 - EGBERT, pAMaL. THE KINGDOM OF" KENT. 7^ EGBERT, the eighth King of Kent. . , EGBERT-had no fooner afeended the throne of his father, than he eaft A. D. 664. a/jealous eye upon Ethelred and Ethelbert, the two fons of his uncle E bertmurde„. Ermenred, and to whom,, indeed, the crown, of right, belonged; they his two couuns. had been excluded in the reign of Ercombert, becaufe of their tender age, and Egbert, fufpecting that now they were growing to- man's eftate, they would be troublefome to him,, and interfere in=the government, refolved: to. fecure the diadem to himfelf alone, by their death. This cruel fcheme was not long formed before it was put in execution, for he hired a treacherous, villain,, named Thurno,, who, in expectation of a great.reward, perpetrated the murder ; and, that' the infamous act might be kept fecret,** their bodies were thrown into a river; but beipg in a few days, eaft afhore upon the bankrfide*, they were found by the inhabi tants, to whom they were known, and were buried by them with great. refpect, and over their tomb they erected a fmall chapel.* Their bones.. were afterwards removed, and re-buried in the abbey of Ramfey, in Hampfhire, and by the country people they were honoured as mar- .tyrs.t Had notthe jealous difpofition of Egbert hurried him on tothe comrE?bertai»ft , miffion.of this murder, he would have left behind. him the character^"1" ©f a juft and equal prince ; for every other part of his. conduct was pru^ dent and honourable. The peace, which had fo long endured, was not broke through in his fhort reign, which was only eight years. He died in the month of July, in the year of our Lord 673. % Egbert had iffue, two fons,, Edricand Wigtred, .who,, after the death His iffue.. of his brother Lothair, fucceeded to the kingdom of Kent- LOTHAIR,. the ninth King of Kent.. Lothair, upon the death of his brother;, obtained the government of A. D. 673. Kent, and excluded his two nephews from any fhare of the royal -dig--EJ . . nity ;. but Edric,,the eldeft of the two,, being a man of an ambitious dif-war'up'onhis pofition, foon afferted his natural right,. by railing feditions,.and pefter^ uncle-- ing the ftate with continual mutinies, and, civil difcords.: fo that his un-- cle enjoyed but little pleafure and fatisfaction in the honour which he had feized upon.§ However, after repeated flruggles, he at laft fo far prevailed, that.Edric left the kingdom quiet for: a- time, and took. re fuge amongft the inhabitants of Suffex.. No fooner was the kingdom freed from onedifturbance,. than another A D. 676,. prefently enfued ; for; Ethelred, king of Mercia, hurried on by his un- 0f Merci^malfet war upon Kent,' * Will. Malmf. lib. j- % Bede, Ecc. Hift.l. iv. c. 5. & Chr. Sax. f Chron, Jphan. .Broirmtoru §. Will. Malmf, lib, i. bounded «o HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 676. bounded ambition, entered the weftern borders of Kent, at the head of a large army, and, like a dreadful inundation, irrefiftible in its courfe, he wafted and deftroyed the country wherever he came, plundering the inhabitants, burning their houfes, ruining the churches, fpoiling them of all their ornaments, and totally overthrowing all the monaftenes and religious houfes which flood within the limits ofhis march. A. D. 677. Enriched with fpoils; and glorying in the deflrudtion which they had made, this facrilegious band purfued their path to Rochefter; that city flroved?" ie' foon .felt the fury of their ungoverned rage, for fparing nothing, how ever facred, with fire and fword they drove the unhappy citizens from their houfes, robbed them of all their wealth, and then deftroyed the whole place; leaving the fmoaking ruins, a horrid trophy of their bar barous conqueft, they returned back to Mercia of their own accord. So ftrong was their power, and fo weak the refiftance they had met with, that they had unmoleftedly directed their courfe wherever their own der .fires had led them ; for, during the whole of this dangerous invafion," Lot-hair, the fovereign of Kent, had kept himfelf at a diftance, not dar ing to take the field againft thefe deftructive foes.* A. D. 684. After the departure of the Mercianking, Kent once again enjoyed a fhort tranquility, yet it was but fhort ; for now the deftined time approached jvothair. " apace, in which her former glory fliould decline, and that independent power which hitherto fhe had afferted, be fuppreffed. Edric, the ne phew of Lothair, who had taken refuge amongft the South Saxons, perfuaded them to efpoufe his caufe, and affift him in mounting the throne of Kent; and he fo far prevailed upon them, that they raifed a powerful army, at the head of which he entered Kent. When Lothair received information of his nephew's approach, and of the warlike prepa rations which were made, againft him, he quickly gathered his forces together, and fet forward to meet him. Several fharp engagements en fued between the two armies', ia the laft of which he was fhot through r.he body with a dart, and died fhortly after under the furgeon's hands,f the 6th of February, inthe year of our Lord, 685, after he had reigned near twelye years. EDRIC, the tenth King of Kent. A. D. 685. The bar to his ambition thus removed, by the affiftance ofhis friends, The rebellion of ^ric tended the throne of Kent; but yet he could not fo eafily gain theKentiflT0 the love and affection ofhis fubjecls : for regarding him as an ufurper, «va. they defpifed his rule, and' were continually harraffing him with civil dif- cordS? fo that when he had with the greateft difficulty weathered out a * Bede, Ecclef. Hift, lib, iv. cap. 12. & f Malmf. lib. i. Mat. Weft, fub anno Chron. Saxon. 686. & Chron. Johan. Brompton. boifterous FartH. THE KINGDOM OF KENT. Si boifterbns.. reign of two years,* the people rofe in all quarters, and in A. D. 685. ^ndjsasrouring to ftop thefe dangerous commotions, he was flain.f INTERREGNUM. After the death of Edric, the Idngdom of Kent was. rent and torn A. D. 687. by parties, and civil diffentions, fo that it became a, prey to designing Ceadwalla kin- tyrants and ufurpei's ; yet none of them affumed the title of king, b'utofwefrex.make* domineered fometimes in; one place, and fometimes in another; being war in KeBt* raifed up, or put down, according to the capricious humour of the people. This, univerfal difquietude prevailing amongft the Kentifh men, moved the afpiring. Ceadwalla, king of the Weft Saxons, to make war upon thena, as imagining a. fair opportunity was now of fered of adding thofe dominions to his own. Wherefore, affifted by his brother Mollo, he entered the borders of Kent with a great army^ and laid the country wafte wherever he came. This alarming danger called for a general oppofition ; fo that forgetting their civil difcords^ the Kentifh Saxons ran to arms, and uniting their forces together, made head againft their common foe. After feveral encounters, fortune pre vailed againft Ceadwalla, fo that he was driven back, and the Kentifh forces purfued him to the confines, of their ftate.. In this purfuit, they overtook his brother Mollo, who, with twelve of. his. companions, had taken refuge in a fmall fort, to avoid their fury ; and becaufe he would not furrender himfelf up, they fet fire to the fort, and he, with all his.. companions, perifhed in the flames. ^ Ceadwalla no foorter heard of the unfortunate end of his brother, but vowing revenge, and breathing cruel defiance, he reinforced his army, and entered Kent the.fe.cond time,, where, with fire and fword, he deftroyed great part of the country. At laft, pricked with remorfe of confcience for the dreadful flaughter he had occafioned, he returned back to Weffex, and fhortly after went to Rome, where, he died. Kent, thus delivered from the danger of the foreign foe,_ was not, however, freed from her own internal enemies ; for no fooner Was the apprehenfion of ruin, from the arms of the Weft Saxons, fiib- fided, but the inhabitants returned again to their former difeords, divid ing their united force,, and purfuing quarrels, without ceafing, amongft themfelves. About this time there were two petty tyrants, Wycherd and Webhard, A, D. 69a.. who taking the advantage of the capricious humours of the people, af- fumed the rule in Kent, where they for a time fupported their dignity ; Kent.tyrantS '" but foon after,, either dying, or being difliked by their fubjects, they were put from their authority, to make room for Wihtred, brother to Edric, * Bede, Brompton, and others, fay, he f Malmf. lib. i. reigned a year and a half only. Bede, lib. j Will. Malmf. Iii, i. Mat, Weft, tub iv. cap. 26. Chron.. Johan. Brornpt. &c. anno 687, Vol. L M the 82 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 692. the lawful heir to the crown.* As thefe two men were not of royal blood, and only held their rule by ufurpation, they are not reckoned in the lift of the kings.WIHTRED, the eleventh King of Kent* A. D. 694. When Wihtred afcended the throne, frefh dangers alarmed the ftate j for Ina, king of the Weft Saxons, (who fucceeded Ceadwalla) thinking ^af^p'ea'cVof the revenge which his predeceffor had taken upon the Kentifh men, for In»- the death ef Mollo, was not equal to the offence, prepared a great army, intending himfelf to enter Kent, and fubjugate it to his rule. Wihtred terrified at thefe proceedings of Ina, and finding himfelf in no condition of refiftance, fent ambaffadors to him, to know what his de mands were, and to make fair proffers of peace. Ina infifted upon the delivery of thofe men who had been principally concerned in the'de- ftruction of Mollo, and alfo that Wihtred fhould pay him a large fum of money. The king of Kent was forced to comply with thefe grating demands, and therefore, thirty of the faction who had flain Mollo, were fent to Ina ;f and alfo the whole of that fum which he had demanded. J The death and The conditions of Ina being fairly complied with, he withdrew his trld' °' Wh army fr°m the borders of Kent, and left Wihtred to enjoy his crown in peace and tranquility. So juft and equal was the government of this worthy king, that at his death he left the record of a virtuous name behind him. He died, lamented by his fubjects, in the year of our Lord, 725, after a reign of thirty-one years,§ and left behind him three fons, Ed bert, Ethelbert, -and Alric, all of whom fucceffively fucceeded him in the kingdom. EDBERT, the twelfth King of Kent. A. D. 725. Edbert, the eldeft fon of Wihtred, fucceeded him in the govern- Edbert, a viim- ment of Kent. We have no record left of the civil and militarv acts of ous king. * * Thus Henry of Huntingdon^ Johan. Will. Malmfbury, and the Polychroni- Brompton, and others, exprefly affirm, con, take no notice of either Wycherd, or " Eo tempore erant duo Reges in Cent, his colleague, Webhard, but mention " non tarn ftirpem regiam quam fecun- Wihtred, as reigning alone. Hen. Hunt. " dum invafionem. , Scilicet, Nithred & lib. iv. Chron. Johan. de Brompton, Bede, " Webhard." Thefe are the very words Ecclef. Hift. lib. v. cap. 9. Flores Hiftoria- of Huntingdon, with which Brompton alfo rum, fub anno 692. Chron. Saxon, fub exaftly agrees ; and both of them after- -anno 694. Will. Malmf. lib. i. Polychr. wards fpeak of Wihtred as the right heir lib. v. of the crown, fucceeding thefe tyrants, f Chron. Saxon, fub anno 694. . only Brompton calls the firft Wycherd. Bede j This fum, fays Malmfbury, was thir- feems to jojn Webhard with Vihtred, if he ty thoufand marks of gold: " Triginta does not mean Wycherd ; for he tells us, " millibus auri marcis." Malmf. de geft. that A. D. 692, " Regnantibus in Cantia, reg. Anglorum, lib i. cap. 2. " VicTxedo & Suebhardo." Matthew of § Chron. Sax. Malmf. and others, make Weftminfter calls the latter Siward, and his reign to have been thirty-three years. fays, he was brother to Wihtred, and John Brompton fays thirty-two. filled with him. The Saxon Chronicle, 4 this PartII. THE KINGDOM OF KENT, 8j this prince; but it appears, that-he was greatly beloved by his fubjects,A. D. 725. becaufe, like his father, he had moderated his actions by the ftricteftju- ftice. He does not feem to have had any iffue. After a quiet reigrt of twenty-three years, he furrendered up his foul to God, and the king dom to his brother Ethelbert.* - , ETHELBERT, the thirteenth King of Kent. This prince, following the example of his father and his brother, go- A. D. 748, verned his fubjects with great lenity.. When he had reigned peaceably eleven years, he died without iffue, and was buried in the monaftery ofthyeprime!wor" St. Peter and St. Paul, at Canterbury, leaving the government of Kent to his brother Alric.f ALRIC, the fourteenth, and laft lawful, King of Kent. Alric, upon the death of Ethelbert,. his brother, mounted the throne A- D. 759. of Kent. This prince is. alfo commended for his juftice and virtue. The peace which flourifhed in his brother's reign, continued great part °p™Airic.SWar of his own ; until Offa, king of the rifing Mercian .ftate, ambitious of power and conqueft, made war upon him. Alric, who had for fome time forefeen the defigns of Offa, made A. D. 774.. all the preparation that he could to oppofe him, and a little time foon confirmed the juftnefs of his' fufpicion ;. for Offa entered Kent, at otforfV e the head of a powerful army, and began to lay the country wafte. , When Alric heard of his approach* he marched with his forces againft him, and both the armies met at Otford, where a long and bloody battle enfued ; in which,, at laft, the Mercians prevailed, and the Kentifh men were beaten from the field. Whether Alric, who furvived this battle, J afterwards obtained the government of Kent to himfelf, or reigned tributary to Offa, cannot fo eafily be determined, at this diftance of time ; the latter feems, indeed, moil likely, becaufe of the peace which fol lowed in his dominions,: for, if Alric had afferted his right, it is highly probable, that fuch a flep would have drawn upon him the anger of Offa,, and provoked him again to make war in Kent,, which does not feem by any.means to have been the cafe.. In this king's reign, by fome unhappy accident, a fire broke out in a. D. 776. the city of Canterbury, which raged with fuch violence, that the whole Canterbury - burnt, * Malmf. lib. i. cap. 1. &c; and the Saxon Chronicle places this bat- ¦js Ibid. &g. tie in the year 774, fo that' he furvived % Matthew Paris,. indeed, affirms, that nineteen years. M. Par. vit. Offae. Malmf. Offa flew this king with his own hand ; but lib. i. Mat. Weft. Hen. Hunt. Chron. that could not be, for Malmfbury exprefly Sax. &c. declares, that he reigaed.thirty-four. years, Mi city 84 HISTORY OP THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Fart II. A. D. 776: city was burnt to the ground; but in wli&t manner this hbrrid confla gration began is not recorded.* A.D. 793. After a reign of thirty-four years, Alric deceafed, leaving behind him no heir to inherit the kingdom; fo that with him funk the royal line of Wctom afterhc kings. From this time, the glory of the realm began by degrees to die the°death of away ; and every day advanced the hafty ruin of the ftate. No lawful fue- A1,1C" ceffor being, left to take the government upon him, divers who, either by flattery or riches, had obtained the public favour, were feditioufry ftriving for the crown. Amidft thefe various diffractions of the ftate, one Ethel bert Pren, a man bf no exalted birth, fet up his claim : and having gained a powerful faction on his fide, prevailed againft the reft of his competitors, and affumed the royal dignity, f ETHELBERT PREN, the firft Usurper after the Death of ALRIC. A. D. 794. Having mounted the throne, Ethelbert endeavoured to rnake his » footing fure, and ftroVe to gain the love of his fubjedts; but unfortu- r^totis^fubl natety f°r him, he could not fucceed in his attempt: for, as he had by .ncis. force ufurped the dignity, he was difagreeable to all but thofe of his own party. Having held his' reign fome fhort time, amidft the mur murs and diflikes of the people, he was at laft pulled down from, his ho nour, in a manner that he feems but little to have expected.^ A. D. "796. Kenulph, king of Mercia, bbferving the difcontent which prevailed in Kent, determined to try the fortune of war, and fet upon that ftate, in or- ^enu 1 pi enters ^er tQ j0jn ft wjtn jjjg owm »p0 accomplifh his defire, he entered the borders of Kent, and began in 'a. hoftile manner to deftroy the country. Pren alarmed at this threatening danger, marched with all the forces he could collect, to meet the Mercians. The end of this war proved fatal to Pren, for his forces were routed, and he himfelf being made prifoner, was carried into Mercia ; where, after he had been detained fome little time, he was at laft releafed by Kenulph, at the altar of a church which he had lately caufed to be built. Rejoiced at having thus obtained his liberty, Pren returned into Kent, expecting to re-affume his crown ; but in this he was moft dreadfully miftaken ; for his fubjects openly refufed his rule, and would by no means admit of his re-eftablifhment in the ftate: fo that he was again returned to that obfcurity from whence he had fo lately emerged, after a fhort reign of three years. § . CUTHRED, the fecond Usurper. » A. D. 797. Pren thus expelled from the kingdom, another ufurper, named Cuth- fhtSromof red> fet UP a claim to the government; and what by the help of a ftrong Kent. * Marinus ex colled*, in MS. in Cotton. I Ibid. & alia ; & Chron. Sax. fub anno Lib. marked Julius C. vi. 706. f Malmf. lib. i. cap. 1. § Malmf. ut fup. party, Paw II. • THE- KINGDOM O^F -KENT. 85 party, and the power of Kenulph,, he fucceeded fo ' well in his attemrA, A. D. 797. that fee foon obtained the crown :• butyet he gained notthe good-will of his fubjects, who, far from fubitiittirrg quietly tahis rule, were continu ally troubling him with rebellious and private diffentions. In this -uneafy mannerhe paffed through a fhort reign of eight turbulent years, when he died, and left the kingdom to another afpiring -chief, named Baldred.* • ^ALDRfep,' the- third, and ' 'laft Usurper-/ This pretender to the Kentifh crown, however unfortunate in fife end, A. D. 805. was in the beginning far more prosperous than either of his predeceffors, and held the government of the* ftate a' confiderable time ; fo that it is e/byhis^ub"" likely, by fome prevailing means or other, he foftened the tempers of Jedb* his fubjects, and taught them to prefer peace and order, to the noife and riot of rebellion. - ¦ In the eighteenth, and laft, year of Baldred's reign, Egbert, the king of A. D. 823. Weffexi'made war upon his dominions, and defeated all his forces in a fierce batde; he himfelf being put to flight, efcaped the fury of the ene- ou/ofKent?" mies, and paffing the Thames, forfook his kingdom, and returned no more to moleft the conqueror, or make good his own claim.f Where he died, or what became of him afterwards, is not known ; perhaps, preferring the fatisfactory enjoyments of a private life, to the noify tu mult of his kingly ftate, he might take up fome lowly difguife, and reft in that, contented. Happy the man that can be fo contented ; for thus, . beneath the envy of the great, the ftorms of fortune blow over his home-.. ly cell, and wake him not: for, armed with innocence, and bleffed with peace^ his mind is eafy, and his reft fecure ! Kent thus forfaken by her king, and over-run with the forces of her A. D. 824* conqueror, foon fubmitted to his defires ; and from this time, ceafing to be a diftinct ftate, was joined to the kingdom of Weffex.f Thus have kingdom of "" we- feen the rife, the glory, and the fall of this firft Saxon dominion ! be- Kemt* gun inthe year of our Lord 457, by Hengift, the great general of the ¦Saxons ; and upheld for the fpace of three hundred and thirty-feven years, by his valiant defcendants ; and after that again, thirty-one years, by the three fucceeding ufurpers* Idlenefs and eafe, to a people inured to war, and fond of military ho- Reflexions on nours, are pernicious and deftrudtive ; and thefe evils purfued, have fre-^" quently been the overthrow of nations. To human knowledge, and to hu man grandeur, the deftined bounds are fixed by Providence ; to fuch apoint they are permitted to advance, and when they have reached the fummit of * Malmf* ut -fup. & Chron, Sax. fub f Ibid, Ibid. 823. & Chron. Wintoni- anno 805, enfis. % Ibid. Ibid. their the fall of na tions. 86 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. their glory, they muft again decline. It feems, perhaps, at firft, as extra ordinary as it is true, that thofe very arts which are the adornments of a nation, fhould prove, in the end, its ruin ; for, with refinement of tafte, and correctnefs, of manners, luxury and effeminacy by degrees creep in unfeen, and lay a powerful hold upon the minds of men : fo that in our very aiming at perfection, we deceive our own wifhes ; and in our moft ex alted defigns, betray the weaknefs of human nature. - Such, we have feen, is the tranfitory ftate of nations, of which man himfelf is a perfect pic ture ; as they advance in wealth and honour, fo he increafes in ftrength and knowledge ; and as they decline again, fo finks he to the duft, and leaves his room to others new fprungup. END OF THE KINGDOM OF KENT. SUSSEX* ( 87 ) S US S E X; THE SECOND KINGDOM OF THE HEPTARCHY. THE rapid fuccefs of Hengift and his party in Britain, being under- Th* firft begin- ftood in Germany, tempted feveral other chiefs to follow his exam- £J"Sd0omofs»r- ple, and feek for better fortune in that very land, where he, their friend fex. and relation, had obtained fuch valuable poffeffions. Big with the ex pectation of future advancement, Mile, a brave and warlike Saxon, left his native home, accompanied with his three fons and a powerful army of bold adventurous youth, and landing upon the borders of Suffex, began the fecond kingdom of the heptarchy. The kingdom of the South Saxons, contained the counties of Suffex The extent of and Surry; it was bounded on the eaft by Kent, on the weft by the ter-^efl!^ngd°mof ritories of the Weft Saxons, on the fouth by the main ocean, and on the north by the river Thames. iELLE, the firft King of the South Saxons. iELLE, • with his three fons/Cymen, Wlenching, and Ciffa, together A.D. 477. -with their army, came from Germany in three large fhips, and landed in Britain at a place calledC^ymenes fhore, in the year of our Lord 477 ; and ^t'neththBri- twenty-eight years fromtke firft arrival of the Saxons under the conduct of tons. Hengift and Horfa. Their landing was vigoroufly refifted by the Britons, who, in a powerful party, flood upon the fhore to oppofe them : but fuch was the valour and fuccefs of the Saxons^ that, after a bloody conflict, they gained a complete victory, and chaced the Britons from the fea- fide ;* purfuing them to a large extenfive wood, called Andredfleage,f fituate upon the borders of Kent, where they took refuge, and hid them felves in their fecret retreats. Thus M\\e gained his firft footing in the land ; but the Britons fuffered him not to enjoy in quietnefs the poffef fions which he had conquered': for, iffuing from the wood, they affailed his army, and harraffed him continually with fudden attacks, and private ambufhes. In this pofture his affairs continued for the fpace of eight years, during all which time, he feems not to have gained any * Chron. Sax. fiib anno 477. 'Andred, or Andredefcefter ; of which city f Alfo fometimes called Andredfweald. we fhall fpeak in a fucceeding note. It took its name, fays Camden, from Caer very U HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part IL A. D. 477. very confiderable advantage over the Britons j but was wholly employed in defending himfelf from their affaults. In thefe wars, it is thought that his, twa eldeft fons, Cymen and Wlendhing, loft their lives ; 'becaufe we find no mention made of them afterwards. A. D. 485. Aurelius. Ambrofius, the. valiant leader of the Brijtons, having joined The battle of t^10^ P3-1"1^3 which were affembled together againft the South Saxons, de- MeLedibourn. termined to try the fuccefs of one pitched battle :* nor was iElle, and his fons, lefs defirous. off purfiiing their fortune in the field. Both armies met at a place, called Mercredfbourn, and fought on either fide with- fuch courage, that, after a prodigious flaughter, it was hard to determine to which party the "victory properly belonged. f* However, the Bri tons, weakened by this abftinate conflict, withdrew from the field; and the Saxons. alfo made. their retreat; nor one, nor other> chufing to fe-v , cond the blow which was already ftruck.. Immediately after this battle^ iElle" difpatched meffengers. into Germany, declaring his Tuccefs, and in- treating his friends to fend. him a frefh reinforcement of troops, to pur- foe his conquefts,. and fettle the kingdom which he had begun, upon a.- ftrong and permanent bafis, by expelling the Britons from their ftrong- holdsi_ However it was, this flattering invitation had not the fudden. effect which one might have expected amongft a fet of reftlefs people,, who were, ever waiting for favourable opportunities, to plunder and mo-; left others; for it appears to have been upwards of four years before he had fufficiently recruited his army,, to take the field again againft the Britons. A.D- 490. Having now reinforced his army, and thinking himfelf fufficiently ftrong to encounter with his opponents,, he marched againft them;., and: Andredescerter. becaufe he had been greatly incommoded by their frequent excursions. from, the woods and fecret r-eceffes, he was determined to deftroy thofe dangerous retreats.; and, in order the more effectually to accomplifh- this important defign, he firft marched againft their chief city,, called;. Andredes cefteF,^ which was the afylum from whence they iffued forth, to the woods, and to which they inftantly retreated on the approach of danger. The proceedings of iElle, juftly alarmed the Britons,, who-,, an xious for the fafety of this confequential place, had recourfe to every ar tifice and contrivance which they thought could, fecure its defence : with in its walls they planted, a ftrong garrifon,. to refill the affaults of the- Saxons, the remaining parties retired tothe woods,, and hid themfelvesm * Cft-ron. Roffenfis, MS. in the Cotton den. apprehends to have flood upon the. Lib. marked Nero TX ii.. & Mat. Weft, fub fame fpot where the town of Newenden- is- anno 485. now built, by the fide of the river Lymen,, f Henry Huntingdon,- lib. ii. Chron. which feparates Kent from Suffex. Camd, Roffen. ut fup. & Chron. Sax. fub anno in Kent, & vide Lambardes Perarnb. of*. 48<;- Kent, foLaojr. X Andredes cefter, or Caer AndreJ, Cam« private Part II. THE KINGDOM OF SUSSEX. 89 private ambufhes, to annoy the march of iElle, as he approached, and A. D. 490. to difturb him in the rear, whilft he was making an attempt upon the city. Thefe prudent meafures they purfued for fome time, with great fuccefs, continually harraffing the army of the- Saxons, and delaying the profecution of the fiege. iElle, vexed to the foul at thefe tedious inter ruptions, bethought him of a new method to carry on his defign : he divided his whole army into two parts, one of which he commanded vi gorously to affault the city, whilft the other divifion was employed in re filling the Britons who were fcouting in the field, and prevent their di-. flurbing thofe -who were making their attempts upon the befieged. By this means, he foon took the city by ftorm, and rafed it to the ground".. Provoked at the refiftance which had been made againft him, in his. an ger he jniferably murdered all the inhabitants, fparing neither women nor children.* When he had effected this important conqueft,' he foon gained all the other paffes, and drove the Britons from his dominions ; taking full, poffeffion of Suffex and Surrey. When iElle had thus extended and fecured his kingdom, he ruled in The<-e?th °f peace the remainder of his days, and departed this life about the year of M e' Our Lord 514,7 thirty-fix years after his firft arrival in Britain; leaving the government of Suffex to his fon Ciffa : for Cymen and Wlen ching, the two elder fons, are fuppofed to have been flain in. the wars be tween the Britons aftd-theic .father, during the firft eight years from his arrival. CISSA, the -fecond King of the South Saxons. Cissa accompanied his father in all his warlike undertakings, and was A. D. 514. alfo with him at the fiege of Andredes cefter; but after he afcended the . . . throne, either from his love of peace, or becaufe the Britons, in his fa- PeaCe.rei£nS tiler's time, were thoroughly fubdued and driven from his territories, he did not undertake any further war during his whole reign. It is true, that he affifted Cerdic, the Weft Saxon prince, with money, to carry on his conquefts againft the Britons, yet he never appears to have attended in perfon to his aid; but feems rather to have employed his time in fe- curing his own dominions, and reftoring quietnefs at home. He built Ci- chefter, then called Ciffa cefter, or the city of Ciffa, after his own names and Chifburg, or Cifsbury, % thefe were two large and confiderable cities. " The quiet reign of Ciffa, is faid to have endured the fpace of feventy- The death of fix years, when he died, in the year of our Lord, 590 ; leaving the king- lffa" dom to Edelwalch. * Henry Huntingdon, lib. ii. Cbron. where, the inhabitants are perfuaded, that Sax. fub anno 490^ Chron. Roffen. Matt. Julius Cifar entrenched, and fortified his Weft, fub anno 492. & Ethelwerd, lib. i. &c. camp; but Cifshuiy, the name of the f. The Chron. Wintonienfis places his place, plainly witneffeth it to have been death, A. D. 508. . the work of Ciffa, the ion of iElle, king of | HastMry Oflington there is'a fort,. en- the South Saxons. Camd. Britannia, in compaflecf with a bank rudely call up, Suffex. Vol. I, N ETHEL- 9c> HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. ATHELWALD, or EDELWALCH, the laft King of the South Saxons. A. D. 590. This prince, like the former, did not acquire any great degree of Eddwaich be ^ame 'n mmtary affairs, efpecially in the beginning of his reign. He is, cometh a chd- indeed, more juftly noted, as being the firft perfon who received the fti'"3• Chriftian faith, amongft the South Saxons : he was baptized in Mercia, at the intreaty and advice of Vulfhere, the king of that realm. In this king's reign, there happened a dreadful famine in Suffex, which raged fo violently, that the unhappy people were driven to the utmoft diftrefs, and, in the height of defpair, threw themfelves from the mountains, and were dafhed in pieces, or drowned in the fea ; efteeming it far" more pre ferable, in this defperate manner to put^a fudden end to their wretched beings, than wait the lingering ftroke from the hand of death, which hovered over them :* fo true it is, that the fhocking apprehenfions of diftant deftruction, are often far more dreadful than even inftant death ; nor has the comfortable doctrine of Chriftianity itfelf been able entirely to remove thefe ideas from the minds of men ; it is a lamentable truth, that even in the prefent and enlightened age, almoft every day produces fome ftrikinginftance of felf-deftruction. What muft the horrid reflec tion of fuch a moment be, when flying from the mifery of this fhort and tranfitory world, men launch precipitately into the unknown regions of eternity ? A. D. 680. Edelwalch, after having paffed all his youthful days in peace, was even in his Old age called forth to the field: for, a valiant young man, Edheiw"ch.°f named Cadwalla, of noble parentage, amongft the Weft Saxons, ' heing banifhed from his country by the ^prevalence of fome faction, brought with him a ftrong band of foldiers, and fell upon the kingdorn of Suffex with undaunted fury. This alarming news being made known to the king, he collected his forces together, and placing himfelf at their head, conducted them againft Cadwalla, and gave him battle. The end was unfortunate to the South Saxons, who were put to flight hy Cadwalla and his party ; and in this battle their aged monarch was flain.-j- BERTHUNUS and ANTHUN, two Rulers of the South Saxons. A. D. 681. No fooner was the death of Edelwalch made known amongft his fub- Berthunm and Je®~s' tnan Berthunus and Anthun, two noblemen, of Suffex, took upon Amhu" p'reTaii them the management of the war, and gathered a frefh army to oppofe walk' Cad" Cadwalla ; who, proud of his late victory, was making hafty advances into the kingdom. Fortune favoured the attempts of the two valiant chiefs ; for, in feveral encounters, they obtained the victory, and drove * Bede, Ecclef. Hift, lib, iv. cap. 13, -j- Ibid. cap. 15. Cadwalla Part II. THE KINGDOM OF SUSSEX.; 91 Cadwalla and his party from the kingdom. After the flight of their A. D. 681. inveterate foe, the South Saxons enjoyed a little fpace of peace, under the rule and governance of the two chiefs who had delivered them from their oppreffors.* During this tranquility in Suffex, Cadwalla had returned into die A. D. 685. kingdom of Weffex, and, after the death of Centwine, obtained the The end of (he crown. No fooner had he feated himfelf firmly in his royal dignity, kingdom of the than he remembered his former enterprizes amongft the South Saxons ; South Saxons> and confidering the weaknefs of their ftate, conceived that the conqueft would not be difficult to achieve. Thefe ambitious reflections led him into the field, and once more he turned his arms -againft Suffex. Ber thunus, and his colleague, did all which lay in their power to fupport their bleeding country, and prevent her ruin; but all their noble ftrug- gles were in vain ; and the death of Berthunus (who was foon after flain in batde) finally determined her wretched fate ! What became of Anthun, after the defeat and death of Berthunus, his affociate, is not re corded; but it is very certain, that after this he bore no further rule in the ftate. The victorious Cadwalla continued his march through the whole kingdom, and added to his former conquefts the ifle of Wight.f From this time . Suffex ceafed to be a diftinct kingdom, and was by Cadwalla united to that of Weffex, over which he bore his rule, in the year of our Lord 686; fo that the duration of this monarchy exceeded not two hundred and nine years, from the firft arrival of iElle. The kingdom of the South Saxons, notwithftanding it was begun fo The accounts early, and held with fuch glory under iElle, its firft king, was yet by far j^"mkp'cnrfe"a of the fhorteft continuance of any one of the heptarchy. Indeed, from the and why. death of iElle, its glory began to die away, and its ruin was completed by the inaction of the fucceeding kings : for, weakened and effeminated by the long duration of peace, the whole ftate became an eafy prey to their warlike neighbours. The little confequence this monarchy ac quired, after the death of iElle, is, without doubt, the chief reafon why all the ancient accounts of it, (which are handed down to the prefent time) are fo very imperfect. Before I conclude the hiftory of this kingdom, I fhall make one fhort Obfervations or; remark on the long fpace which is taken up with only the two reigns of^H^'*" Ciffa, and his fucceffor, Edelwalch, making together one hundred and Edelwalch. fixty-fix years. With regard to Ciffa, I have followed the Saxon chron- nicle ; but, ifwe confider that he came to Britain with his father, A. D. 477, and we may reafonably fuppofe he was then old enough to bear arms, making him but fixteen, he will be in the year 590, when he is faid to have deceafed, one hundred and thirty-nine years of age. His fucceffor, Edelwalch, alfo (to make the date in the leaft agree with the age, and time of Cadwalla' s mounting the throne of the Weft Saxons) * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iv. cap. i£. + Ibid. cap. 16, & alia. N 2 did $2 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. did reign the full fpace of ninety years, exclufive of his age before he came to the crown ; and we know, at this period, youths of an age inca pable of governing, were feldom fuffered to affume the diadem ; fo that a.t the moft moderate computation, his age muft alfo haye exceeded one hundredyears. And it is far from impoffible, but that thefe two monarchs might have lived to thefe extraordinary ages, efpecially when we confi der, that the latter part of the Ciffas, and all the reign of Edelwalch, was peaceable and quiet, which, together with ftrong conftitutions, and minds at eafe, might greatly conduce to the prefervation of their health, and the lengthening of their lives.* * Modern authors have conjectured, and not without grea,t (hew of reafon, that fome other prince might be advanced to the South Saxon throne, immediately after the death of Ciffa, and before the fuccef fion of Edelwalch, whofe name is loft in the confufion of thofe(times, or neglected by the ancient authors, as doing nothing worthy of mention : and this is the more likely to b.e true, when we reflecT: on the declining ftate of the kingdom, which had now loft its former confequence ; and even Edelwalch himfelf might, perhaps, have fliared the fame fate, had not his, and the ftate's, converfion to Chriftianity, an e- vent of great importance, recalled them from- the oblivion into which they had funk. Vide Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. vol. H. part i. END OF THE KINGDOM OF SUSSEX. HISTORY ( 93 ) HISTORY O F W E S S E X, THE THIRD KINGDOM OF THE HEPTARCHY. THE next monarchy which fprang up in Britain, was that of the The extent of* Weft Saxons, firft begun by Cerdic and his fon Cenric : and was ^J^™ °f by far more glorious, and oflonger continuance, than any of the reft ; all of which were by degrees overcome, and the inhabitants, by force of arms, brought under the fubjection of the kings of Weffex. This, do minion contained the counties of Berkfhire, Southampton, Wiltfhire, Dorfetfhire, Somerfetfhire, Devonfhire, and part of Cornwall. Its boundaries were Suffex on the eaft, the Thames on the north, the main ocean on the fouth, and alfo on the weft beyond Cornwall. CERDIC and CENRIC, the firft Kings of Wessex. Cerdic, with his fon Cenric, accompanied with a large army, on A.D. 495. board of five great fhips, arrived at Britain in the year of our Lord 495, and landed at a place thence called Cerdicefhora.* The Britons were Brittin^8 '" quickly alarmed, and gathering their forces together, came down to the •fea-fhore without delay, to give them battle. The Saxons boldly withftood their approach, and refifted their furious attacks with great vigour : the fight continued the whole length of the day, fometimes the one, fome times the other, appearing to prevail. Yet when the night and dark- nefs prevented their further combat, the conflict ftill remained doubt- ' ful; however, the Saxons by degrees, got firm footing in the land. It is true> the Britons would not fuffer them to enjoy the fruits of their labours in peace, but were continually difturbing them with fudden af- faults and repeated fkirmifhes. In this troublefome fort, the Saxons held their poffeffions for the firft twelve years ; yet, fe'arlefs of danger, and hopeful of hetter fortune, they flood the ftorm with confirmed refo- lutions,, and baffled all the attacks of their inveterate foes.f Port, another German chief, with his two fons, Biedda and Msegla, A. D. 501. following the fortune of their fellow-countrymen, arrived in two fhips f^undi""™* on that part of Hampfhire, fince called Portfmouth, and faid to have Britain.. * Cenbiceyhopai, or Cerdic's fhore, f Ibid. Hen. Hunt, lib. ii. Chron. Sax.. taken 94 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 501. taken its name from him. They brought with them a ftrong band of hardy youths, and at their firft landing gave battle to the inhabitants. Their undertakings proved victorious ; they chaced the Britons from thofe parts, taking poffeffion of all their wealth, and fettling in their habitations; remaining there till greater occafion of fignalizing their va lour called them forth to the aid of the Weft Saxons, who were ex tending their rule under the leading of Cerdic, their warlike chief.* A. D. 508. Diftreffed on all fides, the haplefs Britons knew not which way to turn themfelves, nor whither to direct their power, to make the moft Britifh chief, e important refiftance ; frefh numbers daily poured upon them, frefh inva- flain by cerdic fioris called aloud for their' falutary help. But now, above all, the rifirig glory of the Weft Saxons feemed to threaten the greateftdanger to the land, wherefore all uniting in a powerful band, they marched againft Cerdic, under the conduct of Aurelius Ambrofius, who, in honour of . his indefatigable labours for the defence of his country, was firnamed Natanleod.f Of this chieftain we have fpoken before ; he is reported to have been the defcendant of that Conftantine, who, in the reign of Honorius, was elected emperor in Britain by the mutiny of the army. £ Alarmed at thefe great preparations which were making againft him, Cerdic difpatched meffengers into Kent and Suffex, to beg affiftance from Octa and Ciffa, who ruled in thofe realms. Pie alfo fent preffing invitations to Port and his two fons, who, pleafed with the opportunity * Henry Hunt. Chron. Sax. fub anno time living ; and to whom could this ho- 501. Ethelwerd, lib. i. & Henry Hunt, norary firname fo well belong, as to him, lib. ii. who had often fought the battles of the f This name fignifies the defender or Britons, and led them to frequent con- proteftor of his country. To avoid all in- queft. This opinion, I acknowledge, is terruptions in the body of the work, I neither new, nor my own, but has been have thrown into this note fuch obferva- long fince ftarted by the fearchers into the tions as I thought were neceffary to be ancient records. Imay obferve, that ano- made, on my having exprefsly declared, ther competitor is fet up againft Ambro- that Aurelius Ambrofius and this Natan- fms, which is Uther Pendragon, faid to be leod, are but one and the fame perfon ; his brother ; but as his exiflence is very andl may the more particularly be thought doubtful, and it appears not, fave in the bound to fay fomething in my defence, as fables of Geoffry Monmouth, that he ever I have not the authority of ancient hiftory acquired that honour which was fo juftly to vouch for me. It is ftrange, as Cam- due to the former ; for this caufe, I hope den has obferved, that fo lingular a per- I maybe excufed in fetting him afide, and fonage, and alfo fo famous, (as from the placing in his ftead, a man, to whom this declaration of Huntingdon, as well as title with greater reafon may be faid to be- from the import of his name, we may ea- long; and a man, who, from all the beft filyfind he was) fhould fo fuddenly fpring authorities, we maybe affured was. in be- up amongft the Britons, and be only known ing, and that at this very time. Vide to have fought this fingle battle : and it Camb. Uffer Primord. Milton's Hift. Eng. will alfo appear ftill more extraordinary, Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. vol. II. &c. &c. if we recoiled!:, that Aurelius Ambrofius, (as j Radulph Dicetus de reg. Brit. & vide we may judge from the words of Gildas, page 54, of this Chron.. and other authentic authors) was at this which Part II. THE KINGDOM OF WESSEX, 95 which offered to fettle them in. the land, obeyed, the fummons, and A.D. 508* joined the Weft Saxon army ; Cerdic receiving alfo reinforcements from "Kent and Suffex, found himfelf in good condition to abide the fortune of war, and refill all the. attempts' which the Britons might make upon his poffeffions. In the mean time, Natanleod advanced at the head of his troops, and prepared to give battle to the Saxons, who, when they heard of his approach, advanced to meet him ; and at a place, which was after called Cerdic's ford, a grievous conflict enfued. This day proved fatal to the Britons, who thefe loft their king, and defender, and with him five thoufand of their braveft troops ;* whilft the Saxons, elated with their fuccefs, retired from the field, and for a confiderable time re mained unmolefted by the Britons. Six years after this famous battle, there arrived in Britain a frefh A. D. 514. fupply of troops from Germany, under the conduct of Stuf and Witgar ; The arriva, of who were both of them nephews to Cerdic. They came in threelarge fhips,.stuf and wit- and landed at Cerdic's fhore, where their uncle had firft difembarked. ?ar> The neighbouring Britons affembled together, and endeavoured by bat tle to flop their advancement into the land ; but thefe young men being 1 trained up to war, and regardlefs of fhe danger, ftrove to fignalize their names by the greatnefs of their courage, and abode the conflict with un daunted refolution. ; In the end they triumphed over their opponents, and forced their paffage through the midft of them, making a prodigi ous flaughter, as well of their leaders, as of the private men.f . When they arrived in Weffex, they were joyfully received by their uncle, and the fame of their victory at Cerdic's fhore was. fpread through the land, to the no fmall terror of the diftreffed Britons. Now furely had Britain been loft at once, had not Arthur, a noble The hiftory of prince, who fucceeded Natanleod in the command^ by the bravery of uncertainties0. his conduct, put frefh fpirits into the aching hearts of the natives, and once more revived in their fouls the glimmering light of hope. This - prince is particularly unfortunate, in having all his actions wrapped up in fuch a cloud of fable and romance, that it would be more than an Herculean labour to unravel the knotted clue, and feparate the truth from fiction. That there was fuch a man, and that he was a great and va liant chief, is hardly to be doubted, fince fuch authentic vouchers are to be produced, to prove his. exiflence ; but that he fhould have per formed all thole wonderful acts which are afcribed to him, cannot be true; for, the great fuccefs and advancement of the Saxons in Britain, and that during the time in which he is faid to have lived, plainly con tradict thofe groundfefs affertions.J Juft as much are we in the dark con cerning his birth, his parentage, or the exact time of his death ; how- * Ethelwerd, lib.i. & Henry Hunting- werd, Hift,. lib. i. & Huntingdon, lib. ii. don, lib. iu j Geoffry Monmouth Hift. Brit. lib. vii. f Chron. Sax. fub anno 514.. Ethel-. ever. 96 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II, A. D. 514. ever, the moft likely report Is, that he was fon to Pendragon, the bro ther of Aurelius Ambrofius.* A. D. 519. Cerdic, and Cenric, his fon, ftrengthened by the reinforcement which Another battle they had received from Germany, and prefuming on the confequence of at Cerdk's ford- their laft important victory, were ftill ftriving to extend their poffef- iionsi and fecure their footing in the land, by weakening the Britons, and driving them from their borders ; nor had this wretched people for a long time dared to attack them, or refill the grievous oppreffion, un til uniting together, they were led on by Arthur, and began to ravage the borders of the Weft Saxon kingdom. This being made known to Cerdic, he and his fon, with a potent army, marched out to defend their territories, and give battle to the Britons. Both powers met again at Cerdic's ford, and another fharp conflict enfued ;f but to which party the victory fell, is not recorded; yet, as far as we may judge from fucceeding circumftances, there is little doubt to be made, but that the Saxons had the upper hand : for, prefently after the engage-' ment, Cerdic, who until this time had only acted as the chief general, grafped at new honours, affuming the title of king, and began his rule as fuch over the kingdom of Weffex, making Cenric, his fon," his part ner in the royal dignity ; and it is not likely that he would have proceeded in thismanner, unlefs Fortune had ftill continued to fmile upon his at* tempts.J A. D. 527. From the time that Cerdic and Cenric took upon them the monar* chical government, to ..the year of our Lord 527, the fpace of eight t^cen'the'Brf- years, they feem to haye enjoyed their dominions in peace ; or, at leaft^ tons and Saxons duringthe whole of that period, they were not molefted with any confe- ^^'^'^'quential war. How they employed this leifure, it is impoffible to dif cover; but yet they could not fo thoroughly ftrengthen their frontiers, but the enemy would at times be breaking in upon them. About this time, the Britons having recovered their loffes, and reinforced their army, were determined once more to try the fortune of war, and ftrive by battle to fave their finking country from total ruin. Under the con duct of Arthur, they reforted to the field, and began afrefh to fet upon the borders of Weffex. Routed at the alarm, the valiant kings trained Out their forces, and hafted to put a flop to the advancing danger. When they had reached a place, after called Cerdic's leah, they met the Britifh army, with whom they engaged ;§ but what was the fuccefs of this encounter is not known, unlefs it could be abfolutely determined that' this was fhe battle, Which, feveral of the ancient hiftorians have in formed us, was fought at Mount Budon, near Bath, where the Saxons * B.anulph Dicetus Hift. Brit. | Ibid. Ibid. &c. - -f- Chron. Sax. fub anno 5.19. Henry § Chron. Sax. fub anno 527. Huntingdon, & Ethelwerd, ut fupra. - -, were Part II. THE KINGDOM OF WESS.EX. 97 were hemmed in by the Britons, and received a grievous overthrow.* A. D. 527. This action is faid to be the laft, in which the Britifh chieftain carried the conqueft over his enemies ; after which time, perhaps, hq either died, or was flain in the defence of his country, f Cerdic, after this encounter with the Britons, retired back with his A. D. 530. army, and fought no further to moleft them ; fo that a ceffation of arms Cardic enfoed, which was continued for feveral years. But though he eeafedtheifleof his attempts upon fuch of the inhabitants as lay round about him upon v,ls>it- the main land, yet ftill he paffed not the reft of his reign in continual idlenefs ; for, three years after the laft battle, accompanied with his fon Cenric, and his nephews, Stuf and Witgar, he invaded the ifle of Wight, and overcame the inhabitants in a fet engagement, at a place which was after named Witgara burg, (becaufe Witgar there built a city) and brought the whole ifland under his fubjection.J When Cerdic had thus begun and fettled the kingdom of Weffex, he A. D. 532. found full employment to defend its frontiers from the incurfions of the v-arious' fkir- Britons. Various were the fkirmifhes and battles which enfued, and as mifhes between various the fuccefs ; fometimes the Britons,, fometimes the Saxons, bear- saxo™"0"' a"d ing away the palm of victory : yet none of thefe actions were confidera ble enough to fhake the ftate, or affect the general welfare of Weffex; * Gildas Hift. cap. 26. Bede, Ecc. Hift. lib.i. cap. 16. W. Malmf. lib. i, Nennii, Hift. &c. &c. .f And it is not without , great reafon, , that modern authors have fuppofed that this battle of Cerdic's leah, was the fame with that of Badon Hill ; for the peace which followed it, feems plainly to prove, that Cerdic was not willing any more to rifk his fortune in the field, but rather chofe to fit down quietly in his prefent pof- feflions. The time alfo, and every other circumftance relative to thefe important afitions, agree exaftly ; fo that we may with as much certainty as can be gained from reafonable conjefture, reft affured they are both the fame engagement, un der different names. Milton, in his Hifto ry of England, has taken great pains to prove this faft, and has fucceeded, in my opinion, as well as the nature of the fub- jecl: would admit of ; to which book the reader is referred, where he may find that author's opinion at- large.. Before I con clude this note, I fhall juft add, that Nen- nius, and after him, Henry of Hunting don, have afcribed to Arthur twelve feve ral victories over the Saxons. The firft Vol. I. O battle was fought by the mouth of the ri ver Glem, or Gleyne ; the fecond, third, fourth, and fifth,' were fought near another river, called Duglafs, which is in the county of Lineux : the fixth upon the banks of the river Baffus. The Sgala Chronica fays, Arthur fought with Calgryne by the water of Duglafs, now called Dbnev Seal. Chr. lib. i. The feventh in the wood Calidon : the Sea. Chr. adds, Arthur chafed Chel- drik into a great wood, by Baclings ; the eighth was befide the caftle, of Guinien '; in this battle, he carried the image of the crofs of Chrift, and the Virgin Mary, upon his fhoulders ; the ninth at Carleon ; the tenth at Rither wood ; the eleventh on a. mountain, named Agned Cathregonion ; and the twelfth at Badon HilL But at what particular time thefe battles were fought, or againft what parties of the Saxons, (if it is true that they were all fought) cannot at prefent be determined ; therefore I have put them into a note, ra ther than burthen the body of the work itfelf with .uncertainties. Vide all the au thors quoted in the preceding note. X Chron. Sax. fub anno 530. & Will. Malmf. lib.i. cap, 2. for 98 * HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY., Part II. A. D. 532. for which reafon they are not particularly noted by the ancient hiftorians.* In thk warlike manner, Cerdic held his rule in Britain thirty-eight years, from his firft arrival, when he died, in the year of our Lord 533, four teen years after he had affumed the title of king. CENRIC alone, the fecond King of Wessex. A. D. 533. Immediately after the death of Cerdic, his fon Cenric took the gO- „., , . vernment of the whole kingdom upon him, and held it with a powerful 1 ne peaceable . . ,.-,. ,, rt D K. . . . 1 «. 1 ivginnmg -of hand. || The firft nineteen years of his reign appear to have been paffed cennc's reign. jn perfect peace; the Britons Were either afraid of oppofing him, or elfe hindered by their want of leifure, being employed, perhaps, in other wars; or, what is more likely, by their civil diffentions amongft themfelves': for, notwithftanding, the danger of their fituation, no fooner could they , gain the leaft profpect of peace, but, turning their thoughts from the Saxons, their general enemies, they fell to difcords and jarring in their own diftriets. j- Cenric, foon after his advancement to the throne, gave the government of the ifle of Wight, to his coufins, Stuf and Witgar, the latter of which affumed the title of king, and built a city, which he named Witgara's burg, (or Witgar's city) where he was buried. A. D. 552. The Britons now fearing the growing greatnefs of Cenric, were Battle between in^Y apprehenfive of the daily encroachments which that prince was the Britons and conftantly making upon their territories, laid afide for a time their pri vate difcords, and united themfelves againft the Weft Saxons. To op pofe this torrent, Cenric collected his army, and refolutely took the field;. Both armies met near Salifbury, where a defperate engagement enfued "; the Britons fighting vigoroufly for the recovery of their country, and the Saxons as valiantly refilling, to preferve their former conquefts ; at laft, (after great flaughter on both fides) the Saxons prevailed, and chafed the Britons from the borders of their kingdom. J A.D. 556. After the laft victory obtained by Cenric and his party, the Britons The battle at ceafed f°r f°me rime to moleft them, and employed the whole of that lei^ Beran burg. fore time in recruiting their forces, and ftrengthening the army ; for their late lofs had not fo much depreffed their fpirits, but they refolved again to try the fortune of the field, and fet their hopes of liberty once more at flake. The news of their approach was no fooner brought to the court of Cenric, than, calling his army together, and aided by his fon * Hen. Hunt. lib. ii. that he was defcen.ded from Ceolfulf, the || Chron,, Sax. &c. &c. Speed, Sammes, fecond fon of Cenric. Vide Chron. Sax. and other modern hiftorians, gave Cerdic fub anno 674. another fon, named Chelwolf, from whom, -j- Gild. Hift. cap. ult. , they fay, fprang Efcwine, King of the Weft X Chron. Sax. fub anno 552. Henry Saxons, who afcendedthe throne, A.D. Huntingdon, lib. ii. & Ethelwerd, lib. i. 674; but the Saxon Chronicle declares, Ceawlin, Part II; " THE KINGDOM OF WES SEX. w Geawlin, he marched forth to defend his dominions. At Beranburg, he A. D..556. came up with the forces of the Britons, and gave them inftant battle ; the conflict,- which was fharp and bloody, continued all the day ; nor did they on either fide give back, till the approach of night obliged them to retire ; the flaughter, which was very great, feems to have been nearly equal on either fide ; for neither the one nor the other could challenge the victory. The lofs which both armies fuftained in this en gagement, moderated the rage of their irritated minds ; for, when the morrow's fun was rifen upon the plain, they had no inclination to renew the battle ; but after performing the laft honours to their departed friends, they left the field : the Britons returning to their own confines, and the Saxons retreating to their feparate homes.* -. This was the laft battle of any confequence that happened in the reign A. D. 559. of Cenric, who was now advancing in years, and fpent the remainder Thedeathof of his life in peace. This warlike chief came over with his father, andcenric. wasafufting in the eftablifhment of the Weft Saxon kingdom, which he fupported with great glory during the whole of his life ; being nothing inferior to his father, either in courage, or conduct. When he had reigned rather better than twenty-fix years, (after the death of his fa ther)- he departed this life, and left the kingdom to the government of Ceawlin, his eldeft fon.f Cenric had three fons ; the firft was Ceawlin, who fucceeded him; the The iffue »f fecond, Ceolfulf; and the laft, Cuth. Ceolfulf affifted his brother Cenric*: Ceawlin in his wars, and was often partaker with him in "his victories. He died in the year 571, leaving behind him one fon, named Ceol, or Cearlic, who is faid to have chafed his uncle Ceawlin from the king dom, and feated himfelf upon his throne. Cuth, the third fon of Cen- ^ ric, was famous rather for his iffue than for any particular acts of his own ; he had three fons, the firft was Chelwulf) who was king of the Weft Saxons ; the fecond was Chel, who was father to Cingils, ano ther king of the Weft Saxons, and grandfather to Kenwal and Cen- wine, alfo kings of Weffex. Ched, the laft fon, was father to Kenbert. CEAWLIN, the third King of the West Saxons. After the death of Cenric, his fon Ceawlin, mounted the throne of A. D. 560. Weffex. This prince had given great proofs of his valour at the battle of Ber,anburg, where he was prefent, and affifted his father. The early bitious'deVgns". part of his reign feems to have been fpent without the left difturbance ; for -the Britons, the chief enemies of the- ftate,. had drank of late fo deep of the bitter cup of misfortune, and were driven to fuch diftrefs, that they were glad to enjoy in quietnefs the favourable ray of peace which ihone * Chron. Saxon, fub anno ^56. Henry Huntingdon, Ethelwerd, &c. , f Chron. Saxon, fub anno 559, &e. ^ O 2 upon IOO HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 560. upon them. Now fecure in his poffeffions, this welcome tranquility gave Ceawlin leifure to look round upon the neighbouring kingdoms :- this careful furvey raifed in his mind an ambitious thirft for war, and led him to attempt the enlargement of his ftate. Such is the effect of ambition upon the minds of men, that the greateft injuftice will wear the mafkof glory, and the unlawful fpoils forced from a diftreffed nation, be called the honourable gifts of fortune, due to valiant deeds. Till this time the wars of the Saxons had been only carried on againft the Britons, a firm cordiality exifting amongft their own different ftates ; but Ceawlin firft made a breach upon that love " and friendfhip which had hitherto pre vailed : for, considering the youth of Ethelbert, king of Kent, and the inactivity ofhis fubjects, who had for a long time lived in profound peace, he thought the conqueft of that kingdom would not be difficult to ef fect ; therefore, he refolved to begin the war, and accordingly made every preparation neceffary to accomplifh his defign.* Thebattle of Wibbandune. A. D. 568. Ceawlin's intentions were not fo fecretly conducted, but that Ethel bert was made acquainted with them. Thefe alarming proceedings caufed him to make the moft fpeedy provifion for the defence of his kingdom. His army conducted by two valiant chiefs, called Oflac and Cnebban, met the forces of Ceawlin, at Wibbandune, where a fevere battle enfued, in which Ceawlin proved fuccefsful ; for the two leaders of Ethelbert's army were flain in the field, and all his forces routed; himfelf hardly efcaping by a precipitate flight.f Notwithftanding this favourable beginning of Ceawlin, he feems to have met with fome fur ther oppofition, which cooled the ardour of his ambition, and prevented his making any greater advances into the kingdom of Kent ; for we hear not of any other confiderable action which he performed. But foon af ter this battle he feems to have returned to Weffex, and chopped the fur ther purfuit ofhis defign. The battle at Bedford. \. D. 571. About this time, the Britons began once more to make head againft Ceawline, and were entering the borders of Weffex. This alarming circumftance called his forces to the field, who, under the conduct of Ceolfulf, his brother, marched againft the advancing foe. We are not acquainted with the reafons that with-held the king himfelf from being prefent at this war, which was entirely left to the management of Ceol fulf; who was fo fortunate in his undertaking, that, in a decifive battle, fought near Bedford, he routed the Britifh army, and crowned his con queft with the capture of four of their chief towns, namely, Lygean burg, Egelsburg,Benfington, and Evefham. J This diftreffing accident fo deeply * Hen. Hunt. lib. ii. f Chron. Saxon, fub anno 568. Malmf. Hen. Hunt. &c. &c. X Chron. Saxon, fub anno 571. Hen. Will. Hunt. lib. ii. &c, affected Part II. THE KINGDOM OFWESSEX_ 101 affected the fpirit of the Britons, that, in woeful filence, they made their A. D. 571. retreat from theface of their enemies, lamenting the misfortunes which every day increafed upon t.hem; not that all. thefe appearances of fpeedy ruin could prevail upon them to leave their own inordinate purfuits, or follow fuch methods as prudence and difcretion would dictate; for, in ftead of continuing ftrong in their confederacies, and uniting firmly to gether, they ftill kept up their own civil difputes, and laid themfelves open to the attacks of their opponents, who were not backward in feizing upon the leaft occafion of purfuing their advantage. Soon after this laft important victory, Ceolfulf returned home to the court of his brother Ceawlin, and died the fame year. Ceawlin now enjoyed about fix years in tranquility, at the end of which A. D. 577. the war was again renewed with the Britons, who had brought, into the The bwt]e a{ field a greater army, headed by three of their kings, named Comail, Con- Deorham. didan, and Farinmail ; they met the forces of Ceawline (who was accom panied by Cuth,. his eldeft. fon) at a place called Deorham, where a fe- vere battle was fought, which ended in favour, of the Saxons ; for all the three Britifh kings were flain in the field, and theif army put to flight. Ceawlin and his fon purfuing their victories, took from the Britons three other large, towns, as Gloucefter, Cirencefter, and Bathancefter. After this, action, Ceawlin returned home,, and peace was again eftablifhed for the fpace of fix years.* Ceawlin, during this tranquility, made great preparations for the de- A. D. 583;- fence of his territories ; and was now determined to fet upon the neigh- The batt]e of bouring Britons, who,, taught by woeful experience the confequence of Fethan uaS. their, fatal difcords,. had entered into a ftronger combination than before, and were refolutely making, head in the defence of their native rights. Ceawlin himfelf (affifted by his fon Cuth) conducted the army againft them, who had by this time completed their recruits, and were not back ward in. oppofing the marches 'of their detefted foes. Both armies met at a place called Fethan leag,^ where the battle was prefently begun : at the firft onfet, Cuth, the fon of Ceawlin, was overpowered by num bers, and flain in the field, and all the party which he commanded was put to flight; Ceawlin feeing this alarming accident,, made. a fierce charge upon the wing of the Britons with which he was engaged, and putting them to the rout, came up with thofe who had oppreffed the Saxons, and were taking the advantage of their victory; this unexpected •aid revived the fpirits- of the flying troops, fo that rallying their forces, and returning again, the onfet was renewed; while the Britons hem med' in on all fides, were unable to refift the fudden and repeated » * Chron. Sax. fub anno 57.7.. Hunt, ut near Fekenham foreft, in Worcefterfhire. fup. &c. Vide Samme's Brit, vol, I. p. 563. f Suppofed to have been fomewherc. fhocks.j * 02 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A, D. 583. fhocks ; their main body began to give way, and in the end a total over-: throw enfoed, the Savons remaining abfolute mafters of the field. This important vi ftory opened the way for Ceawlin; who, purfuing his for tunes, feized upon feveral towns, where obtaining great fpoils, he and his army returned home laden with riches, and glorying in their extended conquefts.* A.D. 591. This confiderable lofs to the Britons, though for a time it prevented their undertaking any war againft the Weft Saxons, was far fromextin- nate overthrow guifhing that implacable hatred which they bore towards them : and of ceawlin at now grown defperate in their refolutions, they only kept up the appear- " s'm3unt• ance 0f peace, until they had fofficiently ftrengthened their army, to take the field again ; which was no fooner done, than they fet upon the borders of Weffex. Nor was Ceawlin behind hand in making head againft them j he came up with their army at a place called Woden's Mount, f where a fevere engagement enfued. But here the glory which had before accom panied Ceawlin in his undertakings, left him fuddenly ; for his forces were totally overthrown, and the Britons bore away the victory, making a great flaughter of the flying Saxons. Ceawlin, oppreffed with griefi returned to his court ; but thejag»alfo the change of fortune awaited him : for now his fubjects, who had hitherto received him with applaufe, and extolled his victories to the fkies, began by open murmurs, and conti nued difcontents, to fall from their allegiance, and rife in rebellious par ries. Struck with their ingratitude, and feeking to avoid their mifchie- vous defigns, this unfortunate monarch left the kingly dignity, and aban doned the' realm, dying in poor eftate, about the year of our Lord S93-t Whilft conqueft crowns the hero's bold attempts, his name may be ido lized by the people, and his actions mentioned with repeated praife ; but turn the fcale, and view him in difgrace, one fatal battle loft may quite eclipfe his former glory, though the due reward of many years hard toil, and many victories gained ! This was the unequal fortune of Ceawlin, who, after gaining fo many important conquefts, was thruft from the throne for one unlucky overthrow, after he had reigned glorioufly thir ty-one years. The iffue of Ceawlin had two fons ; the eldeft, Cuth, who ferved under his com- Ceawiin. rnand, and was flain at the battle of Fethan leag ; this Cuth was the an- ceftor of Ceadwalla, king of Weffex. The youngeft fon was named * Thus the Saxon Chronicle, Ethel- anno 583. Chron. Ethelwerd, & Hift. Hen. werd, and Henry Huntingdon, have it. Hunt. lib. ii. & Mat. Weft, fub anno 584. Mat. Weft, indeed mentions the death of j. UJobbnes beonlire, in the Saxon Cuth, and the Saxons' flight, but takes Chron. or Woden's Mount, in Wiltfhire. no notice of the recovery of the day by Vide Sammes, &c. Speed tranflates it Ceawlin. But befides the foregoing autho- Woden's Ditch. See his Chron. nty for the truth of this laft circumftance, j W. Malmf. lib. ii. & Chron. Saxon. the eight years peace which followed, feems Vide Holingfhed, Stow, Speed, &c. plainly to confirm it. Chron, Saxon, fub Cuthwin ; Part II. THE KINGDOM OF WESSEX. 103 Cuthwin : he furvived his father,-. but fucceeded not in the kingdom, A. D. 591. (being, perhaps, too young to take the government upon him.), Cuth win was the anceftor of Ina and Egbert, two famous kings of the Weft Saxons ; the latter being him, who overcame all the other kingdoms of the Heptarchy, and joined them with his own. CEOLRIC, the fourth King of Wessex, Ceolric, the fon of Ceolfulf, the brother of Ceawlin, fuceeded him A. D. 592. in the kingdom of the Weft Saxons, and by fome fuppofed to have hadCeo]ric,saa. great hand in the expelling bf his uncle Ceawlin from the realm, in or- not known. der to make way for his own advancement to the throne : however this may be, his reign exceeded not five years ; and during all that time, he does not appear to have been concerned in any bufinefs of confequence,, nor to have undertaken any war of importance enough to claim the no tice of the antient hiftorians ; nor does, he feem to have left any iffue behind him to inherit the kingdom. o^ CEOLWULF, the fifth King of Wessex.. Ceolwulf, the next fucceffor in the realm, was the fon of Cuth, the A. D. 597. brother of Ceawlin. The riling ftate of Weffex had now . attracted the ,CeoIwuirs con. envy of the furrounding powers, fo that the whole reign of this prince tinuai warfare.. was fpent in continual warfare. As foon as he had affumed the royal dignity, the Eaft Angles, under the conduct of Redwald their king,, fet upon his territories ;' thefe with great refolution he oppofed, and his firft encounters were crowned with fuccefs, for Redwald and his party left the borders of Weffex prefently after, and returned home. No fooner had this enemy quitted the kingdom, than another fprang up todifturb its peace. The Britons,, who for a time had kept themfelves ' quiet, broke forth again, and renewed the war ; thefe alfo fubdued, the Picts and Scots made their way from the north, and aiding the Britons,. begun afrefh to ravage the borders of Weffex. Thus was Ceolwulf con tinually harraffed ; new dangers breaking out, as fail as the old ones were fobfided. In the end, with conftant refolution and undaunted courage, he quelled thefe troubles : but yet it was not ordained, that he fhould hold his reign in peace ; for when he had thus long acted only on the defenfive, his ambition led him on to retaliate, in fome meafore, upon his neighbours, the wrongs which he himfelf had received ; there fore in an evil hour,, he meditated an expedition againft the South Saxons, in the profecution of which he loft his life; after he had reigned fourteen years.* He does not appear to have left any children behind him to inherit his dignity. * Chron. Sax. fub ann. $97 & 607. Huntington, lib. 2... Mat. Weft, &c &c. W. Malmf. lib. i. cap. 2. Chron. Winton. CYNE- 104 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. CYNEGILS, the fixth King of Wessex. A.D. 6 1 1. Cynegils, the fon of Ceol, brother to Ceolwulf, fucceeded him in the kingdom of the Weft Saxons. This prince affociated with him his hi^fon his^rtTfon Cwichelm, who jointly managed the affairs of the ftate, in all mat ter in the ters 0f confequence, either relative to peace or war. -J- The early part of their reigns, they feem to have employed in confirming the love and unity which prevailed amongft their fubjects, in ftrengthening their army, and putting themfelves in the beft pofture of defence. A. D. 613. When thefe princes had finally fettled the affairs of the kingdom, they The Britons turned their thoughts againft the enemies of the ftate ; and principally overthrown at the Britons, who had been fo troublefome to their predeceffor, attracted their regard ; and becaufe they were not yet reduced to perfect tranqui lity, they determined to march out againft them with a large army. Thefe proceedings being made known to the Britons, they got their forces together with all the expedition they could, refolving boldly to oppofe the encroachments of their advancing foe. At Beandune % the armies met, and a bloody battle enfued, which ended in the total overthrow of the Britons, who were put to flight with fuch prodigious flaughter, that upwards of two thoufand of them were left dead in the field.§ By this victory the Weft Saxons fecured the peace of their country, and re duced the Britons to fo low an ebb, that for a long time after they dared not enter the field again. A. D. 628, Tne kingdom of Weffex now enjoyed a perfect peace for the fpace of Penda invades fifteen years, at which time the blood-thirfty and reftlefs Penda, king of we.Tex. Mercia, envying its happinefs, invaded its borders, and roufed the in habitants from their pleafing tranquility. To oppofe his march, Cyne gils and his fon, at the head of their army, advanced as far as Ciren- cefter, where they met the foe and gave them battle ; the fight was ob- ftinately continued all the day, with prodigious flaughter on either fide; the night at laft put an end to the conflict, but yet it was impoffible to determine which party had the upper-hand : however, in the morning, on both fides, they found their lofs fo great, that neither the one nor the other were willing to renew the engagement ; but after fome confuta tion between Penda and his party, and Cynegils, his fon, and their army, propofals were agreed to, and a fair peace was concluded upon and confirmed. This done, Penda returned to Mercia, and Cynegils, with his fon Cwichelm, to their own court.* A D. -635. After this battle, the reign of Cynegils was paffed in peace ; this cir- cynegiis re- cumftance gave him leifure to attend to the falutary doctrine of Cllrif- ceivestbeChriL ° J -w.**...!. tian faith. f Malmf, lib. i. cap. 2. and forty-fix, but Henry Hunt, makes X Beambune in the Sax. Chron. now them to be two thoufand and fixty-two. Bindon, in Dorfetfhire. Camden Brit. * Chron. Sax. fub an. 628. W. Malmf., § The Saxon Chron. fays two thoufand Hen- Hunt» &c- fuP« tianity Part II. THE KINGDOM OF WES SEX". 105 tianity, which now began to be preached in his dominions by Berihus : A. D. 635* and what by the impreffion that his difcourfes made upon the heart of Cynegils, and the perfuafion of Ofwald the Pious, king of Northum berland, (who afterwards married his daughter) he was convinced of "the divine truths, and was baptized at York. Theexample of the king was prefently followed by his fubjefts, who joyfully received the Chriftian faith,, and forfook their former errors. f The next year after Cynegils had been baptized, Cwichelm, his fon, A. D. 636. was alfo lead to the font, at the city of York, and died in that very . year, leaving his father in fole poffeffion of the kingdom. In the mean baptized Tnd. time the Chriftian religion flourifhed exceedingly in every part of Wef- dktht fex. J Cynegils outlived his fon and colleague only fix years, and died in The death and the year of our Lord 642, greatly lamented by his fubjefts, after he hadlfiueof Cyne°'ls" glorioufly reigned thirty-one years, and was buried in the monaftery of Winton, which he had newly founded.* Cynegils had" three fons and. one daughter, the eldeft was Cwichelm, who had reigned with and died before his father; the fecond was Cenwalh, who fuc ceeded his father ; and the third was Centwine, who was alfo king of the Weft Saxons^ The daughter of Cynegils was named Kineburga ; fhe was, in her father's life-time, married to Ofwald, Icing of Northumberland. Befides the actions which are already attributed to the prowefs of Cy- Eaftfex fubdued negils, and his warlike fon, Cwichelm, they made war upon the three hiSCfon!S'ls and fons ofSebba, (whoi after the death of 'their father, ruled in the king dom of the Eaft Saxons) and flew them in the field, and brought the power of that dominion ta a very low ebb. || , ¦ CENWALH, the feventh King o/Wessex. .. After the deceafe of Cynegils, his fecond fon, Cenwalh, afcendedA. D. 64". the throne of Weffex. In the early part of his reign, this prince gave himfelf up to vice, and ftill continued in the idolatry of his ancef- f""hu »^s. /* 'i y ric himfelf was flain, to the great grief of his father.|: A. D. 750. This trouble was foon after followed by another, of ftill more alarming The rebellion a n?-ture '> for iEthelhun, a nobleman of great repute in the kingdom, of^Etheihun. taking offence at fome proceedings of his fovereign, rofe againft him in open rebellion, and perfuaded a large party of the people to efpoufe his caufe. Cuthred, with his friends who continued faithful to him, marched againft the feditious earl, and gave him battle ; after a bloody engage ment, the rebels were put to .flight, and the king obtained a perfect vic tory. The earl now driven to the laft diftrefs, was forced to fubmit to his evil fortune j but the king, remembering mercy in the midft of ju- * Chron, Sax. fub anno 741. Henry J Ibid. Ibid. Et Chroa. Vrivallenfis ' Huntingdon,, lib. iv. &o &c &c, ' •f Chron. Sax. fub anno 743. AHunt, Ut flip. ftice,' Fart II. THE KINGDOM OF SUSSEX. 115 ftice, generoufly forgave him the offence, and reftored him again to all A. D. 750. his former honours; So great was the impreffion which this unexpected clemency made in the heart of ./Ethelhun, that, by his future actions, he gratefully ftrove to convince his mafter that his mercy was not be- fiowed in vain.* Shortly after Cuthred had compofed all thefe domeftic troubles, the A. D. 754.. war broke out again afrefh between him and Ethelbald, king of Mer cia, his old enemy. Unbounded pride and ambition had blown up into ne'wes thedwtr a flame the latent fparks of refentment in the breaft of the Mercian, fo with the Saxons,. that without the leaft juft caufe he invaded Weffex, and diftreffed the borders \#ith his cruel conquefts ; but it' was not long before Cuthred: met him with his army, and. put a flop to the progrefs of his arms. At Beorgford he fought with the Mercians, and gained a complete viftory.. The fuccefs of Cuthred in this important battle, is faid to have been chiefly owing to the great valour and conduft of i&thelhun, the noble man who had rebelled againft his- fovereign, and was pardoned as we have feen above. Yet the conqueft was not gained without confide rable flaughter on either fide.f This defeat,, far from preventing the defigns of Ethelbald, ferved rather A. D. 757.. to ftimulate his ambition, and fwell his pride beyond the bounds of rea fon and difcretion. In about two years he had again recruited his army, sceand^ne.8 and poured his forces upon the borders of Weffex. Cuthred marched againft him, and proved Tuccefsful in the war, caufing his enemy to re treat as far as Sceandune,J where he gave him battle. A long and bloody conflift enfoed, in which Cuthred and his party prevailed, and the Mercians were put to flight with the lofs ©f. their king, who is faid to have been murdered by the treachery of one ofhis Gaptains.§» The laft war of Cuthred was againft the Britons, whom he overcame The death of without much difficulty ; for the wars which they fuftained againft the ut " ' Weft Saxons and the Mercians, in the beginning of Cuthred' s reign, and the misfortunes which had preceded that time, had fo weakened their power,, that they were not in any tolerable ftate of refiftance. , When this prince had reigned glorioufly near fixteen years, he de parted from this life, in the year of our Lord 758, and left the kingdom, without an heir..| SIGEBRYHT,. the fourteenth King of Wessex.. &% d. * .g^ Upon, the death of Cuthred, a man of obfcure birth, named Sige- sigebryht's evil bryth, made his way to the throne of Weffex. The fuccefs which government. * Chron. Sax. fub anno 750,. &c. &c. three miles from Tamworth, in Warwick- ut fup. fhire. j- Chron. Sax. fub anno 753.. § Hunt, lib iv. Brompton, &c. X This place is fuppofed to be about || Ibid. Ibid.. Chron. Sax. fub anno 7S6. Q_2 crowned' i,i 6 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCFIY. Part IL A. D. 758. crowned "his attempt is the rather furprifing; becaufe his character is drawn in hiftory as a cruel and tyrannical oppreffor of the ftate. The ancient laws and conftitution of the realm he endeavoured to pervert, and make fubfervient to his own detefted ends. Thefe unjuft proceed ings alarmed the nobles, and provoked his fubjefts in general; itt laft,. an earl, named Cumbra, (a man of great fpirit, and much refpefted by the people) reproved him freely for his evil Conduft, and fet before him the confequences of perfifting in his errors, entreating him to hold the government with lefs rigour, becaufe the whole nation was univerfally* difcontented, and daily murmurs from all fides filled the ftate. This. fpirited admonition, inftead of meeting with a favourable reply, fo high ly exafperated Sygebryht againft the unfortunate Cumbra, that he caufed him to be put to a cruel death. This laft imprudent ftep inflamed the minds of the people to fuch a degree, that throwing off all allegiance> they rofe againft the tyrant, and threatening vengeance, deprived him. of all his regal honours, and drove him from the throne, before he had en joyed the crown the fpace of one year. The death of Sigebryht appears to have been as bafe and grovelling in adverfity, as he 1£e ry '* was proud and imperious in profperity : for, fearing the anger of his juftly- exafperated fubjects, he fled alone from Weffex in a mean difguife, fear fully avoiding the fight of man, and hiding himfelf in holes arid caverns. Atiaft, he took refuge in a large wood, on the borders of Kent, called Andredefweald, where, wandering obfcurely about, he was met by a poor ruftic, who had formerly been a fervant of the murdered Cumbra,, and the perfon of Sigebryht being known to him, out of zeal to revenge the wrongs ofhis late lord, he flew him upon the fpot.* CYNEWULF, the fifteenth King of the West Saxons. A.D. 758. Cynewulf, a noble young man of the line of Cerdic, who was the chief leader of the fedition againft Sigebryht, after his expulfion from cynewnifs pm- tne reaimj laid claim fuccefsfuUy to the royal dignities,, and with great mennt?0V -prudence calmed the ftorm which was raifed in the minds of the people by the late revolt, reftoring peace and good order to the ftate. All the former part of his reign is paffed over by the ancient hiftorians, who have contented themfelves with informing us, that he gained feveral great and important victories over, the Britons, the particulars of which are no where fpecified ; but by their fame, he extended his own confequence; and by his prudent government at home, fecured the love of his fub- jefts.t A. D. 775. In .the feventeenth year of Cynewulf's reign, a war broke out between. a™fin*g»a.°f him and Offa, the ambitious 'king of Mercia, and a great battle was- * Chron. Saxon. Ethelwerd, lib. ii. ton. J.Redbourne. Chron. Winton. Hen^ -MalmiUib. i. cap.. 2, Chron. John Bromp- Hunt. lib. iv. &c f lb. ib. -&c. fought PartII. THE KINGDOM OF WESSEX. u? fought by them near Benfington, in which Offa prevailed, and Cyne-A. D. 7.75. wulf was driven from the field : Offa purfuing his victory, took the town of Benfington. and held it as his own.* From this time to the end ofhis reign, Cynewulf enjoyed his dominions A. D. 787, in perfect tranquility. Towhich, perhaps, might be owing his unfortunate end; for, -if in the former part of his. government he ispraifed for his ju-^^" ftice and prudence, in the latter he is accufed of giving way to his. plea- death. fores, and relying. with too much fecurity on his profperous ftate. The conftant fmiles of fortune fo fenfibly affected, hi-s mind, that, forgetful of the flippery foundation of worldly grandeur, he overlooked thofe'caufes, which, tfiough trifling in their beginning, ended at laft in his final de ftruftion. For fome offence which he took againft Cyneheard, (the bro ther of Sigebryht, the late king) he banifhed him from the kingdom. Cyneheard diffembling the matter, feemed willing to retire from Weffex: but meditating revenge, he prevailed upon a party of defperate ruffians to affift him in his undertaking ; and accompanied with thefe, he returned privately to the court of Cynewulf, watching a proper opportunity to murder him. He had not been long concealed before he fucceeded in his defign ; for the king one evening vifiting a noble woman at Mer- ton, (who was his concubine) in a private manner, with only a few at tendants, he was narrowly watched by the confpirators, and when he had entered the houfe, they enclofed it round, and endeavoured to force the door. The king perceiving his danger, caufed the entrance to be clofely barred, and endeavoured bypromifesandfairwords to prevail upon them todifperfe; but when he faw that he could not focceed, and that the more kindly he fpoke to them, the more vociferous were they in their vows and declara tions of revenge, he ceafed to argue, and determined with the few faithful fervants who accompanied him, to fally out upon them, and fet the hazard ofhis life upon the chance of war. This defperate refolution he executed, and rufhing furioufly from the houfes encountered with Cyneheard him felf, whom he nearly killed ; but being prefently furrourtded'Jby the re bellious crew, he was beaten down to the earth, and flain, all his" fol lowers fhaiing the fame unfortunate fate. Yet fome report of this dread ful accident was foon noifed abroad, and coming to the ears of two chief nobles of the realm, Ofric and Wiverth, they called the guards together, and hailed to revenge the death of their fovereign. When Cyneheard faw them approach, he fought by fair means to mitigate the matter, and in a long fpeech attempted to glofs over the heinoufnefs of the crime, alledging, in excufe, the injuries he had received. But fo thoroughly had the two loyal chieftains inflamed the minds of the foldiers with the fpirit of refentment, that Cyneheard faw there was no hope left him of efcaping, but what depended alone upon his fword; wherefore, encou- * The Saxon Chron. places this battle fet it down inthe twenty-fourth year of here. Brompton,' Redbourne, and others, his reign. raging uS HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part IL A. P. 787. raging his companions to fight valiantly, the conflict was begun : and fo defoerately did the rebels fupport the charge, that the fcales of viftoryhung a long time doubtful, till at laft the caufe of juftice pre-, vailed, and they were totally overcome ; Cyneheard himfelf, and eighty- eight ofhis companions, being flain upon the fpot.* Cynewulf leaves Cynewulfwas murdered after he had reigned upwards of thirty years, "eaiSi"' 6° the in the year of our Lord 788. His body was taken up, and carefully conveyed to Winchefter, where it was honourably buried. This prince was never married, fo that at his death the kingdom was again deftitute of a legal heir to the crown, f BEORHTRIC, the fixteenth King of Wessex. A. D. 788. The death of Cynewulf being known, Beorhtric, a nobleman de- fcended from Cerdic, was by the favour of the people advanced to the Beorjuri" " ° .government. This prince was a man of mild and affable temper ; the meeknefs ofhis difpofition led him to prefer a life of peace and tranqui lity, to that pf war and difturbance : for this reafon, he avoided all occa fions of offence amongft the neighbouring ftates ; his equitable behavi our fecured their refpeft to his character, and fettled the happinefs- of his kingdom upon a folid bafis. J A. D. 791. By thefe proceedings Beorhtric eftablifhed himfelf in the throne;, and that he might advance the welfare of his fubjefts, as alfo the better to rf« the'daTii" Put n'mfe" m a pofture of defence, if any furrounding ftates might ter of offa. moleft him, he made firm alliance with Offa, the great and powerful king of Mercia, efpoufing his daughter Eadburge,, a woman of un bounded pride and haughtinefs of foul. Yet it is the will of Heaven that human wifdom fhall be often baffled, and thofe very purfoits which promife the moft folid fatisfaftions, prove too frequently the fatal fteps to ruin and deftruftion. Such was the fate of this unfortunate prince : that flattering alliance which appeared of fo much importance to the ftate, far from producing the happinefs he hoped for, ended at laft in his own death.§ A. D. 79a. Egbert, a noble young man, of an afpiring genius, who ruled at this time under Beorhtric, in a province of the Weft Saxons, by fome means Egbert bamihed.became 0fj-enflve t0 Eadburge, and fhe neglected not to fill the king's mind with jealous fears concerning him. Egbert finding the danger he was in, left the kingdom, (advifed to do fo perhaps by Beorhtric him felf ) and went to the court of Offa; but not meeting with the recep tion there which he thought fuitable to him, he departed thence, and * Chron. Sax. fub anno 755. Ethel- J Malmf. lib. i. cap. 2. werd, lib. ii. Hen. Hunt. lib. iv. Malmf. § Rog. Hoveden, pars prior. M. Weft. lib. i. cap. 2. Brompton, Redbourne, &c. Sax. Chron. Malmf. Sec. f Ibid. Ibid. wen* Part II. T HE KINGDOM OF WES SEX. 119 went 'into France, where he remained till, at the death of Beorhtric, A. D. 792I. he was recalled into Weffex, to take the government of that kingdom upon him.* Soon 'after the marriage of Beorhtric, the piratical Danes (who foA. D. 793. grievoufly infefted the kingdom in the fucceding times) firft invaded South Britain, and landing uport the coaft of Weffex, from three large thefirftntime°r fhips, began to fpoil the country. The governor who prefided inIiindinB,'£ain' thofe pants collefted the chief of his forces together, and marched down to flop their progrefs; but engaging with them too rafhly, he loft his own life, and his attendants were routed. This news being reported to Bearhtrkj he, with the affiftance of Offa, his father-in-law, came fud denly upon them, and drove than back to their fhips with great lofs : their flight was fo precipitate, that all the fpoils which they had taken from the inhabitants were left behind. f The imperious fpirit of Eadburge was a conftant vexation to the foul The ie*}h of of Beophitric ; his love of peace, and the foftnefs of his temper, being fo diametrically oppofite to the impatience and uncontrouiable aiijbofition of his queen, who, amongft other of her faults, was alfo a loofe and wan ton woman. The general report is, thatjealoufy in her amours was the caufe of her hufband's death ; . for, though the ftory is differently related by the ancient authors, yet in the chief circumftances it agrees. A no ble youth in the king's court, who, as fome affirm, had formerly been her favourite, gave her fome great caufe of difpleafure ; big with re venge, fhe continually worried the , king with complaints againft him ; but finding that they made not the impreffion upon him which fhe de- fired, fhe refolved herfelf to deftroy the unfortunate culprit ; and the better to effect her wicked defign, fhe poifoned a cup of liquor, which fhe intended to prefent him with : but, in the mean time, the king com ing into the room, and being thirfty, took up the cup, , and drank the poifoned. draught. It was too late now to remedy the dreadful miftake ; for the king prefently after died, greatly lamented by his fubjefts, who, highly exafperated at the unhappy end of their monarch, enacted a law, that, from that time the king's wife fhould be deprived of all her privi leges and honours, and fhould alfo ceafe to bear the name of queen.J This worthy prince reigned near fixteen years, and died without any iffue. To avoid the fury of the incenfed people, Eadburge fled into France, Eadburge Hiei carrying with her a large quantity of treafure, and fought proteftion of he^miferabie Charles, who was then king of that country. But there following her vi- de»th» cious inclinations, Charles placed her in a monaftery, where fhe fhame- fully committed adultery with a layman, and was, for that heinous crime, . * Rog. fltoveder^ par's prior. M. Weft. J AfTer. Annal. Hoveden. Mat. Weft. Sax. Chron. Malmf. &c. S. Dun dim, &o» f Ibid. Ibid. 4 expelled 120 A. D. A. D. HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. 793. expelled from thehce, and after from the kingdom ; when wandering into Italy, fhe died at Pavia, in extreme poverty and want.* 804. The hiftory of Weffex thus far continued, our next ftep will be -to _ . commence the reign of Egbert, who fucceeded Beorhtric in the king- Weffex broke dom, and by whofe prowefs the other fix dominions- of the heptarchy off, to purfue Were overcome, and joined with this. But. before we • proceed in the erannas" hiftory of this glorious prince, it will not be amifs to go regularly on with the accounts of thofe kingdoms which we have not fpoken of as yet, and bring their annals down to the prefent important period. * Afferius, who relates thefe matters as things himfelf had heard for truth, from thofe who were witneffes of the fads, alfo adds another circumftance : While (fays he) fhe was in the court of France, Charles afked her whether -fhe would wed- him, or his fon j to which fhe replied, Your fon, of certainty, becaufe he is younger,— -Ah, then! cries Chkrles, fee how irnprudent your peremptory choice hath been ; had you chofen me, I would have given you my fon ; but now you have, chofen him, you fhall have neither. Having faid this,, he fent her to the monaftery, from whence fhe was, for her adultery, expelled. EASTSEX; ( 121 ) E A S T S E X; THE FOURTH KINGDOM OF THE HEPTARCHY. THE civil and military hiftory of this kingdom, makes an ap- The little con- pearanee of fuch little confequence in the annals of the heptarchy, ^uedn0"0rfhe that fcarcely more than a bare catalogue of the names of the feveral mo- Eaftfex. narchs, can be collefted from the imperfeft accounts which are left us by the ancient authors. In its beginning it was held by Erchenwine, (its firft founder) as feodary from Ofta, king of Kent ; for we may re collect, that the counties of Effex and Middlefex (which form the greater part of this dominion) were given to Hengift, in ranfom of Vor- . tigern, detained by him after the maffacre of the Britons upon the plains of Salifbury.* But how long this dependance on Kent continued, or whether they ever afferted a ftate of feparate freedom, cannot fo eafily be determined ; but that they did, may appear moft plaufible, becaufe when they were oppreffed by the furrounding ftates, the kings of Kent feem quietly to have left them to their fate, and neither complained of the injury, nor flirred to revenge it ; which it is- moft likely they would have done, had Eaftfex yet been confidered as a part of their own feo dary ftate. I am thoroughly convinced that this dry narrative cannot be en tertaining to the readers in general, and becaufe it is impoflible to fup ply thefe lamentable defefts of ancient hiftory, I fhall pafs over the whole account as quickly as poffible, in order the fooner to arrive at the more important and interefting parts of the Chronicle. The kingdom of the Eaft Saxons contained the counties of Effex, The extent of Middlefex, and Herefordfhire : on the eaft it is bounded by the Ger- Eaftf«- man .ocean, on the fouth by the Thames, on the weft, by Buckingham- fhire, and on the north by Suffolk, the borders of the Eaft Angles. ERCHENWIN, or ERCHWINE, (a noble Saxon, defcended from A. D. 527. Woden) arrived in Britain about the year 527, with a ftrong party of German troops ; and coming into thefe parts, fettled here, holding the fame of Ofta, the grandfon of Hengift, who firft led the Saxons into Britain .f He reigned peaceably fixty years, and left behind him a fon, named Sledda. * Vide page 70, of this volume. f Hen. Hunt. lib. ii. & Mat. Weft, fub anno 587, Vol. I. R. .. .- SLEDDA, 122 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 587. SLEDDA, the fecond king of the Eaft Saxons, fucceeded his father, Erchenwine. This prince married Ricula, the daughter of Hermenric, the fourth of Kent. His reign was ten years.* A. D. 597. SEBERT, the third king of Eaftfex. This prince was the fon of Sledda and Ricula ; and immediately upon the death of his father, fuc ceeded to the kingdom. By the perfuafion of Ethelbert, king of Kent, (his uncle) joined with the doctrine of Miletus, he was converted to Chriftianity ; being juftly famous, as the firft king of this diftrift who embraced the true faith.f By his queen (whom fome call EthelgodaJ) he had three fons, who all-together fucceeded him in the kingdom. Se- bert reigned about eighteen years, and was buried, together with his queen, in the new church of St. Peter, at Weftminfter, which himfelf had built.§ A. D. 615. The three fons of Sebert, namely SERRED, SEWARD, and SIGE BERT, after his death, took upon them the government of Eaftfex. But far from following the pious example of their father, thefe wicked princes apoftated from the Chriftian faith, and, amongft other enormi ties, drove Miletus from his fee at London, becaufe he refolutely re futed to prophane the facred rites of the communion. But they were not fuffered long to triumph in their abominations ; for, in a fatal war begun againft the Weft Saxons, their forces were totally overcome, and they themfelves flain in the field, || about the year of our Lord 616,** after a fhort reign of two years. Seward left two fons, one named Sigebert, who reigned after the death of his father and uncles ; and the other, Sebba, who alfo fucceeded after to the kingdom. A. D. 617. SIGEBERT, the feventh king of the Eaft Saxons. Ths prince was firnamed the Little ; but whether this title was beftowed upon him be caufe he might be fmall in flature, or from his want of importance in the ftate, is a matter which muft ftill remain doubtful. He appears to have reigned about eight and twenty years, and dying, left behind him a brother and a fon, yet was not immediately fucceeded by either in the kingdom. A. D. 645. SIGEBERT the Second, the eighth king of Eaftfex, was the fon of Si- gebald, brother of Sebert. By the advice and perfuafion of Ofwy, king * Malmfbury indeed makes Sledda the j Stow, Speed, and others. firft king of Eaftfex, without mentioning § Bqde, &c. ut fup. ' his father ; but other authors have attri- || Be.de, lib. ii. cap. r;, Malmfbury in- buted the firft beginning of this kingdom deed makes ho mention of the third fon j to Erchenwin ; the latter, and more gene- but the authority of Bede is fufficient. ra!, account, 1 have rather chofe to' fol- Vide Hen. Hunt. &c. low. Vide Mat. Weft. Hunt. &,c. ** Mat. Weft, fub anno 616. f Bede, lib. ii, cap. 3. Huntingdon, Mat.. Weft.. &c, of PartH. THE KINGDOM OF EASTSEX. 123 of Northumberland, he abandoned his fuperftitious idolatry, and became A. D. 645. a Chriftian. Befides his own piety, and love for the true faith, he took all occafions to promulgate the gofpel amongft his fubjefts. Thefe juft and upright proceedings of Sigebert, however they might gain him the public love, failed hot, on the other hand, to create him private foes : at the head of thefe were two ofhis kinfmen, who put him to death while he was vifiting at one of their houfes,* after he had reigned about fixteen years. He left a young fon, named Selred, who fome time af ter fucceeded to the crown. SWITHELM, the fon of Sexbald, the ninth king of the Eaft A. D. 66 u Saxons, was, after the murder of Sigebert, advanced to the throne.. He received baptifm at the hands of Ced, Ethelwald, king of the Eaft An gles, being his godfather at the font. His reign was only three years, or thereabouts, and he died without iffue.f SIGHER and SEBBA fucceeded Swithelm, and ruled jointly in Eaft- A- D- 664- fex. Sigher was the fon of Sigebert the Little, and Sebba the brother of of the fame Sigebert. Sebba remained fledfaftin the Chriftian faith, but . his nephew following his vicious inclinations, continued in the idolatry .of his forefathers,, and repaired the ruined temples which were dedicated to their gods. However, at laft, by the means of Wulfere, king of Mercia, who fent Janimanus, a learned bifhop, to preach to Sigher and his people, they were again converted to the true faith, and the king continued conftant in the fame to the day of his death, J which happened in the year of our Lord 683,$ after he had reigned twenty-two years. He is faid to have been married* to Ofwith, the daughter of Ethelfrith, king of Northumberland, a devout woman, by whom he had one fon, named Offa,. who ruled in Eaftfex fome time after. By the death of his colleague, Sebba was left alone in the kingdom, which, when he had governed thirty years in the whole, and eight from the deceafe of Sigher, he relinquished and exchanged his crown for a monkifh cowl.|| However, fboh after dying, his body was honourably interred in the church of St. Paul; where his monument remained, till it was loft in the ruin of that venerable pile.** He left behind him two fons, Sigehard and Senfred, who reigned after him. - SIGEHARD and SENFRED, after the abdication of their father, A. D. 691. took the government of the kingdom upon them; but the former tak- * Bede, lib. iii. cap. 22. Malmfbury, , J Malmf. ut fup. Bede, lib. Iii. cap, 30. lib.i..- eap. 6. Hen. Huntingdon-; lib*, ii. H.Hunt, lib. ii.'&c. Brompton, Sic. § jytat. Weft. f Malmf,-.' ut fup. & Chron, J. Bromp- ll.Betle, utfup. ton. ** Vide Speed's Chron. R 2 insr 124 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A'- D. 691. ing up the cowl in the fame monaftery with his father, foon after his ac ceffion tothe throne, his brother ruled alone the fpace of ten -years, from his firft entry.* A. D. 701. OFFA, the fon of Sigher, the fourteenth monarch of the Eaft Saxons, fucceeded Senfred : he was a fine perfonable man, and of noble prefence. After he had reigned feven years, he followed the enthufiaftic fpirit of fhe times, and left his queen, his kingdom, and his native, land, to accom pany Cenred, king of Mercia, and the bifhop of Worcefter, to Rome, where he became a monk.f Some fay, that his wife, Kinfwith, the daughter of Penda, perfuaded him to undertake this foul-faving pilgri mage ; and immediately upon his departure, fhe herfelf, not in the leaft behind hand with her hufband in fuperftition, took the veil upon her in the abbey of Kineburg, where her fifter was abbefs.J A. D. 708. SELRED, the fifteenth king of Eaftfex, mounted the throne at the abdication of Offa ; he was the fon of Sigebert fhe Second, and proved a pious and juft prince. After he had reigned thirty-eight years, he was flain by thetreafon of his fubjefts, who, by a long, fucceffion of peaceful days, were grown unruly, and headftrong in their difobedience, fo that the virtues of their monarch became offenfive ; and even his clemency, which had prevailed upon him to forgive their former faults, was made the wicked plea by which his rebellious murderers fought to excufe the heinoufnefs of their crime. He left neither wife nor iffue behind him,§ A. D. 746. SWITHED, the fixteenth, and laft, king of the Eaft Saxons, was a nobleman of that realm, who, after the murder of Selred; took upon him the government. His reign was long, and undifturbed with war, until Egbert, the potent king of Weffex, (after having conquered Kent) made his way into Eaftfex, and drove the aged monarch from his throne : the kingdom being left in fuch an unfavourable condition, was in no cafe ableto refill the powerful arms of its invader. j| From this time (namely, in the year of our Lord 8 23) Eaftfex may be juftly faid to have ceafed to bea diftinft kingdom ; for after its conqueror had fubdued all its forces, he impofed his yoke upon the inhabitants, and joined the ftate to his own extenfive dominions. And though fome time after Sigeric and Sige- hard, two noblemen of that diftrift, revolted from Egbert, and began aT rebellion in the realm, yet their power was prefently crufhed, and no ef fectual freedom refulted from their attempts ; fo that we can by no means review them as in a ftate of independence, or feparation. * Vide *Bede, H. Hunt. lib. ii. Chron. § Malmf. ut fup. Chron. Sax. fub anno J. Brompton. 746, &c. •f Bede, lib. v. cap. 20. Hen. Hunt. |f Chron. Sax. fub anno 823-. Malmf. lib. ii. lib. i. cap. 6. I Malmf. lib. i, cap. 6, Thus Part II. THE KINGDOM OF EASTSEX. 125 Thus ended the kingdom of the Eaft Saxons, after it had endured the A.. D, 746.. fpace of two hundred and ninety-fix years; though in the whole of this- time, it never reached that exalted pitch of glory, which at fome cer tain period fo effectually diftinguifhed the reft. THE END OF THE KINGDOM OF THE EAST SAXONS. NORTHUM- < 1x6- y NORTHUMBERLAND; T£HE FIFTH KINGDOM OF THE HEPTARCHY. The extent of r*"T"VHE kingdom of Northumberland contained the counties of Lanca- und.thuinbE" X fr"1^ Yorkfhire, Cumberland, Weftmoreland, and Northumber land. On the weft it was bounded by the Irifh fea, and on the eaft by the German ocean ; on the fouth by the rivers Merfy and Humber, and on the north by Lindifdale Cheviot hills, and the river Tweed. _ At the beginning it was divided into two feparate governments, Bernicia and Deira : the former ftretching out from the Tweed to the.Tyne ; and the latter again from the Tyne to the Humber. But in the end both thefe diftrifts were united into one. From We muft now remember, that Hengift propofed to Vortigern, the A. D. 494. king of the Britons, the entire fubjugation of the northern infurgents, A. D.° C47. (wno had fo long diftreffed the fouthern parts of Britain) and made foch fair promifes of fuccefs, that Vortigern, foon permitted him to fend for ad- J^-^'^ditional fupplies from Germany, that they might fettle in Northumber- thumberiand land, in order the better to perform this important bufinefs. The king's «ffion'of Jdiu confent being gained, Hengift invited his brother Ofta into Britain, who prefently obeyed the fummons, and with his fon Ebuffa, accompanied with a ftrong troop of valiant Saxon youth, failed from Germany, and landing in the northern parts of Britain, and (according to the directions of Hengift) fettled there. Soon after their arrival, they received intelli gence of the wars breaking out in the fouth, between the Britons and their countrymen, who had taken poffeffion of thofe parts, under the conduft of Hengift : this they confidered as a fignal made to them, to lhake off all the appearance of friendfhip which had hitherto fubfifted between themfelves and the Britons, who inhabited near them. 'Tis true, this friendfhip was rather a formal name, than an alliance founded on a permanent bafis, even in its beft ftate ; for the Saxons had from their firft arrival carried fo high a hand, and been fo tyrannical in their ' proceedings, that the difgufted Britons were thoroughly convinced of the infincerity of their profeffions of amity, and faw but too plainly the re-eftablifhment of peace and freedom tothe country was the leaft of the Saxons' intentions. It was but too foon that this laft event entirely con firmed- the fufpicions of the Britons ; for, throwing off all difguife, the treacherous Saxons took the field, commencing open hoftilities, and de claring their refolutions to gain by the conqueft of their fwords, a large 4 and Part IL THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 127 and ample provifion for themfelves and their families. This plain ex planation of their defigns gave a juft alarm to the Britons, who, defirous of preferving their poffeffions from the deftruftive hands of their enemies,, rofe in arms, as hopeful to fubdue them by war. But vain that hope ! for the too provident invaders had made a fecret league with their old and inveterate foes, the Scots and Pifts, and both*their powers joined, poured upon the wretched Britons. Unable to refill this combined force, they fled before them, and fought retreat in the lonefome woods, or folitary caverns, whilft thejviftorious enemy deftroyed the country, pillaged the cities and towns, and murdered, without mercy, fuch of the miferable inhabitants as had fpirit enough to refift .their defigns, or remonftrate on the injufliceof them- Driven to the greateft diftrefs, the Britons faw (though now too late) The wars" b'; the horrid effefts of their miftaken policy; they, faw they had invited, tonTand saxonk to a fruitful land, a fet of men, who, regardlefs of their promifes, were guided only by their own wants and ferocious ideas, and would not ea fily relinquifh the advantages they had gained. They were now, as- it were, hemmed in ; on the fouth by Hengift and his army, whilft in the north their new-declared foes were preying upon them without mercy,. Thefe extremities caufed the diftreffed Britons to take up arms, 'and en ter into ftrong combinations againft their enemies, which proceedings, made, for a time, an alteration in the face of affairs ; for, by the bravery of the Britifh chiefs, fome prefent advantage was gained1. In this man ner the war was continually kept up, fometimes the Britons, fometimes. theSaxons,- prevailing, for the fpace of fifty-three years ; during which time, the former could not be overcome, nor the latter driven, from the land.* IDA, the firft King of Bernitia.. A. D. 547. This long and troublefome war between the Britons and Saxons, Ida arrives in kept up for foch a fucceffion of years, without any manifeft advantage £"£'" ™'of that might bring it to a final conclufion on either fide, moft likely in-Saxons. * During all this time there was none " Subregujl, before-mentioned) who was «f the Saxon chiefs that prefumed to take " Hiring rthzt begat Wddnam, that begat upon them the title of king, but were " Witeglis, of whom came Hirs, the king, contented with that of feeneTOTen, or " that heS^ Uppa,. that begat Heppa, that general. In fome hiftories they are ftiled " ^gat Hemtiger,. that begat Bemak; alL Subreguli, or petty kings. In the Scala " wluch were before the noble king Ida, Chronica is this remarkable paffage: " and the geftes of them before Ida be " Hengift having conquered Kent, fent ''httle known by Chroniques Scala « his brother Ofta, and his fon Tebus, Chron, lib. 11. Here are eight kings be- " into Northumberland, and there they fore Ida enumerated, but it is a great pity " and their- fucceffors were dukes under that w.e hav,e not any other authority to '« the kings of Kent, unto fuch time as Prove lt 5 at leaft> the author of ^e prefent «« the pride of the Northanhumbers chofe accountmuft have miftaken the title of king, "themfelves a king, (by this word, I for all the beft accounts declare Ida to *' fuppofe; we muft underftand one of the hav"e Peen th& firft" duced. 128 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 547.ducedthe latter, to fend preffing invitations to their friends in Germany, that they might come over into Britain, and affift them in the conqueft of that country, for which they had fo long been ftruggling without compleat fuccefs. Either moved by fuch invitations, or actuated by his own ambition, Ida, a valiant Saxon, (defcended from Woden) failed from Germany, with a powerful reinforcement, and landed at Flamborough, where he joined his countrymen, by whom he was received with the greateft joy.* The arrival of Ida, who was alfo accompanied with his twelve fons, caufed a fpeedy alteration in the affairs of the Saxons ; for the haplefs Britons, weakened daily by their continual wars, and -depreffed with the melancholy profpeft of their falling ftate, were no longer able to refill their increafing foes ; who, on the other hand, in- fpired with frefh courage, by the affiftance of their new come friends, renewed the war with uncommon chearfulnefs and alacrity. Ida airumes the Thus quickly did the additional, forces of. the Saxdhs compleat their title cf king. conqUe{tand fecure their fuccefs, for the Britons were driven finally from their poffeffions, and the conquerors prefently over-run Northumberland, and the adjacent counties, fettling themfelyes in the abandoned eftates, and erefting a powerful kingdom of their own. Ida, to whom they chiefly owed their rapid fuccefs, was the firft who affumed the title of a king, and bore his rule over all Bernitia. The better to fecure the bor ders of his kingdom, he repaired the caftle of Beddanborough, which heretofore was only fenced round with wooden pales, and fet up a ftrong wall of ftone about the fame.f The reign of this prince was not idly fpent, for continual wars and tumults kept him in the field, The Bri tons, though they were oppreffed, and driven from their poffeffions, were not totally overcome ; they yet. continued to annoy the Saxons, and iffuing from their retreats in large parties, difturbed their peace with conftant alarms. It is true, by the vigilance and conduft of Ida, they were prevented from making any important conquefts ; yet thofe re peated attacks upon the borders of his kingdom, rendered the ftate of his fubjefts, not only uncomfortable, but even unfafe. A. D. 559. Ida deceafed after he had reigned twelve years. His iffue was twelve The death and ^ons' **lx °^ tkem ky his queen> whofe name is not mentioned ; as Adda, dflueofida, who fucceeded him in Bernitia; Ethelric and Theodoric, who alfo both . fucceeded fome time after ; Etheric, Omerno, and Theofredum : his other fix fons were illegitimate, . and their names were Oga, Alric, Eccha, Ofbald, Segora and Segothat ; all thefe came with their father in twelve fhips from Germany, and affifted him firft in his early con quefts, and after in the fupport of his kingdom. J -* Chron. Sax. Ethelwerd, Malmf. &c. f lb. Ib. Huntingdon, lib. ii. &c. ADDA, Part II. THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 1*9 ADDA, the fecond King of Bernitia, and iELLE, the firft King of Deira. Presently after the death of Ida, Adda, his eldeft fon, focceededA. D. 560. him in his^dignity ; and inthe firft year, of his reign, IElle, a noble chieftain, and relation of Ida (who had accompanied him info Britain, ^"^arTa"' and been greatly affifHng in his conquefts) made war upon the Britons fyi«£the tine. that poffeffed the province of Deira, and drove them out with a -power- °, ,ln/' < ful hand. He and his followers immediately fettled, in that deferted country, which they had gained with their fwords ; ajtid iElle took upon himfetfthe title of king, advancing the glory of his new realm by vari ous important conquefts *• During the reign of iElle, Adda, king of Bernitia, died, after, a reign of feven years, and was fucceeded by four other- princes, of whom we find nothing more recorded than their * - names, and 'the number of years which they ruled, as follows : ¦', GLAPPA, the coufin of Adda, the third king of Berrtitia> focceededA. D. 567. Adda, and reigned five years. THEODWALD, brother to Glappa, the fourth, king ©f Bernitia^ A. D. 572. reigned one year. FRETHULF, the fecond brother of Glappa, the fifth king of Ber- A. D. 573. nitia, reigned feven years. ~- THEODRIC, the third fon of Ida, was the fixth king of Bernitia, he A. D. 580. reigned feven years.f MULE, the firft King -of -Northumberland. Afte,r the; death of thefe five princes, iElle reigned fole king of Nor- a. D. 587* thumberland, bearing rule over Bernitia and Deira: but whether he ob tained this additional dignity by force, or the confent of the people, ^'^gOT/rn" cannot be determined ; yet the latter appears moft probable, from the men* of-Bwni^ perfect tranquility in which he enjoyed his ftate to the end of his life. tla" He died after a reign of near thirty years, twenty-feven of which he ruled only jn Deira, and the reft in both the kingdoms united together. He had iffoe, Edwine, the glorious king of Northumberland, and a daughter, named Acca, who was after married to Ethelfrith, king of , Northumberland. J ETHELRIC, thq. fecond King of Northumberland. Ethelric, the fecond fon of Ida, who had fpent the whole of his A. D. 589,' youthin retirement and obfcurity, after the deeeafe of iElle, was, 'in- his old age, called forth to take upon him the kingly dignities. Helf the Saxon foldiers fell upon them, and at the firft onfet, ©rocmail, the captain of the guard, (who "was fet to prevent the enemies from .difturbing the pious duties of the monks) deferted his poft, and the whole of the guard following the example of their chief, fled away, and left their charge to the relentlefs fury of the enemy, who: immediately put twelve hundred of them to the fword ; fifty only faved themfelves . by flight.* All thefe. important victories, which crowned the labours of -Ethel- A. D. 616. frith, increafed the confequence .of his government, and raifed his . glory to fuch a height amongft the furrounding powers, that none of ui°s from No"! them chofe to moleft himt' This pacific difpofition of his neighbours thun,b"Un '^i°f Ethelfrith had reigned four and twenty years when he was flain. By Acca, his wife, the fifter of Edwine, he had feven fons-; Eanfred, after wards king of Bernitia; Ofwald, after king of Northumberland .; Ofwine, Ofke, Ofwid, Offa, andX)ffa;t alfo two daughters, canonized for faints, Ofwitha and Ebba. Befides thefe, by his concubine he had ano ther fon, named Ofwy, who alfo ruled in Northumberland. J EDWINE, the fourth King of Northumberland. A.D. 617. Ethelfrith being dead, and -his fons departed from Northumber- Eiwinead- 1:*ndj tiiett remained n0 further obftaqle to flop , the progrefs of Edwine, vancedtothe who, through the affiftance of Redwald, his friend, was prefently ad^ 'thZbVrLnd0.'' vailced to the throne. Deira he took afe his own lawful right* the province of Bernitia heuforped, and held with a powerful hand. Edwine was now In the twenty-third year ofhis age, a man of vaft ambition,, and. * Near Nottingham; . * Vide Speed,. &q* f Malt. Weft, fur/anno 588.. 4- as PaKt IL THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND*. ijj as valiant to execute his -great defigns, as he was forward in conceiving A. D- 617. them. He fubdued all the neighbouring coafts, whether they were inr habited by the Britons, the Saxons, the Scots, or the Pifts, and. ex tended his conquefts farther than any. Englifh king had ever done before liim. Amongft other of his important aftions, he fobjugated the Or- chades and Mevanian iflands,* adding them to his own dominions. ; Cwenburhga, the firft wife of Edwine, died whilft he was with Red- A. D. 625,. wald, in the kingdom of the Eaft Angles, fo that now he began to Edwine marri£S think of a fecond marriage : and hearing great praifes beftowed upon a fecond wife. Ethelburga, daughter of Ethelbert, king of Kent, as well for her fingu- 4ar beauty, as for her virtue and piety : he fought her for the confort of 'hisoed, and ©btained the confent of her brother, on condition that fhe fhould be permitted to retain her own religion (fhe being a Chriftian) 'without interruption, and have Chriftian attendants, as well as priefts,, about her in his court. All thefe particulars being agreed .upon, the lady was fent into Northumberland, and married to Edwine in the year of our Lord 625, by whofe pious example his heart was the more "readily .opened to the conviction of the facred truths contained in the •gofpel-t ) The year after, Edwine very narrowly efcaped being murdered by a. A. D. 62 fL, defperate fellow, named -Eumer, faid to have been fent to his- court for Edwine !n ^rejt that purpofe, by Cwichelm, who ruled jointly with his father Cynegils, danger of aflaffi. in the kingdom of Weffex. This prince envying theincreafingfuceefs and natlon- -glory of Edwine, and fearing the lengths to 'which his ambition might -lead him, refolved -in a treacherous manner to deprive him of 'his life, and put a fudden end to all his -conquefts. The wicked Eumer, (to whom the performance of this murder was committed) .entered the palace of Edwine,, near the banks, of the river Derwent, in Yorkfhire, where he kept hia court* it being Eafier day, the traitor came in before the king as an ambaffador, who had matters of great im portance to deliver from his mafter: whilft the king was iiftening; attentively to his. conversation,, he fuddenly drew out a poifoned dagger^: and ftruck at- him; but Lilla, one of the king's fervants,, who was Handing by, and feeing the danger of his fovereign, thruft himfelf fuddenly between, him and" the weapon. ¦ But with fuch force had the murderer made his blow, that the faithful Lilla was thruft •upon his lord, and the dagger -paHing through his body, wounded Ed- -winealfo.. The alarm was prefently given, and the traitor was firrround- ed by the king's guards.; but yet, before he was. beat down to the- earth,, he flew another of Edwine's fervants, named Fordhere, who had;hafted to the affiftance of his mafter.. The wound which the king received was * Now called'theHebrid'es.! Bede, Ecc-. J " Habebat ficam ¦ bicipitem Jofcica- Hift. lib. ii. cap 9. & Malmf. lib. i. cap. 3. " tern, ".are trie very .words, of Bede. Vide * ' -ft Bede,. ut fug.. lib. i. cap. 9.. not i j 4 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II A. D. 626. not dangerous ; and Paulinus, the bifhop, who attended on Ethelburga the queen, omitted no opportunity of perfuading him to renounce his errors, and embrace Chriftianity ; therefore, he took the prefent ot_ca- fiOn of repeating his importunities : to which Edwine gravely replied^ " If the God whom you and the Chriftians ferve will grant me the vic- " tory againft that king, who hath fent his murderer to kill me, I will " adore and worfhip him alone." In pledge thereof, he delivered to Paulinus, his infant daughter, (who was born the very night, after this alarming accident had happened) that fhe might be baptized.* , - T A. D. 627. As foon as Edwjne was recovered from the wound which he had re ceived, he called his army together, and went againft the Weft Saxons, buptiim.rece'TeSwifh whom he fought a battle, and either flew, or took, all thofe who had intended his murder, returning viftorioufly .home : but yet he did not embrace Chriftianity till the year following, when he was baptized together with all his houfhold, by Paulinus, the bifhop, on Eafier, in the year of Chrift 627. t - . ; The harPy ef- Whilft the glory of Ed wine's important conquefts kept the furround- win^fpfu'jent ing. nations in a. ftate. of profound tranquility, by his prudent govern- gwemment. ment at home he maintained the moft perfect peace and good order. He caufed juftice to be fo duly adminiftered, that thefts and oppreffions were not heard of in the kingdom : a woman unguarded might have tra- velledfromoneendof thelandtotheother, without the leaft fear or danger. Amongft other things for the public good, he caufed ladles of iron and brafs to be fattened by the fide of fuch fprings and fountains as were near the main roads, that the travellers might drink and refrefh themfelves, andsno man dared to touch them but for his prefent ufe; Net only in time of war, but even in peace, he caufed a triumphal banner to be borne be fore him as he rode from town to town, and from province to province, in order to fee that no injuftice prevailed amongft the feveral magi- ftrates of each diftrift. % A. D. 633- After feveral years fpent in peace, Penda, the reftlefs monarch, of the The d«th of Mercians, envying the glory of Edwine's reign, perfuaded a Britifh Edwin" king, named Cadwallo, who ruled in thofe provinces conquered by Ed wine, to rebel againft him, promifing himfelf to be affiftant in the wars. The hopes of regaining his liberty, and fhaking the yoke of Edwine from his fubjefts' fhoulders, was an affair of fuch confequence, that Cadwallo prefently agreed ; and calling together all fuch as were animated with the found of freedom, he took the field, and began with fire and fword to difturb the borders of Edwine's dominion. Incenfed to the? higheft de gree at this alarming revolt, Edwine placed himfelf at the head of his -army, and marched againft the rebels, in order to chaftife their vio- * Bede, ut fup. &c. j Bede, lib. ii. cap. 16. ¦j Bede & Chron. Sax. fub anno 61 7, lence, Part II. THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 135 lence, and reduce them again to bondage. In the mean time, Penda, A. D. 633. agreeable to his promife, had joined his forces with the Britons: thus united, they fearlefsly abode the approach of Edwine and his army. At a place called Hethfiled; Edwine came up with the revolters, and in a defperate battle there fought againft them, loft his life; with him alfo-Qsfrid, his eldeft fon, was .flain "¦ after, the death of the king and his fon, the whole army was put to flight. Cadwallo and Penda having. Obtained the viftory, purfued their fortunes" with the utmoft cruelty,. Egfrid, another of Edwine's fons, was unfortnhatejy taken in the field,, and with great inhumanity put to death by the command of Penda.* Thefe mercilefs conquerors entered the kingdom of Northumberland, The cruelty of and with fire and fword deftroyed the country, fparing none, however the "nquerors" innocent; in the fatal- ruin, , both women ^and children perifhed, equally with thofe who were capable of bearing arms. Whilft Northumberland was thus miferably ravaged, . Paulinus, the bifhop, with queen Ethel burga, under the conduft ofBaffus, a valiant chief, fled .from the king dom, and returned again, by water into Kent, where they were well re-: ceived by Edbaid, her brother, who was yet living there.t Edwine was flain in October, A.D. 633, in the forty-eighth, year of Thewives-»nd his age," after he had reigned upwards of fixteen years with the greateft1 ue0 fplendour and renown. He was twice married ;. his firft wife was Cwea- burhga, the daughter of Ceorl, king of Mercia,J who became his con- fort whilft he was yet a youth, and died before he was. king : by this lady he had iffue, two. fons ; Osfrid, the eldeft, was. flain in the fame battle. wherein his father fell;. and, Egfrid, who was cruelly put to death by Penda, contrary to all humanity, or the law of arms. The fecond wife of Edwine was Ethelburga, (firnamed Tace) the only daughter of Ethel bert, king of Kent : fhe was married to him in the year 625, and out lived him feveral years. After his death fhe returned to Kent, and at a place called Lymming, (not far from the fea-fide) built a monaftery of nuns, amongft whom fhe foent the remainder of her life in pious duties,. fecluded from the world. By this excellent lady, Edwine had two fons. and two daughters ; Ethelm, the eldeft fon„ died in his. youth ; Ufkfrea,. the other foe,, after the death of Edwine,, (being then but a child) was. carried by his mother into Kent, from whence he was fent to the court of Dogobert, king of France, ' where he died : Enfleda, the eldeft daugh ter, and firft child which Ethelburga bore- to Edwine, was born on that very night in which her father was wounded by Eumerus -y fhe was after wards married to Ofwy, the fixth king of Northumberland:. Ethelrida^ the youngeft daughter, died in her infancy.^. ; * Bede,. Ecclef. Hifl. lib. ii. cap. so.. Hen- Hunt.. Mat. Weft, and others, de- •f Ibid. . clare fhe was riot the daughter of Ceorl,, X Thus fays Bede, with whom the Chr. but of Crida, his grandfather.. Urivalenfis agrees ; though Mahnfbuiy, § Bede,. ut fup.. EANFRID 5t ijG HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. EANFRID, the -fixth King of Bernitia, and OSRIC, the fecond - A. D. 653. KlNO °f Deira. The i-in dom After that Edwine was flain, and the inhuman conquerors were fati- m NorThgUm™ ated with the effufion of blood which they had caufed, they retired from divided a8ai" Northumberland, which unhappy province began once more to recover from her late calamities. Eanfrid, the eldeft fon of Ethelfrith, and Ofric^ the fori of Elfric, uncle to Edwine, returned from the north, where they (with the other fons of Ethelfrith) had taken refuge, when Edwine af- cended the throne of Northumberland, and divided the kingdom be tween them ; Eanfrid began his rule in Bernitia, whilft Ofric affumed The apoftacy the government of Deira.* two k1nghs.°f the Thefe two princes, during their flay in Scotland, had been converted to the Chriftian faith ; but no fooner had they received the kingly digni ties, than they apoftated from their former profeffion and belief, return ing again to fhe idolatry of their anceftors. But their triurhph over the fpoils of religion was not of long continuance ; for Cadwallo, the Britifh^ king, grown haughty and imperious by his former conqueft, refolved again to enter the borders of Northumberland, and pull down the faithlefs monarchs from their throne. Like a fudden ftorm he came upon them, renewing his former cruelties; firft, Ofric, who was unprepared to op- pofehim, was flain in his own city; and paffing thence, the victorious tyrant over-run Deira : not like a generous warrior, who amidft his con quefts would remember mercy, but like a ruthlefs favage, whofe fole delight was blood and carnage ! This impending danger affrighted Ean frid, who finding himfelf entirely unable to refift the marches of his foe* was determined to try if by his gentle deportment andfubmiffion he could foften the ferocious temper of Cadwallo; wherefore, attended only by twelve foldiers, he went to the Britifh camp, but Cadwallo, when he had got the unfortunate king in his power, caufed him (contrary to all faith and juftice) to be put to death. The dire misfortunes of this fatal year rendered it fo odious to the Northumbers, that their hiftorians have ei ther not mentioned, or haftily paffed over, all thefe tranfaftions, as too cruel and fhockirtg to be more particularly fet down-t Neither of thefe kings feem to have left any iffue behind them; A D. 634. OSWALD, the fifth King of Northumberland. ofwald deter- OsRic and Eanfrid being thus miferably put to death, the inhuman mines to defend Cadwallo continued to ravage the kingdom of Northumberland without ^nd.hlimberr oppofition. Hopelefs and deferted, the unhappy people were not able to oppofe him. Without a king! without a leader! in divided par ties they fled away, feeking only to avoid the approach of the Britifh army. Now had the kingdom funk, but Ofwald, the fon of Ethelfrith, and brother of the flaughtered Eanfred, rofe its champion, and refcued * Bede, lib, iii. cap. 1. f Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 30. it Part JI, THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. - 137 it from diftrefs. , Pierced to the foul by the cries ofhis afflifted country^ A. D. 634. he determined, with the affiftance of fome valiant foldiers, glorioufly to redeem his native land from her lavage oppreffor, or die with the honour of an attempt fo truly laudable. His early years were fpent in Scotland, where he had taken refuge from the anger of Edwine, and there he not only gained great experience in the arts of war, but alfo learnt the fa cred, doctrines of religious truth. This excellent nobleman was as juftly fa mous for his Angular zeal and piety, as for .his bravery and conduct in the field of battle,* Cadwallo thinking himfelf fecure in his conquefts, and not in the ofwatd ow- leaft fufpefting that any fhould be found hardy enough to oppofe him, "J^f^f* fet, no bounds to his opprelfion; but ere he was aware, and even in the ' very midft of his exalted boaftings, Ofwald with his little army ap proached his.camp. Pious fupplications, and humble prayers to God for fuccefs, were the firft weapons which Ofwald and his followers ufed againft their foes ; and after thefe duties were finifhed, they joyfully be gan the engagement, with fuch undaunted courage, as feemed to prefage theviftory. For their country, their friends, their lives, and their glory, fought the valiant Saxons ; and on the chance of this decifive battle de pended all their future welfare. Concerns fo important, muft warm the hero's breaft, and drive the fenfe of danger from his foul. Such was the effeft they had upon the minds of Ofwald and his hoft ; for, with un common refolution, they fupported the encounter, and though oppreffed by numbers, thought not of flight. The battle being long continued," ended at laft in favpur of Ofwald ; for Cadwallo, with the chief of his officers, were flain in the field, and the reft ofhis enormous army routed. This .gforious action was performed at a place (no great diftance from the^^ll ,-of Severus) cabled Denifburn, becaufe it was near the banks of a little river, named Denis, which ran into the Tyne. The falutary ef fefts which accrued to the Northumbe'rs from this victory caufed the in habitants in afqer times to name the. place Heaven Field, as fuppofing Of wald was ;affifl;ed by fupernatural aids-t Ofwald having thus refcued Northumberiland from its ruined plight, A. D. 63 £. and brought with him the bleffings of peace, to which they had fome time been ftrangers, with joyful gratitude they faluted him king ; and king" of Nw- he was received ^with equal love, both by the inhabitants of Bernitia and lhumberbnd' Deira: yet thefe provinces hated each other, as jealous, perhaps, of the fame which either . might feparafely acquire ; but Ofwald prudently healed the breach, and united them both by the permanent bond of love and friendfhip; fo that -he began his reign v/ith the greateft -fplen- dour. When 'he .had -feated 'himfelf in the throne, he thoroughly re formed -the mariners of his fubjefts, and fent for a learned Scot, named Aidan, to teach his fubjefts the gofpel difpenfations in their utmoft pu rity; and his pious defigns were crowned with the greateft fuccefs. 4: * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iii. c. 1 & 2. f Ib. - ib. X Ibid- caP- 6- ' Vol. I. T The ij8 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D.JD35. The fudden conqueft of the Britifh army, with the death of Cadwallo, The giory of gained Ofwald the refpeft, or fear, of his neighbours ; which was ftill ofwaids reign, more confirmed by his prudent government after he had afcended the throne. The Britons, the Scots, and the Pifts, fubmitted to his rule ; and over the Englifh he affumed the title of monarch : yet amidft all thefe glorious advancements he ftill retained his former affability, and mode rated his aftions by the ftrifteft juftice. He was gracious to all who were in want of affiftance, and particularly bountiful to ftrangers and travellers ; fo that his fame was fpread throughout the land, whilft at home he was honoured and revered by all his fubjefts.* A. D. 641. Penda, the ferocious king of Mercia, provoked at the death of his ' ' colleague, Cadwallo, and ftill more incenfed at the profperity of Ofwald, death'oi o'fwaid? whom he had conftantly beheld with an envious eye, was now determined to make war upon him. The purpofes of Penda being known, and ho ftile preparations made on both fides, the armies met at a place called Maferfield, in Shropfhire, where a long and bloody battle was fought r Penda proved victorious, and the unfortunate Ofwald being flain in the field, all the Northumbrian forces were routed. Not content with the conqueft he had gained, and the death of Ofwald, Penda caufed his breathlefs body to be mangled and cut to pieces, and hung upon poles near the place where he was flain ; which lofing its former name of Maferfield, was after called Ofwalds-tree.t Such was the death of this pious prince, (whofe lofs was greatly lamented by his fubjefts. and allies) after he had reigned nine years. This fatal accident happened the 5th day of Auguft, in the year of our Lord 642, and in the thirty- eighth year of Ofwald's age. J The burial of After the departure of Penda, the mangled limbs of Ofwald were ofwald. carefully gathered up, and at the command of Osfrida, (queen of Mer cia, and daughter to Ofwine, his half-brother) buried with great fo- lemnity in the monaftery of Bradney, in Lincolnfhire ; but afterwards; they were removed to Gloucefter, and there interred, in the north fide of the choir of the cathedral church.§ The wife and The wife of Ofwald" was named Kineburg, a virtuous lady, daughter iffue of ofwald. tQ Cynegils, the firft Chriftian king of the Weft Saxons : fhe was mar ried to him in the year 636, the third ofhis reign. By this lady he had one fon, named Ethelwald, who was born in the fourth year of his fa ther's reign, and was yet an infant at his death ; he afterwards feized upon the kingdom of Deira, and held it to himfelf. || * Bede, ut-fup. § Ibid, cap 11. f This pla/e is now a fair market town || The Chron. Urivalenfis mentions ano- in_ that county. Vide Camden in Shrop- ther fon of Ofwald, named Dunwald, with- Ihire. out any further circumftance. % Bede, lib, iii. cap. 9. OSWEO* Part IL THE KINGDOM OF NOTHUMBERLAND. 139 OSWEO, King of Bernitia, and OSWIN, King of Deira. Osweo, the illegitimate fon of Ethelfrith, firnamed the Fierce, foe- A. D. 642. ceqded his half-brother, Ofwald, in the kingdom of Bernitia; whilft in Deira, Ofwine, the fon of Ofric, affumed the government. Thefe two jeaio^soT oV- princes were of Oppofite difpofitions, for Ofweo was of a fierce and fur- wine. bulent fpirit, ambitious of power, and envious of others : whilft on the other hand, Ofwine was meek and amiable; by his civil deportment he fecured the efteem of his fubjefts, and he was particularly beloved by all thofe who were intimately acquainted with him. Thefe virtues caufed Ofweo to look upon him with a fufpicious eye ;. and When feven years were elapfed, in which time Ofwine had governed Deira in peace with the greateft prudence, the other, envious of Iris glory, and finding that he daily gained ground in the good-will of the Northumbef s, be gan, by various outrages, to trouble his reign.*. It was long before the defignS of Ofweo could take effeft, for the A. D. 650. meek difpofition of Ofwine caufed him to put up with many infults be fore he could be wrought upon to commence hoftilities againft his orwInePtoVde" unlawful oppreffor. But at laft, being beyond meafore provoked, he was clare war- obliged to break through his peaceable determinations, andprepareforwar: but. here Ofweo had greatly the advantage over him, for as it had long been his intention to provoke him to battle, he had of courfe provided a fufficient ftrength to refift his army ; fo that when Ofwine took the field, he was foon made acquainted with the fuperiority of Ofweo's power, therefore, defirous of fparing Chriftian blood, he declined engaging with him ; and becaufe his people would have perfuaded him to abide the fortune of the war, he withdrew privately from the camp, accompanied only by one fingle fervant, named Condhere, and took up his abode in the houfe of an earl, named Humwald., for whom he had a great efteem, and thought himfelf perfectly fecure in his friendfhip.t After their king had forfaken them, theDeirian army difbanded them- A. D. 651. felves, and returned home, refolying to wait patiently the end of all thefe proceedings. Therefore, Ofweo advanced with his forces, and ea-int"theeh^"dyse fily took poffeffion of great part of the country; but in the mean time, «f ofweo, by Humwald, with' whom Ofwine had taken refuge, refolved to deliver him Z, l?xu. " put up to his enemy; for, like a mercenary traitor, he faw from the rifing fortune of Ofweo, great expectations might be formed, whilft from Deira's forfaken prince he had nothing to hope for : therefore, intereft foon prevailed over his duty, and the defire of future reward over every fenfe of gratitude and humanity. Ofweo being informed by this detefta- ble traitor where the unfortunate Ofwine was to be found, caufed him pre- * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iii. cap. 14. f Be(le» ut fuP- & vita Ofwini, MS. in Chr&n. J. Bromton. * Bib. Cotton, infig. Julius A. x. T 2 fently ,40 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 65i.fently to be put to death, at a place called Ihgithling, on the third of September, in the year 651, and the ninth ofhis reign.* A. D. 653. When Ofweo had thus removed the chief bar to his ambitious de figns, he took upon himfelf the government of Deira ; yet after he had uponTheVin'g" held it the fpace of two years, with fome difficulty, a new enemy, and ionotDaa. that a formidable one, rofe up againft him, which was Ethelwald, the fon of Ofwald, who at the death of his father was left an infant, and by Ofweo (his uncle) fecluded from the government. But now arrived- at the age of fixteen, and being a youth of uncommon abilities, as well as great courage, he took the advantage of the difcontehts which prevailed in Deira, and coming thither, fet up his claim to the kingdom againft his uncle. The people were all glad of a pretext which wore the face of juftice, to fhake off the yoke which Ofweo had impofedupon them, and therefore prefently acknowledged him for their king; for they detefted Of weo, as the murderer of their lawful fovereign, and the caufe of all theif prefent difquiets. Ethelwald thus elected to the regal dignity, held the realm with a powerful hand, fo that Ofweo, with all his combined forces, was not able to di'fpoffefs hiiti of his ftate ; but after repeated ftruggles, in which no great advantages were gained, he was obliged to defift from further moleftation.t A. D. 654. No foon'er was this trouble fubfided, than frefh alarms called Ofweo to -the field again ; for Penda, the mortal enemy of Northumberland* fhenwareangaTnft renewed his former wars ; and after feVeral "ruinating invafions, reduced Northumfaer- Ofweo to fuch dreadful extremities, that, fearful of taking the field againft him, he fought all the means that he could to pacify his fury, and bring him to accept conditions of peace ; "but all his rich gifts Were refufed, and his fair promifes made in vain ; for the favage Mercian would liften to nO propofals, as difdaining to treat with one who was al ready in his power. To add to the diftrefs which now fell heavy on Of weo, his profeffed enemy, Ethelwald, king of the Deirians, with his army joined Penda, and with him took part againft his uncle and his country. Affairs grown defperate, no hope was left to Ofweo, but what depended on the fortune of war ; death was before him if he yielded to the enemy, and deftruftion to the kingdom. By flight, indeed, he might, perhaps, have faved his own life ; but this was a thought fo dif- graceful, that he could not harbour it : therefore, with a few valiant men, aided by his fon Alcfrid, he determined to truft the whole of his fortune on one decifive battle, when offering up humble prayers and hearty vows to God, he led his little army to the field. iind * Bede, lib. Iii. cap, 14. Vita Qfwini.. f Bede, utfup* Malmf. Hunt. &c. Src-raton, &c. The Part II. THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 141 The important battle, on which depended the fate of Ofweo and Ber- A. D. 655. nitia, was fought in the month of December, at Loidis,* near a river Penda flai and called Winwed, which, at the time of the conflict, fuddenly overflowed its his army over- battks, and did confiderable damage to the hoft of Penda ; fo that, whatcome by Olweo* with the defperate and irrefiftible bravery pf the Bernitians, and the for tunate overflow of the waters, the huge hoft of Penda, which by report was thirty times larger than the Northumbers, was overcome, and himfelf^ Who fo long had triumphed in his- cruelties, flain in the field ; with Penda alfo fell Ethelheard, the brother of Anna, king of the Eaft An gles ; Ethelwald, the Deirian, efcaped the fury of the fatal field, and re turned with the remains ofhis army to Deira, inthe greateft difgrace. t -- " '> This wonderful viftory raifed the glory of Ofweo to fo high a pitch, that A. D. 658. how elated with his ambition, he purfued his fortunes, and carried the' war ihtoM«rcia, which, by the fudden and unexpefted rfeath of Penda, was de- Me7c?a.c°n,luerS' flitute of a chief capable of taking the rule upon him ; fo tharby degrees .he fubjugated the kingdom, and extended. his conquefts both to the northern and fouthern parts of the whole ifland. He had received Peada,. the fon a£' Penda, very kindly, and beftowed his daughter upon him in marriage, oa the condition ofhis becoming a Chriftian ; and, by way of dower, he gave him all the fouthern part of Mercia : but after the mur der of Peada, the -chieftains of Mercia rebelled againft Ofweo, and ad vanced Wuif here, the brother of Peada, to the throne, by whofe prowefs: Mercia was again .recovered from foreign fubjeftion.J When Ofweo had reigned with great renown the fpace of twenty- A. D. 659, eight years, he fell fick, and being ftruck with remorfe for the murder of Ofwine, and the blood which he had fpilt in his wars, he vowed a pil- oiww?th °f grimage to Rome, where he purpofed to have been buried,; but death prevented his defigns. He departed this life the fifteenth of .February,. in the year 670, aged fifty reight years, and was buried in.the church of. St. Peter, at Streanfhalch.§ The wife of Ofweo was Ea-iafled, the daughter of Edwine, who was the The wife and- iirft Chriftian baptized in Northumberland ; from her father's death, fheifl'ue of ofweo' had lived with her mother, in Kent, until the time of her marriage- After the deceafe of Ofweo, (whom fhe furvived feveral years) fhe fpent the -remainder of her fife in the monaftery of Streanfhalch, (her daughter ¦Elfleda being abbefs there) where fhe died, and was buried in the church. of St. Peter, clofe by her hufband. By this lady Ofweo had iffue, two Tons and one daughter^ Egfrid, the eldeft fon, was born in the third: year of his father's reign, A.. D. 645 1 this prince fooceecledhis father in, the 'government of Northumberland.. Elfwin, the fecond fon, was born in. * Now Leeds, in Yorkfhire. Vide Cam- J Ibid. lib. iii. cap. 21 & 24.. den, in Yorkfhire. § Bede,. lib..iv.. cap. 5; •j Bede,. lib... iii. cap., 24... the 142 . HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A^ D. 669. the year 661, the ninth of his father's reign ; he was flain in the eigh teenth year ofhis age, in a battle fought by his brother againft the Mer cians, A. D. 679. Elfleda, the daughter, was born in September, A.D. 654, the twelfth year of her father's reign. Ofweo, before the battle which he fought with Penda, vowed to God, that if he would grant him the vic tory, his infant daughter fhould be confecrated to the divine duties, anrj kept in perpetual virginity.. After the conqueft, according to hispror, mife, Elfleda was committed to the care of the renowned Hilda, abbefs of Streanfhalch, where fhe lived a nun, and fucceeded Hilda as the ab befs. She died in the year 714, the fixtieth of her own age, and was buried in the church within the faid monaftery. , The natumi if- Ofweo had alfo t wo natural children ; Alcfrid, a fon, who after the death °\ of his brother Egfrid, fucceeded in the government of all Northumber land;* and. Alkfleda, a daughter, who was born before her father was . king, in the year of our Lord 653. She was after married to Peada, the fon of Penda, the famous monarch of the Mercians. EGFRID, the fixth King 4/" Northumberland. A. D. 670. In the early part of his life, and at the time which Ofweo, his father, fought- with Penda the laft decifive battle, Egfrid was in Mer- Egtrid!"361" °f cia, held as an hoftage by Kinfwith, the queen of that dominion ; but being releafed by the conquering arms of his father, he returned to Northumberland, and in the twenty-fifth year of his age afcended the throne, holding under his dominion both Bernitia and Deira. He was a man ambitious of power, and of an unquiet difpofition, which fome times hurried him on to rafh undertakings, and ended at laft in the lofs of his life. A. D. 679. His firft wars of confequence were againft Ethelred, the king of the Mercians, which broke out in the ninth year of his reign ; and upon the •w^witT Ethel- borders of the Trent was fought a great battle between them, in which red, king of Was flain, Elfwin, the brother of Egfrid, a young man of an amiable difpofition ; his lofs was equally lamented by both the kings, for he was much efteemed by Ethelred, and had married Oftrida, his fifter. It is * Bede fays, that the reign of Ofweo it would be folly to pretend to affert aH was troubled by the rebellion of his fon thefe matters as fads. At the battle Alcfred : yet the particulars of this rebel- againft the Mercians, in which was Ethel- lion, or the time when it happened, are wald, Alcfred affifted his father ; and Bede not fet forth ; perhaps, indeed, he might exprefsly declares, that at the death of have taken :part with Ethelwald, and been Egfrid, he had been fome time in Ireland affiftant in placing him on the throne of where he had made great progrefs in re- Deira: and fome have pofitively affirmed, ligious learning. Why, or when, had he that on trie death of Ethelwald, Alcfred relinquifhed the crown of Deira, if he had fucceeded him in Deira, and that by the ever been in poffeffion of it, before his bro- laft will of Ethelwald. But fo much are ther's death ? •we in the dark relative to this affair, that hard Part II. THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 143 hard to fay which party had the viftory in this battle; but fome time af- A. D. 679. terwards, wefind a reconciliation took place between Ethelred and Eg frid, at the earneft perfuafion of Theodore, the bifhop.* A confiderable time was now fpent in peace,, which proved at laft fo dif- A. D. 684. tafteful to the difpofition of Egfrid, that he was determined by fome means or other to keep his fubjefts in aftion: wherefore, he fent a fhl ^Trfa?"*3* chieftain, named Berte, againft the Irifh, who had always been friends with the Englifh,. and were a very harmlefs, irioffenfive people. When he arrived there, he fought againft them,, and they were eafily over come j yet did he cruelly make a prodigious, flaughter amongft them,, whilft they, unable to refift the fury of his arms,, were driven to diftrefs. and wretchedhefs ; from all fides tliey fled before him, praying fervently to Heaven for vengeance. t The year after the invafion of Ireland^ Egfrid, contrary to the advice A. D.. 685; of his chieftains,, and the earneft perfuafion. of Cuthbert,, bifhop of Lan^- E fr!d h nain disfarne, corumenced a war againft the Pifts,,, who bordered. upon. Nor- by thePias.. thumberland, and over rafhly purfuing them when theyjriade a feint re treat, he was by degrees led into a narrow place amongft the mountains, where a ftrong ambufh was appointed, fo that he was hemmed-in by fhe forces of his enemies, and flain on the fpot. This accident happened in the month of June,. 685, in the fortieth year of his age, and- the fif teenth of his reign. His body was afterwards- buried in St.. Columb's ifland. J Egfrid left no iffiie behind' him ; for his wife, who was named'Etheli- The extraordi- dreda, the daughter of Anna,, king of the Eaft Angles, refufed to accom- Etheidredl?"^' pany with her hufband,. or partake of his. bed : and it is. yet more extra ordinary, that Egfrid/ was her fecond hufband, for fhe had been before married to a nobleman> namedTonberft,- governor of the fenny coun tries of Norfolk, Huntingdonfhire, Lincolnfhire,. and:Cambridgefhire, during, alL whofe life fhe remained, a pure virgin; nor could any perfua fion or intreaty,, either with one hufband or the other, prevail upon her to alter her mind. She-was married to Egfrid twelve years; but after a time, when the king found that fhe would not yield to his allurements,. he permitted her to. leave him, and retire to the abbey of Coddingham, where fhe was. a veiled nun, under Ebba,. the abbefs ; and- afterwards, departing from thence,. fhe went to Ely, and built St. -Peter's church, and herfelf became abbefs there, where fhe died, and was buried; This ex traordinary and enthufiaftic notion, of virtue in Etheldreda, caufed her af terwards, to; be canonized as a. faint,, and, her memory was. held inthe greateft reverence.§„ * Bede, libiiv.. cap. 2i„ J. Bede,.. lib.. iv, -cap. 26. f Ibid.. §. Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iv. cap. 19.. EALDFERTH,. 144 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 686 Ealdferth, a le.-.med man. His fortunate EALDFERTH, or ALCFRID, the feventh King of Northumberland. Ealdferth, the natural fon of Ofweo, fucceeded his half-brother, Flgfrid, in all his dignities. This prince, during the whole reign of his brother, (either through conftraint or inclination) took up his refidence in Ireland ; but was fpeedily recalled from thence at his deceafe, to take the government of the kingdom upon him. He was a learned man, and particularly well Verfed in the fcriptures ; and though the bounds of his dominions- were not fo large as thofe. which fome of his progenitors had poffeffed, yet he ruled all which he held, with foch wifdom and difcre tion, that he juftly acquired the efteem ofhis fubjefts.* The unfortunate undertaking bf Egfrid, his predeceffor, had opened a paffage to the Scots, Pifts, and Britons into Northumberland, and gave them occafion to recover great part of their country, which had been fubdued by the Northumbrian kings. Thefe people Ealdferth kept under ; and though he could not reconquer all thofe provinces which had been loft, yet a confiderable part of them were through his prowefs and aftivity redeemed again. In thefe wars he loft a valiant chieftain, named Berftred, who was flain by the Pifts in the year of our Lord 698.f Ealdferth reigned upwards of nineteen years, and died in the year 705, leaving behind' him one fon, who fucceeded him in the kingdom. The wife of Ealdferth was Kenburg, the daughter of Penda, king , of Mercia, Who was married to him fome time before he was king, but we do jnot find that he had any other children than Ofred, the -fon juft men tioned.:): OSRED, the eighth King of Northumberland. A. D. 705.. OsRiE-d, the only fon of Ealdferth, fucceeded him in the realm, al- ofred a "ck i th°ugn*'ke w,a-> 'tnen a child of only .eight years of age. But inftead of J.nnUaWIC e walking prudently inthe fteps ofhis father, and endeavouring by mode ration and juftice to fecure the love of his fubjefts, as foon as he was able to judge for himfelf, he neglected all the effential duties of a good king, -following the impulfe of his own wicked inclinations; and for the gratification of his iuft, fpared not to violate the chaftity of the veiled nuns, and moft zealous votaries of religion.^ It is true, he is faid to have married Cuthburga, the After of Ina, king of the Weft .Saxons j but with fuch pollutions did he abufe :her bed, that fhe, in abhorrence of his continualadulteries, obtained a divorce, and departed froqp ;him, retiring to a nunnery which Ihe had previoufly built at Win- burne, in Dorfetfhire.|| His wars were chiefly againft the Scots and His wife and ifl'ue, &c. * Bede, lib. iv. cap. 26. Malmf. Ilib- i. fucceeded him in the kingdom, f OSWULF, the thirteenth King of Northumberland. * r» „ .. J A. U. 759* After the abdication of Egbert* Ofwulf, his fon, was advanced to Jf fl . the throne. Of this unfortunate prince we find but little recorded, treafon. ? It appears, that before he had quite completed one year of his reign, he was flain in a treacherous manner by his own fervants, at Mikilwough- ton; but for what caufe is uncertain.-;}; EDILWALD, or MOLLO, the, fourteenth King ^Northum berland. . -n. A. D. 759:. After the unfortunate murder of Ofwulf, Edilwald, a nobleman, ob.- Edilw„!d. h;, tained the government of the kingdom. The beginning of his reign was reign anti'dsati*. troubled by adangerous rebellion; foroneOfwin, a nobleman of Northum- " berland, took up arms againft him. This infurreftion called him to the field, and at a place named Edwine's clive, a pitched battle was fought, which proved favourable to Mollo; for the rebellious earl was flain in the .field, and all ;his army routed. After this fuccefs, the king enjoyed his dominions in peace. W^cn he had reigned ten years, lie was flain by the treafon of Alured, who, impatient to gain the kingdom to himfelf, .perpetrated this villainous murder. § This prince left behind him one fon, named Ethelred, who was kept from the throne by the traitor Alu red ; but after his expulfion, Ethelred was advanced to the kingdom by the voice of the people. A D. 770. ALURED^ the fifteenth King of Northumberland. A]meA {ncctcis Alured, the chiefconfpirator againft Edilwald Mollo, was defcended i"thekinsdoav' ¦from Alric, the natural fon of Ida, firft king arnongftthe Northumbers; '* --Bede, ,ip epitome. , § Malmf. ut fnp. J. Redbourne. Hunt. ¦j- Malmf. lib. i. cap. 3. S. Dunelm. &c. Simon Dunelm feems to fay, that he Hift. Eeclef. Dunelrn. lib..ii. cap. j. R.ed- was not flain, but refigned the govern - tourrie fays, only nineteen years. .ment; but whether by force, or his own J- Simon Dunelm. Heu. Hunt. & J. Red- free-will, does not appear. bourne. TJ 2 sj\d i48> HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY, Part II, A. D. 770. and after the death of Mollo he affumed the royal dignity. The aftions of this prince are not known ; but however, it may feem likely, that they were by no means worthy of record, or, at leaft, not pleafing to his fub jefts; by whom he was driven from the throne, after he had poffeffed it near ten years.* ETHELRED, the fixteenth King of. Northumberland. A. D. 779. When Alured was expelled from the government by the people, Ethelred fet u Ethelred, the fon of Edilwald Mollo, was chofen tofucceedhim ; but this in the kingdom, his advancement, either becaufe it was not by the full confent of the community in general, which might make him odious to thofe who had other views than his welfare ; or elfe becaufe his behaviour as a king was harfh and difpleafing to fome of his eleftors : for, early in his reign, we find rebellions breaking out, which foon became more general, and productive of evil confequences. Ethelred tyro After he had reigned near four years, two noblemen, .named Edel- fromtheltiri1- Daid and Herebert, headed a prodigious number of the mal-contents, his will) to take the command of the army upon him ; but he would not by any means be prevailed upon to put on his armour, or take any of- fenfive weapon in his hand, but holding a flender rod, he gave the com mand. The Eaft Angles loft the day, as may reafonably be expected ; what chance had they for viftory, when their chief himfelf refufed to lead them to the battle with that bravery and courage neceffary to con found the enemy, and fecure the conqueft ? The inactivity of a chief is doubly mifchievous ; for whilft on the one hand it damps the fpirits ofhis foldiers, on the other it gives the nimble foe frequent occafions of di- ftreffing them. Sigebert himfelf was flain in the .field, and with, him fell Egric, his coufin, who held the government for him.f This un fortunate action happened about the year 643. Sigebert, as well as his fubftitute, Egric, died without iflue, fo that the kingdom fell to Anna, the next in blood to Eorpwald. ANNA, the feventh King of the East Angles. Anna, the fon of Eric, the brother of Redwald, was the next who A. D. 643. mounted the throne of the Eaft Angles. Like his predeceffor, Sigebert, Anna a .uft- d he was a juft and devout man, and like him unfortunate ; not, indeed, pious prince. becaufe he neglected the government of his people, for he feems to have held his rule with the greateft care and prudence. He gave reception to Cenwalh, king of Weffex, who was driven -from his kingdom, by the cruel Mercian, Penda, in revenge of his fifter, that Cenwalh had put away. Nor did Anna ceafe, till, by his conftant perfuafion, Cenwalh received the Chriftian faith, and was baptized ; after which, by Anna's affiftance, he was again .reftored to the throne of Weffex. Some time after this, Penda again made war upon the kingdom of the Eaft Angles : the caufe, indeed, is 1 unknown, (if there really was any other motive than Penda's irrefiftible ambition); however, he came againft Anna with a mighty power, in the eleventh year ofhis reign, and in deftruc- tive marches affaulted the borders of the realm ; when finding none there able to oppofe him, he marched into the heart of the kingdom, and be ing joined by iEthelhere, the brother of Anna, in a fierce battle he over- * Bede, lib. iii. cap. 18, &c. f Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iii. cap. 18. Malmf. lib i. cap. j, &c. X 2 came r56 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 643. came the forces of Anna, and flew- that unfortunate prince himfelf in the field. This battle was fought in the year 654.* The wife and Anna married Herifwida, the daughter of Herericus, the nephew of iiiue of.Anna. j^wine, king of Northumberland, by whom he had iffue, two fons ; Firmius, who was flain inthe fame battle with himfelf; and Erkenwald, abbot of Chertfide, and bifhop of London: alfo three daughters ; Ethel- dreda, the eldeft, was firft married to Tonberft, governor of the fenny countries of Norfolk, Huntingdonfhire, Lincolnfhire, and Cambridge- fhire ; after his deceafe, fhe was married to Egfrid, king 6f Northum berland ; notwithftanding her marriages, fhe remained a pure virgin to the day of her death ; fhe died at Ely, where fhe had been abbefs, and was buried in St. Peter's church, the which herfelf had built.f Anna's fecond daughter, named Sexburga, was married to Ercombert, king of Kent, after whofe death fhe took upon her the habit of a nun, and fucceeded her filler as abbefs of Ely, where fhe died, and' was buried.if The third daughter was Ethilburga, made abbefs of Barking, near Lon don, by her brother Erkenwald, where fhe lived and died. Befides thefe, Anna had a natural daughter, whofe name was Withburge, a pro feffed nun, in the monaftery of St. Brigges, in France.§ iETHELHERE the eighth Krac of the East Angles. A. D. 654. - After the death of Anna, his brother JEthelhere laid claim to the _. , . . crown of the Eaft Angles, and by the afliftance of Penda (whofe forces The afpiring ge- ri-i-vi 11 1 »t-.i - y . nius cf ^ithei- had over-run the kingdom) he mounted the throne. This defigning hcrc* prince, ambitious of power, had in his brother's life-time manifefted his aipiring genius ; and the fooner to attain the heighth of his wifhes, joined with Penda in the flaughter ofhis king and brother, and the deftruftion of his country. But Heaven would not long permit him to triumph in his wickednefs ; for, foon after, he became the principal inftrument of his own ruin. A. D. 655. He conceived, but for what caufe is unknown, a mortal hatred againft Ofweo, the king of Northumberland ; and, by his fubtle infinuations, ifbattie!" fla'n prevailed upon Penda, the Mercian, to make war upon him, whilft he himfelf would be affiftant with all his power. Penda, big with the glory of his many important conquefts, approved the fcheme, and ac cordingly joining both their armies together, they entered Northumber land, and purfued the war with unrelenting rigour. Ofweo driven to the greateft diftrefs, and finding that by fair means he could in no wife appeafe the fury of his enemies, gave them battle. In this engagement all the forces of Penda and ^Ethelhere were routed, and they themfelves flain in the field. This happened in the year 655, fo that iEthelhere enjoyed his ill- got crown but one year, and barely that, ft * Bede, lib. iii. cap. 18. § Ibid. lib. iii. cap. 8, f Ibid. lib. iv. cap. 19. % Ibid. |] Ibid. cap. 24. The Part II. THE KINGDOM OF THE EAST ANGLES. 157 . The wife of JEthelhere was Herefwitha; fhe was filler to the famous 7J* ""j^"*,. Hilda, abbefs of Streanfhalch, and grandchild to Edwine, king of Nor- here." thumberland. By this lady he had iffue, three fons, Adulf, Elfwulf, and Beorn, who all of them fucceeded his brother Ethelwald in the kingdom of the Eaft Angles. ETHELWALD, the ninth King of the East Angles. After the flaughter of ^Ethelhere, his brother Ethelwald feized upon A D. 656^ the government, and held it from the children of the late king the fpace The r . f of nine years ; during all which time he feems not to have performed any Ethelwald not aftion worthy of note.* He is fuppofed to have left behind him. onekn8wn* fon, named Ethelred, who afterwards fucceeded to the crown, and was the father of the unfortunate iEthelbyrhte. ADULF, ELSWULF, and BEORN, the tenth, eleventh ;, and twelfth Kings of the East Angles. When Ethelwald, their uncle, departed this life, the three fons of A. D. 665-. iEthelhere took the government upon them, bearing rule jointly in the The three fons kingdom. Of thefe princes we have no records left, nor can we with of ^theihere certainty trace out the exaft time of their particular deaths ; however, ^^ m the it appears from fucceeding circumftances, that they held the dominion. amongft them the full fpace of fifty years. Some modern authors, in deed, have made them rule feparately, and fet down the particular time that eaeh prince reigned ; but as all this parade is mere matter of un certainty, and efpecially as Malrnfbury makes them all reign together, there is no fubftantial reafon appears why they fhould be feparated.f ETHELRED, the thirteenth King of the East Angles. This prince is fuppofed to have been the fon of Ethelwald, which is, A. D. 715. indeed, very. uncertain. Though Ethelred appears, to have reigned the TT . . r- 11 r r~r 1? 1 " rr -ii n''' ¦ 1 • ¦ Uncertainties full term of fifty-two years, atl that we can collect concerning him is, relative to in general, that he was a juft man, and much beloved by his fubjefts. j Ethelred- His wife is called Laonorin ; by her he had one fon, (more famous than himfelf) named Ethelbyrhte,, who reigned after him. * Malmf. lib. i. cap.. r,. and reigns twenty -fix years, making to- -j- Thus Speed, with other moderns,, gether the cterm of fifty-two years ; or, if have formally fet down, the extent of their you add the five, years more, according ta reigns as follows : Adulf fucceeeds his un*- Hollingflied, given- to Elfwulf, fifty-feven. cle A. D. 664, and rules nineteen years ; But I have given- my reafons above for- Elfwulf fucceeds his brother, and reigns making them reign together. Vide Malmf. feven (Hollingflied, indeed, fays twelve) lib. i. cap. 5. years ; and Beorn again, fucceeds Elfwulf,. X Ibid. ETHEL- - 158 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. ETHELBYRHTE, the fourteenth King of the East. Angles. A.D. 767. In the fame oblivion which envelopes the aftions of the father, is bu ried thofe of the early part of the fon's life, who fucceeded him. We read, indeed, that he was a fine perfonable man, well learned for the times in which he lived, of an amiable temper, and inclined to no parti cular vice; on the contrary, his aftions were all guided by the ftrifteft juftice and piety. Even this excellent character we owe, perhaps, to his unfortunate end, which made him lamentably confpicuous to "the The character of Ethelbyrhte, world in general. AD. nate £thelb,rhte 792. To make amends for what is wanting in the former part of Ethel- The unfortu- bythte's reign, the monks and-Jeg^nd-; writers have fwelled their account murder of of his death with fables and miracles, ,. in order to honour his memory j which, together with his being fainted", has given him room enough in the monkifh annals. But fetting afide all the miraculous tales which are interwoven with the murder of Ethelbyrhte, we will (as briefly as poffi ble) run over what appears as truth, and is well authenticated. Long had this excellent prince been importuned by his fubjefts to marry ; but becaufe, perhaps, he had not yet experienced the effefts of love, he ftill delayed to comply with their wifhes, as waiting till he fhould find a partner worthy of his affections : but overcome at laft by the intreaties of his people, and the deluding offers which were made him by Offa, king of Mercia, of his daughter Elfrida, he accepted the propofal ; and com plying with the repeated invitations of Offa, went to the Mercian court, in order to confummate the marriage. But foon after his arrival, the ambitious Mercian (intending nothing lefs than the performance of his promife) caufed him to be put to death, contrary to all humanity, the law of nature, and common hofpitality. This being privately per formed, the crafty king marched with his army into the kingdom of the Eaft Angles, whilft the people, deprived of their fovereign, and not in the leaft fufpefting the treachery of Offa, were unable to refill his forces; and in a little time the Mercians conquered the whole realm.* The body of Ethelbyrhte was firft privately buried, on the bank of the river Lugg, in Herefordfhire, near the palace of Offa, at Sutton Wallis, where he was flain; but not long after, was taken up at the command of Offa, (who pretended to be ftruck with remorfe for his crime) and honourably entombed at Hereford, where, over his remains, a fpacious church was fome time after built. Ethelbyrhte reigned twenty-five years over the Eaft Angles, and was flain in the year of Chrift 792. 'The Decline of the Kingdom of the East Angles. •Egbert conquers Aftej* the death of Ethelbyrhte, the kingdom fell to decay : for not xhellftSie^only the Mercians, but the Weft Saxons, and thofe of Kent, oppreffed. The burial of .Ethelbyrhte. * Malmf. ibid. Chron. J. Bromton, Simon Dunelm, &c. &c. the Part II. THE KINGDOM OF THE EAST ANGLES. 159 the people ; through this complication of misfortunes, it was deftitute of proper rulers between fifty and fixty years. In thisfcene of confufion lay the affairs of this province, when Egbert, king of the Weft Saxons, entered the borders^ and made the people tributary to him. Some time afterthefe trqubles in the ftate, a pious man, named Offa, a. D. 85$.. was advanced to the7 throne ofthe Eaft Angles ; and he was fucceeded by Edmund,-, flaughtered by the Danes. From which period it continued thisek-,'ng°drom under the government of the" Danifh powers, till Edward, the elder, t"-oi« off, aud drove them out, and annexed this dominion finally with his own. Butw y' as all thefe circumftances muft naturally follow in the third part of the Chronicle,, we fhall here take our leave of this kingdom,, which, fror% the death of Ethelbyrhte, was not confidered as. a feparate or indepen dent ftate. MERCIA ; - ( i6o ) M E R CI A; THE SEVENTH KINGDOM OF THE HEPTARCHY. The extent of HpHE feventh, and laft, kingdom which the Saxons eftablifhed inBri- the kingdom of # J tainj was Mercia ; which was larger in circuit, and contained more counties, than any of the reft ; as Gloucefterfhire, Herefordfhire, Chefhire, Staffordfhire, Worcefterfhire, Oxfordfhire, Shropfhire, Warwickfhire, Der- byfhire, Leicefterfhire, Buckinghamfhire, Northamptonfhire, Notting- hamfhire, Lincolnfhire, Bedfordfhire, Rutlandfhire, Huntingdonfhire, and part of Hertfordfoire. This extenfive dominion • was bounded on the weft by the river Dee, and the Severn ; on the eaft by the fea, the Eaft Angles, and the Eaft Saxons ; on the fouth by the Thames,; and on the north by the Humber, and the Merfy. Mercia was at firft di vided into three parts, as Eaft Mercia, Middle Mercia, and Weft Mercia. CRIDA, the firft King of Mercia. A. D. 585. In the year of Chrift 585, a noble Saxon chieftain, named Crida, - . f (who, like the former kings of his country eftablifhed in Britain, de- fume* the tide rived his pedigree from Woden) arrived in Britain, and, with his fol- rf king, in lowers, over-run the middle part of the ifland without much difficulty ; for the Britifh power was confiderably crufhed and kept under by the powerful arms of thofe Saxon princes, who, long before this time, were fettled in the furrounding provinces, Crida affumed the title of king, and from the time ofhis arrival held his dominions in peace. His reign was about eight years.* He left one fon, named Wibba, behind him, who fucceeded to the throne of Mercia. WIBBA, the Jecond King of Mercia. A. D. 593. Crida being dead, Wibba took the government upon him ; and af- The aaions tf tcr many fuccefsful engagements with the Britons, drove them from the Crida not borders of his kingdom, and greatly enlarged its extent. His reign ap- known. pears to have been about three -and twenty years,f but unfortunately his aftions* are negligently paffed over, and nothing but the flight mention f H. Hunt. lib. ii. Higden fays, that he f Ibid. R. Higden fays, twenty regjned ten years. years. 4 of PartIL THE KINGDOM OF MERCIA. 161 of his Britifo. wars recorded ; whilft even of them, there is left no parti? A- 3D« 593' cular account, either of the time when they happened, or the places where ithe battles were fought : but indeed, from this general gleam of light, as faint as it is, we may conclude him to have been a valiant prince, and deferving of a more, important place in the annals of the hep? starchy. He left behind him three fons ; the eldeft was Penda, the fe cond Cenwalk, and the laft Eoppa : - and one daughter, named Sexburga, after married to Cenwalh, king of the Weft Saxons. CEORL, the third King of Mercia, After the deceafe of Wibba, his fons did neither of them fucceed A. D. 6i6» him in the kingdom; but Ceorl, his nephew, the fon of his brothe/ The r . of Kinemund, was advanced to the throne. Yet whether by the confent Ceori not of the people, he was chofen in preference to the iffue of Wibba, orwhe-known" ther.be ufurped the dignity by force, orTraud, cannot be -determined: however, his reign appears to have heen fpent in profound tranquility, .for the fpace of ten years, when he deceafed, and foft no iffue behind him to fucceed inthe realm.* PENDA, the fourth King [of Mercia, ., No fooner was Ceorl departed from this life, than Penda, his coufin, A. D. 626.. the eldeft fon of Wibba, mounted the throne of Mercia, He was a man of a moft turbulent difpofition ; fierce and valiant in the field, violent in pehnad"f er of his councils, cruel in his temper, and infatiate in his revenge. With war and deftruftion he fhook the borders of the furrounding Saxon king doms, and fpread an univerfal terror through the land. The chief caufe ofhis wars feems to have proceeded from his own reftlefs difpofition, and the end propofed to himfelf no more than the cruel fatisfaftion of ma king others wretched ; for, as thofe wars were madly begun, fo were the feveral advantages which his powerful forces had gained, as imprudently relinquifhed.-j- His firft war was commenced againft Cynegils and Cwichelm, his A. D. 628, fon, who ruled jointly in the kingdom of Weffex: with thefe he fought a great battle at Cirencefter, which continued till both armies were w°" iBweflL> parted by the approach of nignt. In this bloody- conflift, fo much flaughter was fuftained on either fide, that, in the morning, inftead of renewing the fight, a parley enfued, and agreements of .peace were made. J Five years after this, 'he perfuaded Cadwallo, a'Britifh king, to rebel A. D. 633:,. againft Edwine, king of Northumberland, whilft he himfelf with aTfh^u;^t^i his hoft. * H. Hunt. lib. ii. ,& >,Mat. Weft. Folly- f Bede, Malrnf. Hunt. &c. , . ; . chron. &c. X Chron. Sax. fub~anno 628, & alia.' Vol. I. Y mighty' 16a HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY., Part IL A. D. '633. mighty force affifted him. Thefe two armies joined together, fought againft Edwine and his hoft at a' place called Hethfield; where, after a fharp battle, Edwine was flain, and all his forces put to flight. This con queft gained, they entered the kingdom of Northumberland, and dread fully wafted the country wherever they came. Penda now left Cadwallo to revenge his own caufe, and returned to Mercia, where he continued fome time in peace.* A. D. 642. Nine years after, the glory of Ofwald, the pious king of l^orthum- ofwaid flain in berland, (who, in defence of his country, had overthrown the army of tattle. Cadwallo, and reduced the Britons to iubjeftion) became offenfive to him ; wherefore, to deprefs his rifing fame, and revenge the caufe ofhis ally, he re-entered the borders of Northumberland with a mighty hoft,, and flew the unfortunate Ofwald in the field.f A. D. 643. Theyear after this bloody expedition in Northumberland, hurried on by the impetuofity of his temper, Penda went with his army into the king- Egricefl3innby dom of the Eaft Angles, and made war upon Egric, their ruler. After p«nda in battle, ne haci wafted the country by his deftruftive marches, and flaughtered a great number of the diftreffed inhabitants, he was met by the forces of Egric, under his command, joined with Sigebert, the former king, (whom the people had forced from the monaftery where he had retired, and placed at the head of the army.) Both thefe unfortunate, princes were flain by Penda, and all their forces put to flight ; fo that he purfued his march throughout the country without the leaft oppofition. J A. D. 645. Returning from the conqueft of the Eaft Angles, Penda fat down Penda drives peaceably for two years, when he again took the field, with a greater fhew Cenwalh from of juftice than he had formerly. Cenwalh, the'king of the Weft Saxons, his kingdom. wno had married Sexburga, his filler, without the leaft offence on her fide, put her from his bed, and followed a diffolute life. Incenfed at his filler's wrongs, ahdto revenge the oppreffive caufe, he entered the borders of Weffex with a powerful army, and drove Cenwalh from his throne/ But being cruel in his conquefts, the whole nation miferably fuffered by his violence, for the fault of their wretched fovereign. Cenwalh, how ever, fled to the court of Anna, king of the Eaft Angles, where he re mained fome time, and was afterwards re-inflated in the throne of Weffex.§ A. D. 654. Now again Penda paffed nine years in peace, at the end of which he re- EaftAn'g'iw''' e folved to re-enter the kingdom of the Eaft Angles, and that (as it is ge- again, and kills neraiiy thought) without the leaft provocation ; unlefs he ftill remem- * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 20. & j Bede, lib. iii. cap. 18. & Malmf. lib.' alia. i. cap. 6. f Ibid. lib. iii. cap. 17. § lb. -cap. 17. & Chr. Sax. fub an. 645. bered Northumber land. Part II. THE KINGDOM OF MERCI1 roj: bered the proteftion which Anna had formerly given to Cenwalh, when A. D. 654, he had driven him out of the kingdom of Weffex, and was determined for that offence to take revenge. However this may be, with a prodigi ous force he invaded that dominion ; againft whom the diftreffed Anna brought his army : but Fortune ftill favouring the attempts of Penda,. the Eaft Angles were overthrown, and Anna himfelf flain in the field of battle. After this conqueft, he fet iEthelhere, the brother of Anna,. upon the throne, as a reward for the affiftance which this wicked prince had given him againft his brother, and his country.* Scarcely was Penda returned to Mercia, when the traitor, JEthelhere, A, D. 655, perfuaded him to make war once more in Northumberland; for he Penda and h!s fet the rifing fame of Ofweo, who then ruled in that kingdom, in fuch a partner flain i» dangerous point of view, that,, fired with jealoufy, and fearful of a rival "" in glory, he followed the advice which was given him, and being joined by the army of iEthelhere, went into Northumberland, and. began with great cruelty to deftroy the country wherever he came. Ofweo, on the other hand, was unwilling to meet his adverfary in the field, and ftrove by large gifts and fair promifes,. to pacify his fury, but in vain ; for the mind of Penda was bent on blood and deftruftion. When Ofweo faw the unrelenting difpofition of Penda, he refolved to abide the fortune of the field. And now the cruel tyrant had run his deftined race ! for,. being over fecure in the fuperior number of his hoft, (which is faid to have been thirty times greater than the army of Ofweo) and negligent iri, his arrangement of the battle, he loft the day, and fell himfelf in the fa tal conflict ; with him was alfo flain the traitor, iEthelhere, at whofe infti gation the war was firft begun. This battle was fought upon the banks of the river Winwed, near Leeds, f which river burft its banks during the engagement, and fuddenly overflowed great part of Penda's army ; fo that more men perifhed in the waters, than were flain with the fwords of Ofweo's foldiers. Thus ended the life of this furious prince, (who had caufed the deaths of no • lefs than five kings, by far more worthy than himfelf ) after he had reigned almoft thirty years. The wife of Penda was named Kinfwitha, and by her he had iffue, five The wife and fons, and two daughters: his three eldeft fons, Peada, Wulfere,. andiffueofPenda" Ethelred, fucceeded fucceffively in the kingdom. Merfthel, the fourth fon, was a man "remarkable for his piety ; and Merewald, the fifth, and laft fon, governed fome part of Mercia under his brothers. The daughters of Penda, were Cineburga, the eldeft, who was after married to Alcfrid, king of Northumberland, but leaving her hufband, fhe became * Bede, lib. iii. cap. 18. & Malmf. lib. " Caedes regum Sigeberti & Egrici. i. cap. 6.. Bromton. " Cades Ofwaldi & Edwini." M. Weft. f " Apud amncm Winwed unde exiv'it fub anno 655. & Henry Huntingdon-, " proverbium. lib. ii. " In Wihwed' amne vindicate eft csedes " Anna. Y 2 a nun ,64 HISTORY OF THE SAXGW HEPTARCHY. Part IL A. D. 655. a nun in Kingefburgh abbey: and Cinefwifha, the youngeft, was mar-- ried to Offa, king of the Eaft Saxons; and after his departure toRome, became a nun in the fame abbey with her fifter.* PEADA, the fifth King of Mercia. Theconverfion This prince was by his father, inhis life-time, made governor over o^r?aOM OF MERCIA. 169 CENRED, the eighth King of Mercia. Conte.nt with his former fituation, and pleafed in the enjoyment of A. D. 704. A private- life,, Ceruted. had fpent his youthful days, in retirement and ftu-Cenred prefer, dy, far removed from the fplendour of a court. It feems rather in com-* monastic life plfance with the demands of his people, than his own particular wifh, Metrcuc,r°wn thathe quitted his- retreat, and took upon him the government of Mer cia : this material change feems not to have been agreeable to him, Whofe very foul was fet upon. religious enquiries. The uproar and noife of the bufy world was irkiome and difguftlul to him ; and folong had he been accuftomed to think and aft in a manner totally different from that which his prefent exalted ftate required, his heart foon panted for the more pleafing folitude again. Five years he held the title of a king, when overcome by the irrefiftible impulfe, occafioned by the recollection of his former enjoyment, of the quiet- comforts of life, he quitted the court, and left his crown as a thing defpifed, when weighed in the balance with a contented mind. Soon after, with Offa, king of the Eaft An gles, and Edwine, bifhop of Worcefter, he went to Rome, (the fafhion- able pilgrimage of thofe times) and was there made a monk by pope Conftantine, in the church of St. Peter. At Rome he fpent the remain der of his- life, employed continually in afts of piety and benevolence.* CEOLRED; or CELRED, the ninth King of Mercia. The quiet and peaceable difpofition of Cenred was as ill' fuited to the A. D. 709. turbulent and warlike genius of the Mercians, as the fatigue of dignity was to himfelf ; fo that when he quitted the crown, they received Ceol- kfngwi^frlt red, the fon of Ethelred, for their king* with the greateft acclamations aPPla"fe-. of joy and fatisfaftion. This was a man as remarkable for his perfonal bravery and conduct, as his predeceffor had been for his piety;, and though the people in general loved Cenred, whofe virtues had endeared him to the more thinking part ; yet was Ceolred by fir more acceptable as a governor ; for his lively temper and valour led-them to expect great things from. his administration. Virtue they loved, but glor-y was the objeft of their wifhes.f Scarce had Ceolred mounted the throne of Mercia, before the peace, A D. 715. which had long, bleffed the Mercian ftate, was broke through, and war commenced with the Weft Saxons.- Which parties were -the aesrefibt-q Ceolred makes or what was the caufe, is not known ; but with fuch implacable hatred was-the war purfued, that it was-not decidedfor the fpace of feven years, during all which interval various fkirmifhes were made, and battle^ fought, with different fuccefs, yet no confiderable' advantage was gained * Malmf. lib i. cap. 4. Chron. Eromton. f Malmf. libi i. -can. 4. Hen. Hunt. & J.IEedboiirne. & Vita Egwini Epif, Mat. Weft, &c. Vol. I. Z by 170 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part IL A. D. 7 15. by either. After this long jarring had continued, the two kings met with their powers at a place called Wodens burh, where alfo the victory remained doubtful, prodigious flaughter . being made in both armies ; yet the lofs which either fuftained put a flop to the war ; for if they were not reconciled to each other, they were fo prudent at leaft to re tire, with the defign of recruiting their ftrength before hoftilities were again commenced. The death of in the year of our Lord 716, not long after Ceolred's return to Mer- re ' ' cia, he departed this life, having reigned with great honour near eight years. His body was buried in the cathedral church of Litchfield. His wife is faid to have been named Wereburga, by whom he had no chil dren. She furvived him many years, being very old at the time of her death.* ETHELBALD, the tenth King of Mercia. A.D. 716. Ceolred dying without iffue, Ethelbald, the fon of Alweo, de- The character fcended from Wibba,f was advanced to the royal dignity. The cha- of Ethelbald. rafter of Ethelbald is ftrongly delineated in the ancient records, as a man of violent paffions, impatient of controul, and immoderately fond of power and dominion : this difpofition occafioned the title which is com monly annexed to his name, as the proud, or haughty, king. J . He held the government with' great valour, and adminiftered juftice with an equal hand : yet he himfelf is heavily accufed of refufing lawful mar riage ; not through the commendable preferment of a life of celibacy, but the rather to obtain the fruition ofhis libidinous defires^with the lefs reftxaint. He violated the chaftity of maidens confecrated to God, and feduced married women from the bofoms of their hufbands, taking them to his bed, without regarding the confequence which might enfue from fo open a violation of the Chriftian laws, and the evil example fet to his, fubjefts. Nor were the nobles behind hand with their fovereign ; for treading in his fteps, they followed their lewd purfuits without the leaft reftraint..|| A. D. 733. The firft aftion of confequence performed by Ethelbald, was the fiege Ethelbald in- of thecaftle of Sommerton, which he won by force of arms. Some time vades Northum- after, obferving the peaceable ftate of the Northumbers,, under the rule of their religious king, Ceolnulf, he entered the borders of that kingdom,, and finding little or no refiftance, advanced with his army,, and gained great fpoils, returning in triumph back again to Mercia.§ * Florentius, monk of Worceffier. ¦ J Superbas Rex, Sec. VMe Malmftiury,, -f His 'genealogy is thus fet down in the Bromton. Hunt. &c. &c. Saxon Chronicle : Ethelbald the fon of ||. Epift. Boniface, in Chron. William, Alweo, the fon ofEoppa, the fon of Wib- Malmfbury, lib. i. cap. 4. fea, fecond king of Mercia. § Chron. J. Bromton. Some berland. Part II. THE KINGDOM OF MERCIA. »7« Sometime after, whilft Egbert, king of Northumberland, (who fue- A.D. 740. ceeded Ceolnulf in that realm) was bufily employed in his wars againft Ethelbaid again the Pifts and Britons, Ethelbald, well pleafed with his former fuccefs, invades Nor- re-entered that kingdom, and purfued his deftruftive marches without'111""''"13'1'1, any oppofition ; for, as the principal part of the Northumbrian forces were employed in the northern wars, the fouthern parts of the province were left open to the enemy, who cruelly wafted and deftroyed the country wherever they came.* , Two years after his expedition in Northumberland, Ethelbald invaded A. D. 742. Weffex with a mighty army, and marched againft Cuthred, who had then but juft began his reign in that kingdom. Various fkirmifhes en- f!j«w1eff«'! fued, and Ethelbald feemed bent upon the deftruftion of his foe ; for he not only affaulted him by open war, but by private practices endeavoured to procure his overthrow. Cuthred, on the other hand, being a man of great courage, refifted all the repeated efforts of Ethelbald, and finally gave him battle, which was fought with much bravery on both fides, and after .great effufion of blood, the differences were made up, and the two inveterate enemies reconciled to each other, f Two years more had elapfed, when the Britons (the common enemy A. D. 744; of the Saxons in general) fell under the difpleafure of thefe two princes, . who joining their forces together, made war upon them. The miferable overcome! * Britons were in no condition to refift the united powers of Mercia and Weffex; wherefore, leaving their habitations,, after a few flight fkir mifhes, they fought by flight to fecure themfelves from the fwords of their enemies ; but being fiercely purfued by the Saxons, a prodigious flaughter was made. Ethelbald, after this conqueft, returned to Mer cia, and held his rule for fome time in peace. \ A quiet life to a man whofe foul delights in war, is tedious and irk- A. D. 754. fome, glory and power are generally the chief objefts of his thoughts, Ethelba!d ¦ and thebufinefs of the camp his beft amufement: minds like thefe, feel invades3 Wefe" not the fofter enjoyment of peace, nor ever conceive the value of that heavenly bleffing ! Thus Ethelbald, difgufted with the tranquility that prevailed in his ftate, broke through the Tacred bond of peace, and fought in the field of war that fatisfaftion which at home he found not. Jealous of Cuthred's fame, he once more turned his arms againft him, and invaded Weffex with a mighty power, but unfuccefsfully ; for, at Beorgford,§ his army was overthrown by the Weft Saxons, with prodigious flaugh ter, he himfelf, with the remnant, making their efcape by a precipitate flight. * Chron. J. Bromton, & alia. J Ibid. Ibid. t Chron. Sax, fub anno 742. Malmf- § Vel Bedford. Vide Chron. J. Brom- buiy, &c. ton-. Z 2 Vexed -i7 a HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A.D. 7-56. Vexed to the foul at this fudden turn of fortune, Ethelbald returned to Mercia ; not, indeed, with a refolution to fit down tamely under his lois, aJiritud! °* but withfull intent to. revenge his fharne feverely upon the conquerors. He only waited till he had recruited his army, and a proper opportunity ferved, to commence the war afrefh, and harrafs the borders of Weffex. But -Cuthred with his forces oppofed his march with great courage, and drove him back to Sceandune, where a and ™ake* were divided amongft themfelves, and by their own dbmeftic quarrels oVthe border* facilitated the advancement of the foreign foe. After thefe important con- rf Wale8> quefts in Northumberland, his next care was to fecure the borders of his kingdom from the inroads of the Britons, who inhabited beyond him to. the weft ; which, that he might the better effeft, he caufed a large dyke to be made, beginning on the fouth at the mouth of the river Wye, and extending northward to the Dee. During the time that Offa was bufied in the performance of this ftupendous work, Marmodius,. the chief ru- kr in Wales, feemed to wink at his defigns, but was mean while making all the preparation in private that he could, in order to fall fuddenly upon the army of Offa, at>a time in which he could have no fufoicion of fuCh an attempt. It is alfo faid, that he was fecretly affifted by the Nor thumbers and the Weft Saxons, which is by no means unlikely. When the defign was ripe for execution, Marmodius, the better to blind the fearching eyes of Offa, fent a formal embaffy, to demand a truce for a certain ftated time ; during which fpace fome method might be thought on between them, by means of which they might conclude a final peace, which fhould be advantageous to both parties. The fair propofals of the Britons were kindly received by Offa, who not fufpefting their treache rous defign, .granted the time of truce which they demanded, in a very friendly manner.. Their plot fo far fucceeded as well as they could de fire; and it being now near Chriftmas, they waited quietly until the evening of St. Stephen's day, when uniting the whole of their forces to gether, they went down fuddenly upon the army of Offa, and filling up. part of the new dyke, entered the camp, and made a great flaughter : for the Mercian foldiers knowing that the time of the truce was not yet * Chron, Sax. fub anno 774. Malmf.. lib, i, cap. 4. H. Hunt. &c. 2. expired,, 174 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part II. A. D. 7 78. expired, thought themfelves fecure, and were more intent upon the ce lebration of the Chriftmas feaft, than the making defence with their fwords. Offa finding himfelf thus infamoufly betrayed, rallied his forces again, and fecured his retreat in the beft manner that he could, and for. a time withdrew himfelf into the heart of Mercia,' to reinforce his army.* A. D. 779. Incenfed with fury, and the ardent defire of revenging the treacherous dealings of the Britons, early the next year he fufficiently ftrengthened the^rhonsT" his army, and marching into Wales, in a bloody battle overcame Mar modius and his affociates. After this, he deftroyed the country round about, and drove the Britons to the greateft diftrefs. When he had completed his vengeance, he came back, and repaired the part of the dyke which had been broken down, and fet every thing in order upon the weftern borders of Mercia : this done, he returned to his court, and began, by powerful alliances, to ftrengthen his ftate. He now fat down in peace, and for a confiderable time attended to the affairs ofhis own realm, making no attempt upon the neighbouring kings.f A.D. 791. Still defirous of fecuring the importance of his dominions upon the offa marries Ms Uare^: foundation ; thofe whom he thought might at any time prove dan-? daughters. gerous, he determined to hold by a ftronger bond than that of mere friendfhip. In order to effeft this defign, he married his eldeft daugh ter, Eadburge, to Beorhtric, king of Weffex, who, proud of the al liance with fo great a monarch, had fought her of her father in mar riage; and his fecond daughter, Elfleda, he gave to . Ethelred, king of Northumberland, after he was reinftated in his throne, from whence he had been expelled by the people. J A. D. 792. Elfreda, third daughter of Offa, was promifed to Ethelbyrhte, the offa wirk^iy kjng of" * ne Eaft Angles ; who being kindly invited by her father to his murd.rs ihe court, went thither in order to confummate the marriage, but was cru- An|iM."e a elly Aain by the command of Offa: not content with the glory of his reign, and the extent of his dominions, he was determined in this bafe and treacherous manner to fecure the kingdom of this unfortunate" prince, and add it to his own. Immediately after the death of Ethel byrhte, Offa went with his army into the Eaft Angles, and foon fub- dued the whole province. Thus did the inordinate thirft of power pre vail on this mighty Mercian king, to commit a crime of the blackeft nature, which is aggravated by the moft infamous treachery and deceit ; in fhort, fo bafe an aftion is fcarcely to be found again in all our annals. § ' The * Matthew Paris, in Vita Offa:. -upon his wife, declaring, that fhe endea- T I°id- voured to perfuade him to commit this X H.Hunt, libiv. Ethelwerd, &c. murder, but he refufed; wherefore fhe § Matthew Paris^ who has made a le- herfelf undertook it, and caufed theprince .gendary life of Offa, lays the chief blame to be murdered on his wedding night. Ali Part II. THE KINGDOM OF MERCIA. iJ5 The year after this bloody deed was done, Offa affifted his fon-in-law, A. D. 793- Beorhtric, againft the Danes, who had arrived upon the confines of his0ff els the dominions, in three large fhips, and by his timely aid they were driven Danes, and goee back with confiderable lofs. After this, Offa pretended great forrowtoRome' for the murder of Ethelbyrhte, and in order in fome meafure to expiate for the offence, he went to Rome, where he obtained permiffion to build the abbey of St. Albans ; and, after the example of his predeceffor, Ina, made the kingdom fubjeft to the Romefcot, or Peter-pence. At his re turn to Mercia, the abbey of St. Albans was begun, and juft as it was completed, . this great monarch departed this life, inthe year of our Lord 796, after he had reigned nine and thirty years in the greateft lplendour.* The wife of Offa was named Quendrida,f of whom we know but lit- The wife and tie; yet fhe feems to have been a woman of good condition, but no way1 remarkable for her virtues. By her he had iffue, one fon, and three daughters,,: Egferth, the fon, fucceeded his father in the kingdom; Ethelburga, the elder daughter, was married to Beorhtric ; Elfleda, the fecond" daughter, to Ethelred, king of Northumberland ; and Elfreda, theyoungeft, was betrothed to the unfortunate Ethelbyrhte, the king of the Eaft Angles ; after the death of this prince, fhe, with great lamenta tions, abandoned the fociety of men, and withdrew herfelf to the mona-^ fiery of Crowland, J and there fpent her life in religious folitude.§ EGFERTH, the twelfth King of Mercia. Egferth, the joy ofhis parents, had been crowned king of Mercia A. D. 796. during his, father's life-time, and reigned jointly with him till the day of his death, when he took the whole government of the realm upon him. death. All this is done to exculpate Offa, who was his palace. She fo well juftified her con- the founder of St. Albans, for which ac- duel: to Offa, that he was much pleafed tion the monks have haftily paffed over with her addrefs ; and ihe being a fair and this cruel deed ; but his afterwards fub- lovely woman, he made her his wife, to diiing the kingdom of the Eaft Angles in the great grief of his parents, and the dif- fuch a fudden and unlawful manner, may like of the nobles of the realm. But this plainly prove the part he afted in the mur- account has fo much the air of romance, der was more than that of a byeftander. and not being confirmed by any ancient * W. Malmf. 1. i. cap. 4. Chr. Sax. &c. record, it is juftly fet afide. -j- Mattnew Paris, in his legendary life J Thus fays Matthew Paris ; others af- ofOffa, calls her Drida, and fays, fhe was firm, that (he was afterwards married ta kinfwoman to .Charles the Great, king of Cenwulf, king of Mercia. France; and that being accufed of fome ¦ § Capgrave gives Offa another fon, na- heinous offence, fhe was put into a boat med Fremund, flain by Ofwy, and buried without either rudder, fail, or oar, and at Offchurch ; and quotes an author, na- left in the midft of the fea tothe fortune of med Burghad, faid to have been prefent at the waves. After fhe had a time been the death of the prince. But Speed ima- wafted to and fro, fhe was eaft upon the gines him to have been miftaken, becaufe Britifh fhore, and being taken thence, the wars with the Danes, which occafioned was brought to Offa, who relieved her his death, happened not till one hundred wants, and had her carefully conducted to years after. The i76 HISTORY OF THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. Part IL A. D. 796. The exaft time of hia coronation is not recorded, but it certainly was towards the latter end, if not the laft year, of Offa's reign. Egferth was a young man of an amiable difpofition, and much beloved by his fub jects in general. His profperous beginning, and the prudence which he foon difcovered, left room for great expectations ; but all his people's hopes were quickly depreffed by his fudden death, which happened one hundred and forty^days after the deceafe of his father, to the great grief of all who knew him. He left no iffue behind him.* KENULPH, or CENWULF, the thirteenth King of Mercia. A.D. 796. ViRTuotrs young Egferth being fo foddenly fnatched away,, the choice charaaerof °^ ^e Mercians fell upon Cenwulfj, a nobleman- defcended from Cenwuif. Wibba. This prince is famous for his juftice and many virtues ; avoiding the errors of others, he was religious without being fuperfti tious, and valiant without being cruel : in the defence of his country he flew to the field, but yet in the midft of his. conquefts remembered, that mercy was the hero's nobleft attribute.-]- eenwuif invadei The civil difcords which had long prevailed in Kent, had fo violently fucKfs.""1 's fhaken that kingdom, and leffened its confequence, that Cenwulf ima gined it would now be no hard matter quickly to complete the ruin that feemed to threaten its ftate. Determining to try the fortune of war, he entered the borders of Kent with his army, and gave battle to Ethel bert Pren, who had ufurped the government, and after a fharp engage ment, overthrew his forces, Pren himfelf being made prifoner by the Mercians. This viftory obtained, Cenwulf fallowed his fortunes, and fubjugated all the ftate, railing a man, named Cuthred, to the throne, who held his rule under him. The captive, Pren, Cenwulf carried with him into Mercia, where he detained him for fome little fpace ; and at the dedication of a church which he, Cenwulf, had built at Winchomb, Pren was led up to the high altar, and there fet at liberty, without fine or ran- fom. This noble action added greatly to the honour which Cenwulf had already acquired.^. A. D. 799- His next wars were in Northumberland, againft Eardulf, with whom ^ , L r ne fought a bloody battle ; but the particulars of it being; haftily paffed The death of V> . . „-. , , , 11-11 -n 1 ° J r. Cenwuif. over, it is impomble to declare who had the victory : however, not long after, a peace was concluded upon between the two parties, and Cen wulf returned home to Mercia. From this time, his reign appears to have been fpent in perfect tranquility, to the day of his death, which happened after he had reigned three and twenty years.. His body was buried at Winchomb, in the county of Gloucefter, in the church which himfelf had built. § * Malmf. 1. i.e. 4. Chron, Sax. &c. J Ibi and whjr' the Chronicle ; for which reafon, we will here break off the hiftory of Mercia, and take our final leave of the heptarchy, which we have care fully traced out from its firft beginning : imperfect indeed, and inter rupted with frequent chafms, are thefe early parts of our annals, yet ought they not" to be paffed over as u|iintjf efting. The rife and fall of thefe little kingdoms exhibit a great variety of different characters, many •cf them very important and amufing. THE END' OF THE HEPTARCHY, *#* Fbr the better Underftanding of the Genealogy of the Kings of the Heptarchy, the following Tables are here fubjoined, which ex hibit at one View the different Branches from which each particular King was defcended, as far as they could be traced out with any Certainty. To thefe are added, the Chronological Order of the Year, in which "each Monarch began his Reign, and when he died. The laft Table (No. VIII.) fhews the regular Succeffion ofthe Mo narchy, or chief Kings of the Heptarchy, on whom the honorary/ Title of " King ofthe Englifhmen" was beftowed. TABLE I. Began to reign. Died. 477 514 5H £9° 590 681 68! Succeffion of the Kings of the South Saxons. M L L E. Cymen. Wlenching. C I S S A. EDELWALCH. Two Dukes, Berthunus and Anthun.. $Jp Note, that on the fame line with each king, is fet the year on which he began bis reign, and when he died. Thofe names in Italics joined with this mark = are the perfons married into the different families. Began" to reign. A.D,457489 5*3535 560 616 , 640664 673 685692 694 Died. A.D. 488 5*3535560 616 640 664 673; 685 687 TABLE II. Succeffion of the Kings of Kent, with their Iffue. WITHGILS, a German chieftain. 725748759 759 .793 725 748 794 797 805 I Horfa I HENGIST I ft king of Kent. ¦ I I Octa Hatwaker iESQ Rowena = Vortigern 2d king. King of the Britons. OCTA 3d king. 1 HERMENRIC 4th king. I 1 second wife's name _ ETHELBERT = Berta 5th king. I not known. Rikell = Sledda Daughter of King of the Eaft Saxon*. Chilperic, k. of France. Ethelburga = Edwine M"r''ei = EDBALD = Emme, 2d wife K. of Nor-' if a7 6th king. Daughter of Theodore, k. of Loray thumberiand, therszd ¦ife. Ermenred = Oflave Sexburga = ERCOMBERT Enfwith Daughter of Anna, k. of theE. Angles 7th king. I I I II I Ethelred Ethels Dompnena Ermin- Erin- Ermen- bert burga. burga. gytha. EGBERT , „_ „., Married to t „ 1 Sth king. Both flain by a Mercian &.\\ three nuns. Egbert. prince. EDRIC loth king. Interregnum five years. Wycherd and Webhard, two uforping tyrants. ii WIHTRED 1 rth king. LOTHAIRE 9th king. ETHELBERT 13th kfng. ALRIC 14th king. {Ethelbert Pren Cuthred. BaLDR£D. EDBERT 12th king. Began to reign. Died. ' A.D. A.D. 519 533 5-33 5^9 560 59* 59* 591 597 611 611 642 ^43 672 T A B L E in. Succeffion of the Kings of Weffex. CERDIC lit king. I . CENRIC 2d king. 1 I CEAWLIN 3d king. Ceolfulf I Cuth I I Cutha- Cuthwin CEOLRIC Cuthgils Chelwulf Chell Ched 4th king. j 1 I II Eada CEOL- Ceol Ceolwald Cynebald Cenwerth WULF. Kenbert Sexburga wife of Cenwalh, ruleth tfatherrhore than a year. 676 5th king. CYNEGILS 6th king. Cenred Kine-= Off burga wald K. of Nor thumberland . -.674 ¦676 685 689 728 742 758 758 288 685 6897287427.58 ibid. 788 802 Cwic- Sex- ^CEN- helm burga WALH < 7th king. Cwen- Cuthred byrht CENTWINE 9th king CEADWALLA 10th king. Cenfus ESCWINE Sth king. Ethelbald INA 11th king. ETHELHEARD nth king. CUTHRED / / / Ofwald SIGEBRYHT 14th king. BEORHTRIC 16th king. 13th king. CYNEWULF 15th king * TABLE IV. Fegan to reign. Died. A.D. A.D. S27 587 587 597 597 615. 615 617 617 645. 645 661 661 664 664 - 691 701 708 746 -- Succeffion of the Eaft Saxon Kings* ERCHENWIN ift king. SLEDDA = Rikell zd king. I "Daughter to Hermenric, k. of Kent. Sigebald, or Sexbald SEBERT = Ethelgoda 3d king. 1 ' SERRED SEWARD SIGEBERT \ •4th king. 5thk ng. BERT 6th king. SIGE the Little 7th king; SIGE] BERT , 8th king. ! SWITHELM 9 en King. SEBB A SIGHER = -.Of with loth king nth king Daughter of Ethelfrith, 1 SI Obiit. 683, Obii . 691. ED of Northumberland. GHARD SENFR > 1 2th king. 13th king. OFFA 14th king. SELRED 15th king. SWITHED ¦ 1 6th, and laft king. / Began to Died. reign: A..D. A. D. 547- 559 560 560 567 567 57* 57^- 573 TABLE V. Succeffion of the Kings of Northumberland, with, their Iffue. Bernitia. Deira. Concubine = IDA = Lawful wife Ida's brother l/lkingof Bernitia. Alric Ocga EcchaOfbaid Segora Segothar 573 5S0 Eadhelm BLacmor k ADDA idk. of Bernitia. 580 587 The two king doms of Bernitia & Deira united. 587 5«9593 617 589 £93 617 633 Ethenc Omerno Theofredum iELLE ill king of Deira. Elfric GLAPPA ^dking rf Bernitia. THEODWALD c,tb k- ef Bernitia. FRETHULF $th k- of Bernitia* THEODRIC 6tb k. of Bernitia. Bofla Ecgwald Conciibine The kingdom of Northumber land again di vided. 333 _ 634 The kingdoms again tinned. 634 ] 6,2 . 1 he kingdom again divided. 642 -642 670 651 ¦653 The kingdoms finally united. ETHELRIC 2d fole king JELLE ift fole king of Northumberland. Acca ETHELFRITH = Acca Tedbald - 3d fole king. I Daughter Slain by the of MWe. Scots. Leodwald OflacOfwidOffaOfwineOffaOfwi thaEbba CW»-_ED- _Ethtl- burga l~WINEi burga both nuns. Daughter of Ceorl, k of Mercia 4th fole / Daughter king. J nfEihelbert k. of Kent Osfrid Egfrid EANFRED •Jtb k. of Bernitia. I ! I I JEthelm Ufcfrea Enfleda Ethelnda OSRIC 2d k. of Deira. OSWALD = Khuhirg 5th fole king. I Daughter 10 Cynegils, king of the Weft Saxon-s. Concubine =^ OSWEO | %thk.of Bernitia. Blenham 670 68-5 686 705 7°5 716 716 718 718 731 Eata Cuthwine : Eanf.ed Daughter of Edwine; Elfew.ine Elfleda Oftrid= Chelrcd ^J Main in battle, a nun k. ofMerci OSWINE %d k. of Deira, ETHELWARD 4'4 k. of Deira. EGFRID •= Etbeldneda 6th fole king. Daughter of Anna, k. of the Eaft Angles. ALKFRID = Kenburg. 7ih fole king | Daughter 0/ Penda, king of M«rcia. 1 OSRED [St h fole king. Eanwin CENRED Cutha , Alfrid 9th fole king. OSRIC loth luk kingt 73» 738 759 759 759 770 770 729, 782 791 791 792 795 I Eaftwin Eata I Continuation of the fifth Table* Cutha EGBERT nth fole king. CEOLWULF 11th fole king. OSWULF 13th fole king. ALURED 5th f^le king. EDILWALD 14th fole king. ALFWOLD 17th fole king. OSRED 18th fole king. Alchmund (lain by Eardulf. ETHELRED 16th fole king. ETHELRED Reftored to the kingdom. There reigned befide in Northumberland, Oswald twenty-eight days -; after hh*, Eardulf, who was driven from his throne ; and others, but the accounts of them are fo very confined, they are omitted in the table. Began to Died. reign. 575 582 593 (629 63* 641643 654 656 655 665767 767 I 792 665 -15 5:82 593 629 635 641643 654 TABLE VI. Succeffion of the Kings of the Eaft ^Angles, and their Iffue. UFFA 1 ft king. I TITULUS zd king. Eric REDWALD 3d king. his wife = a former hufband. Regenhere Slain in battle. EORPWALD 4th king. ANNA == Herifwida 7th king. J Daughter of Heric us SIGEBERT sthkimj. EGRIC 6th king. Firmius Erkenwald Etheldreda Sexburga = Ercemhrt Ethilburga Slain in Bifliop of , Famous virgin K., of Kent. Abbefs of battle. London. wife. Barking. ETHELHERE T Herifwitka 8th king. ETHELWALD qth king. c n zzyy\. ADULF ELSWULF 10th king. nth king. ETHELRED == Laonorin 13th king. I ETHELBYRHTE 14th king. Vol. I. BEORN nth king. B b Began to reign. 585 593 616 616 626 626 655 655 658 658 675 67s 704 709716757 ibid. 796 ibid. 819 ibid. 821 825 Died. 593 7°4 709 716 757 ibid. 796 ibid. 819 ibid. 821 825 T A B . L E VII. The Succeffion of the Kings of Mercia. CRIDA ilt king. Eoppa Eva WIBBA Kinemunc* 2d king. | CEORL 3d king. Sexburga == Cen-walb PENDA == Kinfajitha. k. of Weffex. . 4th king Ofaiund Alcfleda = PEADA Daughter of 5th king. Ofweo, k. of Northumberland. Erminbild = WULFHERE Aleweo Kentwin Bafla ETHELBALD loth king. BEORNRED nth king. Daughter of Ercombert, k. of Kent. 6th king Wulfad Rufine Wereburga ETHELRED =fQ/£*vW ¦ t a nun. 7th king. Both (lain by their father. CENRED 8 th king. Eanwulf Wereburga = CEOLRED gth king. Dincferth OFFA = Quendrida 12th king. I 1 1 r Cuthbert EGFERTH Ethelburga = Beorhtric Elfleda = Ethelred Elfrida | i3thking. K.ofWelTex. K. of Northumberland. CENWULF = Mlfihrith 14th king. CEOLWULF 1 6th king. CENELM 15th king. Quendrida Burgenhild Elfleda = Wigmimd SonofWiglaf Ofher BEORNWULF 17th king. WIGLAF = O/nethiyth 19th king. I Wigmund LUDECAN iSth king. 3 to §.2 .,No. TABLE VIII. 457 489 5*9533 488 ' 5H 534 560 593 559 59* 616 616629 630633 634642 642670 670675 675 7°4 704709 709 716 75* 7S>6796820 7i6 757 796 796819 837 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10n 12 *3 14 J5 16 J7 18 l9 The regular Succeffion cf the Saxon Monarchs during the Heptarchy. HENGIST, firft king of Kent. TELLE, firft king ofthe South Saxons. CERDIC, firft king of the Weft Saxons. CENRIC, the fecond king of the Weft Saxons. CEAWLIN, the third king ofthe Weft Saxons. ETHELBERT, the fifth king of Kent. REDWALD, the third king ofthe Eaft Angles. EDWINE, the fourth king of all Northumberland^ OSWALD, the fifth king of all Northumberland. OSWEO, the eighth king of Bernitia. WULFHERE, the fixth king of Mereia. ETHELRED, the feventh king of Mercia. CENRED, the eighth king of Mercia. CELRED, the ninth king of Mercia. ETHELBALD, the tenth king of Mercia. OFFA, the eleventh king of Mercia. EGFERTH, the twelfth king of Mercia. KENWULF, the thirteenth king of Mercia. EGBERT, the feventeenth king of Weflex, and the firft abfolute monarch of the heptarchy. B b 2 CHRONICLE ( »«9 ) CHRONICLE Q F ENGLAND. part in. THE ANCIENT RELIGION AND CHURCH HISTORY OF THE BRITONS AND SAXONS, FROM THE LANDING OF JULIUS C^SAR TO, THE , END OF THE HEPTARCHY. C H A P. I. "Qruidieal Religion af the. Britons. RELIGIOUS fuperftition is eafily raifed in ignorant and unen- The craft and lightened "minds ; ' fbr every people, however barbarous, , have d«eit °[ the an* fome faint ideas of a Being, to whom they owe their exiftence j clcnt pne *' and thofe weak fparks of light may, without much difficulty, ., be blown up into a flame of zeal by others, who appear to be better acquainted with facred matters, or more holy, than themfelves. Thus, all nations have religious rites, and priefts to affift their offerings to the fuperior powers. The priefts foon found it needful to call to their aid pretended miracles, and myfterious dddtrines, affifted by folemn and unufual ge- ftures, to ftrike the greater awe upon the minds of their beholders : for, though the ignorant may have been eafily perfuaded to believe whatever fhould be told them of the reality and wifdom of their gods, yet the ge nius of mankind generally makes them fond of the wonderful, and efteem thofe things the moft, which they can the leaft comprehend. It re quires a greater light than that which is barely afforded* by nature, to ' conquer thofe prejudices, and lead a man to judge fairly for himfelf, in matters which feem to be (and undoubtedly are) of fuch real importance to him. Hence it becomes necefTary for the defigning priefts to keep their knowledge to themfelves, and lead the generality of people into greater darknefs than they were before : but left fome afpiring genius might fpring up to difcover the fallacy of their proceedings, and pluck ,3 * the i9o DRUIDICAL RELIGION Part III. the film from the eyes ofthe deluded multitude, a certain bound was fet to their religious enquiries, and every individual ftriftly forbid, under pain of the- fevereft penalties, to believe either more- or lefs that what he had been-.inftrufted by the-priefts themfelves. Yet,- as fomething more than natural and naked truths were required to keep the multitude in obedience, and make them quietly acquiefce in thefe arbitrary meafures, the priefts were not backward in the 'propagation of wonders and ex traordinary events ; whilft by their myfterious aftions, and pretending to fecrets of the higheft confequence, they fecured the refpeft of the. yul- gar, who regarded them as the favourites of the gods. Thofe who obeyed" their precepts, were thought? worthy of their prayers ; but threats and curfes were denounced againft the difobedient. By fuch means as thefe they laid faft hold on the minds of their followers, fo that they were ready to facrifice their wealth, their families, nay; their own lives, to the mercenary defires of thefe" artful men. ' But all the ancient records of the known world cannot furnifh a more ftriking view of the prevalence of fuperftition in the people, or the arbitrary government of the priefts, than we fhall find amongft the deluded Bri'tons.*/ The power of The religion of the Britons formed a very confiderable part of their government ; and their priefts, who are called by the general name of druids,f were the chief in authority amongft them. Befides their mini- ftering at the altar, they were entrufted with the tuition of the youth, they enjoyed an exemption from all taxes, and.were never called upon to ferve in the wars ; they determined all controverfies, public or pri vate j they decreed all rewards and punifhments ; and if the offender did not abide by their fentence, he was inftantly excommunicated j by which fentenCe, he was forbid accefs to their public facrifices,. and deprived of all the comforts of life ; for his friends and acquaintance fled from him, and would in no wife hold intercourfe with him, even in the moft trifling matters : thus miferably forfaken of all, he was doomed to wander about, a wretch accurfed, hated, and defpifed; whilft if any infulted, or abufed him, he was denied the fmalleft proteftion from the law. J The knowledge The druids were men of great penetration and learning, not, indeed, «dthelr cilffes. in books, but in human nature ; they well underftood the paths which * Strabo fairly declares the fame, a- " to awaken the errors of fuperftition in mongft his reafons afjtigned for the fabu- " the minds of the ignorant multitude." lous theology of the ancients. " It is Strabo, lib. i. fol 19. " knpoffible, (fays he) to bring women, f This name, Camden thinks, is de- " and the vulgar part of mankind, to reli- rived from the Greek word &fist which " gion, piety,- and virtue,' by the fimple fignifies an oak. Dr. Henry fays, it comes w and unadorned di&ates of reafon ; it is more likely froirf the Celtic, or Britifli " abfolutely neceflary to call in the aids word, derw, which alfo fignifies an oak. " of fuperftition, which muft be fupported Vide Camd. in Introdudt. & Dr. Henry's " by fables, and wonderful events of var Hift. Brit. lib. i. cap. 2. " rious kinds. Fortius caufe thofe fur- j Caef. Comment, lib. vi. cap. 13. priling fables of antiquity were invented led Part III. OF THE BRITONS. 191 led to the human heart, and neglefted no opportunity of convincing the multitude ofthe importance of their doftrines. Under the general name of druids, were comprehended three different claffes of religious men,. who had all of them feparate offices to perform : the bards, the faids, and the druids.* The office of the bards was to fing to the harp,, -the aftiona of heroes, Bards, the firft and great men ;t yet their numbers were not confined to the panegyric,. ^^ the for they would praife and extol the aftions of fome, whilft they would fatirize and decry thofe of others. But ofthe excellency of their poems, and their judgment in compofition, to feleft fuch paffages as were the moft ftriking, we need no farther proof, than the furprizing effeft that their fongs had upon their hearers ; for the Britons paid a great regard to -thefe men, not only in the affairs of peace,, but alfo in war : fome times, when two fierce armies have flood fronting each other in array of battle, their fwords drawn, their lances, pointing to the foe,, and waiting but the fignal to begin the conflict, the bards have then, ftepped in between, and touched their lyres with fuch harmony, and fo perfuaded them with their flowing numbers, that fuddenly on either fide the fol diers dropped their arms, and -forgot the fierce refentment that ftruggled in their breafts.J As to all the ceremonies of the altary and religious rites, the bards had no fhare in them ; their poems and their mufic feem. xo have been the whole of the ftudies belonging to their office. The next clafs are the vates, or paids ; thefe were of the order of The rates, or priefthood, and performed the principal parts of all the religious cere- \l^TlLbZt monies j fuch as facrificing the viftims, making offerings, and deliver- druids. ing out prophecies and predictions from an observation of nature, and contemplation on the caufes of things. This was not all their office de manded, for they compofed hymns in honour of their gods, which- they fung to the mufic of their harps at their facred folemnities.. Both Gaul and Britain abounded with thefe religious poets, and pretended pror phets.§ ~ The third, and laft, clafs was by far the moft numerous ; thefe Were The d>wis, the the druids, to whom belonged the performance of all the religious offices1 " which came not under the order of the paids ; though, indeed, it may reafonably be thought, that, when the laft were abfent, they might offi ciate for them, if any cafe of immediate neceffity required '. Great part of their employment was in .philofophical refearehes, and ftudy of the heavenly bodies, their motions, the magnitude of the univerfe, and the earth, ofthe nature of things, and of the power of the immortal gods.; |, of all which they ufed largely to difcaurfe to their difciples. * BctgJii -ti -tuu Ot!dTiir, yta.) A^wJa, ; Bardi, -j- Lucan-, & Ammian. Marcell. lib. xv. Vafes, & Druida ; horum. Bardi hymno's cap. 9. canunt poetseque funt ; Fates facrificant J Diodorus Siculus, lib. v. & naturam rerum contemplantur ; Druida § Diod. Sic. & Marcell. utfup. praeter hanc philofophiam etiam de~mori- || Strabo, utfup. & Caf. Bel. -Gal. lib-. bus difputant.. Strabo, lib, iv., vi. Befides 192 * DRUIDICAL RELIGION Part I1L #n™theirdchifc befides thefe, there were as many Clafles of religidus -female votaries j Srft'thTs^ffir'or druideffes ;* of which, the firft were thofe who had vowed perpetual virginity, and dedicated all their time to the fervices of religion, living retired in loanfome places, fequeftered from mankind, and bufinefs pf public import. Thefe, dwelling together in little parties, or fifterhoodsj were much addifted to divination, prophecies, and miracles, fo that they gained great refpeft amongft the common people, by whom they were often confulted. They were called Sena?, which fignifies wife, or venerable women. f The fecond The fecond clafs confifted of certain religious females, who were mar^ druids?f female "ed, but fpent the greateft part of their time amongft the druids, affift- ing in the divine fervices. At certain times, thefe were permitted to vifit their hufbands, and do whatever their domeftic duty might re- quire.J . ^ Third dafs of The laft clafs of thefe females, and the loweft, confifted of fuch as female druids. performed the moft fervile offices about the temples, the facrifices, and the perfons of the druids. Thefe were not parted from their hufbands, but governed their families, brought up their children, and laboured as much at home as became their fe'x and circu,mftances, when their at tendance was not required by the druids. § The primate, or . Thefe fix claffes of religious people joined together, formed a large chofen™""' h°W body, over which one chief, . or primate, ruled, who is diftinguifhed by the name of arch-druid : || at his death, according to the rules of the druidical religion, the next in merit, knowledge, and judgment, ought to fucceed ; . but this being a poft of fo much honour, and fuch extenfive power, many were apt to fet up their claim, and but few of them dif pofed to*yield the preference to his neighbonr. In this cafe, the matter was to be referred to the votes of the druids; but it often happened^ that the lofing parties flew from this determination, and fpiriting up the tem poral princes in their defence, had recourfe to arms, and by the fword * Borlafs, Stukeley, &c. only once' a year to vifit their hufbands", -j- Porr.ponius Mela fpeaks of one of for the fake of children. Vide Borlafc's thefe druidical fifterhoods in the following Hiftory of -Cornwall, Stukeley's Stone- manner: " In an ifland fituate in the Bri- henge, &c. tifh fea, lived nine venerable veftals, who § ibid. ibid. St. Dr. Henry's Hiftory of pretended they could raife ftorms and tern- Britain. pefts by their incantations, cure the moft || The arch-druid is fuppofed to have inveterate difeafes, transform themfelves refided in great fplendour, in Angiefea, ¦into all kinds of animals, and fbrefee fu- where they pretend his feat is yet to be -tiwe events ¦; of this laft they made a great traced out. -Rowland's Mona Antiqua. &c. advantage, for. they anfwered none but Sammes, and fome other authors, make iiich as*vifited their ifland on purpofe to two chief druids, one' prefiding over the confult them ; therefore, we may juftly. north, the other over the fouthern parts fuppofe, they came riot empty handed." — of Britain : but for this they have no cer- Mela, lib. iii. cap. 6. tain authority. Vide Sammes's Britan. II- j Some fay, that they were permitted luftrata. „ made PartIIL OF THE BRITON'S, r£$ made good their claim; and then, according to the chance of war, this honourable poft was either gained or loft.* Of thefe druids, many appear to have lived a kind of monaftic life* Different ways united together in fraternities ;f and becaufe the fervice of each tern- °/t^s,°l the pie required a great number of every clafs, they all refided near the tem ple where they ferved. It is not in the leaft unlikely, that amongft thefe religious profeffors, fome may have fpent their days in foMtude and re tirement, living like hermits, apart from mankind, in little huts, or near their temples in the gloomy groves; others again (and of thefe not a few) fpent a far more public life, in the courts of princes, and families of great men ; fbr no facred rite could be performed, or decifive judg ment pronounced, without a druid ; their power extended,, not only to what regarded their temples and public affairs, but even to the domeftic tranfaftions in private houfes. J As» marriage muft have been an incum brance to the druidical offices in any of thefe different kinds of life* it is: highly probable that they all lived in a ftate of celibacy, being waited upon by their female devotees. To the care of thefe men was committed the education of the youth ; The dfuids haw for it was not cuftomary for the fon to be feen with his father before he ^"ationofthc was able to bear arms. No wonder is to be made,, that druids fhould ftrfbyomh. endeavour toimprefs upon the minds of their fcholars fiich an awful re fpeft towards them and their order, as might fbr ever after fecure them* the afcendancy over their wills ; for, impreffions thus received in the fouls of young people are not eafily obliterated, even when their reafon becomes more ftrong, and their judgment more perfeft. The druidical doftrine confifted of two diftinft fyftems; the one only The,doflrjne of communicated to thofe who were initiated, and admitted into their ownthedrmds* order, and the which they were bound by folemn oathff never to divulge:. fo careful were they left their fecret inftruftions fhould be oVerheard by unhaHowed ears* that they taught their difciples in the moft private places, fuch as the caves of the earth, and the deep receffes of the thickeft forefts.§ Neither committed || they any of thefe important doc trines to: writing, left at any time they fhould be divulged amongft the common multitude. What this fecret doftrine was, cannot be difco vered j but a part of it, (as it is thought) and which might exhibit their own private fentiments, was, that after death the fouls: of men afcended to fome higher orb, and enjoyed a more fublime and exalted ftate, of fe licity than what they could experience in this world-** But as this opi nion was too refined; to fuit with the low and grofs conceptions ofthe vul- * Caef. Comment, fib., vi„ *' of their fecret doctrines, that they ne- •f Ammian. Marcel. " ver communicated them to women, left X CseL Comment, lib. vi. " they ihould divulge them." lib. iv. § Poruponius Mela, lib. iij. cap 2. Si ** Lucan, lib. i. v. 455, & infra;- & jfiutad, lib. i. Arnmian. Marcel, lib.- xv. |[ " So jealous (fays Strabo) were" they Vol. I. C c gar i94 DRUIDICAL RELIGION Part III gar in general, it was hid from them, and they were taught a fecond " doftrine, more fuitable to the level of their genius ; but above all things, in order to make them more brave and intrepid in the defence of their country, their preceptors affured them, that their fouls were im mortal,- and conftantly paffed, after the death of one body, into ano- _ ther.* The learning of The druids appear to have been well verfed in natural philofophy, the druids. an(j tnat -m moft of its branches ; and befides their divine offices, they' were other ways very ufeful, as being the only phyficians at that time ; and their medicines chiefly confifted ,of herbs and plants, gathered at particular times, with various fuperftitious rites, which were thought abfolutely neceffary to render them beneficial. Nor was the learning which was held requifite for them to acquire, eafy to be obtained ; for their fecret and public mythology was fo large, that it required at leaft twenty years to perfeft themfelves in all its various parts, which was all of it to be learned by heart, and contained in an infinite number of verfes. f The mythology Their mythology, which was very complex, confifted of a vaft va- efthedrmds. riety of fables, concerning the genealogy of the gods, their attributes, offices, aftions, and the like ; as well as of the different methods of ap- peafing their anger, gaining their favour, and difcovering their will j but all abounding with fuperftitions, wonders, miracles, and portentous figns. Thefe fables, at certain ftated times, they delivered to the fur rounding multitude, from little eminences, (many of which yet remain J) and they added to their difcourfes, moral precepts, and refleftions on- their natural duty to each other, exhorting them to live in friendfhip together, and to fight valiantly in the defence of their country. Thefe fpeeches, which they made with furprifing energy, had a great effeft upon the minds of their auditors, and infpired them with a reverential awe towards the gods, an enthufiaftic love for their country, an un daunted courage, and a fovereign contempt of death.§ rour kinds of The religion ofthe druids was of four kinds, as, fongs of praife and theBd'ruidT°nsft thankfgiving, prayers, offerings and facrifices, and various rites of au gury and divination, all of which were performed with many fuperfti tious ceremonies, fometimes in public, and fometimes in private amongft themfelves. The nature and order of their religious fongs we cannot by any means difcover, nor the particular form in which their fupplications were made. Of their offerings and divination we have a much clearer light.l The cruel fa- All their offices of religion in general were performed in their facred .druld" °{ the groves and temples, which ftood near fome river, or fountain, confe- * Caef. Comment, lib. vi. Diodorus-Si- § Ibid. cuius, lib. v. || Vide Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, f Ibid. Ibid. vol. I. \ Rowland's Mona Anti«j. crated Part III. OF.THE BRITONS. 195 crated to the gods. Thefe hallowed places were furrounded with a cir cular mound, or bank of earth, to prevent the intrufion of improper perfons. Their offerings confifted chiefly of living animals, and fuch as were the moft ufeful, and fit for food. The druids whp felefted the vic tims, always chofe fuch as were the moft beautiful, and free from defeft or blemifh of any kind ; for they propagated a belief, that the more no ble the offering was, which was prefented to the gods, the more atten tion would be paid by them to the prayers of thofe who offered. Led on by this delufive argument,* their altars ftreamed with human blood ; for, when a man was defirous of obtaining any extraordinary favour or proteftion from the gods, he would lead another man to the altar, to be facrificed by the druid : in this manner he thought to appeafe the im mortal deities, and by depriving another of his life, fecure his own. For the fame caufe, when any public calamity of the ftate demanded a facrifice, or upon the eve of a dangerous war, their horrid offerings were increafed, and that their obdurate deities might be fatiated with human- blood, an image of wicker was provided, of a prodigious fize, and filled with living men, which being fet on fire, the miferable wretches within were burnt to death ; thefe viftims, it is true, confifted generally of fuch as had been detefted in thefts, or other crimes obnoxious to the law, (with whom they fuppofed the gods were beft pleafed ;) but when a fufficient number of fuch could not be found, rather than their facrifice fhould be incomplete, the innocent and harmlefs often fuffered.* All the viftims which were to be flain upon the altar, were brought with various ceremonies to the prieft, who was to perform that office ; and fuch animals as were fit for food, were divided commonly into three parts, one of which was burnt upon the altar, another belonged to the officiating druid, and the third part to the perfon who had brought the ' offering, on which he feafted, accompanied with his friends. The divination of the druids was of two forts, either by the flight of Divination of birds, or other cafual accidents of like nature ; or by the infpeftion of the dfuids- the entrails of viftims flain in their facrifices: and to the declarations of the druids on thefe timeSj the people yielded an implicit faith. But when great occafions required the confultation of the deities, a man was made the viftim, and flain by the prieft with one blow of a fword, ftruck above the diaphragm : by obferving the pofture in which he fell, his different convulfions, and the direftion of the blood which flowed from his wound, they made their predictions, according to certain rules, that were left them by their anceftors .f Siiperftitious parade, and great variety of foolifh ceremonies, were various fuper- ufed by the druids in the moft trifling aftions; but at certain ftated of',^ druid!!™ periods, and annual feafts,' fome more particular folemnities were re- * Caef. Comment, lib. vi. cap. 15. & f Diodorus Siculus, lib. v, Strabo, lib. iv. C c 2 < quired;. *96 DRUIDICAL RELIGION Part IIL quired ; as in cutting the mifletoe from the oak,* which was done as hear as the age of the moon would permit them, to the tenth of March; (their new-year's day) in the following manner : firft, they obferved that the moon was fix days old, then having the facrifice prepared under the tree, two milk-white bullocks were brought forth, whofe horns were then, and not till then, bound up; this done, the chief druid, habited in a white vefture, afcended the tree, and with a golden pruning knife cut off the mifletoe, which was carefully received into a white woollen cloth by them who attended below, and over it many orations and in cantations were uttered ; after this, they began to offer facrifices,- and pray to the gods, that they would give a bleffing, with their own gift, to thofe who were honoured with it ; the mifletoe thus hallowed, was carefully kept, and the decoftion of which they efteemed as an antidote' to poifon, a fure remedy for barrennefs, and a certain cure for many other bodily difeafes.f Ceremonies i in Again, the druids had "an herb, named Samulos, in great efteem leib'slmuio*. amongft them : this herb grew chiefly in damp places, and in gathering it three things were to be clofely attended to ; firft, that the perfon fhould be fafting ; fecondly, to be careful that he did not look back whilft he gathered it ; and laftly, that he fhould do all with his left hand. When he was thus poffefTed of it, he laid it into the troughs and cifterns where fwine or oxen were wont to drink ; and fuch were its virtues, (efpecially if it was bruifed a little) that the cattle which partook of that water fhould be effeftually preferved from all difeafes.J a feftivai dedi- On the firft of May, which day was dedicated to Belinus, or the Sun, tot e un> they held an annual feftivai, and kindled prodigious fires in all their fa cred places, and performed facrifices, with many other folemhities.§ At thefe public feafts the whole community of Britons attended, as well as their wives and children, all of them naked, and ftained over with fome Certain compofition, fo that they appeared like Ethiopians. (| ©ther feitivais, It is thought, that at midfummer, and again early in November, other and their caufes. annuai fefi-ivais were held ; on the firft, the people affembled to implore the friendly influence of Heaven on theirfields and paftures ; on the lat ter, they came to return thanks for the favourable feafons, and the increafe with which the gods had bleffed their labours ; and befides this, to pay their yearly contributions to the druids, who were always ready to receive them.** * The oak was heltfin great veneration themfelves had chofen that tree. Vide the; amongft the druids; their religious rites Manners and Cuftoms,, &c. of thelnhabi- were performed in groves of oaic. Maxi- tants of England. Vol. I. page ii. mus Tyrkys fays, that the Celts worfliipped -f Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xvi. cap. 44. Jupiter, of whom they made the talleft j Ibid. lib. xxiv. cap. n. •oak to be the refemblance. But the oak § Toland's Hift. of the Druids, fol. 74. was held ftill more facred when any thing Mem. Acad. Royal, vol. XIX- p. 489. was found growing upon it, (mifletoe efpe- N Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xxii. cap- 1. eiallyj'for then it was |hought the gods *-* Toland's Hift-. of the Druids, foL 69. 4 The Part III, OF THE BRITONS, igy : num- The honour that was paid to the druids, and their feclufion from the7'he|reat : labours and troubles of the world> prevailed upon many to enter intOa"aufeof fruit! their order ;* and perhaps more would have taken the fame ftep, had [ul"efs in the not the ftudy and application vhich was neceflfary for them to go through to make them adepts in tho druidical fyftem, deterred them. The common people were far from being difpleafed at the increafing numbers of thefe priefts ; fbr they were perfuaded, that, as they became more numerous, the more plentiful their harveft would be ;f becaufe the gods, for the fake of their rninifters, would not fail to provide for the reft ofthe people. So much had the religious juggles of the druids prevailed upon the The druids fa- minds of men, that they were fure to obtain refpeft, through fear, if not ^"u^m^tc!! for loVe ; and this was done in great meafure by their pretentions to the art of magic, and their declaring themfelves able to call in fpiritual aids to afiift them, and revenge their caufe; befides, all their religious ceremo nies were fo grave and folemn, that they raifed a fearful awe in the minds of their beholders, fo that they were eafily convinced when the druids afferted their power, and proceeded to threaten them. Thefe delufions did not only aftonifh the uncultivated Britons, but even the Romans themfelves ; and it was declared, that the druids of Gaul and Britain feemed equal in knowledge with the Perfians, in that diabolical art of tnagic.J Nor fhall we much wonder at their being able to "play upon the minds of their votaries, when we confider, that all the learning of their time was confined amongft themfelves ; and though, indeed, the chief part of their office was to learn their theological verfes "by heart, yet they were by no means ignorant of letters ; for all public affairs and private accounts were committed to writing.^ Now we have feen the power and authority of the druids, and been The revenues »f witneffes of the great afcendancy which they had gained over the minds the druids- of the deluded Britons, can we doubt of their opulence? and though we are unable to difcover the real extent of their revenues, yet we may con clude they were as great as the people could afford. In the firft place, * Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. cap.. 13. " been intercepted, and fo give intellr- •f- Strabo, lib. iv. " gence to the enemy ; which would-have t Pliny, lib. xxx. cap. 1. " been but a poor projecT:, if the druids § " Quum in relitpis fere .rebus pub- " (who were the great miniftersof the ftate) " licis, prkatifque rationibus, Gracislit- " had been mafters of that language, ** teris utantur," are the very words of u The learned Selderi is of opinion, Caefar ; concerning which paffage I find " that the word Greeds has crept into an excellieBt note in the additions to Cam- " the copies, and is no part of the den, where the author juftly fays, "But " original; and it was natural enough *' we muft not from hence conclude that *' for Caefar, in his obfervations of the " the druids had any knowledge of the " difference between their difcipline and *" Greek tongue, for Caefar himfelf, when " their other affairs, -to fay in general, ." he writ to Q;, Cicero (befieged at that " that in the one they rnade ufe of letters, ** time -fbinewhere amongft the Nervians) " andnot in the other, without fpecify- " penned- his fetter hr'Greek, (Fide Bel. " ing partkukre." Note to Camden in ¦** Gal. lib, v. Of. 40; left it fhould have Introduct, they i98 DRUIDICAL RELIGION Part III. they feem to have had the fuperiority over certain iflands, if not the whole profit of them ; as of Angiefea, Man, &c. befides thefe, it is far from being improbable, but that they might have confiderable poffef fions on the continent of Britain, near to their temples. When an army- returned viftorious, the moft precious parts of the fpoils were offered to the gods ; and thefe were conveyed by the druids into the facred groves, where they were laid up by the fide of the temple, or near fome confe crated lake, without any other guard fet over them than the terrors of re ligion.* But although the common people were not hardy enough to touch thefe facred treafures, the priefts, who were the minifters of the gods, would fcarcely be fo fcrupulous as not to convert them to their own ufe, if neceffity required. Again, they were well paid when confulted by private perfons, concerning the fuccefs of intended enterprizes. Be fides their profits were great derived from the adminiftration of juftice, their practice of phyfic, teaching the fciences, and the rewards for thofe jnftrufted in their theology ; efpecially from fuch as were rich, and came from abroad : for the Britifh druids beft underftood the fecret myfteries relative to their doftrine ; and it was by no means uncommon for many to come over hither from Gaul, to be better inftrufted in the more occult and difficult parts of their profeffion ;f and thefe (it is highly probable) feldom came empty handed. Annual tribute , A tradition is alfo mentioned by fome authors, that the druids ex- du=,othe^ruids»afted certain annual dues, (but to what amount is not fpecified *) in par ticular, on the laft evening of Oftober, all families of every degree were obliged to extinguish, their fires, and, attend the feveral temples with a ftipulated payment, in confideration of which, on the firft day of No vember they were to receive fome fire from the facred altars, to re-kin dle thofe in their own houfes ; and this payment was exafted under pain of excommunication ; and all fuch were deprived ofthe ufe of fire during all the cold feafon, when it was moftwanted ; and if any of their friends or neighbours fupplied them with this, necefiary'article, they-alfo were exr communicated..^ Thefe, and fuch like fources, had the druids to raife wealth ; and when we confider the advantages of them all, we fhall pre fently conclude that they were very opulent.. The gods wor. The deities which were \sorfhipped by the Gauls and Britons,, appear to ftipped by the have been very numerous. The Supreme Being they adored under the name of Hefus ; they paid their court to him (with cruel rites) when they went forth to battle, becaufe from his favour they expefted the viftory. Tutates. is not fuppofed by fome modern authors to have been another god, but only a different name of the former, for by this word is fignified " God, the parent, or creator,"^ which appellation can belong to none * Caef, Bel. Gal. lib. vi. § Tutates is derived from Deu-Tatty f Ibid. Britifh words, which fignify God, the parent, % Toland's Hift. of the Druids, page or creator. Vide Dr. Henry's Hiftory ct 7 j, 72, & Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. vol,. I. Britain, vol. I. lib., i. cap. 2.. but Part III. OF THE BRITONS. 199 but the Supreme Being. When thefe nations funk into idolatry, they degraded Tutates into the fovereign of the infernal world, and made him the fame with Dis ofthe Greeks and Romans, or (as others think) with Mercury ;and they worfhipped him in fuch a cruel and bloody manner, as could only be agreeable to an infernal power. Taranis, another deity, fo called from Ta'ran, thunder, over which he was faid to prefide.* The fun was worfhipped by the Britons under many various appella tions, as Bel, Belinus, Belatucardus, &c. all which names^ in their language, were expreffive of the nature and property of that glorious luminary. After the fun, the moon, the leffer light of Heaven, is fuppofed to have held its eftimation. Befides thefe, which without doubt form but a very fmall part s>f the number of their deities, they had female divinities, or goddeffes ; as An- drafte, thought to be the fame with Venus, or Diana : Onvana, Minerva, Ceres, Proferpine, &c. In fhort, they are accufed of having fo many idol gods, and addicted to fo many fuperftitious ceremonies, that their ido latry exceeded even that of the Egyptians, j- Hardly a lake, a wood, a fountain, or hallowed hill, but what had its titular deity; or genius, re- fiding in it, and to each of which, no doubt, fome particular worfhip was affigned. The druidical religion was in the zenith of its glory at the time ofThe deciine'of Julius Caefar's arrival; but as the Romans proceeded in their conquefts,^;o^ul^"Jh"* the druids, who were not only religious ofiiciators, but judges and di- caufe.' reftors in all civil affairs, forefeeing the downfall of their power and con- fequencej were continually ftirring up the people againft their conque rors, and fomenting rebellions. The Romans foon found it impoffible to reconcile the minds of the people they had overcome to the yoke which they were laying upon them, whilft thefe crafty priefts held their extenfive authority ; for this caufe they were determined to fupprefs their power, as the only means left them to advance their own. All their fub jefts in the conquered provinces of Gaul and Britain they obliged to build temples, and facrifice after the .Roman fafhion, ftriftly prohibiting all offerings of human creatures. The druids were alfo deprived of their authority in civil affairs, and punifhed with the utmoft feverity when concerned in any revolt. By thefe means their power was brought fo low in the reign of Claudius, the Roman emperor, about the year of * Concerning, thefe deities, take the " And thofe vile wretches that with hu- fbllowing verfes from Lucan, lib. i. man blood " Et quibus intimitis placatur fanguine " Tutates' and fierce Hefus' altars load ;" diro " And barbarous Taranis, his ihrine that " Tutates, horenlque fens altaribus Hefus, -vies " Et Taranis Scythicae non mitior ara Di- " With curs'dDiana's Scythian cruelties." anae." + Gildas Hiftoria;. ThusEnglrfhedsnthe addition to Camden-* our aoo DRUIDICAL RELIGION,^. Part HI. our Lord 45, that they were no longer looked upon as people of any confequence throughout all Gaul.* About the faune time alio they be gan to feel the rigour of the Roman government in the fouth-eaft parts of Britain, from whence may of them retired to Angiefea^ a kind of little dominion of their own ; but here they were pucfued by Paukis, Sueto nius, who, in the year 6 1, invaded that ifland, which had afforded a conftant afylum for all who were difaffefted to the Romans, and plotting againft their government. In order to root them from their fecret re treats, Paulinus deftroyed their facred groves, overturned their altars,, and? burnt the druids in their own. fires.f So many of thefe wnetehed priefts, perjfhed at this time, and in the unfortunate revolt of the Britons under Boudicea, that they never afterwards made any confiderable ftgurein the fouthern parts of Britain. Such of them as would not fubmit to thehrH pofitions of the Romans, and, renounce their own authority, fled into Ca ledonia, Ireland, and the fmaHer Britifh iflands, where they fupported their declining power fome fhort time longer. But fuch ftrong traces hadtheir fuperftition left in the minds of the my fatuated multitude, that they baffled not only the efforts of the Ra mans, but even the fuperior lights of the golpel to remove;, nor were they finally ejnafed for a long time after.., On this occafion we meet with fo many edifts of the emperors> and canons of the councils, in thefixthi feventh, and eighth centuries, againft the worfhip of the fun,, the mooni mountains, lakes,, trees, &c.$. * Suetonius in Vita Claud. " forbid all- coin fubjefjfcr to. worfhip the- + Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. 3.. " gods of the gentiles,; that is to fay, the. X Even in the days of king Cnute,,the " fun, moon, fires, rivers, fountains,.hills,_ Dane, the following law was found necet w trees, orwoodsof anykind,,&c." Lege* fary to be made : ** We ftri&Iy charge and Cannti, cap. 5. CHROM-ICEE ( *>I ) CHRONICLE O F ENGLAND. PART III. CHAP. IL tfhe Ecclefiaftical Hiftory ofthe Britons from their Converfion to Chriftianity, to the Arrival of the Saxons. AMONGST thofe things which cannot abfolutely be fet down in the Cent. I. affirmative, none appears more Certain, than that the enlivening whentheBri- ray of gofpel light firft fhone upon this ifland fome time between the tons were firft years of our Lord 43 and 61 ; for the period feems to be fixed by the re-converted* cords of antiquity as not long before the great defeat of the Britons, under the conduft of their haplefs queen, Boudicea, which happened .about the year 61 ,:* but at this early period the doftrine of Chriftianity could not be fuppofed to have greatly prevailed; it was not only con fined to the fouthern parts of Britain, but very likely to particular fa milies, who might exercife their devotions in the greateft privacy, and without the leaft ftir or noife. In the days of Nero, when perfecutions raged hotly upon the continent againft the profeffors of the gofpel, it is .very probable, many, to avoid the cruelty of that wicked emperor, fled over into Britain, and took fhelter here, fo that the number of Chriftians was greatly increafed. From this time (we may fuppofe) they began to form religious focieties, under spiritual guides, for the inftruftion of mankind, and the regulation of their manners, and now firft affumed the jfaee and form of a Chriftian church. Concerning the converfion of the Britons to Chriftianity : — by whom The uncertainty this glorious work was begun, or how at firft effefted, cannot at'this timeof, the p,erf°n.by ' 1 ¦ 1 "i 11 - j 1 ¦ 1 y-i whom the Bri be traced out ; unhappily all ancient and authentic records are. filent on tons werecon- ihefe heads; if ever any accounts of this important tranfaftion were fetverte(i* * Stillingfleet's Orig. Brit. chap. 1. & vide Gildas Epift. cap. 6. Vol. I. D d down aoa ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part III. Cent. I. down by the primitive Chriftian Britons, they were foon deftroyed, or loft in the fatal difcords and unfortunate wars which followed, fo that none of them have been tranfmitted to p&fterity. The ladles conf cerning Jofeph of Arimathea's coming hither, and preaching the gof pel, are now exploded, as the idle inventions of the monks of Glafton- bury, to give a greater- air of confeqoence to their monaftery. Setting all fuch tales afide, we have only to add, that it would be abfurd to de clare pofitively to whom the Britons owed their firft knowledge of the divine truths, or Aat any one of the ipoftles came hither -and inftnafted there ; fet thus *rua,ch may, and ou^lifc to be faid, if it was the wotk at all of an apoftle, none was fo likely to have been the man as St. Paul, whofe extenfive travels, and abundant labours, may greatly tend to ftrengthen this conjefture ; which is confirmed befides by a great variety of plaufible arguments-drawn fr&m the«*rritings of the primitive fathers.* The Romans, The Chriftian religion thus early introduced, began to diffufe its ju"h°defig"f aid uSnt from one ofthe Britifh nations to another, until they had all of the propagation them in fome degree felt its powerful influence. The conquering Ro- c t e gofpel. mans themfelves, though without their knowledge or intention, contri buted not a little to the advancement of Chriftianity ; for by reducing all the different ftates of the fouthern Britons under one government, a free intercourfe was kept up over the whole country, and by this means their religious opinions were communicated with the greater eafe, and the gofpel doftrine fpread abroad much fooner than it would otherwise have been. As the Romans completed their conquefts before the end of the firft century, we may reafonably fuppofe, that fome faint light (at leaft) of Chriftianity was received in each particular ftate by the begin ning of the fecond. Another principal caufe of the early progrefs ofthe Chriftian religion, (which was alfo owing to the Romans) was the de ftruftion of the druids ; for when they were removed, and their perni cious doftrines erafed from the minds of the people, they were left more open to conviftion, and better prepared to receive an impreffion from a more pure and rational worfhip.f Cent. II. During the fecond century, the gofpel knowledge feems to have con- The Britifh re- tinued increafing, and that in its original purity, untainted by any of ligion not yet thofe herefies which Were broached on the continent. Great parade is tainted with he- macje by the monkifh hiftorians of Lucius, a king of Britain, under whofe fpecial favour the Chriftian church began to flourifh, protefted by the civil power, and was formed into a regular and proper government, fup ported by bifhops and archbifhops, who were appointed to prefide over all things relative to religion. The converfion of this king they place about the year of our Lord 167, and they reprefent him as a great * Sfillingfleet, ut fup; -f Vide Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, vol.1, cap, ikfeELi. prince, 2 Part: HI. . Q E T H E B KIT Q N S. zqj prince, ruling over many ftates,* and abfolute in his dominions : but to Cent. II. any one who will perufe the hiftory of this period, and at the fame time recollect, that all the fouthern parts of Britain were under the govern ment of the Romans, this romantic fable will prefently appear in its pro per colours. If there ever were any grounds at all for the ftory, this Lu cius (at moft) could have been no more than a petty prince, or chieftain ©f the Britons, who might be living about this time, and by the favour ofthe Romans indulged with fome degree of authority amongft his peo ple ; he may have embraced Chriftianity, and promoted the converfion ef his friends and followers as much as lay in his power.f Although the gofpel doftrine made not that very rapid progrefs which Cent. III. the monks fo confidently affirm, it did, yet it continued to flourifh in The rogrefs of Britain, and- every day gained ground in the hearts of the inhabitants ; the chriftian for very early in the beginning of the third century it had extended be- faith' yond the bounds of the Roman province into the north, and advanced gradually into thofe parts of the ifland which had not fubmitted to the Roman arms 5 and this was moft probably effefted by fome provincial Britons who- were animated with a true Chriftian zeal, and defirous of communicating their new faith to their neighbours. From the prefent period to the very latter end of this century, we have nothing authentic recorded concerning the ftate and progrefs ofthe Chriftian religion ; but about that time the perfecution under Dioclefian breaking out, the Bri tons, amongft the reft who profeffed the true faith, had their fhare in the cruelties which were thenput in force by the command of that emperor. The exaft time of this perfecution in Britain, as well as the particular The perfecution circumftances attending it, are not to be difcovered. J Our own°futh,fclui~ monkifh writers,, (it is true) who never fail to lard their religious, hifto- ries with miraculous events, have faid a great deal upon the fubjeft, but * Nennii Hift. Brit. cap. 18. Galfrid mate it was the two laft years of.Diocle- Monmouth, &c. iian, (we may reeolle£r. this emperor af- f But even this is doubtful, becaufe fumed the purple, A. D. 284, and laid it Gildas, the moft ancient of our hiftorians, aude, A. J). 305.) The old church hifto- makes no mention of kingLucius, though ries alfo agree with Gildas, and reprefent he was himfelf a Briton, and a zealous this perfecution as raging with thegreateft Chriftian. However, bifhop Ufher, and violence inthe beginning of the fourth after him, bifhop Stillingfleef, are of the eentruy. But the venerable Bede, and a opinion here adopted ; and Ujher, to prove great number of our own ancient authors, the real exiflence of Lucius, mentions two place it and the martyrdom of St.'Alban, coins found, one in gold, another in in the year 286. If Dioclefian, or his col- filver, infcribed with thefe letters, LUC. league, Maximianus, ,had any hand in Ufler de primord. p. 39 & 40. & Stilling-* this perfecution, it muft have been either fleet's Origines Britannica;, fol. 62. near the beginning, or the end, of .their X In what year it began, or how long joint reign ; for, in the intermediate time it continued, cannot be difcovered. Gil- Britain was governed more than' ten years, das, the mpft ancient hiftorian, fays, it firft by Caraufius, and after by Aleihis, in continued nine years in other countries, a manner quite independent of thofe em- andbuttwo in Britain, and feems to inti- perors. Vide Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. D d 2 in 204 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part III. Cent. III. in fuch a ftile as plainly indicates the air of romance. However, the truth, deprived of its fabulous ornaments, feems to be as follows : — — That at the very clofe of the third century, or the commencement of the fourth, the Britifh Chriftians throughput' all the fouthern parts of the ifland, were perfecuted with great rigour, on account of their religion. Amongft the number of pious men who diftinguifhed them felves on this occafion, and fuffered death in the caufe of Chrift, St. Alban (a native of Verulam) was1 the firft ; after him, two others, named Aaron and Julius, citizens of Caerleon ; yet, though thefe are the only names that remain to pofterity, they were not the only Britons who re futed the repeated endeavours of their perfecutors, and continued faithful even unto death. Many more, as well men as women, iri various parts of the Roman province, fhared the fame fate, and became martyrs in a caufe fo truly laudable.* But, unhappily, authentic materials are wanting, by which we might be able to trace out any further particulars relative to this important period. The church It is impoffible to give afatisfaftory and authentic account of the go- period?6 atthisvernment, doftrine, and worfhip, of the Britifh church, during the firft three centuries ; yet there is the greateft reafon to believe, that in their rites and ceremonies they did not differ much from the other churches of the fame time, and that they had not any cuftoms very Angular. In keeping of Eafier, indeed, they rather imitated the churches of Afia, than that of Rome.f As to their doftrine, it was probably the fame in- fubftance with the' apoftles' creed; for we have undoubted authority, that they were not tainted with herefy until they received that of Arius.J Cent. IV. Early in the fourth century, a flop was put to the perfecution of the Thechurch pro- Chriftian church; for, in the year of our Lord 305, Dioclefian and teaed by Con- Maximianus refigned their ftate, and Conftantius Chlorus, being in Bri- fo"conftMitinetainJ was declared emperor; and though, before this time, he was the Great. obliged in compliance with the edifts of the two emperors, to permit the perfecution to go on, yet no fooner had he himfelf affumed the imperial authority, than he put an end to the fufferings of the diftreffed Chriftians, and reftored them to their former privileges. This prince died at York, in the year 506, and was fucceeded by his fon, Conftantine the Great, who entirely freed the Chriftian church from all opprelfion. We have,; indeed, no reafon to fuppofe that Conftantine himfelf was a Chriftian when he firft affumed the purple : yet it is very certain, that before he left Britain, he determined to take the Chriftians under his fpecial protec tion, and fhew them greater favour than his father had done. Under the favourable aufpices of this prince, the Britifh Chriftians, who had * Gildas-, Bede, Sec. } Dr. Henry, ut fup. Gildas & Bede, f See King's Enquiry into the Confti- vol. I. cap. ii. feet. 2. tution, &c. of the Primitive Church, part II. fled P art III. OF THE BRITONS. 205 fled from the face of perfecution and cruelty, came from their lurking Cent. IV. places, where they had hid themfelves, and applied themfelves to re build their ruined churches, beginning again their facred ceremonies with joyful hearts.* Hitherto the Chriftian church had not enjoyed the proteftion of the The church Pr0- ftate, fo that their councils, or fynods, were held in the moft pri- '-^eed by the vate manner, and confequently the tranfaftions of thofe councils are but little known; but as fooh as Conftantine began to declare more openly in the favour of their religion, thefe affemblies -became more fre quent and important ; being often called by the emperor himfelf, they were fometimes honoured with his prefence, and their decrees enforced and executed by his authority. At the firft council called by Conftantine, which was held at Aries, in The fate ofthe the year of our Lord 314, there were three of the Britifh bifhops prefent^ B,'tifll churcl1- as Eborus, bifhop of York, Reftitius, bifhop of London, andAdelfius, , the third ^bifhop ;f together with Sacerdos, a prefbyter^ and Armi-. nius, a deacon, from the fame city with the laft bifhop. This council, which was not very numerous, confifted only of thirty-three bifhops, and a ftill fmaller number of prefbyters and deacons, who were fummoned as reprefentatives of all the clergy out of the weftern empire. Four of thefe bifhops came out ofthe province of Gaul, called Vienne, of which Aries was the capital, but only one out of every other province ,- and as there was then but three Roman provinces' in Britain, "three bifhops were its full compliment. And hence we fee the confequence of the Britifh church at this period ; that it was viewed in the fame light with thofe of the other provinces of the Romans, and treated on the fame footing. J Conftantine was very liberal to the Chriftian clergy, but at the fameTheediasof time he was careful to grant them no favour which could affeft or £0"ftantifne J" hurt the community in general. By a public edift, he exempted them church. from all military duty, as well as any other burthenfome fervice, that they might have full leifure to purfue their ftudies, and improve them felves in religious knowledge. By another edift, he gave the goods and poffeffions of fuch of the late martyrs as had died without heirs, to the church. Thefe were great encouragements to the clergy : but he added befides another edift, of greater advantage to them than either of the former ; this was publifhed at Rome, the third day of July, jn the year 322 ; by this he gave full liberty for all perfons of what ftate or degree foever, to make their laft wills in favour of the clergy, and grant them as large a proportion of their eftates and goods as they fhould think pro per : by this means, in opulent places, the clergy were foon enriched.§ * Eufeb. Hift. lib. viii. cap. 13. haps it fliould be Colonia hindum, i. e Lin- ¦f In the original Adelfius de Civitate Co- coin, and this appears to. be moft likely. tonia Londinenjium. Many opinions have J Stijlingfleet,, , cap. 2. been ftarted concerning this city, and § Cod. Theod. lib. xvi.. cap 2. Eufeb.. where it could ftand. Vide Stillingfleet's lib. x. cap. 7. Zofimen, lib. i. cap. 9. & Orig.Brjtt. cap. 2. Dr. Henry fays, per- Vita Conftant. lib. ii. cap. 36. In 2oS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part III Cent. IV. In Britain, indeed, where the inhabitants were very poor,:;thefe contribu^ tions could not be fo confiderable;. of this ourTelyes; may* judge, for thirty-feven years after this .edift was publifhed, a council was called by , Conftantius, which was held at Arimirium, and the emperor freely of fered to rnaintain all the clergy at the public charge; his offer was not accepted by any, thofe three bifhops* excepted, who came from Britain, who not being able to maintain themfelves, chofe rather to receive the emperor's gift than be a charge to their brethren. Hence it plainly ap pears, that the greater part ofthe bifhops had in fo fmall a fpace of time been raifed to a ftate of independency. The fatality of The church was no fooner delivered from external opprelfion, but un- reiy.A"an he" happy differences were fomented within itfelf, and its concord broken by internal diffentions. Amongft thefe, few were more fatal than the con- troverfies between Arius, a prefbyter of the church of Alexandria, and Alexander, a bifhop of the fame city, concerning the divinity of Jefus Chrift. This- difpute confufed, and deftroyed, the peace ofthe church in ¦ almoft every corner. How foon the heretical, opinions of Arius reached Britain cannotpofitively.be afferted, nor can we know what progrefs it might make here during this century j for in this point authors have greatly differed, fome accufing the Britons very heavily, and others again as affiduoufly endeavouring to exculpate, and clear their cha rafters,* The Arian herefy made but little progrefs during the reigns of Conftantine, and his elder fon, Conftans, for his opinions were fe verely cenfured, and condemned in the council of Nicej held in the year of our Lord 325. But Conftantius, the fecond fon of Con ftantine, who fucceeded his brother Conftans in the government of the weftern empjtre,, (being himfelf a favourer of the Arian party) called a council at Ariminum, in the year 359, at which time there were almoft all the bifhops of the weftern empire affembled, to the number of four hundred ; and amongft others, thofe of Britain figned * Gildas feems to intimate, that the " ways fond of hearing fomething new." Arian herefy made a great progrefs in this But Gildas is here thought to be too fevere ifland foon after its firft appearance; for upon the Britifh clergy: the opinions of having defcribed -the happy ftate of the Arius were condemned at the council of Britifh church fome time after the end of Nice, where, it is thought, the Britifh bi- the perfecution, he proceeds in this man- fhops were prefent. Alfo, St. Athanalius, tier : " This fweet concord between Chrift, and the bifhops affembled at Antioch, in " the head, and his members^ continued council, aflure the emperor Jovian, in their " until the Arian perfidy appeared; and letter to him, that the bifhops of Spain, - " like an en raged Terpent, pouring in up- Gaul, andBrkain, continued to adhere to " on us its foreign poifon, inflamed bre- the faith of the council of Nice, of which " thren and countrymen with the moft cruel they had been informed by letters from " hatred. And a paffage being thus made, thofe bifhops. Both St. Jerome and St. " over the ocean, every other wild beaft Chryfoftom fpeak often of the orthodoxy *' who carried the venom of any herefy in df the Britifh church in their writings, " his horrid mouth, eafily inftilled it into Gild. Hift. cap, 9. Athan. Oper. torn. I. " the people of this country, who are page 399. Hieron. ad Evag. ad Mareil. *' ever urifettled in their opinions, and al- Chrifoft. torn. II. page 696, Sec. a creed, PartIIL OF THE BRITONS. 207 a creed , differing in fame few points from that of the council of Cent. IV. Nice.* But yet this appears to have been the effeft of mere force, for at the beginning of the council, they unanitmoufly declared their appro bation of the Nicean creed, and pronounced anathemas againft the er rors of Arius 5 and after their return to their refpeftive diocefes, re nounced their involuntary fubfcriptions as foon as they could do it with fafety. Whatever the doftrine of the Britifh church might be at this period, Th« Br»'M> . there is certainly no evidence thatthey were fubjeft to the jurifdiftion of period under'™ the bifhop of Rome, or any other ibreign bifhop. The Britifh clergy fubjeaion to are thought to have differed from thofe of Gaul, and ftill more from ore'8n ' ops' thofe of Italy, in their religious worfhip; but they had not yet departed from the fimplicity ofthe gofpel.f As the Chriftian clergy in general grew more opulent, theymanifeftedI™0V*t;<>1Hin a miftaken zeal, and began to add new cererrionies to their religious &ce. "fthe"""' worfhip, and even to adopt fome of the Pagan rites, with trifling alte-church' rations ; their churches, and places of religious meetings, were adorned with piftures of faints and martyrs, in imitation of the idol temples of the heathens ; the. clergy performed their facred offices in great variety of habits, not much unlike the Pagan priefts ; fafts, feftivals, and holi days were multiplied, and many ceremonious injunctions enforced. The clergy ufed thefe fatal imitations of the heathen rites, partly out of their natural love of pomp, and partly in hopes by . fuch means to al lure the unconverted Heathens to the worfhip of the true God ;J but however good the primitive intention may have been, thefe innovations were in the end productive of the moft unfortunate and deftruftive con fequences. Howfar the Britifh clergy followed the general example of the other Chriftians, cannot be determined ; yet we find it certain, that they were not without their fhare ofthe fuperftition, which began at this time to prevail, as the fuppofing that certain places were more holy than others, and making a virtue of going on pilgrimage in order to vifit them : we find the Brkpns fo far inflated with this zeal, that they made joumies as far as Jerufalem, to behold the place where Chrift fuffered ;§ others again, ftill more extravagant, travelled even into Syria, only to have a fight of the famous felf-tormentor, Simon Stylites, who lived fifty-fix years upon the top of a high pillar. || In this dentury, a new order of ecclefiaftics made their appearance in The firfi beg;n- the world ; thefe were the monks, or regular clergy, who in after times 2c°nfeh.e m°" made fuch a confiderable figure in the Chriftian church. In Egypt they had their origin ; for many of the Chriftians who fled from the perfecu tion of Dioclefian, took refuge in thofe parts, and lived in the deferts '*' J>upin. Ecclef, Hift. cent. IV. vol.11, iv. page-iyr,. page 263. § Hieron. torn. I. epift. -xviii f Stillingfleet, ohap.iii. _ [\ Theod. Philotheus, cap. 36. rjj, Mofheim, Hift, Ecc. Sscul. IV. cap, and ao? ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part IIL Incredible ac counts of the monafteries in Britain, Cent. IV. and retired places, in an abftemious and folitary manner. Amongft th© reft, St. Anthony (the father of the monaftic life) was much famed for his fanftity ; great numbers flocked to him from all quarters, and thefe, in the beginning of this century, he formed into religious fraternities, and every company was placed in a feparate habitation, and at a diftance from each other ; to all of thefe he delivered out fpecial rules and. direc tions for their behaviour. St. Pachomius and Hilarion, two admirers. of St. Anthony, foon after following his example, founded monafteries i in Egypt, Paleftine, and Syria,* fo that thefe religious brotherhoods abounded in the eaft ; and the fame zealous fpirit, (penetrating into Eu rope about the middle of this century) in a little time prevailed as much in the weft as it had done in the eaft. It is not eafy to difcover the exaft time that the monaftic life was in troduced into Britain, or to what degree it prevailed at this time. The accounts, as given by the monks of the middle ages, of mo nafteries in the days of king Lucius, are falfe and extravagant to the greateft degree ; nor are all the ftories of the monks of Banchor to be implicitly believed ;f not but that it is highly probable there were mo nafteries; in Britain at the end of this century, and particularly one at Banchor, which was afterwards very famous, but it does by no means feem likely, that, in this early period, it fhould have attained to that fplendour and greatnefs which the monkifh hiftorians would have us be lieve. One pbfervation may be made, on the difference between the Britifh monks of Banchor, and thofe who fucceeded them ; the former fupported themfelves in a frugal manner by their own labours, fome al ternately working, whilft others performed the religious offices ; but the latter were maintained in flothand idlenefs by the miftaken charities, and profufe donations of the kings, nobles, and other wealthy men. J' In the beginning of the fifth century, one Pelagius, faid to have been a native of Britain,§ publifhed a very dangerous herefy, which not only difturbed the peace ofthe Britifh church, but; fpread. its infeftipn abroad over the whole continent, as well to the eaft as to the weft, Amongft the Britons, the opinions of this man greatly prevailed; owing, per haps," in fome meafure, to his being their countryman. The moft im portant, and plaufible part of the doctrines of Pelagius, were thefe : That Adam was naturally mortal, and would have died if he had not finned : that Adam's fin only affefted himfelf, and not his pofterity ; that children at their birth are as pure and innocent as Adam was at his firft creation ; and that the grace of God is not neceffary to enable men to overcome temptation, perform their duty, or even attain perfection i Cent. V. The Pelagian lierefy in Bri tain. * Afta Sanftorum, torn. IIi p. 107. f Bede, Ecclqf. Hift. X. I>r. Henry's Hift. Brit. vol. I. cap. ii. fe£t. 2. § Bede, lib. j. cap. 10, but Pxrt III. - 'OF THE BRITONS. 109 but they might do all thefe things by the freedom of their own wills, and Cent. V. the exertion of their own natural abilities.* The opinions of Pelagius, fo foothing to the pride of men, were pro- The expedition pagated here in Britain with great fuccefs, by fome of his difciples, °n °L™„""n headed by one Agricola; for the arch heretic himfelf, with Celeftus, a Britain. Scotfman, and Julianus, of Campania, his other principal followers, were employed in the fame work at Rome, and other places. This he refy made fuch a rapid progrefs amongft the Britifh clergy, that the true believers found themfelves unable to refill its courfe ; therefore they fent over into Gaul for affiftance, the matter being there debated in council ; they deputed Germanus, bifhop of Auxerre, and Lupus, bifhop of Troyes, to undertake this commiffion, which they did with joy; and being arrived in Britain, they inftantly fet about the work for which they came, preaching fometimes in the churches, and fometimes in the open fields and highways, with fuch fuccefs, that their fame was pre fently fpread all over the ifland : thofe who were wavering they con firmed in the true faith, and reclaimed many who had adopted the he retical errors. The Pelagian champions at firft declined the meeting, and- arguing with the bifhops, but feeing their reputation daily lofe ground, and being fearful of lofing all their authority, they challenged their opponents to a public difputation, which was joyfully accepted by the bifhops ; and at the time appointed both parties met, attended on ei ther fide by a prodigious multitude of people. The heretics were gau dily habited, and came proudly into the field, as if confident of carrying their point ; whilft on the other hand, the two bifhops were plain in , their attire, and humble in their deportment. The conteft was opened by the Pelagian party, who made various long fpecious arguments, con taining no folid matter, nor tending to any conviction ; when they had finifhed, the bifhops flood up, and with irrefiftible proofs, drawn from the facred fcriptures, amazed and confounded their opponents, and con vinced their hearers of the truth of their aflertions. The furrounding multitude with fhouts expreffed their joy, and it was with great difficulty that they were hindered from deftroying the baffled heretics. This inte refting viftory over the opponents ofthe fcripture truths, opened the eyes ofthe people in general, and they returned to their former faith. The bifhops having thus happily completed the work for which they came, tarried fome fhort time longer, to confirm the converts in their prefent opinion, and after they returned to Gaul.f But although the Pelagian champions had been filenced, or intimi- Germanus dated by the bifhops, yet they were not convinced of their errors ; for as BTtainTfe'col'd foon as their antagonists had left the kingdom, they began afrefh to pro- time. jagate their doctrines, and with fuch great fuccefs, that the clergy who * Uffer. Primord. p. 2 1 8. Concil.Lab. vol.1, chap.ii, torn. II. & vide Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. -j- Bede, - lib. i, cap. 17, &c. Vol. I. E e ftill aio ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,, &c. Part IIL Cent. V. ftill continued conftant in their faith, were obliged to fend into Gaul,, and beg the affiftance of Germanus a fecond time ; he obeyed the invitation and came again into Britain accompanied with Severus, bifhop of Treves, a difciple of the former Lupus. On their arrival, the two bifhops found (to their great fatisfaftion) that the falling off from the true belief had not been fo great as was reported ; however, they prefently applied them felves with the greateft zeal to accomplifh the defign of their ,miffion~ They preached to the people with great eloquence, and thereby re claimed fuch as were apoftatifed, and confirmed others who before feemed irrefolute in their determinations. Having proceeded thus far, and con vinced the multitude of their errors, they procured the banifhment of the chief Pelagians from the ifland, and by thefe means the true faith being; happily reftored, it remained inviolated for a confiderable time.* * Bede, lib. i. cap. 21. & Conftant, fometime between the departure of the monk of Auxerre, in Vita German. Epift. Romans and the arrival of the Saxons; for Here we may obferve, that fome difputes Germanus was made bifhop of Auxerre, A. have been made concerning the time ofthe D. 418, a few years after the Romans had .coming of Germanus ; but it appears to left the ifland, and he died A. D. 448, one be morally certain, that it muft have been year before the arrival of the Saxons* ENP OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE BRITONS. CHRONICLE f ill ) CHRONICLE O F ENGLAND. PART III. CHAP. lit The ancient Religion of the Saxons* BEFORE we proceed to, give an account of the converfion of the The religion of Saxons to Chriftianity;, (for this event happened a confiderable faes ap"£dnt0Sv«" time after their arrival in Britain) it may be thought highly proper to fay haftily, and fomething concerning *heir ancient religion ; but at prefent, it is pro-why' pofed only to trace the outlines, becaufe a much more perfeft pifture of their mythology muft neceffarily follow hereafter, when we fhall treat upon the manners and cuftoms ofthe ancient Danes ; who, as they were ori ginally from the fame flock* may be juftly thought to agree with them in their ideas of religion, and mode of worfhip. It may, perhaps, be un- neceffary to add, that thofe valiant Germans who came over into Bri tain, and firft eftablifhed the heptarchy, were all of them Pagans ; for this is a faft fo well known, that few. can be ignorant of it. It is impoffible to give fo perfeft. an account of the priefts of the an- The priefts of -cient. Germans, as we have done of the druids ; not can we pofitivelyghaexoa™ent affert that they were, like them., divided into different claffes, according to their fevefal offices or degrees. In the celebrated temple at Upfal, dedicated tothe three chief deities, Odin, Frigga, andThor, each of thefe deities had his refpeftive priefts, the principal of whom, to the number of twelve, prefided over the facrifices, and exercifed an unli mited authority over every thing which feemed to have any connection. With religion.* Like other Pagan Rations, the ancient Germans had priefteffes, whofe office it was to officiate in the temples of their female * Northern Antiq. cap. 7. E e a deities j 212 ANCIENT RELIGION PartJII. deities ; and Frigga, their chief goddefs, for her greater honour, was ferved by the daughters of kings, and other ladies of the higheft rank in that country.* ' The names of The priefts were generally named drot'tes, but. they were "alfo fre- theirofficV. an quently fliled prophets, wife men, and divine men. Yet notwithftand ing thefe appearances of refpeft and honour, they feem by no means to have been equal, either in power or confequence, to the druids ; nor do we find that they had any fuch fhare in the civil or military govern ment, fo as to direft the aftions of their kings or governors. Be fides, as the Germans were not fo bigottedtb their religion. as the Bri tons, it feems a natural confequence that their priefts fhould' not be fo opulent.f The power of inflifting penalties, of beating and binding delinquents, was foly vefted in the priefts ; X this was chiefly performed by fuch as ferved the god of war, and attended upon the armies. The priefts were prohibited appearing in arms, and ftriftly forbidden to mount on horfeback.§ The priefteffes were held in the higheft refpeft ; they were diflinguifhed by the exalted titles of propheteffes and god deffes ; they devoted themfelves to perpetual virginity, and one part of their office was to keep up the facred fire, which burnt upon the altars of the deities they ferved. Thofe, in particular, at the temple of Upfal, ufed to deliver out oracles, and were confulted on all important occa fions. || .' The religious The religious opinions of die northern nations, in former ages,, were S^s^mI Ju^" an^ equitable ; for even amidft their groffeft idolatry, they ftill re tained fome faint idea of the Supreme Being : but by degrees their minds were clouded with error, the ancient fimplicity of their worfhip was loft, and their mythology crouded with Wonderful fables, fettino- forth, in an extravagant manner, the aftions of their gods. In thefe fa bles we meet with the trueft portraits of the people themfelves ; for it has been always cuftomary with barbarous nations, to make their dei ties think and aft according to their own paffions ; fo that it is no won der that a race of men like the Germans, bred up in hardinefs and love of war, fhould make their gods delight in the fame. What can .be more ftriking, or more pifturefque of the genius of this, warlike race, than the defcriptions left us of their future ftate ? When the foul of a warrior was * Northern Antiq. cap 7. " who have not obeyed them with half -j- This opinion feems to be confirmed " my zeal. If thefe gods had the power by' the fpeech which Coifi, the Pagan bi- " to reward thofe that ferve them, would ftiop, made to Edwine, king of Northum, " they not have exerted themfelves in my berland, who therein declares publicly, "" favour, who have performed my duty' " That the gods whom they adored had " towards them fo faithfully ?" Bede, Ecc. " not power,to reward their votaries ; for Hift. lib. i. cap. 13. " (adds he) none of the people of your j Tacit. Morib. Germ. " realm have- ferved the gods with more §_ Bede, utfup. " unwearied afliduity than myfelf, yet )| Mallet. Introduft. vol. I. cap. vii. ¦" have I not reaped fuch reward as many releafed Part III. OF THE SAXONS. 213 releafed from its mortal bondage,' it afcended to Heaven, and arriving at the palace of Woden, was there received with acclamations of joy; in this happy : place the departed fpirits fpent their time in a continual fucceffion of pleafures, fuitable to their tafte whilft they inhabited the prefent world : the whole, day was paffed in martial exercifes, and coun terfeited battles ; when thefe fports were finifhed, they retired to the hall of Woden, and began their evening's entertainment, which con fifted in feafting and carou fing deep draughts of mead and ale from the fkulls of their enemies. On the other hand, their Hell was ar place of continual idlenefs, fieknefs, and deep diftrefs.* , Odin, :of Woden, the. true god. of the Germans, was worfhipped odin, or Wo- amongft the firft colonies who came from the eaft, and peopled Germany ^"'of^0:^1* and Scandinavia. In after, times, a .fecond band came from the eaft to" name. thole parts, under the conduft of a" valiant chief, who finding the wor fhip which. WW paid, tp this fupreme deity, ^ affumed the^ fame name^ and claimed a fhare in all thofe honours which belonged to the: god alone. j This fecond rWodSn.was a mighty warrior, and particularly * Mallet IntrodudT:. vol. J. cap. 7. &;yide Ancient Edda, in the>fecond volume of the Northern Antiquities. f M. Mallet, in 'his IntroducV a l'Hi- ftoire- -de DannemarG, informs ,. usj -that there is a third Woden mentioned" by fome authors', fo that it is very poffible (fays he) this name may have been ufurped by many different warriors, out of policy and am- WODEN'T bition ; of all whom, pofterity. haye, in pr.oeefs of. time, made but one fingle per fon. — The fpunders of the Saxon heptar chy in Britain 'all' of. them'declared them felves defcended from Woden, and that at [the diftance only of a few generations, but without doubt it was only from one of thefe ufurping princes. Their genealogy" is as follows : FRIGGA Vefta Witha Withgils " Cafera I Titmon Frigils Antfeeg Bothmund Sneppa SeaxnobT Whitlaeg Wxdasg Offa I Boeldacg Brand j" Wnppa Withelin Sigefuget Eomaer Swaefdaeg Beonoc Sigegeat Aloe Angeltheow Ssebald Angenwit Ssfugl Weftflacna HENGIST Bedea Icel K. of Kent. | | f UFFA Offa Cnebba Wilgis K. of the E. Angles. | ~ | ) ERCHENWINE Cynewold Ufcfrea IDA K. ofthe E. Saxons. j \ K. of Bernitia. CRIDA Yffie K. of Mercia. I JELLE K. of Deira Frithuga CERDIC K.ofWeJTcx.. ELLA K, ofthe E. Angles. fuccefsful «i4 ANTIENT RELIGION, &c Part III, fuccefsful in battle, from whence he ;was after believed to be the god of war. He civilized the country, and introduced amongft the people many ufeful arts, before unknown, fo that the infatuated multitude foon worfhipped him as the true god, built temples to his honour, offered fa crifices, and paid him every other duty which formerly belonged to the deity, with whom he is generally confounded; and to him the fourth day of the week was dedicated. Frifga, the When the fecond Woden arrived in Germany, the people alfo adored def" of thf Ger- a great goddefs, under the appellation of Mother Earth; and as hisfol- mans. lowers had deified him, fo alfo they advanced the glory of his confort, Frigga, and made her equal in honour with the goddefs Earth; to whom, it feems, was transferred all the rites and religious ceremonies* formerly due to that divinity alone. At laft, fhe was adored as the god defs of love and pleafure, who beftowed upon her votaries all kinds of delight, happy marriages, and eafy child-births ^ to her was confecrated the fixth day of the week. -"- Tfhh' dhe &e ^ne brcvefl of the fons, of Woden and Frigga, was Thor,- who pre- ' fided over the meteors and the air, and had the direftion of ftorms, tem- pfefts, thunder, and lightning ; the people prayed to him for winds, rains, and fruitful feafons ; to this god was dedicated the fifth day of the week. Thefe three feem to have been their principal deities ; ."be fides whom, they had many others ; of them, together with their feveral offices, a full account will- be given hereafter. The Germans The Germans, like other barbarous nations, were cruel in their reli- -cwturei. umanfrious;wot)fhip; for thinking their gods as fond of blob4 and deftruftion as themfelves, their altars , often ftreamed with human gore; thefe wretched viftims were chiefly criminals, captives, or flaves ; but on an important occafion, even people of the higheft rank and dignity Ihared in the fame miferable fate. CHRONICLE ( "{ > C H R O N I CLE O F ENGLAND. PART III. CHAP. IV. The Ecclefiaftical Hiftory of the Anglo-Saxons, from their Converfion by St. Auguftine, K. D. 596, to the Acceffion of Egbert, A. D. 803. WE may remember that we left the Britons in poffeffion of the The ftate oftfce- Chriftian faith in its original purity, and reftored from the pol-^^^g'1* lution of the fatal Pelagian herefy,, which had occafioned fo much trou- dered* ble to eradicate. Ip is true, that from the departure of Germanus, to the time that the arrival of Auguftine called upon the Britons to affert their right as a .national church, independent of any foreign authority, we have but flender accounts of the ftate of religion amongft them. However, it feems, that as their calamities increafed, they became lefs religious, and were at laft involved in a ftate of impiety and loofenefs ; but though thefe accounts may be thought to be fomewhat exaggerated, yet from the general view of ancient records, it appears very plain that there was but too much ground for this heavy accufation.* The * Many authors, notwithftanding the chief direftion of two fchools for the in- accufations which Gildas has laid to the ftruclion of young men, for the fervice of charge of the Britons, and the clergy in the church. Iltutus, another religious general, have fuppofed that they held their man, and fellow-labourer with Dukritius, faith inviolate, and zealoufly, for a confi- prefided over another feminary pf learning, derable time after the departure of Ger- (now called Lantuft, or the church of II- manus ; and that there were fome of the tut, in Glamorganfhire.) Thefe were clergy who took great pains in the educa- both of them diftinguifhed for their learn- tion of the youth : for inftance, Dubritius, ing, and brought up feveral very famous (who was one of the difciples of Germa- men : fo that the Britifh church, amidft nus, and firft bifhop of Landaff, but after all the calamities of thefe times, was con- made archbifhop of Caerleon) had the fiderable for the learning and piety which flourifhed 2l6 The hatred of the Saxons to the Chriftians. ECCLESIAST,IC,AL HISTORY Part III. The Saxons who came over into Britain, were not only Heathens themfelves, but they conceived an inveterate hatred againft the Chriftian religion. -Soon after their arrival, cafting off the m-afk of amity, they commenced open hoftilities againft the Brifohs, and joining with their old enemies, the Scots and Pifts, drove them from their habitations, and took poffeffion of the more fruitful part of the land. Some of the wretched natives fled to Brittany, in Gaul, fome to Cornwall, fome even fought refuge amongft their barbarous foes, the Scots and Pifts ; but the greater part got them into the weftern divifion of Britain, (fincecalled Wales) where, hid amongft the mountains and woods, they preferved the wretched remnant of their once flourifhing and popular ftate.* ' lion Cent. VI. The hatred which the Saxons entertained againft the Britons was alfo exafperated by their being Chriftians ; therefore they purfued them with work6otUthe" ' unrelenting rigour, and murdered the clergy-without any mercy where- saxons* conver. ,eVer they were fo unfortunate as -to fall into their hands. j- But after fome time had elapfed, the fiercenefs of thefe ruinous contefts were in fome meafure abated ; and the Saxons enjoying their dominions in qui- - etnefs, became more reconciled to the Britons, and by degrees began to form alliances with them, fo that from their difcourfes they conceived a more favourable opinion of the Chriftian faith, andwifhed to be better inftrufted in its principles. Here again the Britifh clergy are accufed of being indolent and carelefs in the propagation of the. gofpel, andneg- lefting thefe happy opportunities which offered for them to make new converts, and be daily adding to the number of the church of Chrift.J About the year 570, Ethelbert, king of Kent, contracted an alliance with Chilperic, king of France, and married his daughter Berta ; but fhe having always been brought up in the profeffion of Chriftianity, it was agreed upon before the conclufion ofthe marriage, that fhe fhould be allowed the public exercife of her religion, and Letardus, a Gaulifh bifhop, with other of the clergy, to attend upon her. On her arrival, a church, formerly built by the Britons, and dedicated to St. Martin, was prepared for her, wherein fhe performed all the duties of her reli gion without the leaft reftraint ;§ and it appears certain, what by the flourifhed amongft its- directors. From hence we may juftly conclude, thatGildas has fet. the worft face upon matters. But even thefe authors, who have thus ftrenu- oufly defended the Britons, confefs that their fynods, (of which, it is true, we have but very^mperfecT: accounts, either of the time or the tranfaftions) reflected nojio- nour either to the princes or the clergy concerned in them ; the firft appear to have been guilty of enormous crimes, and the latter accepted of donations to the 3 church as fufficient" marks of repentance. This conclufion furely confirms, in fome meafure, the words' of Gildas, and plainly fhews the degeneracy of the' clergy in ge neral. Vide Ufler. Primord. page 44J. Spelman's Council. Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, vol.11. * Vide the Chronicle, part. II. f Bede, lib. i. cap. 15. X Gildas Epift. § Bede, lib. i, cap. 2$. per- Part III. OF THE SAXONS. 217 perfuafion of this princefs, and the exhortations ofthe bifhop and his af- Cent. VI. fiftants, who came over into Britain with her, the mind of the king, was ;well difpofed to liflen to the preaching of Auguftine, who not long af terwards came from Rome. This was the pofture of affairs amongft the Saxons in Britain when Gregory the Gregoiy the Great came to the papal feat, about the year 590, who was ^ft*^^"* the chief inftrument ofthe converfion ofthe Saxons. At what time he the Saxons- formed this defign, or the firft occafion which moved him to undertake converril,n* it, cannot fo eafily .be afcertained: it has, indeed, been imputed to his pity, on feeing certain Saxon youths expofed to fale in the public market at Rome, and being ftruck with their comely, appearance, he made en quiry concerning them, and was informed from whence they were, and that they were ignorant of the worfhip of the true God, as were all their countrymen. When he heard this, with the zealous fpirit of a true Chriftian, he refolved to promote the converfion of the Saxons* in Britain.* If this circumftance might give the firft occafion ofhis conceiv ing fuch a defign, it is highly probable that he might alfo receive let ters from Berta, queen of Kent, fignifying the defire which the Saxons in general had of being inftrufted in the gofpel truths, and thefe letters might confirm him in his refolutions.j- When Gregory had determined upon this undertaking," he made Auguftine <*<>- choice of Auguftine, prior of the monaftery of St. Martin's, at Rome, ['"^^h?"6 to perform his commiffion, affifted-with about forty other monks. In commiffion. the year 596, Auguftine, with his affiftants, fet forward on their jour ney towards Britain; but coming into Gaul, they were affrighted with the character which they there received of the Saxons, and confidering alfo that they were entirely ignorant ofthe language and cuftoms of that people, they determined.-to proceed no farther, and Auguftine pofted back to Rome, to inform Gregory ofhis fears. But Gregory having the matter at heart* gave him frefh encouragements, and fent him back to his affociates in Gaul, with recommendatory letters to the king and queen there, as well as to the bifhops, intreating them to affift the laudable defign of Auguftine as much as lay in their powers. Thus infpired with frefh courage by his inftruftor, Auguftine fet forth again; and having provided proper interpreters to go with him, he, with his company, failed the fame year to Britain/ and landing firft upon the ifland of Tha- net, he fent to the king and queen of Kent, informing them of his ar rival, and the importance of his meffage : the king received him very gracioufly, and though he did not immediately profefs the Chriftian iaith himfelf in a public manner, yet he gave Auguftine free leave to * Bede, lib. ii. cap. r. appears plainly, that this princefs took f Notwithftanding the ftory above re- the greateft pains to prepare the mind of lated, it may feem very likely to be true, her hufband for the reception of the gof- thatto thefe letters was owing the refolu- pel truths, if fhe did not abfolutely Con xion of Gregory from the beginning ; for It vert him to Chriftianity. Vol. I. F f preach qiS ' ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part IH. Cant; -VI. preach to his people, and inftruft them in the doftrine ofthe gofpel ; at the fame time he affigned him a place of abode in the city of Canter bury.* The great fue. Auguftine having hitherto fucceeded fo well, went fpeedily to Can- .ftinYin IS", terbury, and with his company joining the little community of Chri ftian priefts belonging to the queen, they prefently fet about the per formance of their commiffion, and preached with great zeal to the people, and their pious endeavours were crowned with the greateft fuccefs; for, it is faid, that in lefs than the fpace of one year, ten thoufand of the Kentifh Saxons received baptifm, and renounced all their former errors and fu- perftitions; amongft which number, the king himfelf is1 thought to have been one. Auguftine, tranfported with the fortunate fuccefs of his doc trines, went over into Gaul, and was confecrated bifhop of the Englifh, by the archbifhop of Aries, conceiving that this new honour would give him additional confequence in the eyes of his converts. No fooner was he returned to Britain, than he difpatched Laurentius, aprefbyter, and Peter, a monk, to Rome, to acquaint Gregory with his proceedings, and the great progrefs which he made in the execution ofhis undertaking ; he alfo defired Gregory to fend him direftions for his future conduft, and at the fame time propofed feveral queftions in writing. To all thefe Gregory (fome time after) returned fulLand fatisfaftory anfwers, which were brought to Auguftine by Melitus, whocame over into Britain about the year6oi, with an additional number of religious men,, to affift in the completion of the great work already begun ; with him he brought the pall, with orders from Gregory to conftitute Auguftine primate of the Englifh church ; at the fame time giving him fullspower and autho rity over the Britifh clergy, to teach the unlearned, confirm the weak, and correft the obftinate. But when the Britons were made acquainted with this part of the proceedings of Gregory, they knowing themfelves to be an independent church, openly and folemnly difavowed all fubjec- tion to Auguftine, and fet afide the authority of Gregory himfelf. j: Cent. VII. The firft beginning ofthe difputes between the Britifh clergy and Au- Thedif ute be- gUn;ine feems to have been as follows : — This prelate defirous of putting tween Augu- in force the authority which had been given to him by his employer, Britiftncdierey. over t^e Britons; through the means of Ethelbert, obtained a meeting with them at a place called Auguftine's Oak, J in the confines of Weffex, where Auguftine propofed to the Britifh clergy, that they fhould come into the unity of the church, and join with him and his followers in preaching to the Saxons. After they had taken fome time to confider on the confequences df thefe arguments, and reflefting on what alterations m- * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib.i. cap. 23. J "Krafcmuy-ILC, in the Saston ver- f Ibid. cap. 25, 26, 27, &29. fion oOede, by Elfred. Vide Bede, lib. ii. cap. 2. 1 would Part III. *' OFTHE SAXONS. 119. Would be neceffary. for them to make in their religious forms of worfhip, Cent. VII. they were at a lofs how to aft, being on one hand unwilling to introduce any. innovations into their religion; whilft, on the other, they were very fearful of offending Ethelbert, who feemed to efpoufe the caufe of Au guftine "with great fervency. Thus undetermined in their refolutions, they are faid to have applied tp a certain anchorite, reputed for his wif dom and holinefs, to know whether they ought to quit the antient rites of their anceftors, and fubmit to the propofals of Auguftine : he an- fwered, " If he be a man of God, you ought to follow him." Being afked how they fhould know whether he was a man of God : he anfwer- ed, " By his humility and gentle deportment." Afterwards, feven of the Britifh bifhops, with Dinoth, abbot of Ban- Tb6Britifl. chor, and other learned men, came on a certain day to a place appointed, ^V^mne in order to meet Auguftine a fecond time. The Britons contrived that Auguftine fhould be feated before they entered the affembly; when they came in, he proudly kept his feat, without rifing to falute or receive them, which haughty deportment raifed the greateft refentment in their breafts, fo that they refolved to oppofe his arguments, as being now convinced that he was no man of God. After fome time fpent in fruitlefs difputes, Au guftine addreffed himfelf in this manner to the Britons : " You aft con- " trary to the cuftoms ofthe Univerfal Church in many particulars ; how- " ever, enjoy your own ufagesasyou pleafe, only yield to us in three things; " firft, to keep the feaft of Eafter as we do,; fecondly, to ufe the fame " form of baptifm with us ; and laftly, to join with us in preaching the and that the cathedrals of Canterbury and Rochefter were begun ; alfo fome other churches, founded originally by the Britons, were repaired, and provifion made for theeducation and fubfiftence of the clergy ; all of which was chiefly owe- ing to the piety and munificence of Ethelbert, king of Kent, and the zeal of Auguftine and, his affiftants.* No ftep feems hitherto to have been made towards the converfion of the other kingdoms of the Saxon heptarchy. Laurentius fue- After the death pf Auguftine, Laurentius fucceeded him in the fee of ftineS.Ausu" Canterbury; but the exaft time of his advancement is juft as uncertain as the deceafe of his fuperior, upon which it depended. No fooner was he in pofTeffion of his dignity, than he followed the example of Augu ftine, and ftrove to prevail upon the clergy of the Britons and Scots to change their antient ufages, and to celebrate the feftivai of Eafier in the fame manner he and his followers did; but he was equally unfuccefsful as his predeceffor had been ; for the breach was made ftill wider by the fucceeding conferences, infomuch that the Scotch Chriftians at laft refufed all converfation with this prelate, or any of his followers.f The converfion About this time, however, a work of greater confequence was begun, laxonsf aop,• it would be in vain to make any further attempts to flop the ruinous apo- ftafy, which broke in upon the church on every fide; therefore, they all agreed to leave Britain, and return again to Rome. In purfuance of this refolution, Juftus, bifhop of Rochefter, and Melitus, prefently with drew, and paffed over into Gaul ; and though Laurentius ftill tarried for a time behind, yet he determined to follow them as foon as he could with conveniency ;f but juft as he had prepared to depart, king Edbaid, touched with the flings of confeience, repented him of his apoftafy, and again embraced the faith of Chrift, This fudden alteration in the king * Bede, lib. ii. cap. £. marks of the lafties upon his body. The -f Having prepared fbr his departure, next day he went to the king, and told the night before he had determined to fet him what, had happened, fhewing his back. out, he fixed upon a ftrange method of ta- This relation had fuch an effect upon the king leave of his church ; for he caufed king, that he forfook his idolatry. But if his bed to be laid in the cathedral, and there is any truth in this miracle, as Bede lodged there that night, when St. Peter calls it, or whether it was owing to God, appeared to him, and having reproached ortheage, is left to the judgment of the him for his cowardice, he Icourged the reader. Vide Bede, Ecclef. Hift. 1. ii. c. 6. ftioulders of this prelate, fo as to leave the & Inett's Hift. of the Englifh Church. a put taa ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part III. Cent. VII; put a powerful check to the growth of Paganifm, and gave frefh life to the Chriftian caufe. Melitus and Juftus were now recalled again, and returned to Britain about a year after their departure ; and Juftus was reftored to his fee at Rochefter; but the Londoners had fo abfo lutely renounced their belief in Chrift, that Edbaid could by no means replace Melitus in his former'Teat. In this ftate continued the affairs of the church until the death of Laurentius, who departed this life about the year of our Lord 619.* The chriftian After the deceafe of Laurentius, Melitus fucceeded him in the arch ied 1nV>r-bimopric, which he held the fpace of five years, and then died : no ma- thumbcriand. terial alteration happened in the church during that time. Upon his death, Juftus, bifhop of Rochefter, was advanced to the fee of Canter bury, about theyear 624.' The year following, Edwine, king of Nor thumberland, married Ethelburga, fifter of Edbaid, king of Kent; and as fhe had always been brought up in the Chriftian faith, it was agreed upon before her marriage, that fhe fhould be permitted freely to exer cife her own religion ; and accordingly Paulinus was made a bifhop, in order to attend upon her. The next year, A. D. 626, Edwine con- fented to have his daughter Enfleda (his firft child by Ethelburga) baptized ; and through the perfuafion of the queen, and the indefa tigable labours of Paulinus, Edwine himfelf was baptized the fol lowing year, on Eafier day, and openly profeffed his converfion to the Chriftian faith. After this, Edwine founded an epifcopal fee at York, and he fent to Honorius, then bifhop of Rome, from whom he received the pall, and title of metropolitan, which he beftowed upon Paulinus. f Edwine's care Edwine now became a very zealous Chriftian, and by his earneft per- ri0VofPthePgoKfuauons prevailed upon his friend Redwald, king ofthe Eaft Angles, to pel. ' embrace the fame religion ; befides which, he promoted the propagation of the gofpel in the northern borders of Mercia, and in that part of Lin- colnfhire. that borders upon the Trent. -In theyear 631, Juftus, arch- bifhop of Canterbury, died, and Honorius fucceeded him, who was con fecrated by Paulinus, archbifhop of York. During the life of Edwine, the gofpel flourifhed in Northumberland ; but he being unfortunately flain in the month of October, A. D. 633, the whole kingdom was over run by two cruel enemies, fo that Paulinus was driven from his feat, and, accompanied with Ethelburga, (the unfortunate queen, who fur vived her hufband Edwine) returned into Kent, where he was made bi fhop of Rochefter, in which place he died. J Theapoftafy of After the death of Edwine, two kings affumed the rule inNorthum- orNTrth^m-8 berland ; Eanfrid bearing rule in Bernitia, and Ofric in Deira. Thefe leriand. princes, although they had received the Chriftian baptifm, and acknowT- ledgedthat faith in Scotland, where they had taken refuge, were no * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 6. Si f Bede, lib. ii. cap. 10, 14, & 17. Inett's Hiftory of the Englifh Church. j Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. ii. cap. 20., fooner Part III. . O F T tt E SAXONS, 223 fooner in poffeffion of the. regal dignities, than they renounced the true Cent. VII. religion, and wickedly returned to Paganifm. Their apoftafy, together with the deftruftion which had preceded in Northumberland, brought the Chriftian religion to a very low ebb in that kingdom.* Alfo amongft the Eaft Angles no progrefs was made ; for though Redwald, at the in- treaty of Edwine, king of -Northumberland, had been baptized, yet far from continuing ftedfaft in the profeffion of the true faith, he, not long after, through the perfuafion of his queen, gave it entirely up, and fol lowed the Pagan rites as he had done before, j- About a year after the death of Edwine, A< D. 634, the two apo- ofwald reftores ftate kings were killed by Cadwallo., the Britifh monarch ; againft whom ^g^0hnr'fn' N„r. Ofwald fought a fuccefsful battle, in which Cadwallo was flain, and all thumberiand. his forces routed. Ofwald, after this viftory, took the government of Northumberland upon him ; and as he was a very pious man, and zealous for the Chriftian religion, to which he had been converted ip Scotland, . he immediately fet about the reftoration of the fame, which had fuffered fo much of late in thofe parts. The better to effeft his laudable purpofe, he fent into Scotland, defiring that a bifhop might he fent from thence to inftruft his people; the firft who came not being ap proved by the people^ a fecond arrived, whofe name was Aidan, a juft man ; by his labours, a vaft number of the Northumbers were con verted ; and becaufe he did not at firft underftand the Saxon language, the king himfelf ufed to expound his meaning to the people. This pi ous prelate, far from ufing the pomp and fhew of the Roman miffiona- ries, preached the word of God in its primitive plainnefs and fimplicity. Ofwald now appointed the epifcopal fee of Lindisferne, which before .had been at York, and Aidan was made bifhop there. He alfo perfefted the cathedral at York, and built churches in many parts of his kingdom. The encouragement which he gave to all religious perfons, caufed feve ral of the Scotch and Irifh clergy to come into Northumberland, fo that by their joint endeavours the Chriftian faith was advanced daily; befides all this, public fchools were erected for the inftruftion both of men and youth, in learning and religion. In this flourifhing ftate the church continued until the death of Ofwald, which happened A. D. 642.J Nearly about the fame year that Ofwald mounted the throne of Nor- The converfion thumberiand, Birinus, a bifhop.from Rome, arrived in the weftern parts g^'on, tlchri- of Britain, and began to preach the gofpel with great fuccefs to the Weft ftianity. Saxons : Ofwald at the fame time feeking the daughter of Cynegils in marriage, who was then" king of that dominion, joined his intreaties with thofe of Birinus, and prevailed upon that prince to be baptized, which was. performed at York, in the year 63$. After the converfion of their king, the people liftened attentively to the zealous inftruftions of Birinus, and the Chriftian religion quickly gained great ground in Wef- * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iii. cap. i.' J Ibid. lib. iii. cap, 3. Si infra. ¦f Ibid. lib. ii. cap. 4. fex. 224 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Part III. Cent. VII. fex. The year following, Cwichelm, the fon and colleague of Cynegils, was alfo baptized at York, and an epifcopal fee was founded at Dor- chefter, of which Birinus was made bifhop.* The converfion The light which fprung up amongft the Eaft Angles was fuddenly ex- theEaft Angled tinSuifned bY the apoftafy of Redwald ; but after his death, he was fuo- ' ceeded in that kingdom by his fon Eorpwald, who was a prince of a meek and traftable difpofition, fo that through the earneft perfuafions of Ed wine he renounced the errors of idolatry, and was baptized A. D. 632,^ but he was traiteroufly murdered about four years after, therefore no great ftep could be made towards a general reformation. Eorpwald was fucceeded by his half-brother, Sigebert, who was a zealous advocate for Chriftianity : in the former part of his life he had been banifhed into Gaul, where he was converted, and inftrufted in the gofpel truths. Soon after he mounted the throne, a Burgundian bifhop, named Felix, out of pure zeal, came over into Britain, and offering his fervice to Ho norius, then archbifhop of Canterbury, was fent by him to Sigebert, king of the Eaft Angles^ by whom he was gladly received, and with great earneftnefs he preached the gofpel to the people of that kingdom. Prefently after, he was joined by Furfeus, an Irifh monk, who was equally zealous for the propagation of Chriftianity, and their united en deavours were crowned with furprifing fuccefs ; for the greater part of that nation were foon converted, and the true faith fettled upon a per manent foundation. The epifcopal fee, fince removed to~Norwich, was now founded at Dumnock,J and Felix made firft bifhop there. Si gebert, the king, alfo caufed fchools to be erefted in his kingdom, for the inftruftion of youth, and the improvement of their morals.§ aii Kent not Thus whilft the gofpel fhed its happy influence over the ifland, the -yet-converted. mifiionaries [n Kent ufed repeated endeavours to bring the Britifh and Scotch clergy to the ufages of the Roman church, but without fuccefs* The progrefs of the Chriftian religion in Kent, is, not fo well known : in the year 640, Ercombert, who was then king of that diftrift, publifhed an edift, requiring all his fubjefts to relinquiih their worfhip of idols, and that all the idols throughout his kingdom fliould be deftroyed, and ap pointed officers to fee that thofe who violated this law fhould be punifh- ed;|| by which it fhould feem that they had not all of them as yet for faken their errors. TheEaftSaxons The Eaft Saxons who had long ago returned to their former idolatry, «-converted. an(j continued in the fame, notwithftanding the earneft perfuafions and endeavours which were made ufe of by Melitus, their late bifhop, whom they banifhed from his fee of London, about the year 654, again received the Chriftian faith, under Sigebert the Second, their king, who, at the * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iii. cap. 3. county of Suffolk. Vide"Inett's Hiftory o£ f Ibid. lib. iii. cap. 15. the Englifh Church, vol, I. fol. 51. X Probably the fame place that is now § Bede, lib. iii. cap. 18. known by the name of Dunwlch, in the J| Ibid, cap. 1 8. per- Part III. OF THE SAXONS. 425 perfuafion of Ofweo, had renounced his errors, and was baptized by Fi- Cent. VII. nanus, bifhop of Lihdisfarn ; after his baptifm, Sigebert begged the af fiftance of fome ofthe clergy, as alfo of Cedd, a man of great holinefs, to forward the converfion of his fubjefts : accordingly Cedd, with another clergyman, was fent into Eaftfex, who went through the dominions of Sigebert,- preaching the gofpel with fuch energy and zeal, that a gene ral converfion of the people crowned their pious labours. Having formed a church, Cedd returned to Northumberland, where he was con fecrated bifhop by Finanus, but foon came back: to Eaftfex, and efta blifhed his fee at London, about forty-one years after the expulfion of Melitus* In Mercia the Chriftian doftrine had begun to take root, even before The converfion the arrival, of Cedd. in Eaftfex; for Peada, the fon of Penda, king of0ftheMercians- Mercia, feeking in marriage the daughter of Ofweo, named Alcfleda, his fuit was rejected becaufe he was not. a Chriftian: however^ by the means of Ofweo, and the perfuafion of Alcfred, the brother of Alcfleda, he embraced the true faith, and was baptized, with feveral noblemen, who attended him into the north, by Finanus, bifhop of Lindisfarn, about the year 653, and by this- means he obtained the damfel. Peada returning into Mercia, carried, with him four, -priefts, Cedd, Adda, Bette, and Diuma, a Scotfman, by whofe pious endeavours all that part of Mercia, called Middle Angles^f (which had been committed to the government bf Peada by his father) was converted to the Chriftian faith; nor was it confined to that part only, its light began to diffufe itfelf over the other parts of that extenfive dominion, and this during the life-time of Penda, who, though himfelf a Heathen, yet he no ways hindered either the converfion of his fon, or propagation of the gofpel. Cedd, however, was foort after recalled from Mercia by Ofweo,. andfeht into Eaftfex, when Diuma was made bifhop of the new converts, and confecrated by Finanus, under the title of bifhop of the Mid Englifh and Mercia.J Finanus being dead, who had fucceeded Aidan, Coleman, a Scotf- Difpute con- .man, was made bifhop of : Lindisfarn: 'j "Whilft" he fat in this feat, a "remonit"61"** warm difpute was made /concerning the keeping of Eafier, fhaving the crowns of the clergy, and other religious ceremonies, wherein the Scot- tifh and Britifh Chriftians differed from thofe Who had been converted by the Romifh miffionaries. Ofweo, Jtihg of Northumberland, who had been taught and baptized by the Scots, married Lanfled, the, daughter of Edwine, who had been educated in Kent, and followed the cuftoms of the Chriftians there, fo that when the king was celebrating the feftivai of Eafter, his queen and herfollowers were engaged.in the feverities of Lent. For fettling all thefe matters a fynod was appointed to be held at the abbey * Bede, lib, iii. cap. 22. gli, in the original. Vide Bede, lib iii. t Middelengli, id eft Mediterrauei An- cap. 2r. :,; X Ibid. Vol. I. G g of iitv ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part HL The advance ment of Wil frid. Cent. VII. of Streanfhalcfi,* in theyear of bur Lord 66 1. «/Or%6 hiirifelf ap peared in favour of the Britons', al'fo Coleman, bifhop bf Liridisfarri* Cedd, bifhop of the Eaft Saxons, and feVerai other Scotch and Bri tifh bifhops, and clergymen. On the other fide, Was Alcfred,1 the fon of Ofweo, who had been educated by Wilfrid ; Agilbert, bifhop of the Weft Saxons, who had fucceeded Berinus in the fee of Dorchefter ; Ab bot Wilfrid ; this man, though born amongft the Northumbers, and inftrufted by the Scotch bifhops in the early part of his life> yet after that, being long refident ih Kent, he there imbibed the principles of the Kentifh Chriftians: of the fame party was Agatha, a prefbyter, James, a deacon, and Romanus, with many other of the clergy. The ma'tte'r was fully 'debated with great warmth oft either fide ; however, in the end, Ofwe'b decided iri the favour of the Catholics, to the great un- eafinefs of the oppofite party.f Coleman offended at the decifion made againft him and his feft-, fhortly after relinquifhed his bifhopric, and returned back into his own country, and Tndda, one of the oppofite party, was advanced in his ftead ; but he tlyihg within a few months, Wilfrid, (at that 'rime 'but thirty years of age) Ms'dhofen bifhop bf Northumberland through ¥hfe iriterefl bf prince Alcfred, 'his fcholar : this Wilfrid -vvas the p¥irieipa!l fpeaker iri favotrr of the Rbmah "ufages arid "eeremoriies in the above dif- pifte, and to him Was chiefly owing the 'fuccefs which that party had rriet. with at that time. J Hitherto the arc'hbnfiop of Canterbury had no claim over the northern. Englifh; for Wilfrid, who had fo warmly efpotifed the caufe ofthe Kentifh Chriftians, on being chofen bifhop, went into France to be con fecrated, although Deus Dedit, archbifhop of Canterbury, was then-lr- ving. Wilfrid flaying too long in Frarice, OfWeo was prevailed 'upbhtb confent to the eleftibn of another bifhop, Which 'Was Cedda, a Scot, and faid to have been thefjrbther'of 'that Cedd who had converted the 'Eaft Saxons, and was now bifhop of London. Cedda, immediately after Jhls election, travelled into Kent, in order tb be confecrated by the archbi- lhop of Canterbury-; but he dying before Cedda arrived, he went iritb- the weft, and was there confecrated by Wifii, bifhop of Winche'fter; fo- that Wilfrid, on his return, was obliged to quit his dignity, and retire again to his monaftery.§ Deus Dedit dying whilft Cedda was going towards Kent, the fee of , Canterbury was for a fhort time vacant ; wherefore, after fome debate between Ofweo, king bf Northumberland, arid Egbert, king of Kent, an agreement was made to chufe fome perfon out of Britain, who fhould be att Englifhmari by birth, and tb fend him over to Rome, in order to be confecrated, according to the ufages :and ceremonies of that church. The reafon of Wilfrid's dif- ippointment. A Saxon prieft fent over to Rome ro be con iterated. * Now "Whitby, in 'Ybrklrrire-. •f- Bede, lib. iii. cap. 25. X Ibid. cap. 24. & Eddii Vita Wilfrid, "fob. 56. § Bede, lib.iiircap.-29. & Vita'Wilfridi, -tit/ fup. Ac- Part III. pf THE. SAXONS, 217 Accordingly, Wighaft, a prefbyter, bred in Kent, was chofen by the Cent. VII. Gopmoxi Gonfegt tp.be archbifhop of Canterbury, and forthwith fent to Rome to be confecrated ; but he died there of a plague, which preyailed af that time, before all the ceremonies were completed,. Vitalian, who was ther} bifhop of Rome, took hojd pf th^e .opportunity which offered of advancing his own ppwer, and confecrated one Theodore, a Greek by nation, born at Tarfus, in Celicia, and bred a monk, a man of great learning and piety; and ..Yfhen he h%d given him his jnftruftions, fent him pver into Britain, a$:en(fe~d by Adrian, a monk, who was fex as a kind cf (py over him, left he .fhould vary from the ufages of the church of Rome, and introduce thofe of the Grecian church.* Theodore was confecrated the 25th day of March, in sthe, year 6.68, ^°^refJ?,t' and in May, the year following, he came over into Britain, where he tain. was well received ; and being an aftive bufy man, fie advanced the au- . thority of the archbifhops of Canterbury, and of the bifhop of Rome, more than all his predeceffors had done fince the death of Auguftine. -j- ' When Theodore came oyer into Britain, 'he difputed the legality pf.synod;helilat the confecration of Cedda, and dqclared, that he ufurped jhe place of -another, (meaning Wilfrid ;) but Ja^umman, biihop of Litchfield, dy ing at the fame time, Cedda was advanced to that fee, and Wilfrid ^e- fjorgd to that of York. The two princes having now prepared all things for the union of the Saxon churches, a fynqd was held in the month of September, A. D. 673> at a place called lierudford, in the county of Hertfordfhire.J At -this .meeting, befides Theodore, archbifhop of Canter bury, ther,e Yjere prefect only four Saxon bifhops in perfon, but not one of the Britifh bifhops, or any of their clergy ; Wilfrid, bifhop of York, appeared by a deputy ; Rifi, bifhop pf the Eaft Angles, Lutherius, bi fhop pf the Weft Saxqns, Winfrid, tjifjhop. of Mercia, and Putta, bifhop of I£pche,fter, were the four that appeared in perfon. Here Theodore produced a book of canons, which were fubfcribed to by all the bifhops arid pther clergy who were prefent. Thus weje the -Saxon churches of the Scotch and Roman eflabiifhrnent united by Theodore, who foon be gan to afTume a great fuperiority in the kingdom; and three years ; after the aboye council, depofed Winfrid, bifhop of Litchfield, for being dif- obedient to his commands". § About the year 67 p, Wilfrid, bifliqp of York, was driven from his Wilfrid drive* fee by Egfrid, who, fucceeding his father, Ofweo, now reigned in Nor- fr0?l hls fee" thumberiand, and his offence was .eifhej his pride, and. the pomp which he affumed, or his aihfting, Etheldreda;, the wife qf Egfrid, in her reli gious defign^ : fqr after. her, marriage fhe ;had_ refufed to, cohabit witji.her hufband, and preferring the monaftic life, by the advice of Wilfrid, foli- cited a divor-ce, and at laft, without the confent of , the king, withdrew * Bede, lib. iv. cap. i. j Probably the fame with Hartford, the •¦f Ibid. .& Vide Iriett's Hiftory of the chief town of that county. Church, vol. I. page 73. § Bede, Ecclef, Hift. lib. iy. cap. 6. G g 2 herfelf 228 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part HI. New bishopries ordained. Cent. VII. herfelf into a monaftery, where fhe received the veil at the hands of Wil frid, and could not be prevailed upon by the king to return by the moft preffing intreaties.* After the expulfion of Wilfrid, Bofa was made bifhop of York, and a new bifhopric was founded under the old name of Lindisfarn,f and Eata was made bifhop thereof. Again, three years after, or there abouts, this latter bifhopric was fubdivided, and a new fee planted at Hagulftad, and Trumbert was made bifhop thereof; and Eata, the former bifhop, had his title limited to that of bifhop of Landis- farn only. About the fame time that this firft divifion was made in the bifhoprick of Northumberland, Egfrid founded another fee at Syd- nacefter, in Lineolnfhire, near the Humber ; J and Eadhead being firft confecrated at York, had the charge of the fame committed to his care ;' but on the death of Wulfhere, king of Mercia, from whom Egfrid had won this part ofthe country by conqueft, Ethelred, brother to Wulf here, fucceeding in the kingdom of Mercia, and in the year 67 8, recovered this province, and drove Eadhead from his feat : but fome time either in the year after, or elfe in the following year, the bifhopric of Sydnaeefter was again reftored, by the authority of Ethelred himfelf, and1 Edelwine made bifhop thereof.§ Mean time Wilfrid haftened to Rome, in order tb make complaint to Agatho, then bifhop there, of the. hard treatment he had met with, not only in being expelled from his fee, but in having his dioeefe divided, and new bifhoprics erefted therein without his confent ; and as he had nobody to oppofe or contradift his ftory, he reprefented the matter in foch a light, as convinced Agatho, and all the clergy who were pre fent, that he had been ill-treated in the affair ; therefore, the whole fy- nod were of opinion that he ought to be reftored to his fee, and if the interefts of religion required the divifion ofhis dibcefe, yet he ought to have full power and authority to appoint and conftitute all fuch bifhops as were under him : alfo, to give the greater force tb this their determi nation, they decreed* that any prefbyter refilling to be obedient to the fame, he fhould be expelled from his office, and any ofthe laity guilty of the like offence fhould not be admitted to partake of the holy facra- ment.|[ Wilfrid having thus obtained his defires, hafted back to Britain, in order to fhew the refolution of the bifhop of Rome, and his fynod, to Egfrid, king of Northumberland, who had depofed him, and to Theo dore, archbifhop of Canterbury, who had been acceffary to, or at leaft con nived at his expulfion ; but fo little was the authority which he brought: Wilfrid arrives at Rome, and his fuccefs. Wilfrid's com- miflion not re garded. * Vita Etheldreda, &c. f Now Hexham, in Northumberland. Vide Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iv. cap. 12. X This is the part of Lineolnfhire, which is ftill known by the name of Lindefey. § Bede, ut iiipra. || Eddii Vita Wilfrid, cap. 29, 31, Sec. with Part III. OF THE SAXONS. 229 with him regarded by either one or the other, that he faw no hopes Cent. VII. of fucceeding in his attempt; on the contrary, Egfrid called a council of his bifhops and nobility, where the matter was debated ; and fo far were they from fiding with the turbulent prelate, that by their advice and confent, he was inftantly fent to prifon, where he was confined nine months.* We will now look back upon the misfortunes which happened in The miferable Kent :— That kingdom was invaded by Ethelred, king of Mercia, ftateofKenu about the year 676; that prince finding none to oppofe his march, fpoiling the country before him, deftroying churches, monafteries, and religious houfes, without diftinftion, until he reached Rochefter, which city he alfo ruinated; and Putta, who was bifhop there, was driven to fuch diftrefs, that he was obliged to take upon him the humble employ ment of teaching the church fingers, in order to fupport his old age from want and mifery.-f But to go on. About this time a dangerous herefy, which had been The herefy of long ago broached upon the continent, (and generally known by the ij^^the name of the Monothelite herefy) began to make an alarming progrefs in fynod at Hat- the church, fo that it required a public council to be called at Rome forfield' the abolifhing it. The opinions on which this herefy was founded, en tirely contradicted the diftinft properties ofthe divine and human nature of Chrift.J At the fame time alfo, Theodore, archbifhop of Canter bury, thought it his duty to take notice of a danger which was every day increafing, and therefore he fignified his intentions to Egfrid, king of Northumberland, to Ethelred, king of Mercia, to Adulf, and his bro thers, kings of the Eaft Angles, and to Lothaire, king of Kent, by their common. confent, a great council was called; the parties met at Hatfield, the 15th day of September, in the year68o.§ At this fynod, after the ferrnon, Theodore proceeded to give a fhort The Engiifc bi- "account of the Chriftian faithin its original purity, as given to the pri- *°?s declare mitive Chriftians by Chrift himfelf, and his apoftles. He produced to ofThVtruiT" them the apoftles' creed, and its explanation, as fet forth by the fathers fa'th* ofthe church, and confirmed in their general councils. All the bifhops * Eddii Vita Wilfrid, cap. 34 & 3 5. fter, Hereford, and Leicefter, were to be ¦}¦ Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iv. cap. 1 2. added, there could be but five. Erken- % Concil. torn. VI. col. 594. wald, bifhop of London, was the only bi- | Bede, lib. iv. cap. 17. Notwith- fhop of the Eaft Saxons, and Hedda of the (landing the pompous accounts which the Weft; Boffa was bifhop of York, and Eata monks give of this council, and of a hun- of Lindisfarn, and Quichebn, bifhop of dred bifhops there affembled, fays Dr. Rochefter, who fucceeded Putta ; fo that Inett, we have great difficulty to find as it does not appear that any of the Britifh out the tenth part of that number ; the bifhops were prefent, there could not be whole kingdom of Mercia contained but more than nine or ten, including Theo- two bifhoprics, if we reckon that of Syd- dore, archbifhop of Canterbury. Vide nacefter as one, which there is reafon to Dr. Inett's Hiftory of the Englifli Church, think was not yet reftored. But even fup- vol. I, p. 106. pofing the other three, namely, of Worce- - 2 inftantly 230 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part HI, Cent. VII, inftantly confented. to thefe doftrines, and publicly declared, that they agreed with the whole catholic church, and alfo expreffed their firm ber- lief in the trinity.* pwifions made It was refolved upon, either at the time of the above fynod, or elfe ihop'ru'//86 b'" fhortly after, to make diyifions in the bifhoprics in the kingdoms of Northumberland and Mercia ; in the former, the fee of Lindisfarn was divided, and that of Hagulftad erefted, as we have before declared. Egfrid alfo erefted a new fee in the more northern parts of his domi nion, the which he had gained by conqueft from the Pifts, fo that at this time there were four bifhops in Northumberland ; as Bqffa, bifhop of York, Eata, of Lindisfarn, Trumbert, of Hagulftad, and Trumwin, of thofe parts lately fubjeft to the Pifts. In Merciai where there was only one fee, which was Litchfield, Ethelred added Woreefter, Hereford, and Leicefter;f befides thefe, he alfo reftored that of Sydnacefter, which had been formerly founded by Ofweo, king of Northumberland, as has been faid before. wiiwd, the We may remember, that before the above council was called, Wil- o^he'conv^-"'^^ l^e abdicated bifhop of York, was committed to prifoni from fionof the South whence he was releafed by Egfrid, king of Northumberland, fome time Saxons. during the year 680. After his enlargement, he went into Mercia, and was entertained for a fhort time by Berthwald, nephew to Ethelred ; but he was foon after commanded to leave that court, for Ethelred not. .being willing to anger Egfrid, would not .afford him any proteftion ; from thence he went into Weffex, where the fame objeftions to his flay were made. Being thus harraffed by che difpleafure of his prince, he at laft fought proteftion amongft the South Saxons, who were as yet uncon verted. Edelwalch, who at that time was king qf Suffex, received Wil frid with great joy, and affifted him in undertaking the converfion of his fubjefts. Previous to the coming of Wilfrid, Edelwalch had mar ried a Chriftian princefs, named Ebba, through whofe perfuafion he had himfelf embraced the Chriftian religion, and was baptized ; fo that a path was already opened for the propagation of the gofpel. Edelwalch being zealous in the caufe of Chrift, not only, encouraged thofe who were willing to receive his doftrine, but compelled many who were unwilling to be baptized, and profefs it. "The next ftep that Edelwalch took to advance the Chriftian religion amongft his fubjefts, was, to found a bi fhopric, and he planted the -fee thereof at his own capital city, at Seol- fey,;£ and Wilfrid was conftituted bifhop. § During the flay of Wilfrid amongft the South Saxons, .Ceadwalla was banifhed his country, and for fome provocation made war upon Edel- * * Bede, lib iv. cap. 1 7. X Seolfey, a village in Suflex. f For the difputes concerning this name, § Bede, lib. iv. cap. 13. 8^ Vita Wilfrid. and whether Chefter is not meant, vide per Edd. cap. 40. Anglia Sacra, part I. page 427. & Inett's Church Hiftory, vol. I. page iii, &c. walch, Part III. OFTHESAXONS. 231 walch, and flew him in battle. Shortly after, coming to the crown of Cent. VIL Weffex, he overcame the two noblemen who ftill ftrove to uphold their . -finking country 5 and in the year 685, made the South Saxons tributary butary to ceaoC to him. This prince gaining fome acquaintance with Wilfrid, invitedwaUa* him to his court ; which invitation the prelate accepted of, and was re ceived by that king with every mark of refpeft and efteem; fo that he now employed his time between the South and Weft Saxons.* Wilfrid now recovered a great deal of his former confequence, andw;ifnd reftore* his zeal in the propagation of the gofpel, gained him much efteem !&!£*£ ^f^. the opinion of Theodore, archbifhop of Canterbury; fo that about the expelled. year 687, he was reconciled to him, and alfo wrote a fetter in his favour to Etheired, king ofthe Mercians, and another to Alcfrid, king of Nor thumberland, Who had fucceeded his brother Egfrid, the old enemy of Wilfrid. Thefe commendations fo effeftually pleaded his caufe with ft;the^bbey-of Rippon,-Cent. VJII> bast thait only. -00 condition: he would retire'thither, jand never ftir beyond the bounds of: -.that monaftery without >,ka^e obtained- of the king; nor fliould he ever.afiierpfeteiiiidi to exercife the offices ofhis epifcopal func tion i iamd alfo, ) that: he fhould now, in the prefence, bf the council, give his confent andAbmiffiontorth^sferitenceu-nderhis own hand. Wilfrid, who was prefent at the. council, .in ariiangryima^peretiuirierated thefer- vices- is^hibh ibeihad jdohe the church, j«tfid ;tlj;e t Jnj.uftj-Qe-.of fuch ra fen- tefnoe ; hie.alfoideclareds that Agatho, bifoop.oLRo^ejvhad-psronourjced him inn®gent.' To thishereeei^dd for anfwer, that the council regarded doc the decrees of the bifhop of .Rome, but would , be directed by thofe which had been made by Theodore, their 1 ^wh archbifhop* He then pro ceeded iortforeatep^y^tb^ heiWQjildjg©; to i-Roifte,,-and vindicate his innocences; attddeicbireai, that;he:M4>nl|d-ijuftify, his-tproeeedingsrjagaiaft any one;©? A^fbefoarethd bifcafethece. . Thjs/h4^hty?anfwef- w^s -re ceived in fudi; a ihejnniuSi manner* ttilS? her/wigs ex^jomrnunicated by the council for ..appealingrto Rome, a©d not granting, the judgment of this eourtto'-be dteciiive; jandnot only him, i but all his followers ^and adhe^ rents-were laid under thefame predicament ; apdthe fentence, w,as fo very fevere, that, if any. prieft, or abbot, of , Wiifrid'.s jparty, fhould make the figh of the crofs, to. blefsthe .meat of any Ghriftian people, it fhould be efteemed:as^eat.offeredrto. idols,, andjaccofdj-nglytbe thrown out ofthe doors to the dogs : iand alfo, that all holy veffels. ufed by him, or.any of his party, ihouTd not be ufed again till they had: been wafhed, ,as if de filed by 'fuch. touching. The council alfo. affirmed, that their judgment inj-thisjlynod -was 'final, and: not to be reverfed.-by any other authority whatever.* ¦•¦>¦¦-:-¦¦ s. w - - After this harfh fentenoewas pronounced, >,Wftlfrid went into Mercia, Wilfrid, goes .to. and enquired of Ethelred, if he intended to execute the fame upon him, Rome" and deprive himof the preferment which, he held under him ; and he re ceived from that prince this favourable anfwer, That the decree ofthe council fhould not be put in force in his dominions, , until he fhquld be in formed of the determinations ofthe bifliqp of Rome. f Wilfrid, pleafed with the regard which Ethelredj difcovered towards him, haftened to Rome with all the diligence he could, and preferred a petition to John, then bifhop there, befeeching him to ufe his endeavours to prevail upon Alcfrid, king of Northumberland, to- permit him to enjoy his two mo- - nafteries of Rippon and Hagulftad. Mean while, the legates from the council arrived, and accufed the prelate of difobeying the decree of the metropolitan fynod. - John, and his council, having heard the accufa- tion and defence of Wilfrid, pronounced him innocent, and received him (though excommunicated by the Englifh) into their communion. In, or near the year 704, Wilfrid was fent.back toBritain, with letters from John, bifhop of Rome, requefting Egfrid, king of Northumberland, * Eddii Vita Wilfridi, cap. 4^ -j- Ejufdem, cap. 46, -¦• i Vol. I. H h and 234 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part III. Certt. Vlll.and the archbifhop of Canterbury, to call a council, and give the caufe of Wilfrid another hearing, iri order, if poffible, to compromife the matter, and come to a friendly determination amongft themfelves.* wnfrid return* Wilfrid being returned from Rome, went firft to Berthwald, archbifhop of Canterbury, and prevailed fo- far upon him, that he dropped all his refentment, and being reconciled to him, promifed to ufe his endeavours to mitigate the fentence of the fynod. Pleafed with this fuccefs, the: unfortunate prelate wentfrom 'Kent to Mercia; but Ethelred, his pa tron, following the fuperftition of the times, had, juft before his arrival, quitted his regal dignity, and taken the cowl in the monaftery of Brad ney ; however, he received Wilfred favourably, and ufed his intereft ta procure him the favour of his fucceffor, Cenred. The tonciufion In theyear 705, Wilfrid, by the advice of Ethelred, fent meffages to fcfoUYiesf"d ' Alcfrid, king of Northumberland, intreating that prince to permit him to come into his kingdom, that he might lay before him the letters which he had from Rome ; but Alcfrid returned for anfwer, that he never would revoke what the fynod had agreed upon as long as he lived, for what was called writings from the apoftolic fee. Badwin and Aldfrid, the two le gates of Wilfrid, returned to him with this heavy news. But at the end ofthe fame year, Alcfrid died of a languifhing ficknefs, and after his death, his fon Ofred,v a child of eight years old, being placed upon the throne, frefh application was made ; and the miniftry, who had the di reftion of the ftate, being chiefly favourers of Wilfrid, the matter was at laft compromifed; and becaufe Bofa, bifhop of York, died about the fame time, John, bifhop of Hagulftad, was appointed to fucceed him in that fee ; and Wilfrid was then placed in the bifhopric of Hagulftad, and permitted befides to enjoy his abbey of Rippon.f The bifliopric The affair of Wilfrid being thus terminated, in the fame year de- «ntshdiWJed.Sax' ceafed Hedda, bifhop of the Weft Saxons, and upon his death the dio- cefe was divided ; for Daniel was made bifhop of Winche'fter, and Ad helm bifhop of Sherborn. Befides this, the bifhopric of Seolfey, inthe kingdom of the South Saxons, and which, ever fince the time that Wil frid left it, had been under the adminiftration ofthe Weft Saxon bifhops, was now filled by Eadbert, late abbot of the fame, and from this time continued a diftinft bifhopric. £ Pilgrimages in About the year 709, died Wilfrid, bifhop of Hagulftad, at Owndle, Seir ab°uf e' iai^n NoFthamptonfhire, being at that time near, if not full eighty years of age, and was buried with great pomp at Rippon, in Yorkfhire.§ About the fame time the making pilgrimages to Rome, and other places, fa mous' by -the death of the faints and martyrs, came into fafhion ; nor were |hefe fantaftical journies confined to the men alone, the nuns and Other female devotees partook of the fame zeal. However good the primitive intention of pilgrimages may have been, it is certain, that thev * Ejufdem, cap. 53. & infra. J Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. v, cap. 19. t Ibid- .->• - - ,r -; ;- § Eddii, Vita Wilfridi, cap., 60. 2 , _.,- were Part III. OF THE SAXONS. ftj£; were in the end productive of the greateft evils ;j for, amongft the crouds- Cent. VIIL of Englifh that were conftantly upon their travels, fuch fcenes of lewd- nefs and debauchery were carried on, as ought to have fhocked a feeling mind, poffeffed of the fmalleft fhare of Chriftianity,* This cuftom, which probably firft began amongft the monks and profeffors of religion, diffufed itfelf amongft the laity, and at laft extended to the chief people ofthe ftate, fo that we frequently find the kings and nobles engaged in the fame ridiculous travels.f Notwithftanding the writings of Adhelm, the bifhop of Sherborn, and The Britons the earneft endeavours of others of the clergy, who were zeafous in the Ih^^'of'the caufe of religion, the Britons yet continued to practife their ancient rites, Roman church. and were as Warm as ever in their oppofition to the ufages ofthe catholic Chriftians. In this pofture flood the affairs of the Englifh church at the death of Berthwald, archbifhop of Canterbury, , who departed this life in the very beginning of the year 731, and was fucceeded by Tatwin, a man of great wifdom and learning ; he was confecrated at Canterbury, on Sunday the 10th of June, the felf-fame year, by four bifhops, namely, Daniel, bifhop of Winchefter, Inguald, bifhop of London, Aldwin, bi-, fhop of Litchfield, and Aldulf, bifhop of Rochefter ; and without mak ing any application to Rome for the pall, he entered immediately upon the discharge of his religious funftion.^ The ftate ofthe Englifh church in the year 731, was as follows : The ftate of the Throughout the whole heptarchy there were about feventeen bifhoprics, AnDlfll cihurch» under the government of one metropolitan, the archbifhop of Canter bury. In the kingdom of Kent there were two bifhoprics, that of Can terbury, and that of Rochefter ; Tatwin poffeffed the former, and the latter was in the hands of Aldulf. In the kingdom of the Eaft Saxons there was only one fee, which was London, and Inguald was at that time in poffeffion ofthe fame. There were two bifhoprics. in the kingdom of the Eaft Angles, - the firft fee at Dunmock, of which Eadbert was bi fhop; and the other at Helman, which feat was filled by Hadulacus. The kingdom ofthe Weft Saxons had alfo two fees, the firft Winchefter, of which Daniel was bifhop; .the, latter Sherborn, which was held by Froth'ere. The kingdom of the South Saxons was all under the diocefe of Seolfey, which feat was at this time vacant, and the whole of that na tion under the government of the Weft Saxon bifhops. Mercia, the largeft kingdom ofthe heptarchy, contained five epifcopal fees, as Litch field and Leicefter, both at this time under the government of bifhop Aldwin ; Sydnacefter, (or Lindefey) over which Cymbert prefided ; Worcefter, whofe bifhop was the younger Winfrid ; and Hereford,, which feat was paffeffed. by Walflod. Ip Northumberland there were foyr fees, as that of York, poffeffedby Wilfrid the Second; Lindisfarn, held by Edilwald; Hagulftad, where Acca? who had fucceeded Wil- * Baron. Annal. an. 709. Epift, Boni- + Bede, Eccfef. Hift. lib, v. cap. 20. facii Concil. Brit, vol. I. p. 241. $ Ibid. lib. v. cap. 24. H h 3 - frid,, i^S E C C L Ecvl AST 1 C A L- H ITS T O R Y Kurt/HF/. Gent. VIII. frid, now prefided; . andi Candida, Cafa* orf Withern, which, fee was-' held'-by Pectelmus.* .-.,,.,,- : The love of a The zealous love of a monaftic life.,, which in the- former century began: monaftic life, to prevail, grew into great excefs:* in the prefent; fo that their prodigious: . and its bad ef. . r > fc> fc> r r . . .r o feas. increaie, as1 well' as the abule or tnoife- ibcieties, was but too juftly com plained of by the cotemporary writers, and called aloud for redrefs::f for this; mad error fo far infatuated' the minds of the people in general, that the monks increafed daily ; kings andi noblemen, queens, prin- - ceffes-, and others of high rank and^efteem^ followed this fuperftitious fafhion; and from being ufeful'to the community in general, retired from the world, and often left the people to diftrefs and mifery, whom they • ought to have protected. It has been remarked, that in the fpace of about two hundred and 'twenty years, thirty of the Englifh Saxon kings- and queens refigne-d their- dignity, and buried- themfelves in ufelefs re tirement; to thefe may be added an innumerable body of noblemen, fol-' diers, and others of a lower rank. J The fee of York From the union ofthe Britifh churches, under Theodore,., to the year wihoericarch" 73^> a^ that part °f Britain pbfTeffed by the Saxons was- but one pro vince, and* had no other metropolitan than-. the archbifhop of Canterbury; but at,, or near this time, the province of Canterbury was'divided, and a new metropolitan fee fet up at York, to -which belonged all the bi fhoprics within the kingdom of -Northumberland ; and Egbert, a de- fcendant of the blood royal of that kingdom, was made firft archbifhop there.§ In the- mean time-, Tatwin being dead, : he was fucceeded1 by Nothelmusj in the fee of Canterbury. Nothelmus alfo died about the year 740, and he again was fucceeded -by; Cuthbert, bifhop of Hereford^ a ; pious and- learnedprelate. The council of In the year 747,- a; counoilj or proviricial fynod, was held at Clove- ciove/hoe. ^oe, [n which the Englifh- clergy afierted their own. right!,: and dif- claimed dependence on any foreign bifhop ;• yet they appointed, that in the obfervance of foftivals, the canonical hours of prayers,, and: the litanies and rogations,- theufage of the: church of Rome fhould he ftridtly obferved; they -ordained* that the clergy fhould be obliged; to learn the creed, andLord's prayer, in the Englifh tongue, and teach them to the people ; andthat they fhould be able to -explain, iri the mother tongue, the offices-of baptifriv and the Lord's fupper ; and to be conftant in their attendance on the communion of the body and: blood of Chrift, and ta ftudy the holy feriptures with -diligence ; if they had no knowledge of the: Latin, they were required to' learn fome- particular offices in the Englifh tongue. This council confifted of the archbifhop of Canterbury, and eleven fuffragan bifhops; thefe- were- Dunnus* bifhop of Rochefter, * Bede, Ecclet Hift. lib. v. cap-. 24. § Inett?s Hiftory of the Englifh Church* ¦f Bede Epift. ad Egbert. cap. 1 1 . % Pr^ah ad IMfenafti A&g, vol. Ii Tbtttr, Parv Hi; O F TH E ,'S1 A X O N*5. 2G> Tbtta, bifhop of Leicefter, Witta> biflrop of Litchfield, Podda*. bifhop Cessr, VIII.: of Hereford, ;Milred', bifhop of Worcefter, Alwight, bifhop of Linde- feyj Hunferdus, bifhop of Winchefter,. Hirwald, bifhop of Sherborn, KBeardulf,. bifhop of Dunmock, Egwulf, bifhop of London, and Siega^. btfliopiof Seolfey : Ethelwald, king of the- Mercians, with many ofhis, nobles, and a vaft body of inferior clergy were alfo: prefent on this- im portant occafion.* . Towards the latter end of this, century a difpute was began about the Difpute concer-- legality of placing images in churches, which occafioned a great deal of mng ,ma6<* confufion upon the continent : however, at laft, the difputants in favour of them got the better of their .antagonifts, and they were permitted to hold their place and authority. Cuthbert, archbifhop of Canterbury, died'in the year 75-8, and was fucceeded.by Bregwin the year following, who held the fee for three: years, and then deceafed; he was fucceeded by. Lambertus. In the year 766, Egbert, the firft archbifhop, of York, departed this life, with, the reputation of a great fcholar, and of a wife and ufeful' prelate. During all this fpace, and for fome time afterwards, no material change happened in the government of the Englifh church. f ¦ About the year 785, Offa, the victorious king of Mercia, formed the Biihopric of refolution of making the Mercian church independent of the fee of Can- ^me'tfopoiiun'6 terbury; fo that this year, as it is thought, he obliged Jambertus, atf". the- council of Calcuith, to confent to the diyifion of the diocefe, and forbade the bifhops within his kingdom/to yield, any further obedience to their former metropolitan; Litchfield.' being then the chief city, and: metropolis of Mercian he caufed the archhifhopric to be there placed, and obtained the pall for the- prelate from pope Adrian. After this, Offa over-ran the kingdom of the Eaft Angles, and made it tributary to Mercia; this, as well as the whole kingdom of Mercia, he laid intothe new province of Litchfield ; by which change the bifhops of Hereford, Worcefter, Leicefter, Sydnacefter, Helmanfted, and Dunmock, became the ' fuffragans to the new archbifhop of Litchfieldl Higbert was chofen firft archbifhop, but he dying: before the pallcame from Rome, Adulf, the fame year, fucceeded him, and. received the pall with the new ho nours. J . No fooner had the doftrine of image worfhip -gained ground, than ano-Saperftition ther kind of adoration followed, which: was equally as pernicious as • t-he^""™l°| the former ; namely, the efteem which prevailed for the reliques of faints-:§feint8. and this foolifh devotion fpread apace, fo that the hiftories were foon filled with ftrange and miraculous difcoveries of the bones of martyrs, and holy men ; but all- of them big wittr abfurdity, and the groffeft fuper ftition. The honour of thefe difcoveries are chiefly attributed to? the monks, who, notwithftanding all their pretended zeal and fanctity, were * Council. Brit. vol. I. J Angl. Sac. part i. fol. 429; f Videlnett, cap. 12. § Inett, chap*xiii. never a38 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Part III. Cent. VIII. never backward in broaching the' moft impudent falfities, if they could thereby add a confequence to their monaftery, or enrich themfelves : nor is this fo much to be wondered at, if we confider the tafte of the times, when the whole world was gadding on religious pilgrimages to places where the moft curious reliques were depofited, or the moft memo rable miracles had been performed. When this fuperftition- firft took place, there were many monafteries, by whofe doors whole crouds would neglectfully pafs, becaufe they contained nothing that was miraculous. To give a confequence to fuch flighted places, wonders were foon told out, and glorious reliques difcovered ; by this means the croud would flop there, and by this means the holy brethren were enriched, for thefe votaries feldom came empty handed ; fo that in a little time there were no monafteries without their faints and miracles. Thus alfo martyrs have been divided, and twenty different bodies of one faint enfhrined at as many different places. It is but too plain that the churches of Eng land had a great fhare in this abominable practice.* The abbey of About the year 7 93, king Offa pretended, that an- angel had in a vi- founded!" ' ' uon difcovered to him where the body of St. Alban was depofited ; and with great devotion the remains of a dead, body were taken up at Veru- lam, and faid to be the bones of that holy man; thefe were carefully depo fited in a fhrine of gold, enriched with pearl ; alfo, to perpetuate the memory of this adventure, Offa, by the advice of his council, began to build a monaftery, which he dedicated to that faint, at Verulam, where the bones were found, which then loft its former name, and is known to this day by that of St. Albans. This done, he went to Rome, and ob tained from pope Adrian a confirmation of the privileges which he had granted to this new ftruct.ure.-|- Prayers and it is certain, that towards the end of this century the clergy began to ed^nhonour^f offer up public prayers for the fpirits of deceafed perfons; and at the the dead. council of Calcuith, holden about theyear 816, it was carried fo far, as to require, that upon the death of a bifhop, a tenth part of his wealth fhould be given to the poor ; and that upon notice of his death, in every parifh the congregation fhpuld refort to church, and fing thirty pfalms for his foul ; and that every bifhop and abbot fhould fing fix hundred pfalms, and one hundred and twenty maffes, manumife three flaves, give three fhillings in alms, and faft thirty days. But all this was only meant as an honour paid to the deceafed, if he had been a good man ; for fuch ceremonies were never performed over the bodies of the wicked orprophane : nor did they at this time give the leaft intimation of their belief in a purgatory, although it is true, by foch very means the door to that belief might be fet open. J * Vide Inett's Hiftory of the Englifh J Dr. Inett's Hiftory of the Englifli Church, vqI. I. chap. xiv. Church, chap, xv, + Mat. Paris in Vita Offa. This Part III, OF TH-E SAXONS. 239 This was the pofture of the Englifh church when Offa died, A. D. Conclufion of _ - . - * _ °- ¦ . ~- _ - J __ the c'"*1*-*1 l*('" • tury. 796, and his deceafe gave a turn to the affairs of the church, as well as, e ""''"' '"' ofthe ftate of Mercia ; but, it is true, this total change was not imme diately effefted. Not long after the death of Offa, the archbifhopric which he had erefted at Litchfield, returned again to Canterbury, where it remained. From the prefent time, to the end of this century, no fur ther material alteration was made ; but the revolutions which took place in the beginning of the next, in all the kingdoms of the heptarchy, muft of courfe afford a confiderable change in the church affairs through out the whole poffeffions of the Saxons in Britain. END OF THE THIRD PART OF THE CHRONICLE OF ENGLAND. CHRONICLE Si ( Hi ) C H R O N I C L E O F ENGL AN D. p art iy. A DISSERTATION ON THE "GOVERNMENT, LAWS, MANNERS, HABITS,, ETC. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS, FROM THE INVASION OF JULIUS-. CESAR, A. A. C. s 5, TO THE ARRIVAL OF THE SAXONS, A.D. 449.; C H A P. I. Names of the feveral Britifh Nations-j and where they tvere fituatedl ALL the heft authors have now agreed, that the firft inhabitants The firft inha- of Britain were a tribe of the Celtas, or Gauls ; their language "^"'^-fcha- was nearly the fame; their, manners, government, and feli- rafter. gion, alfo agree ; or, at leaft, were only varied ih fuch fort as time, and a communication with other nations, muft produce. ; - The picture which has been generally handed down to us of the Bri tons, is by far too rudely drawn. The Greek;and,Roman navigators^or merchants, who trafficked , with the Britons, carried home the moft fhocking accounts of their ferocity, in order to advance' their own fame, and excite the admiration of their countrymen. From thefe" exagge rated reports, the ancient hiftory of this people was penned, fo that we ought not to be aflbnifhed when we find a great part of them much more civilized than we expected. Again, fufficient reafon may be given* why many of. our own authors neafon 0f fome have run into conftant miftakes on this head ; for they have, unadvifedly miftakes. confined the accounts of the Britons found in various authors, without attending "to" the different times in which thofe authors wrote, or in what part of Britain the people they have defcribed might inhabit. Vol. I. I i Even 242 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. Even in the days of Julius Caefar, the fouth-eaft parts of Britain had made the firft, and moft requifite ftep towards a civil fet'tlement ; and by tillage and agriculture, provided themfelves with every requifite necef fary for the enjoyment of life : mean while, the inland inhabitants were not fo poliihed, but wandered about from place to place, fupporting themfelves by paflurage ; and the northern Britons, natives of the wilds of Calidonia, for a long time afterwards were but in a ftate of nature, and eptirely unacquainted with the refinements which had taken place in the other parts of the ifland. The nations in- The different nations who inhabited Britain, and their fituations, as tain.'1"8 E"" defcribed by our beft antiquaries, are as follow : The Danmonii; this people poffeffed the fouth-weft part of Britain, and occupied thofe countries now called Cornwall and Devonfhire ; fome other Britifh tribes were alfo feated within thefe limits, as the Coffini and Oftidamii, which were particular dans of the Danmonii, and, as fome think, the keepers of their flocks and herds.f The Durotriges werefituated on the eaftern fide ofthe Danmonii, and inhabited the county of Dorfetfhire. J The Belgfe, feated to the eaft of the Durotriges, poffeffed the coun ties of Hampfhire, Wiltfhire, and Somerfetfhire. When Caefar invaded Britain, part of this country was inhabited by the Segontiaci ; but this people being after fubdued, they were incorporated with the Belgse.§ The Bibroci were fituated on the nprth-eaft fide of the Belgse, and inhabited part of that county now named Berkfhire.|| The Attrebatii were feated next to the Bibroci, inhabiting part of Berkfhire, and part of Qxfordfhire.** The Ancalites were* fituated near to the Attrebatii, and they are thought to have been only the fhepherds belonging to that nation. The Ancalites inhabited thofe parts of Oxfordfhire and Buckinghamfhire as were moft fit for pafturage.ft The Regni were feated in the counties of Surrey and Suffex. JJ The Cantii were next to the Regni ; thefe poffeffed the country from them called Cantium, and now Kent.§§ The Trinobantes lay next to the Cantii ; thefe inhabited the counties of Effex and Middlefex, and fome part of Surrey. |||| The Cattiveilauni poffeffed the counties of Hertford, Bedford, and Bucks. ' The name of this people is written feveral different ways; fometimes they are called Catti, Caffii, Catticuclani, Cattidudani, and Catticludape.* f Baxter's Gloff. p. 190, & Camden's ff Ibid. p. 114. Brit. J J Camd. Brit. X Ibid. §§ Ibid. § Ibid. & Mufgrave's Belg. Brit. p. 42. |||| Ibid. & Baxt. Gloff. p. 2 jcv || Camden & Baxter, p. 40. * Camd. Brit. ** Baxter, p. 27. The Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 243 The Dobuni lay to the weft of the Cattiveilauni; they poffeffed Gloucefterfhire, and part of Oxfordfhire, The Iceni were feated to the north of the Trinobantes, and inhabited the counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdon.* The Coritani, or Cdriceni, poffeffed. the counties now known by the names of Northam'ptonfhire, Leicefterfhire, Rutlandfhire, Lineolnfhire, Nottihghamfhire, and Derbyfhire.f The Cornavii inhabited Warwickfhire, Worcefterfhire, Staffordfhire, Shropfliire, and Chefhire. Befides the Cornavii, there was another tribe, or nation, of the Britons, feated in the above-mentioned counties; thefe were called the Wigantes, or Huicii. J The Silures; befides the two Englifh counties of Hereford and Mon- rnouth, this people poffeffed Radnorfhire, Brecknockfhire, and Glamor ganshire, in South Wales.§ " The Demetae poffeffed the remaining part of South Wales, now di vided into Caermarthehfhire, Pembrokefhire, and Cardiganfhire.|| The Ordovices were next to the Demetse, and were fituated in the counties of Montgomery, Merioneth, Caernarvon, Denbigh, and Flint, all in North Wales.** The Parifi are thought to have poffeffed the whole Eaft Riding of Yorkfhire. ff The Brigantes, poffeffed almoft all Yorkfhire, alfo the counties of Durham, Lancashire, Weftmoreland, and Cumberland.JJ Before we go further into the north, it may be neceffary to take no tice of the Cangi, and the Attacotti, becaufe our antiquaries have been at a lofs to determine their real fituation. The Cangi are fometimes called the Ceangi, or Cangani ; and the moft probable conjecture concerning them,' is, that " they were not a di- " ftinft nation, feated in one particular place, -but fuch of the youth of " many different nations, as were employed in feeding the flocks and " herds of the refpective tribes."§§" The Attacotti were probably feme ancient northern nation, j||| becaufe they are reprefented as a very barbarous people, and joining with the Scots and Pifts to forward the deftruftion of the fouthern parts of Bri~ tain.*** The Orodini were feated in the counties now called Northumberland, Merfe, and Lothains.fff •'* Camd. Brit. Ji Ibid. t Ibid.- §§ Baxt. Gloff. p. 73, 74, 75, & 76. J Ibid. & Baxt. Gloff. p. 88, 89, & 90. |||| Vide Dr.JHenry's Hiftory of Britain, § Camd. Brit. vol. I. page 183. || Ibid. ***' Ammkn. Marcel, lib. xxvii. Hiero- ** Ibid. nym. lib. ii. contra Jovianum. f| Ibid. fit Camd. Brit. I i 2 The 244 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. The Gadeni were feated to the north-weft of the Otodini, and inha bited the mountainous parts of Northumberland and Tiviotdale.* The Selgovae, feated to the weft of the Gadeni, in the counties of Efkdale, Annandale, and Nithfdale.f The Novanta? inhabited the counties of Galloway, Carrick, Kyle, and Cunningham. J The Damnii lay further to the north, and the inhabitants were feated in the counties of Clydefdale, Renfrew, Lenox, and Stirlingfhire.§ Thefe laft five nations poffeffed the large traft Of land between the walls of Severus and Antoninus Pius ; they are fometimes called by the ancient writers, as well Greek as Roman, by tlie general name of Maseatas. Thofe which follow, are the nations to the north beyond the wall of Antoninus Pius. The Epidii, or Pepidii, the ancient inhabitants of the peninfula of Cantire, and of fome ofthe adjacent iflands,. as alfo-part of Argylefhire- and Lorn. || The Cerones, thought to be the inhabitants of Lochabar, and part of Roffe.** The CarnonacsE poffeffed that part of Roffe, called Affenfhire.-|"|- The Carini, the inhabitants of Lochbey.JJ .'. The Cornabii inhabited the moft northern parts of Britain, called Strathnavern.§§ - The Mertas were feated fomewhere about the north-weft parts of Su therland. |||| The Logi feem to have poffeffed the fea-coaft of Sutherland.** The Cantse, perhaps feated on the north fide of the Tayne firth. ff f The Caledonii appear to have inhabited a very extenfive traft of coun try, reaching from Lochfern on the weft,, to the firth of Tayne on the eaft, including Badenoeh, Braidalbain, the inland parts of the fhires of Murray, Bamf, Aberdeen, and Perth.j|^ The ancient writers call all the northern nations, beyond the wall of Antoninus Pius, by the general name of the Caledonii ; becaufe, per-?. haps, this tribe was by far the biggeft, and the moft powerful. The Zexali inhabited the fea- coafts of Aberdeenfhire.§§§ * Baxt. Gloff. p. 126. ++ Ibid. Ibid. •f Ibid. 215. §§ Camd. Brit. X Camd. Brit. |||| Horfby, Brit. Rom. p. 372. & Dr. § Ibid. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, vol. I. || Ibid. ** Ibid. Ibid. ** Horf. Brit Rom. p. 368. fff Baxt. Gloff. Brit. p. 65. ft Ibid. 366. &Dr. Henry's Hiftory of j++ Dr. Henry, utfup. Britain, vol. I. §§§ Ibid. & HorC.Brit. p. 369. The Fart IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 245 The Vacbmagi probably poffefTed part of Murray, Athol, Mearns, and Angus.* The Horefti moft likely was a bordering nation, afterwards incorpo rated with the Vacomagi.j- The Venicontes were the ancient inhabitants of Fife.f e h a p. 11: *v-^ Conftitution, Government, and Laws of the Britons. IT is univerfally agreed upon, that Britain was under a monarchical go-B«tain'origi- vernment at the time of the Roman invafion, and moft likely had been-^"^,"^ fo for a long time before. The kingdom was divided (as we have feen) vernment, and into many fmall nations, or tribes, every one of which had at leaft one ^e ktogX°f king, and often more. The extent of the power which each of thefe monarchs. might poffefs in their feveral diftrifts,- cannot at prefent be in- veftigated, but it is very certain that it was not unlimited ; for the com mon peopleof Britain feem to have enjoyed more liberty than thofe of Gaul,§ and having once a tafte of freedom, it could be no eafy tafk to impofe the yoke of defpotifm upon them ; efpecially when we confider that they were a people inured to war, and fought not the refinements of a luxurious or idle life.. Befides, another confiderable check upon the. power of the prince, was, the great authority of the. druids-; who not only officiated as the minifters of the gods, in cafes, of religion, but- Glaimed a great fhare alfo in the civil government. The power of rai- fing forces for the profecution of wars, it is true, feems to have been in verted in the king;. but at the fame time, it does not appear that they declared a war, or undertook any great expedition, without previoufly confulting their nobles, and the druids alfo : nor were the refolutions of the. chiefs in fuch councils, always conformable to the will of the fove- reign ; on the contrary, fometimes they appear to have carried the point- againft his declared opinion. | If then, when war and danger called for the affiftance of their- monarch, his power Was fo limited, we may juftly conclude; that it was circumfcribed by ftraiter bounds in time of peace, when there was no difturbance to demand his proteftion. The * Dr. Henry,, ut fup. faulted his camp, .which he declared was< ¦f Ibid. , not done by his order or confent, _but by X Ibid. the compulfion of the ftate : for fuch was -" § Dion. Caffius, lib. Ixxv. the. nature ofhis government, that the || Agreeable to this, is the„excufe which people had as much power over him as he. Ambiorix, king of theEburones, a people had over his people. Caefar's Bel. Gal. lib. of Gaul, made , to Czefar for having af- v. cap. 23. ' Britifh 246 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. Britifh kings of fome nations are thought to have been more powerful and abfolute than others ; thofe in the north, and more uncultivated parts of Britain, were the princes who poffeffed the leaft authority. a general cho. All thofe tribes above-mentioned, with their monarchs, were; quite in-? kings^Tnd "r -dependent of each other, and, incited by jealoufy or ambition, .conti- when. nually warring upon one another's territories : to this reftlefs and jealous temper they owed their final ruin ; for though (as their cuftom was when any foreign danger threatened the general ftate) they had upon Csefar's arrival chofen a chief over them all,* yet fo prevalent were their animofities, that even the impending ruin whieh hung over the ifland could not keep theirf together in unanimity. This general,, chofen from their monarchs on thefe important occafions, only enjoyed his authority, at beft, as long as the danger which they were fearful -of continued to threaten the ftate : fo that there was no fupremacy amongft them. It is true, indeed, tkat. fometimes a' prince might by marriage," or.the fortune' of war, obtain the dominion of two or more of thefe little kingdoms, yet after his. death they were prefently divided amongft his children. The rules of fucceffion were not always ftriftly adhered to, but when a king died, and.left .a fon. old enough, and able to take the government upon him, he.;focceeded, of courfe ; but the father might difinherit his children, if he was: fo.iaclined.f -When a monarch died without any male iffue, his>wife ©r.daughterfucceeded him in the kingdom. J If he left two fons, his poffeffions were generally divided betwixt them.§ The revenues of - The revenues of the Britifh kings are not fo well known, or the fources kings!"1"1 from whence they were derived : the king, without doubt,, poffeffed the greateft eftate of any in -his dominion ; but befides this, it is highly pros bable, that: he might have the profits of certain lands, for the fupport of" his dignity, and maintainance pf his followers. For carrying on the public bufinefs, taxes were levied upon the fubjefts, and every one obligedto pay his fhare, the druids, excepted, on whom no burthenfome impofition could belaid;|| and the Britons, all of them, contributed chearfully to thefe payments, fo they were not too exorbitant and diftreffing.*;* What greatly contributed to the. enriching of a king, was, the fhare which he had in thefpoilsof war : and thefe chiefly confifted of rings and chains- of gold, with great variety of maffy ornaments of the fame metal, fj- • • - i * Ca*. Bel. GaL lib. v. & vide. Tacitus, .|| Casf. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. Vita Agricola. ** Tacit. Vita Agric. . -j- Thus Cunobelljnus- dhinherited and f f When Cara&acus was carried before banifhed 'his 'fon Admimus. See page 12. the emperor Claudius, the rings of gbld$ X This is plain from the cafes of Cartif- and other ornaments, which he had won mandua: and Boudicea. See the Chroni- 'from the neighbouring: ftates, were pu- cle, part I. blicly expofed. Vide page 18. And the r §, After the death ofCunobolin, his do- riches of a Britifh king are defcribed by minions were dividedbetween his two fons, that fame unfortunate monarch, in his fa- &c. Vide page 13. mous fpeech to Claudius. Ibid. 2 The jr Flate-.m. ? h i PartIV. OF. THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 247 The kings of the Britons had no fhare in the legiflative part of the go. The druids the vernment ; the druids poffeffed the fole authority of making, explaining, °!n!jng1^h|'vew and executing the laws : for they taught, that. the laws were not to bri Bmons. confidered as the decrees of prirtees, but the commands of their gods ; therefore, the violation of the law could not be punifhed as a crime againft their king, or ftate, but againft Heaven; for this caufe, when criminals were put to death, they were facrificed to the gods, and not to the juftice of their country.* The druids had moft likely a complete fy-. ftern of laws; but as they were never committed to writing, and were only known in their full extent by thofe priefts themfelves, we have but very flender tracings of them remaining. In the adminiftration of juftice, the druids never required the affift- The dru!ds *e ance of thefecular power; they executed all their fentences by their own "ice" authority, whether they were to infiift ftripes, or even take away the life of the offender. Their authority they fupported by the fear of ex communication, which was inflicted on any who refufed quietly to fub mit to their judgments. Their courts of judicature they held in the open air, in places appointed for that purpofe ; and it is thought that there was one of thefe courts at leaft in every ftate.f Such was the power ofthe druids; but it feems that delinquents might The grand meet- appeal to judgment of the arch-druid in any cafe which was difficult to d°u;^.the be determined in the provincial courts : thus, once every year a general meeting was held at fome appointed place, where the provincial druids did attend, and the proceedings ofthe year were examined and difcuffed before the arch-druid, who then pronounced the final fentence.^ In what part of Britain this grand affembly was held, cannot eafily be af certained ; but when any one fhall behold the ancient ftupendous ftruc- ture which yet remains upon Salifbury Plains, called Stone Henge, he will inftantly conclude that it was erefted for fome important- pur pofe; and for what more 'likely than for this, built, as it is, . upon an ex tenfive plain, where the furrounding multitude might eafily be affembled together, and left open all around, that the judges might be feen by ' every one ? If we grant this, then the leffer circles of ftones which abound in this kingdom may have been the places appointed for the provincial courts ; fuch an one, without doubt,., was the circleof ftones, now called Rolrieh, in Oxfordihire.§ But to return : — The laws of marriage amongft the Britons certainly Laws concern- were, that no man fhould have more than one wife, or any woman more ins mairiase' than one hufband ;|| yet it is faid, that their women were not fo chafte * Caf. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. Diod. Sic. 1. y. the Manners and Cuftoms of the Inhabi- Strabo, lib. iv. f Caf. utfup. J Ibid. tants of England, page 13, where he- will § That the reader may have the better find this opinion ftill more fully explained. idea of thefe ancient remains, we have || This_may be proved by the ftory of. fubjoined two plates ; the one reprefenting Cartifmandua, who brought herfelf into Stone Henge, and the other Rolrieh. great difgrace-for violating her marriage- The reader is alfo referred to the firft vo- bed. Vide Tacit. Hift. lib. iii. cap. 9. lume ofthe Honba Angel cynnan, or and: 24S GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. and fcrupulous as they ought to be, for one of them would frequently cohabit with ten or twelve men, efpecially if they were near relations to each other.* Hufbands and fathers had abfolute authority over the per fons of their wives and children, and might put them to death if they thought they deferved it.f They alfo, doubtlefs, had particular laws for the fucceffion of their children, though at the prefent time they are not to be difcovered. Various laws. Their penal laws, as well as the laws for the prefervation of their pro perty, are not known ; but in refpeft to the latter, as cattle were their chief wealth, no doubt fevere punifhments were inflicted on fuch as ftole, or hurt them. Their law of evidence is equally uncertain; oaths were common amongft them, but they were of different forms, according to the different ftates, the people of every nation having a method of taking an oath, peculiar to themfelves. In cafes of fufpicion, where proof could not be obtained, torture was ufed to make the delinquents confefs their guilt. J uncertain whe- Though we have no mention made of ordeals amongft the . druids, we" "amongft yet the appealing to Heaven for evidence was fo very common with all the Britons, nations, that we cannot but fuppofe the druids, who were for promoting every kind of fuperftition, and advancing every thing that could confirm their own authority, made ufe of fuch applications to their deities, though their form and the manner of them- is not to be difcovered at prefent. CHAP. III. The Changes in the Britifh Government occafioned by the Romans. No alteration in r"T">HE two expeditions of Julius Casfar produced no change in the tuftheTmrirf A Britifh ftate, or government, which remained in its original Claudius. form all over the ifland until the conquefts of Claudius. The Romans * Thus Caefar reports, and his account is " eyes of flrangers, accuftomed to a more confirmed by an anecdote related by Dion " decent way of living; but thofe fufpi- Cauius ; but a modern author fufpefts, " cions are moft probably without founda- that they may have been deceived by the " foundation." Dr. Henry's Hiftory of appearance of things; " for, (fays he) the Britain, vol. I. chap. vii. But if this is " houfes of the Britons were not like ours true, why do we hear of the chaftity of the ?' at prefent, nor the Romans in thofe ancient Germans, from paefar, who lived " times, divided into feveral apartments, in the fame crouded manner? Why were , " but?bnfiftedof one round circular room, they not liable to the fame fufpicious cen- "- or hall, with a fire in the middle, around fure as the Britons ? But I doubt the accu- *' which the whole family, men, women-, fation was but too well grounded. " and children, all flept on the floor, on one f Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. " continued bed of ftraw or rufhes; this j Ibid. .excited unfavourable fufpicions in the at Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 249 at firft began to form an alliance with as many of the Britifh ftates as they could, in order to hinder the combination of the- chiefs, which would have been very .prejudicial to their defigns; for this reafon, they pre tended the greateft friendfhip for fuch as efpoufed their caufe, and inftead of decreafing, added to their dominions : but at the fame time, under the artful infinuation of protefting them from the affaults of their ene mies, and preferving the peace of their ftate; they deprived thefe unfuf- pecting monarchs of all their real authority.* : As foon as they had obtained firm footing in the land, they planted co- Methods w hich lonies of veteran foldiers to fecure their conquefts, and be a conftant tooifto""^ check upon the inhabitants. The firft colony which they eftablifhed their conquefts^ heref was that at Camulodunam, which city had formerly been the chief feat of Cunobelinus. Alfo, to gain the favour of the multitude, they made free cities in Britain, the inhabitants of which were allowed the fame privileges as the citizens of Rome : to thefe places flocked the chief part of the Britons,, who were adherents and promoters of the defigns of the Romans. Of this fort were London and Verulam, at the time of the revolt under Boudicea, queen of the Icenians.t The Romans foon found the difficulty, or perhaps the impoffibility, The druids de- of -altering the courfe of the Britifh government, or introducing their *™£ed' and own laws amongft the natives, whilft the druids retained their power and authority; and the difturbances which thofe crafty priefts were con ftantly fomenting, in order to fupport their declining fame, obliged the conquerors, contrary to their ufual cuftom, not only to deftroy them, but to abolifh by force the fuperftitious doctrines which they had incul cated, as contrary to the policy and government which they (the Ro mans) were defirous of impofing upon the Britons.J The druids removed from the ftate, and deprived Of all their authority, The Roman and the affeftions of the people weaned by degrees from.the% doftrines,{*wB^•j^1tifl>e', the whole conftitution and form of government amongft the Britons un derwent a total change, and the laws of the Romans were eftablifhed yi every part ofthe ifland that was fubjefted to them. The government of the Roman province in Britain was committed to The prefident, the care of a prefident, or imperial legate, whofe power was very exten- BrriEt°jrn!'nor °f five ; for the whole war, and management of the Roman troops, as well as full direftion of all civil affairs, were committed to him. We often find thefe men abufed their authority, and became offenfive to the na tives : the emperor Hadrian being convinced of this evil in or about the year 131, by edift abridged the power of the prefidents of conquered provinces, and laid their conduft under feveral neceffary reftriftions.§ There was yet another officer of great confequence appointed in the The imperial Roman provinces, named the imperial procurator, who was in fomeprociu'ltor- § Hift. des Emp. par Tillemount, torn. XL page 214. * Vide Tacit. Annal. f Ibid. lib. xiv. cap. io. X Suet, in VitaClaud. Vol. I. K k meafure 2$0 The vicar of Biiuin. Britain divided jnto provinces. Five-provincesof Britain. GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. meafure independent of the prefident ; he had the chief direction in the collecting and managing of the imperial revenues ; he alfo often afted as a fpy upon the governor of the province, and informed the emperor if he found any thing amifs in his conduft. Thefe two officers, when they agreed together, might not only plunder and diftrefs the provincials, but even rob the emperor and the ftate of their proper revenues.* Thefe two continued for a long time to be the chief officers employed by the Romans in Britain ; but Conftantine the Great eftablifhed.a pre feft in Gaul, under whom an officer, called the vicar of Britain, prefided in this ifland, and his authority extended over all the Roman provinces here; his refidence was chiefly at London, where he lived in great pomp ; his court was compofed of feveral officers for the tranfafting the bufinefs ofhis government; as a principal officer, of the agents* a principal fecretary, two chief auditors of accounts,, a mafter of the prifbns, a no tary, a fecretary fordifpatches, an affiftant, under affiftants, clerks for appeals, ferjeants, and inferior officers. Appeals might be made to him from the governors of the provinces, and from him to the prefeft of Gaul. He bore the title of His Excellence;-)- the enfigns of his of fice were a book of inftruftions in a green cover, and five caftles on the triangular form of the ifland, reprefenting. the five provinces under his* jurifdiftion.J \ Until the days of Severus all the Roman poffeffions in Britain made but one province, which that emperor divided into two. In after times, when the authority of the Romans was extended by new conquefts, and all that traft of country fubjefted to 'them which lay between the two walls, they divided the whole into five provinces, the names and extent of which are as follow : I. Flavia Cajfarienfis ; this province extended from the land's end in Cornwall, to the fouth foreland in Kent, and was bounded on the fouth by the Englifh channel, on the north by the Briftol channel, the Severn, and the Thames. It comprehended thefe nations, — the Danmonii, Du rotriges, Belgas, Attrebatii, Regni, and Cantii ; which are now Corn wall, Devonfhire, Dorfetfhire, Somerfetfhire, Hampfhire, Wiltfhire, Berkfhire, Surrey, Suffex, and Kent. . ; II. Britannia Prima, the fecond province, was bounded on the fouth by the Thames, on the eaft by the Britifh ocean, on the north by the * It is of thefe two officers that the Bri tons are complaining in the Life of Agri cola. " In time, paft (fay they) we had " .but a fingle king, we are now bu'r'thened " by two; one of thefe, the governor ge- " nerfll, who tyrannizes oVer our perfons " and lives ; and the other, the imperial " procurator, who embezzles our fubftance " and fortunes ! both equally pernicious ?' to us, whether they are quarrelling " amongft themfelves, or whether united " by g0°d intelligence and unanimity." Againft them the one employed his preda- . tory bands, as did the other his centu rions, and their men ; and both exercifed violence alike, both treated them with equal infults and contempt. Tacit. Vita Agricola. f Speclabilis in orig. X Notitia Imperii, cap, 49. Humber, Part TV. OT TH E A.N.C I E N T BRI TO N S. aji H-umber, anion the wefbby the Severn. • It comprehended the tribes of theDobuni, Cattiveilauni^ Trinobantesi Iceni, andCoritani ;. which.are now Gloucefterfhire, Oxfordfhire, Buckinghamfhire, Bedfordfhire, Hert- fordfhire, Middlefex, Effex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgefhire, Hun- tingdonlhire, Northamptonfhire, Leicefterfhire, Rutlandfhire, Lineoln fhire, Nottinghamfhire, and Derbyfhire. . ¦ III. Britannia Secunda, the third province,, was bounded on the fouth by the Briftol channel and the Severn, on the weft by St. George's chan nel, on the north by the Irifh fea, and; on the eaft by Britannia Prima. This province contained the countries of the. Cornavii, Silures, Demeta?, and Ordovices; which are now Warwickfhires Worcefterfhire, Stafford- fhire, Shropfliire, Chefhire, Herefordfhire, R.adnorfhire, Brecknock- fhire, Monmouthftiire,- Glamorganfhire,. Caermarthenfhire, Pembroke- fhire, Cardiganfhire,' Montgomeryfhire, MeriQhethfhire, Caernarvon- fhire, DenbigMhire, and Flintfhire, IV. Maxima Csefarienfis, the fourth province, was bounded on the fouth by the Humber, on the eaft by the German ocean, on the weft by the Irifh fea, and on the north by the wall of Severus, This province contained two nations, the Parifi and the Brigantes ; which now make the counties of York, Durham, :• Lancafter, Cumberland, and Northum berland. • Vi Valentia was the fifth, and moft northern province of Britain ; it was erefted A. D. 369, by Theodofius, and called by this name in honour of the emperor Valens. This province contained all that country between the walls of Severus and Antoninus Pius, and was inhabited by feveral Britifh nations, called by the general name of Maaeatse.* Thefe five provinces of Britain had each of them its governor, and a The governors court compofed of proper officers for the difpatch of bufinefs. The go- °[ntchees.pr°" vernors of the two moft northern provinces, Valentia and Maxima Cte- • farienfis, were of confular degree ; but thofe ofthe other three were only filled -prefidents. By the vicar of Britain, and, thefe five .governors of -the provinces, all civil affairs were regulated, juftice adminiftered, and the taxes and public revenues of all kinds collefted.f After the Romans had fubdued the Britons, in order to proceed with The policy «f, the greater fecurity, they 'took their arms from them.; affo, they im- the Romans- preffed fuch of their youth as were ftrong, and able to bear the fatigues of a camp, and fent them over to the continent, where they might be ferviceable to the Roman iftate ; by this means the force of the provincials was conftantly kept within bounds, and. their conquerors had nothing to fear from their discontents : another method, and the moft natural one, which the Romans took to fecure their conquefts, was, to ereft a multitude of forts, and ftrong-holds in the moft advantageous parts ofthe ifland, in which were placed garrifons of foldiers, for they kept a conftant * Vide Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, f Notitia Imperii, cap. 49. Heineccius vol. I. fol. 231 & 23 2. Antiq. Rom.' torn. IV. page ^258. -" K k 2 Handing 2f2 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. ftanding army, which was a great burthen to the Britons; but at the fame time, thefe political meafures prevented their frequent breaking out into open rebellions, and gave occafion quickly to fubdue them when they did fo. At the time in which the Romans held the five provinces in Britain, they are fuppofed to have had an army confifting of nineteen thoufand two hundred foot, and one thoufand. feven hundred horfe; but as the inteftine difcords in the empire required affiftance, thefe wjere by degrees diminifhed, and at laft they all forfook the ifland..* Taxes laid upon The conqueft of South Britain effefted, and the Romans having,made their footing firm, the chief caufe of their undertaking was next attended to, and this was the levying of taxes ; which feems to have belonged to the office of procurator to overfee. Thefe, whilft they were collefted with equity, were chearfully complied with by the provincials. Taxes on corn, The Britons were obliged to pay a tax of their grain, which alfo they wereconftrained to carry to a confiderable diftance, that it might be lodged in the places appointed for its reception ; this was a great grievance to them, but it was remitted by Agricola in the very firft year of his go vernment.! It is thought, that of the corn, as much as might he ne ceffary for the army was taken in kind ; for the remainder the hufband:- man paid a certain ftipulatedfum. A tgx was laid upon their orchards, which was heavier than the former, becaufe there was not much trouble attending their cultivation ; a fifth part of their produce is -what was: generally exafted. Taxes on pa- Another tax, called Scriptura, and levied on the pafture grounds.; ftures, &c. ^hJs exaftion was very oppreflive : when the hufbandmen could not raife coin enough to anfwer the demand, they were obliged to fell their cattle, or elfe borrow money of the wealthy Romans, to defray it. Seneca alone is reported to have lent the Britons, on fome fuch occa.- fion, the aftonifhing fum of three hundred and twenty thoufand pounds, which being rigoroufly demanded, at a time when they were unable to pay, was one of the grand caufes of the revolt under Boudicea. Be fides this tax, it is highly probable that certain pafture lands were fet apart for the forage of the horfes belonging to the Roman foldiers. various other A tax was likewife levied upon the cattle of the Britons : this was moft likely taken in kind, for the fupport of the foldiers, Mines were taxed according to the value of their produce ; alfo every kind of mer chandize in proportion to its worth. A poll tax,, or a certain payment exafted from every individual, was impofed; and another payment when any perfon died, before the deadcorpfe could he buried. £ The exaft fums * Vide Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. " not deprived us (fays fhe) of our moft f Tacit. Vita Agric. " valuable poffeflions,. and do we not pay X Boudicea, in her famous fpeech to the " grievous taxes for what is left? Befides Britons before the battle with Suetonius, *' all thofe heavy impofitions on our eftates takes notice of thefe two taxes in particu- " and goods, are not bur perfons taxed? lar : fpeaking ofthe Romans, " Have they « Do we not pay for the very heads on our " flioulder*?. PartIV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. *53 fums which were gathered from thefe taxations are not to be difcovered ; however, we learn, from various paffages of hiftory, that they were very oppreflive to the inhabitants. Befides the impofi tions already mentioned, the Romans had a great variety of other taxes, with which they burthened their provinces; fuch as thofe laid on houfes, pillars, hearths, animals of feveral kinds, urine, and the like, which at fame time or other moft likely were forced upon the Britons ; for we muft not imagine that all thefe impofitions were laid upon their backs immediately upon the fub duing of this people, nor yet all of them at one time. This is. a fhort fketch of the Roman policy apd government, in Britain, The lute of tie which overturned the former cuftoms of the natives, and alfo ended in ^Jr"'^" their ruin ; for by this means we find them brought up in ignorance of left them. the ufe of arms, deprived of their youth, and fuch as were, able to pro- teft the ftate from their foes, fo that when the. Romans took their leave of, the ifland, they left the provineials in a much more- deplorable con dition than even their former fervitude had been. Every man was now fearful of the approaching danger, and without regard of others, fol lowed the diftates of his own inordinate defires, fo that the whole com munity were involved in a dreadful and pernicious anarchy- It is true, their common miferies foon obliged them, in fome fort, to reftore their former mode of government; accordingly they elefted kings, but were either fo unfortunate in their choice, or capricious in their refolutions, that they foon dethroned them again, and fet up others ftill worfe than the former : this was their condition when the total fubverfion of their ftate was threatened by the northern infurgents. This caufed them to fiimmon a general council, in which Vortigern feems to have borne the chief fway, who, by his inadvertent advice, completed the ruin, of the wretched Britons.* C H A P. IV. The State of Architecture amongft the Britons* TO trace the origin pf this art from, it's firft commencement, we Gradual in> ought to take a view of mankind in a ftate of nature, when their Saure? "' wants were only fuch as were diftated by inftinft, for the prefervatton of life. Food was the firft objeft of their purfuit, and probably the very t' flioulders? Why dwell Ion thefe exaftiona " for the bodies of our deceafed friends." " from thofe that are living? Even the Xiphil. ex Dion, in Nerone. " dead are burthened with taxes ! You all * Gilda6 Hift. & vide page 60, of this " well know that we are obliged to. pay volume. next 254 GOV ERN ME N T, L A W S, &c. Part IV. next that of feekingfome retreat from the inclemency of the feafons.- Irt the winter they retired to ihe holes and caverns of the earth, from whence iffuing forth in the fummer, the fhade of largetrees and thickets^ or fuch like habitations lefs fecure, might foffice. Their firft attempt at architefture would be naturally the erefting fmall huts, compofed of ftakes driven into the earth, and interwoven with wattles, or pliant branches of trees ; this homely cot they covered with 'green boughs, to defend them from the rain, The idea of a dwelling fuggefted, their next ftep might be to plaifter over the wattles with clay, to prevent the penetration ofthe wind, and to make the dwelling warmer. Such is the ftate in which we find the habitations of the ancient Germans, in the ear- lieft accounts which are handed down to us ; and even at that unpo- lifhed period we find them not a little proud of procuring fuch clay as was of a glofly nature, to make their walls withal ; and by mixing a va riety of colours together, produced a* kind of piftures upon them.* On the other hand, the -Britons are faid to have affefted a plain colour; for this caufe they white-wafhed the clay after it was dry with chalk. The next improvement that they made in their habitations, was to thatch them with reeds, or ftraw, as better fence againft the rain than the boughs which they fucceeded. After this, they fet about more fub- ftantial buildings, making a frame of wood, inftead of the wattles. In this ftate the domeftic ftruftures were in Britain about the time of CaS- far's arrival ; all of them built in a circular form, and the roof thatched up round like a cone;f in the middle of which an aperture was left for the fmoke to iffue out : this was the eonftruftion of the common houfes ; thofe of the 'better fort are faid to have been of ftone. J Towns of the At this time the Britons had no idea of building houfes contiguous t"n&u£te™ witn each other, fo as to form regular ftreets in what were called their towns ; but they were built at fome diftance one from the other. Their habitations were generally near the banks of a river, for the con venience of water, or in the woods and forefts, where abundance of fo rage might be found for their cattle: the moft convenient of thefe places was chofen by the prince, who there appointed his refidence ; and his followers and dependants made their habitations as near as they could conveniently to that of their fovereign, and alfo erefted flails for their cattle 'Within the fame limit.§ A town or city -thus made, they fortified all round with a ditch, and mound of earth, or rampart ; and if any danger was feared, they blocked up all the entrances with trees cut down, and heaped one on the other, without having the branches lopped from them.]| Other towns were of (lighter conftruchori, and only fortified with trees felled around, wherein hafty huts were made for the occupiers, and others for their herds ; thefe were not intended for long continu- * Tacit, de Morib. German. § Diod. Sic. f Diod. Sic. lib. v. fl ,p¥f. Bel. Gal. lib. v. j Rowland's Mona Antiqua. ance, Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. *5S ance, being chiefly inhabited by the inland Britons, whofe living de pended only on their cattle, and fo were under the neceffity of being continually removing for the benefit of pafturage.* AU this muft be underftood of the fouthern divifion ofthe ifland; for when the Romans had fettled here, and advanced the arts to a confiderable degree, the northern Britons were ftill in a ftate of barbarity, and dwelt in holes and caverns amongft the mountains, or at beft in a fort of rude huts or tents.f > When one confiders the low ftate of the arts, even in the fouthern stone Henge parts of Britain, at the time of Caefar's arrival, and the ignorance of the CODr"lere'u natives in the improvement of architefture, we can but admire that cu rious remaining proof of their indefatigable labours, Stone Henge ; and we are naturally ftruck with wonder at beholding thofe vaft ftones fet up in fo much order, by a people who fcarcely afforded time to< build even tolerable dwellings for themfelves. But we muft look upon this as a place conftrufted for fome great and important purpofe, which was. moft likely planned out and executed under the immediate direftion of the druids, who were the only mafters of the arts and fciences at that time. Spirited up by the advice ofthe priefts^ they might willingly affift in the forwarding fuch an edifice, whether it was intended as a temple for their gods, or a place of public judicature. J The Romans, immediately they had got footing upon the ifland, J*" Romans made hafle to improve the dwellings of thofe provincials who had Irt'oV ""hi tec. efpoufed -their caufe, and formed their towns into regular cities. Thus, *"<= v*r/ «»r,y- as early as the year of our Lord 61, when the Roman colony of Camu- lodunam was deftroyed by Boudicea and her army, it appears to have been a large well-built town, in which there was a temple adorned with ftatues, a theatre, and other public edifices^ At the fame time alfo, we find that London and Verulam were large, populous* and beautiful cities. |1 All thefe improvements, it is true, were performed by the Romans The Rritpn* themfelves ; but by degrees the knowledge of architefture diffufed itfelf l^T£^nl °* amongft the native Britons, who began to have a tafte for peace and re- pofe ; and thefe favourable inclinations the crafty conquerors fought not to check, but, on the contrary, forwarded as much as lay in their power, exhorting and aflifting them in building temples to the honour of the gods, houfes for themfelves, and places for public affemblies, and com mended their diligence in fuch purfuits ; becaufe by this means their af feftions for liberty were lulled afleep, and they fubmitted with the greater readinefs to the yoke which was impofed upon them ; for having * Strabo, lib. iii. §, Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. io. Xi- •J- Herodian^ lib* iii. phil. ex Dion. Nie. in Neron. + See the Hojlba !Kngel cynnan, II Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap, io.. or the Manners and Cuftoms of the Inha bitants of England, vol. I. once %& GOVERNMENT/LAWS, &c. Part IV. once a tafte of fplendour and luxury, the love of freedom was forgot; their minds were effeminated, and .the heroic ardour of their anceftors ceafed to glow in their breafts.* Britain famous This was the ftate ofthe arts in the fouthern parts of Britain during the for artificers, government of Julius Agricola; and the provincials profited fo much from the inftruftions of their preceptors, that when Conftantius Chlorus rebuilt the city of Antun, in Gaul, about the year 296, the chief work men whom he employed were fent from Britain, which at that time abounded with the beft artificers.f The decline of In the beginning of the fourth century the art of architefture was in mongft^the'lri-it8 zenith in Britain ; from that period it loft ground apace, fo that be ams, fore the final departure of the Romans the Britons were fuch miferable artificers, that they were obliged to repair the wall of Antoninus Pius with turfs, not having any workmen amongft them, who underftood . enough of mafbnry, to repair it with ftone, J If this was true, we muft recolleft at the fame time, that it could be only applicable to the inhabi tants of the very northern province of Valentia; and in thefe parts the arts never flourifhed to that degree which they did in the fouth, where, no doubt, even at this very time, fome faint traces of their ancient fkill remained. TheRomans The Romans taking their final leave, the architefture of the Britons tnVruf/ofthii feH at once into decay j for the ferocious plunderers, the Scots and Pifts, ¦*• breaking out from their retreats where they had hid themfelves, over-run a great part of the kingdom, and the unhappy provincials flying before them, left their cities to their mercy, who beat down and deftroyed the; principal places wherever they came: and after this, the arrival of the Saxons determined their fate; for that fierce people taking poffeffion of what remained to the fouthern Britons, thofe miferable beings were dri ven again to their caves and dens, which had been poffeffed before by their barbarous progenitors.§ The-arts of car- t/q what height the knowledge of carpentry and mafonry were car- ftnry.y *" ma" ried before the arrival of the Romans, cannot be determined ; yet their houfes and utenfils of hufbandry, as ploughs, harrows, and the like, alfo all their neceffary implements for the manufafture of cloth, required the hand of the carpenter to complete ; but the greateft proof of their fkill in this art, is, the chariots that they ufed in war, which muft have been very neatly and ftrongly put together, to fuftain fo many violent motions as we are told they did, and yet to run fo lightly, and be fo ea fily turned from place to place. || That the Britons had more than a mean fkill in mafonry, Stone Henge may clearly proye ; and alfo, that* they were well acquainted with various mathematical engines, neceffary * Tacit. Vita Agric. <§ Vide page 56 of this volume, & infra. 4 Eumenii Panegyr. viii. || Vide Cat Bel. Gal. lib. iv. ¦% Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. i. cap. %i. to Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 257 for the moving and raifing prodigious weights.* By the Romans thefe arts were improved, and on their filial -departure they funk again with the ruined ftate of Britain. CHAP. V. The Art' of War, and Military Difcipline of the Britons. THE natural propenfity to arms, and the reftlefs tempers of the Bri- The Britom tons, led them frequently to the field: jealoufies and difputes *iJhYheTrt 'of amongft neighbouring nations, which were continually breaking out, *«• kept up a conftant internal war with each other ; and this -martial fpirit was diffufed throughout the whole ifland, fo that all the inhabitants, the druids alone excepted, were trained up to war, and taught betimes the ufe of arms.f < The armies of the Britons were not divided equally into diftinft corps, The armies of containing each of them a fixed and certain number of foldiers, ]iketheBm?nSjhow thofe of the Romans and more poliflied nations ; but every clan or fa mily fought in a diftinft band, under the command of the head of that clan; X the advantage arifing from this method of arrangement, was, that the family bands were united by the ftrongeft ties of love and friendfhip, as well as the moft folemn oaths ; and it is natural to ima- • gine they would fight with the greater alacrity, whilft on the valour of each individual depended in fome meafure the life of his father, his bro ther, his fon, or his neareft relations. All the feveral clans which com pofed a nation, fought under the conduft ofthe king of that nation ; and when a public war required a combination of the forces of feveral na tions, one of the kings, moft famous for his valour and military conduft, was chofen from the reft, as chief general, and invefted with the fu preme command.^ This found policy, had it been well attended to, would have protrafted, if not entirely prevented, the Roman conqueft. What gave the .conquerors fuch fpeedy poffeffion in the ifland, was, the divifiOns . and difcords amongft the natives themfelves ; for, inftead of continuing firm in their combinations, and unanimous in their refolu- tions and conduft, every chief was jealous ofhis fellow, and whole com munities diffenting from each other, divided their forces, and fell an eafy prey into the hands of their more politic enemies. || * Stukeley's Stone Henge, and Borlafs's § Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. v. Tacit. Annal. Hift. of Gornwall. lib. xii. cap. 8. Xiphil. ex Dion, in Neron. f Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. v. || Tacit. Vita Agric. X Tacit. Vita Agric. [ Vol. I. L 1 The 258 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. Three kinds of The Britifh troops confifted of three kinds of foldiers; as their in- Britifli troops. j*antrya tneir cavalry, and thofe that fought from the war chariots. The infantry, The infantry conftituted the moft material part of the army of the habit armsand Tritons;* thofe of the more fouthern and improved parts of the ifland were habited like the Belgic Gauls, with whom they were very con verfant; their drefs confifted of a woollen tunic, thickly wove with coarfe harfh wool, over which they wore a kind of caffock or cloak, f reaching down a little below the hips ; their legs and thighs were co-< vered with clofe garments, called Braca? ; on their heads they wore hel mets of brafs, ornamented at top with horns of the fame metal, or elfe with birds or beafts, rudely carved out ; fome had iron breaft-plates, full of hooks, others again fought without; they wore a long fword or fpatha, hanging obliquely crofs their right thighs, and fufpended from a girdle by chains of iron or brafs. They alfo bore in their hand a large dart, whofe fhaft of iron was a cubit in length, and near as broad as two hands put together, J and ihield proportioned according to the flature and ftrength of the bearer, which was commonly ornamented with va rious rude figures.§ The foot foldiers amongft the inland Britons were more lightly armed, wearing garments made of the fkins of beafts, \\ and bound round their middles, carrying fmall fhields on their left arms ;, their chief offenfiye weapon was a fpear ; befides which, it is likely they might bear fwords, either of iron or brafs.** The Calidonians, and other northern nations, ufually fought ¦ naked, having neither breaft- plates, helmets, or any other defenfive armour, except a fmall light fhield, or target ; arid their offehfive weapons were long broad pointlefs fwords, fufpended by iron chains ; and fhort fpears, with round balls of brafs at the end, with which they ufed to make a noife before an engage ment, to frighten the horfes of their enemies ;ff In this ftate were they found, when Severus entered their territories, A. E). 207. To make amends for their want of armour, they were fwift of foot, and very expert in all their motions ; and the chief reafon for their goin°- naked, was, that garments and heavy accoutrements would have been burthenfome to them in their marches ; for, in their retreats they would pafs the bogs and fens, and fwim over deep waters with furprizin°- aler't- nefs, fo that it was impoffible for thofe who were heavy armed to over take, or even purfue them.J J The cavairj of The cavalry of the Britons were mounted upon fmall, but hardy, mettiefome horfes, which they managed with the utmoft dexterity; their arms, offenfive and defenfive, were chiefly the fame with thofe of * Tacit. Vita Agric. ** See this foldier, plate V. the middle -j- Tj»y°n> posSJaW, cafTocks of rods, figure in the plate. Diod. Sic. lib. v.. -j-f See a delineation of this Briton alfo, X See this foldier delineated, plafe V. plate V. of this volume. J J Tacit. Vita Agric. Xiphil. ex Dio. § Diod. Sic. lib. v. & Strabo, lib. iv. &c. Nie. in Sever. Herodian, lib. iii. H Csef. Bel. Gal. 3 the Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 259 the infantry, for they would often difmount from their horfes, and fight on foot. : Thofe who fought from the war chariots feem to have been compofed The chariot of the chief people, and very flower of their youth ; they were fo expert fishte"- by long cuftom, that they could manage their horfes at their pleafure, drive them full fpeed down fteep hills, turn them in the fhorteft com- : pafs, run upon the pole of the. chariot, and with the greateft nimblenefs return to their feat.* The moft honourable perfon amongft them took the reins, and guided the chariot ; and under his conduft his friends or followers fought, f The war chariots of the Britons were of three forts, all different ; as Dfiff"en' r°rt' the Covinus, the Rheda, and the Effedum.J The firft of thefe was" w,irc armed with hooks and fcythes ;§ this is thought to have been a light kind of chariot, made upon fuch a conftruftion as only to contain the cha rioteer ; for their principal ufe depended upon their force and rapidity, as all the execution was done with the fharp hooks and fcythes whiqh were made faft about it : the others, the Rheda and the Effedum, are fup pofed to have been larger than the Covinus, and without hooks; thefe, befides the charioteer, contained fome few warriors, armed with lances, which they threw at the enemy with great fkill as the chariots paffed ra pidly by. || The charioteers would drive upon their opponents, and by , ¦ the fudden fhock break the ranks, and put an army into confufion; when they were entangled amongft a troop of horfe, the warriors,- leap ing from the chariots, would fight on foot ; mean time the charioteer, watching diligently all their motions, placed himfelf to fuch advantage, that if they fhould be oppreffed by numbers, they might fecure their re treat to the chariots, and elude the purfuits of the foe.** We may ea fily conceive that the number of war chariots in Britain muft have been immenfe, when we confider that Cafibellanusi after he had difbanded the greater part of his army, retained ftill four thoufand of them; and at the fame time we may obferve, that the ufe of them was univerfal amongft all the nations ofthe Britons, ff When they drew their forces up in order of battle, they ufually placed their infantry in the center, in diftinft lines ; and as they always chofe a * Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. iv. " fight in chariots." We may remember, -j- Tacit. Vita Agric. that at the time in which Tacitus lived, X Caef. Bel. Gal. Tacit. Annal. & Vita the Romans had fecured their conquefts^ in Agrie. Xiphil. ex Dion, in Neron. Pomp, the fouthern parts of Britain, and that Mela, lib. iii. cap. 6, &c. &c. - Julius Agricola, fathef-inrlaw to that hi- § Mela, lib. iii. cap. 6. ftorian, as he himfelf declares, had intro- || Vide Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, duced the Roman ufages with great fuc- vol I. cefs ; fo that no wonder he fpeaks only of ** Csef. Bel. Gal. lib; iv. fome of them, namely, thofe' who inKa- ' ff Ibid. lib. v. It may here be added, bited' the north, fince in his time the fou- that Tacitus writing a confiderable time thern Britons had declined their ufe. Vide after Julius Caefar, feys only, "That fome Tacit, in Vita' Agricola. ** of the nations of the Britons ufed to L 1 2 rifing'- 260 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. MnTn" the -r" "nng ground for the field of battle, thefe lines were placed one above mies ufed by the another, each at a little diftance from the former, fo that the whole Britons. Qf tneir army might be feen, and their appearance be more formidable to- the enemy.* Each diftinft corps confifted of the warriors of a clan, and were commanded by their own chief. The cavalry and chariots were placed on the wings on either fide, or elfe in the front of the army, where in flying parties they drove up and down the field, and began the engagement by repeated fkirmifhes. Oh their rear were placed their waggons and baggage, which ferved as a kind of blockade, to prevent the enemy's attacking them in that quarter; and frequently in their wag-* gons their wives and children were placed, to be fpeftators ofthe bravery of their proteftors ; and they, on their parts, with repeated cries and yells, infpired the warriors with frefh fpirit, and conftantly put them in mind that the lives and fafety of their deareft friends muft depend on their valour, j- sPeeches before Before the engagement was begun, the general always went from place • begUbn."le was t0 pl^e, and harangued his army with a moving fpeech, exhorting them all to fight glorioufly for their lives and liberty ; the chiefs of the feveral bands alfo encouraged their followers, and endeavoured to infufe into their fouls an ardent defire of fignalizing their name, and refilling nobly all attempts to enflave them. Thefe fpeeches, we generally find, were received with the greateft marks of approbation by the foldiers, which was fignified by loud repeated fhouts, and clatter of their arms. J There can be no doubt made, but that every one of thefe bands had their different ertfign, or ftandard, to which they might repair, and without which great confufion muft have happened in the time of battle. It does not appear that they had any inftruments of martial mufic, to encourage the living, Or drown the cries of the maimed ; loud fhouts, and repeated noifes, made by themfelves, appear to have been all the arts they made ufe of on fuch occafions. § stratagems of As the art of war was fo familiar to the Britons, we can fcarcely doubt of their ufing various ftratagems to deceive the enemy, and gain advan tage to themfelves. The artful conduft of Cafibellanus, when purfued by Casfar, in a great variety of particulars, the feigned flights of the Britons to draw the Romans into ambufhes, the endeavourino- to fur- round their armies in engagements, and a great variety of fchemes put in practice by the Britifh generals, not only redound to their lafting ho nour, but alfo prove their knowledge and addrefs in the great requifites ofmilitaryconduft.il * Tacit. Annal. lib. xii. cap. 8. & Vita " Barbaricis, etiam pro fuo more tubis Agric. „ " utuntur quaehorridum & bellico terrori •f Ibid. ibid. " convenientum reddunt mugitum infla-' X Ibid. ibid. & Annal. lib. xiv. cap. io. " ta:." Perhaps the Britons might do the Xiphil. ex Dion, in Neron. & vide pages fame, though it is not noticed by the hifto- 17, 24, & 3 1, of this volume. rian. Vide Diod. Sic. lib. v. § The Gauls indeed, we are told by Di- || Caefar, Bel. Gal. lib. iv. & v. Tacit. cdorus Siculus, ufed a fort of war trumpet, Annal. ut fup. Sc Vita Agric. Fortifications »var Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 261 Fortifications they either never attended to, or elfe knew not how to Britons igno^ make ; for their ftrongeft places were pnly furrounded by a ditch, and '{laihatTo^!^ valum of earth ; and the entrances blocked up with trees cut down, and laid acrofs them ;* or inftead of the valum, a rude wall of great Joofe ftones, without mortar or cement ;f indeed it was but feldom that they threw up entrenchments about their camps, their carts and waggons placed in a circle round them, was all the guard they cared for ; nor is this much to be wondered at, when we confider the fiery and ungoverned tempers of the Britons, who were always too eager for the battle, to raife up works about them, which might protraft the time, or be troublefome to perform. The Romans when they had once gained ground in Britain, with The Romans their ufual policy, introduced a love for luxury and idlenefs amongft luLyTifdpiTne the provincial natives ; and by that means caufed a univerfal decay of in Britain. military difcipline : after their departure, the unhappy Britons foon- found by woeful experience, that the knowledge which they had gain ed, was but ill cornpenfated for. the lofs. of national courage, and the. power of felf. defence.;): e H A P. VL- Agriculture and dependent Arts. IT is the firft confideration of mankind, to procure food, without Hunting when which they know they cannot long fubfift. In the earlier ages, the se.ncral in Bfi- fpontaneous roots ofthe earth, and fruits ofthe trees, mightbe firft eaten ; . foon after the flefh of animals, was found to be a more fubftantial nou- rifhment ; this naturally Introduced hunting into the world, the know ledge of "which was quickly attained by every nation, however barba- - rous. The.Britons, were well acquainted with hunting; and even fo late as the beginning of the third century, it was the chief methods by , which all the inhabitants beyond the wall of Hadrian, fupplied them felves with food : for though their coafts abounded With fifh, yet they - were ignorant of the art of taking them ; not perhaps from their want of invention, but inclination ; for they would not eat them when caught.^, In the fouth of Britain, where the natives were more civilized, hunt- state of agricui- ing was only followed as an amufement,. and not to fupply- their tur;e on Csfar's. neceffary wants ; therefore we find the inhabitants of the fea-coafts, arnva ' * Csef. Bel. Gal. lib. v. + Gildas Hift. f Tapit. Annal. lib. xii. cap. 8. § Xiphil. ex Dio. in Sever. oppofite 2fe GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. oppofite to Gaul, had ih the days of Casfar. already made great ad-, vaneements in the neceffary arts to render life comfortable and. plea fing :* and the more inland natives, were but a ftep behind them; thefe latter fubfifted entirely by pafturage ; they never fowed any lands, but fed upon the milk, and flefh of their cattle, which was all the wealth they boafted :f but their fouthern neighbours, manured and cultivated their ground, and fowed corn,, which being reaped in, proper time, was laid up in the ears in fubterraneous caves and granaries ; from whence they took as much as was neceffary for the day, and having dried the ears, they beat the grain from them, which they bruifecL and made into a fort of bread for prefent ufe. J Im^tmeMs Upon the eftablifhment of the Romans in Britain, agriculture was art. greatly improved, for the veteran foldiers who were planted in co lonies,, amongft the natives, were as expert in this art, as they were, in the battle ; from them, the Britons foon took example, and purfued the readieft methods to improve their lands ; and by this means, more ground was cultivated, and the produce encreafed ; fo that the provin cials not only procured corn enough for their confumption at home, but a confiderable overplus was conftantly exported to the continent for the ufe of the Romans there, and that in prodigious quantities. § The great manure of the Britons was marie, a fat clay or earth, which they held in high efteem. || Gardening firft The Britons were ignorant of gardening until the arrival of the Ro- •Rornansby the mans,** who planted orchards immediately upon their coming into the jfland ; and they foon found that the foil was fit for moft kind of trees and vegetables; at the firft it was thought that vines and olivesff would not flourifh here; but as thofe conquerors became better ac quainted with the land, they found it was alfo very proper for the growth of vines ; accordingly leave was obtained of Probus the emperor ¦ of Rome, to plant vineyards and make wine. JJ All the various branches * Diod. Siculus, lib. v.. & Cast Bel. Gal. " grain at the inftant the hufk is quite hh. v. -" burnt, for if fhe mifs of that fhe muft. f Casf. Bel-. Gal. lib. v. " ufe the kiln; but experience has taught J Diod. Siculus, lib. v. Some veftiges " 'them this art to perfection, The corn ¦of this- antient way of dreffing of corn " maybe fo 'drefied, winnowed, ground, was difcovered not long ago in feveral of " and baked within an hour." Martin'* the iflands of Scotland. " This method Defcrip. of the weftern iflands of Scot- •*' is called G.raddan„ from the Irifh word land, p. 204. " Grad, which fignifies quid. A woman § Amm. Marcel, lib. xviii.. cap. 22. Zb- " fitting down, takes a handful of corn, fimi Hift. lib. iii. " holding it by the ftalks in the left hand, || Plin. Nat. Hift. lib. xvii. cajj. 6. " and then fets fire to the ears, which ** Strabo. lib. iv. " are prefently in a flame ; fhe has a -j-j- Tacit. Vit. Agric. " ftick in her right hand, which fhe ma- ++ Script. Hift. Auguft. page 942. nages very dexteroufly, beating out the of it PartIV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. *6j of agriculture were foon made known to the fouthern Britons; yet: thefe improvements advanced but gradually into the north, for in the time of Severus, we are affured, that theMaasatas and Caledonians, who inhabited beyond the wall of Hadrian, lived in barren mountains,, and* that they had no walled towns or cultivated lands, but lived on the milk and flefh of their flocks and herds, or on the fruits of the trees, or elfe on what they got by plunder and hunting :* but the emperor Severus by levelling a great part of the country, and by draining the marines, made it more fit for cultivation : from this time perhaps they might by degrees have applied themfelves to hufbandry; and the Chriftians who fled from the perfecution of Dioclefian, and took refuge- amongft this people, without doubt inftrufted them in the. arts" of huf bandry, as Well as in the doftrine of Chriftianity ..f After the departure of the Romans, fuch a fcene of mifery and dif- Tbe depart"* trefs enfued in the fouthern parts of Britain, that little attention could be occafions "the''* paid to the neceffary affairs of the people ; and hufbandry arnongft ruin of H'***1* the reft was neglefted; by which means cruel famines, added to th'eture" misfortunes of the Britons, operated almoft as powerfully as the fwords of their enemies in their deftruftion. The Britons Were not at a lofs for carts and waggons to convey their wheel. carriage*., corn from place to place, or to ferve every neceffary purpofe of agri-ofthe Briton8- oulture; thefe we find they had in ufe, long before the arrival of the Romans ; J nor can we wonder at it, when we recollect, the chariots of war (afar more perfeft kind of wheeled carriages, than thefe were required to be) were univerfally ufed in Britain, when Casfar made his firft invafion :§ befides common carts and waggons, (if we may believe fome authors, they had alfo other forts of carriages, which werfe ufed by the principal people for pleafure, to convey them to and. fro; thefe %ere of two forts, the Benna, and the Petoritum; which differed from each other, the firft fuppofed to have only two wheels, and the latter four : the common waggon as above mentioned,, is ufually called Carrus or Currus, by the antient authors.^ * Xiphil. ex Dio.Nfeaeo. in Sever. upon this" meal,, to which they had been- •f St. Jerome reproaches Celeftius a abfolute ftrangers two hundred years be- Scotehman, "that- his belly was fwelled fore when invaded by Sever us. Df. Hen- '" or diftended with Scot's pottage orhafty ry's Hift. Brit. vol. i. p. 31.7. " puddy." St. Hieron. Comment, in Je- X Diod. Siculus, lib. v. remiah. Which is a proof at leaft, that § Vide page 259 of this volume. in the beginning of the fifth century the || Aylett. Sammes. Antiq. Anc. Brit. p>. Scots or Weftern. Calidonians lived partly 120 and 12 1;. CHAP. 2^4 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. CHAP. VII. Commerce and Navigation ofthe Britons. ThePhtenicians r"T"*HE firft people who vifited Britain on account of trade were the theufi,rV-aders £ Phcenicians ; their coming was very early, though the exaft with.tlieBntons. .»*- . . ' r , . => , , ' , y ¦ r i_ -n J time is not known ; for a long time they kept the fituation of the liland fecret, left the Greeks fhould purfue the fame rout, and fhare their trade:* the moft confiderable commodities that the Phcenicians ex ported from the Scilly iflands and bordering continent of Britain, were tin, lead and fkins of beafts, f amongft which laft no doubt the Bri tifh wool may be included. In return for thefe articles, it does not appear that the merchants ever paid the Britons in gold or filver coin ; . the principle things which they imported were fait, earthen-ware, and trinkets made of brafs ; J as bracelets for the arms, chains for the neck, rings and the like, all of which the Britons greatly affected. The Greeks Nothwithflanding all the precautions ufed .by the Phcenicians, to difcoverBriw!n,keep the fituation of Britain from the knowledge ofthe Greeks, that people at length difcovered it ; and as early (it is thought)- as three hundred years before the Chriftian asra.^ The arrival of the Greeks greatly extended the trade of the. Britons, and by the frequent intercourfe with the merchants, all the inhabitants of Britain . on the fea-coafts, oppofite to Gaul, became more civilized ; though it does not appear that either the Phcenicians or the Greeks, attempted to plant any colonies upon the ifland. As the Greeks encreafed their . trade, they, fhortened their fea voyages ; and the tin which was got up on the continent of Britain, after being refined, and melted down, into fmall ingots, was by the native Britons conveyed in carts and waggons, at low water, over into the Ifle of Wight ; and there fold to the Greek merchants, who exported it from thence to the continent of Gaul, and fo it was carried by land on horfes, to the - mouth of the Rhone, from whence it was fent to all parts of the world, where thofe merchants traded. || Ta«s impofed This feems to have been the ftate of commerce in Britain, when °nthhB?f'h Ju^us Casfar invaded the ifland: he impofed a tribute-upon the natives on his departure, and though it was never paid by them, yet it~afforded a handle to the fucceeding emperors, to make demands upon them. Auguftus drew great profits from the. Britons, without any expence or '* Herodotus makes mention of the Ca- j Ibid. fiterides cr Scilly iflands, from whence § Vide Sammes Brit. chap. vi. & Dr; the Phcenicians fetched their tin, but de- Henry's Hift. Brit. vol. I. . dares he could not difcover their fituation. || Diod. Siculus, lib. v. f Strabo. lib. iii. fub fine. trouble; Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 265 trouble ; partly by prefents, which were made him by fuch of the Britifh princes as courted his favour ; and partly by taxes laid upon goods, imported from the continent to Britain, or exported from Bri tain to the continent ; and as thofe duties were in general very reafona ble, the Britifh merchants did not complain, but carrried on their trade quietly urfder the proteftion of the Romans.* After the Romans became acquainted with the Britons, befides the ufual Merchandize of merchandize of tin, lead, and fkins, other valuable things were found, which extended the commerce of the latter, and the revenues of the former ; thefe were gold, filver, iron, corn, cattle, flaves, and dogs for hunting ;f with various precious ftones, and pearls : % chalk, lime and marie, are alfo to be reckoned amongft the Britifh exports. at this peri od :§ amongft thefe we muft not omit bafkets made of wicker, || which were manufaftured in Britain, with fuch nicenefs, that they bore a great price, and were ufed at Rome : amidft a jreat variety of goods which the Romans imported in lieu of thefe articles we find the fol lowing trinkets enumerated : ivory bridles, gold chains, cups of am ber, and drinking glaffes ;** thefe are fome few, and perhaps the moft valuable commodities, for thefe could only be intended for the kings, and chief nobles amongft the Britons ; the more common fort of peo ple were doubtlefs contented with things of lefs worth 1 but we may reafonably conclude, that as the natives grew more refined by their in- tercourfe with the Romans, a vaft multitude _ of other things, of ftill more confequence, were required, and thefe baubles ceafed to conftitute any confiderable part of the foreign imports. * Strabo. lib. iv. DEAE NEHALENNIAE t Ibid. OB MERCES RECTE CONSER X Concerning, the pearls of Britain, VAT AS SECVND: SILVANVS Tacitus fays, they " are of a dark and NEGO+ TOR 'CRETARIVS " livid hue," Vit. Agric. and Pliny to the BRITANNICIANUS fame purpofe : " In Britain fome pearls do V. S- L- M " grow, but they are fmall and dim, not To the goddefs Nehalennia, " clear and bright:" he after adds, "Ju- Tor his troods well preferved, " lius Caefar did not deny that the breaft- Secundas Silvanus, " plate which he dedicated to Venus Mo- A chalk merchant " ther, within her temple, was made of Of Britain, - " Britifh pearls." Plin. Nat. Hift. lib. ix. Willingly performed his merited -vow. cap. 35. This proves at leaft, that the chalk trade § The following remarkable infcription, was carried on before Chriftianity was which was found with many others near eftablifhed in Britain. Vid. Dr. Henry's Zeland A. D. 1647, makes it appear that Hift. Brit. vol. i. chalk was exported from Britain tothe || Of thefe Martial fpeaks, lib. xiv. c. 49; continent in very antient times ; and that Barbara depiBis vcni bafcauda Britannis, this trade was carried on by a clafs of men Scd me jam mavult dicere Roma fuam. who were called Britifh chalk merchants ; A bafket I, by painted Britons wrought, And now to Rome's imperial city brought. ** Strabo. lib. iv. Vol. I. Mm The 266 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. Trading towns The chief trading towns, during the government of the Romans, are thought to have been Claufentum or Old Southampton, and Rutu- pae or Richborough;* befides there is little doubt, but that London was a place of great confequence as a commercial town ; for as early as the year 60, we find it famous for its wealth and the refort of merchants, though it was not then diftinguifhed by the title of a colony.j- The ftippiug of "Whilft the trade with Britain was carried on by the Phcenicians and ntons. tjie Qre'ekSj tne Bf;tons had no need of fhips ; whatever they wanted was fupplied by the merchants, in exchange for the commodities which abounded in the ifland ; but after, as they traded to the continent of Gaul, it is highly probable they were furnifhed with veffels, to carry their goods over thither, and bring back what they obtained in ex change. The accounts which are left us concerning their veffels, only make mention of fmall boats, which were either made of wicker, and covered over with hides of oxen ; J or in the more perfeft ftate, the keels and ribs were conftrufted of a ftrong light frame of timber, which like the former, was covered with leather ; and in thefe boats, the in habitants of Ireland and Calidonia, in the fummer, would pafs the fea which flows between Britain and Ireland, § and is often very rough and boifterous. In the fouthern parts of Britain alfo, the fame fort of boats were made ufe of, chiefly perhaps to pafs rivers and deep waters which were not fordable, and to tranfport their merchandize from place to place. ' Reafons why Yet it is highly probable, that befides thefe little boats, the Britons had fupPofed°to?have larger veffels, built of more folid materials ; and we have great reafon large fhips. to believe this, when we find fhips of a much compleater conftruc- tion made ufe of by the Gauls, and in thofe very parts that traded with the' Britons. Befides, when the Veneti, inhabitants of the pro montory of Gaul, now called Britanny, were preparing to attack the forces of Casfar by fea, they fent into Britain for affiftance, which was granted them :|| and we may eafily conceive, that fmall wicker boats could have been of no ufe againft fhips and galleys built on the Ro man conftruftion : there is little doubt to be made, but that thofe of the Britons were nearly, if not exaftly the fame, with thofe of the Ve neti ; which were built with their keels flatter than the Roman veffels, that they might lie more conveniently in the fhallows ; their prows were very ereft, and*their fterns alfo adapted to the violence of the waves in a florm : thefe fhips were entirely conftrufted of oak, fo that they were not eafily broken, or hurt, by the fharp irons in the prows of the Roman gallies : the feats for the rowers were made of beams a * Mufgrave, Bel. Brit, et Battely An- j Lucan. lib. i. Se Plin. Nat. Hift. f.iv. tiq. Rutup. c. 16. f Taeit, Annal. lib. xiv. cap, 49. § Solinus, lib. iii. || Csef. Bel. Gal. lib. iii. cap. 9. foot Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 267 foot broad, and faftened with iron pins an inch thick : the anchors were fafteped with iron chairis, inftead of cables ; and the fails were made of hides, or tanned leather cut thin :* fuch fubftantial veffels as thefe might be ferviceable to the Gauls, in the engagement with the Romans, which foon after followed ; this fea-fight was decided on the coaft of Arirhorica, now Britanny ; the united forces of the Gauls and Britons, confifted of two hundred and twenty large fhips, which were almoft all of them deftroyed in the conflift. This unhappy adventure entirely ruined the naval force of the Gauls and Britons, which is the reafon by fome affigned, why the Britons did not oppofe Cagfar by fea, when he invaded them the year following, f The Britons do not appear to have ever undertaken any long voyages, ^°n1s0„° not either in their little boats, or their larger veffels ; we read indeed, thatvoyageSi in the former, they ufed frequently to go to, an ifland fix days fail diftant from Britain ; % but there is reafon to believe, that in the latter, they never proceeded further to the fouth, than the mouth of the river Gar- ronne in Gaul.§ The Romans improved the Britifh flapping ; the emperor Claudius, The Roma"« beftowed feveral privileges by law, on thofe who built fhips for trade, || number6 of aip* fo that their number was prefently encreafed : about the year 359, we in Britain. find no lefs than eight hundred fhips, employed in the exportation of corn , from Britain to Gaul. Befides the merchant veffels, the Romans alfo had a fleet of fhips of war, to fecure the coaft, and proteft the trade ; this fleet was commanded by an officer of great rank and diflinftion ; his title was high admiral of the Britifh feas :** this important office, was filled by Sejus Saturnius, in the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius : alfo, we may recolleft, how very formidable the fleet was under Caraufius and Aleftus, the two ufurping tyrants, who affumed the purple in Britain, the former about the year 286, the latter A. D. Wit Soon after the death of Aleftus, the Saxon pirates, who had before The Roman infefted the fea-coafts, began again their' ufual ravages; plundering ^t '" finft the the inhabitants near the fea-fhore, and feizing upon the merchant fhips, pirates. which were proceeding on their voyages; thefe infults obliged the Ro- * Ca:f. Bel. Gal. lib. iii. cap. T3. || Sueton. in Claud, cap. 18 & 19. But f Selden's Mare Claufam. lib. ii. cap. thefe privileges were confined to thofe 2, Sec, who built fhips capable of carrying ten X Pliny ex Timaeus. See Plin. Nat. thoufand Roman mddia, or about three Hift. lib. iv. cap. 16. When one conn- hundred and twelve quarters of En- ders this paffage, one knows not what to glifh corn. By this we may form fome make of the account given by Solinus, idea of their fize at this period. Vide Dr. «' That the Britifh failors when they be- Hen. Hift. Brit. vol. I. " gan a voyage, always abftained from ** Archigubernus Claffis Britannica;. " food until it was compleated." ft Vide page 41 and 42 of this vol. § Strabo, lib. iv. . j M m 2 mans 268 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. * Part IV. mans to keep a ftrong fleet upon the Britifh feas ; and to render them felves more fecure, they erefted feveral forts upon the coafts, where the pirates ufually landed ; and thefe were put under- the command of an officer of confiderable rank, called the Count of the Saxon fhore in Britain.* The Romans When the Romans took their leave of Britain, they made ufe of their take their ihip- £eet to tranfport tnem jnto Gual ; fo that the haplefs Britons were ping with them. . F , /. , <- n r- i -, • • -i i left open and defencelefs on all fides, their inland terrtones were op preffed with the continual outrages of the Scots and Pifts, and their fea-coafts were plundered by the barbarous fea-rovers and pirates. C H A P. VIII. Working of Metals and Coinage of the Britons. The Britons an- rr^H AT the Britons underftood the art of working of metals in ftood theVork- JL antient times, may be proved from a great number of fharp in- ing of metals, ftruments which they had, as axes, fpear and arrow heads, fwords, and the like, made of various metals. Tin, in all probability, was the firft metal which they underftood the nature of, and this they ufed to dig up and refine, long before they were difcovered by the Romans 5 ef pecially thofe who dwelt towards the land's end, who by frequent in- tercourfe with foreign nations, were much more civilized : thefe dug the tin ore out of their mines, and refined it with great dexterity and art; after which they melted it, and eaft it into fmall blocks or in gots, of a fquare form like dice, which they conveyed in carts and * Comes littoris Saxonici per Britanni- garrifoned by two thoufand two hundred- am — and the,, nine forts under his com- foot, and two hundred horfe. Ibid. The mand were, 1 Branodunum, Brancafter ; enfigns of the count of the Saxon fhore in 2 Garionnoniim, Burg Caftle, near Yar- Britain, were a fmall book of inftru&ions, mouth, both on the Norfolk coaft; 3 O- and the figures of nine caftles, reprefent- thona, Ithancajier, near Maldon in Effex, ing the nine forts under his command: now over flowed by the fea, though at low his court was compofed of the following water fome of the foundation is yet to officers ; the principal officer from the be difcovered ; 4 Regulbium, Reculver ; court of the mafter of the foot, two au- 5 Rutupae, Rkhborough ; 6 Dubris, Dover; ditors from the fame court, and a mafter 7 Lemanae, Lime ; all thefe laft four , are of the prifons alfo from the fame court on the coaft of Kent ; 8 Anderida, Haft- a fecretary, an affiftant, an under affiftant) ings, or Eaftboum, in Suffex; 9 Portus A- a regifter, clerks of appeal, ferjeants, and durnus, Portfmouth, in Hampfhire. Horfl. other |under officers. Notitia Imperii, Brit. Rom. p. 47 1. Thefe nine forts were cap. 52. waggons PartIV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 269 waggons to the Ifle of Wight, where it was fold to the merchants, who came thither on pufpofe to traffic with the natives.* Lead alfo they dug out of their mines, and refined ; this metal was f/fef/fnw^fe one of the chief commodities which the Phoenicians and Greeks, exported times. ' from Britain ;t and we cannot doubt their being very early acquainted with the ufe of it, becaufe the ore is faid to have been found very near the furface of the earth, and in fuch prodigious abundance, that the natives were by a law forbid to take up more than a fixed quantity -annually for exportation.^: Copper and brafs were imported into Britain by: the Phcenicians, who c°Pi>« and exchanged thofe metals for tin and lead:§ yet when the emperor Severus intVariuin.8 invaded the northern parts of Britain, the Maseatee and the Calidonians feem to have had fome knowledge of working the laft of thefe metals, by the round balls of brafs which were faftened at the end of their fpears. Probably they received them from their neighbours in the fouth, for which, perhaps, they paid cattle, or fome fuch confideration. || The Britons had iron, but it was fo very fcarce, that their money was other metals of made of it, and trinkets to adorn their perfons : the general ufage of this the BrUons* excellent metal was firft introduced by the Romans, who erefted foun- daries, and fet up forges, in feveral parts of the kingdom for the manu- fafturing of arms, tools, and utenfils of every kind. Gold and filver were not known to be in the ifland at the time of Csefar's arrival ;** but a fhort time after, both thefe metals were difcovered ;ff the art of re fining and working them, the Britons might learn from their neigh bours, the Gauls, who underftood both extremely well. The earthen veffels, which conftituted a part of the merchandize that The Britons ;gl.- the Phcenicians brought into Britain, J $ may plainly prove that the natives "olca^L^ themfelves were not expert in the manufacturing of them; though, without doubt^ they could not be ignorant of fome method of forming veffels of clay, and to dry them in the fun, in order to hold liquids : this we may conclude from the early want which every people muft find of fuch neceffary utenfils, and which were fo eafy to be made. However this may be, when the Romans came into the ifland they had no longer any need to have them imported from abroad j thofe ingenious people made all forts of earthen ware in the greateft perfection, and without doubt inftrufted the Britons in their art. When Casfar invaded Britain the natives were ignorant of the ufe of No coined mo- coin : their treafures confifted of rings and tallies of iron, which they ^n'^far'in- gave in exchange for fuch merchandize as they wanted.§§ Coined mo-vaded it. * Diod. Sic. lib. v. ff Tacit. Vita Agricola. ¦j- Strabo, lib. iii. fub fine. XX Strabo, lib. iii. fub fine. % Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xxxiv. cap, 17. §§ " Utuntur, aut are, aut anriulia § Strabo, ut fup. " ferreis ad certum pondus examinatis || Xiphil. ex Dion. Nie. in Severus. " pro nummo." Casf. Bel. Gal. lib. v. ** Cad". Bel. Gal. lib. v. cap. 9. 4 Bey, 270 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. ney, it is thought, was firft introduced into Britain by trie Gaulifh mer chants foon after the departure of Julius Casfar; and from them alfo the Britons learnt the art of coinage.* When money How early coined pieces were made ufe of in Britain has long been a in"Brirtai"'and matter of great difpute amongft the learned; but thofe opinions feem bf whom.' moft likely t0 be true, which fix. the asra of coinage in the reign of Au guftus, and make Cunobelinus the firft Britifh prince who ftruck mo ney in Britain ;f and he muft have coined to a confiderable amount, for N no lefs than forty coins of gold, filver, and copper, of this prince, have, been difcovered, all of them of different dies and ftamps, fo that he muft have made at leaft forty different coinages; J and as there is great. reafon to conclude that other kings ofthe Britons followed the exarnple of this prince, a prodigious quantity of money muft foon have been pro duced. ; The Romans After the Roman conqueft there was no more Britifh money coined ; ¦ rencyof Brtofli f°r thofe conquerors not only forbid the making of a new coinage, but money. put a flop to the circulation of what was already ftruck, and inflifted fevere penalties on any who gave or received fuch coin in barter for mer chandize, fo that the Roman money was foon made current amongft the. provincial Britons; and as the Romans increafed the commerce of the. inhabitants, there is no doubt but by that means they added to their wealth, fo that a vaft quantity of real, fpecie muft have been circulated in the fouthern parts of Britain whilft the Roman government was ina flou rifhing condition. The decline of The wealth of the Britons declined about fifty years before the finals the Britons." retreat of the Romans from Britain, owing, in great meafure, to the de ftruftive ravages of the Pifts and Scots in the northern parts of the pro vinces, and pf the Franks and Saxons in the fouth upon the fea-coafts, who barbaroufly deftroyed every -place wherever they came. Befides this, the two unfortunate expeditions of Maximus and Conftantine,; (the firft happening A. D. 381, andthelafl A. D. 408) gave a fatal blow to the declining wealth of the provincials ; for thefe two adventurers col lefted and carried off all the money that they could get, in order to fup port their caufe, and pay their army.§ * Pegge's Effay on the Coins of Cuno- 4. Thofe with the' king's name, the iielinus, word Tafcia, and the place of eoinage. t Ibid- 5- Thofe with the word Tafcia only. t Mr. Pegge very properly arranges the 6. Thofe with the word Tafcia, and the .coins of this prince in the following claf- place of coinage, Seefpeelmensof all thefe fes : clafles, plate IV. 1 . Thofe with the king's head and name, The word Tafcia has been varioufly ac- or fome abbreviation of it. counted fbr ; but Mr. Pegge fufpefls that A Thofe with the king's name, and it. may have been the name of the 'mint- place of cojnage. mafter of Cunobelinus. See Pegge's Effay 3. Thofe with the king's name, and the on the. Coins of Cunobelinus. ' Word Tafcia. § Vide pages 49, 50, & 52, of this vol. Shortly CLASS I. 01 m TV VI. Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. '271 Shortly after this, the Romans left the Britons to themfelves, and The miferies of their troubles fell fo fucceffively upon them, that they had no leifure to the Britons- make frefh coinages, or even to make ufe of what little money they had Vj left. In the early tinies, the want of folid roads and bridges muft have been The Romans fc a great hindrance to the Britons in. conveying their goods from one ^ee™d^nd place to another, : all thefe inconveniencies were alfo remedied by the tain. Romans, who made four great roads through the fouthern parts of Bri tain, and bridges over rivers, fo that all forts of merchandize might be carried from one part of the ifland to the other with the greateft eafe and expedition. Thefe improvements were foon broke in upon by the cala mities which followed upon their departure. CHAP. IX. The Cloathing Arts, and Habits of the Britons. WHEN men had provided themfelves with food,, and were in the clothing, an poffeffion of habitations to proteft them from the inclemency of ef '? c"^ie'»- ihe weather, their next thoughts were in general employed in furnifhing themfelves with cloaths for the covering of their nakednefs. After they. had flain the beafts of the field for their food, the appropriating their fkins for garments feems to be a circumftance fo natural, and likely to follow, we may eafily. conclude that fuch were the habits of men in the very ancient ages ; and that fuch was the habit of the inland Britons,. when Casfar invaded their ifland, we have fufficient teftimony to prove.* We have alfo the greateft reafon to believe, that the inhabitants of Reafonsfor- South Britain were acquainted with the arts of .dreffing, fpinning, and b^ms"8^ weaving both flax and wool before the arrival of the Romans,, becaufe acquainted with- their neighbours, the Gauls, had long underftood them ; and, as a proof, ^''"^ we may add, that the inhabitants of the Caffiterides, or Scilly iflands, were then ciothed, and their perfonal appearance was as follows : — A long black tunic reaching down to their ancles, and bound round the- waift with a girdle ; they wore their beards long, and hanging on each. fide of their mouths like wings. f Befides, we are affured that the in habitants of Kent, and the fea-coafts, were by far more civilized than, the inland Britons ;J therefore, it almoft amounts, to a proof of their; having garments, though they are not particularly defcribed. * Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. v. figure from the left hand fide of the plate-. t Strabo, lib. iii. See this figure deline- X. Czefar^ ut fup. ated, plate V. of this volume, the fecond The a72 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. Various cloths The Gauls made feveral forts of cloth ; the firft and moft valuable was cltuh.y the manufaftured of fine wool of different tints, which being fpun into yarn, was woven chequer-wife, fo as it might fall into fmall fquares of various colours.* Another garment they made of coarfer wool, which was very thickly woven ; this cloth was ufed by the Romans themfelves in cold weather :f alfo a very thick kind of cloth they ufed to make, of wool driven tightly together, without fpinning or weaving, which, if worked up with vinegar, was fo hard and impenetrable, that it was efteemed a good guard againft the edge or point of a fword ; and what was fhearedoff, and came from it, (when taken out of the coppers and leads where it was dreffed) made excellent flocks, which were ufed in fluffing matraffes. J Thus much for their woollen manufaftory. They were equally famous for their linen/ which they wove with great dexte rity, as alfo cloths to make fails for fhips ; thefe were fold to various nations, and conftituted a great part of their trade.§ Ancient method When they had compleated their linen in the loom, they proceeded rLn?ach'ns t0 u*"e feveral arts to make it more foft and beautiful, and to bleach it ; the whole procefs, as well as the whiting the flax before it went to the loom, was as follows : — The unfpun yarn was put into a great mortar, where it was pounded and beaten in water ; when it was come to a certain whitenefs, it was fent to the weaver; and when it was received again from him made into cloth, it was laid upon a large fmooth ftone, and well beaten with broad-headed cudgels : the more frequently it was bea ten, and the more labour was beftowed, the fofter and whiter the cloth always proved; but very frequently they would mingle the juice of pop pies with the water which they ufed on thefe occafions, and that was thought to contribute confiderably to the making the linen more white and beautiful.|| Sometimes they ufed foap to fcour their cloths, which they made of the fat of animals, and the afhes of certain vegetables ; nay, even the invention of this valuable article is attributed to them.** The art of Now we are fpeaking of their linen and woollen manufactories, we iylns' muft not forget their fkill in the art of dying their cloth of various co lours, which they performed in a very fkilful manner; for they found means to counterfeit the purple of Tyrus, the fearlet, and the violet in grain. In fhort, they were able to make all forts of colours that can be thought of, and that with the juice of herbs only.-f-j- Fir« s garments 0f When the Britons became a little more civilized, and began to wear t e mens. garmentS) the mantle, or plaid, was the firft they adopted, which was fo made as to cover all the trunk of the body, before and behind, and * Du>d. Sic. lib.v. Pliny's Hift. Nat. ** Ibid. lib. xxviii. cap. 12. lib. vm. cap. 48. f j. Ibid. lib. xxii. cap. 2. From the f Strabo, lib. iv. fame fame author we may gather feveral of X Pliny's Hift. Nat. lib. viii. cap. 48. the herbs ufed for the commoner colours § Ibid. lib. xx, cap. 1. as woad for blue, the hyacinth for light || Ibid. lib. xix. cap. 1. reds, and the like. was FartIV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 373 was fattened upon the breaft with a clafp ; or, for want of that, with a thorn.* Thefe mantles are thought to have been all of one colour, and fmooth on the infide, with long hair on the outfide,. like the com mon rugs which are laid on the beds by way of coverlets :f and in early times thefe rude garments were efteemed a luxury, andworn'by none but the kings and nobles ; but as the habits were improved, perfons of that high rank provided themfelves with a better fort, and the rug defcend ed to the common people. - , . -' - The habit of a Belgic Gaul, which was alfo adopted by. the fouthern The habit of a Britons, from iinqueftionable authority, was as follows : — A funic, orna- Belgic Gau!- merited with various -flowers ; clofe garments, called bracse, which co vered^ their legs and thighs ; over their tunic they wore a caffock, or cloak of chequer- work, joined together with laces on the'infide, fo as to form' the appearance of flowers; this laft garment was made thicker and more :maffy for winter, and thinner for the fummer. .. Some wore belts oyer. their, tunics;- adorned- with" gold or filver, from which hung their fwords, fufpended by. chains- of brafs' or iron ; on their heads they wore helmets of brafs, ornamented with horns of the fame metal ; about their necks and- about- their wrifts they, wore chains, and bracelets of gold,;}; as alfo large-golden ringsuipon their fingers.§ This was the drefs of a war rior, and moft likely of a chief noblernan;'|| Others again we find with- outithe tunic, and wearing a woollen robe with fleeves, which reached down to their hips,** Next to thefe we may juftly place the ancient inhabitants of the Call- Habits ofthe terides, who wore long black garments, as was before obferved, andBritons' walked about from place: to. place with ftayes in their hands. ff And after thef&again fhould be added the inland inhabitants of Britain, who were cloathed in fkins ¦:%%. arid thefe were the habits of all the natives who pof feffed the fouthern divifion of Britain at the time of -Caefar's arrival. - The Maseatss and Calidonians were not at this1 time difcovered -to the The barbarity Romans ; and even when they .-were by Julius Agricola,§§ all that we^"0"1""1 can learn concerning them, is/ that they Were in a ftate of barbarity; and this we may be well affured of, for when we meet with a more par ticular account of them, -folate as the reign of theemperor. Severus, we find them ftill naked, • wearing about their necks" and bellies large rings; ;and chains of iron, which they looked upon ;as' great ornaments, and . '.'prized them as highly, as other riations do filver or gold. ' Yet .it.fhould feem that'this nakednefs did not proceed from the abfolute want- of gar- -rhents,; but from pride; for they painted their bodies- with various co- ' ;V.* Pellout|er Hift.' Celt. lib. i.p.301. ** Strabo, lib. iv. ' :,f. Str,afecv lib. iv. -f-f- Ibid, lib. iii. See pi ate V, V • ..' I' Diodorus Siculus, lib. v. . -XX Caef. Bel. GalJ lib. v.., See plateV. of ', §. Pliny's- Nat. Hift. lib. xxxiii. cap. r. thisvolume. || See plate V . of this volume. § § TaciC Vita Agricola. ' Vol.' I. I',;- N n.. ..:.w- . . .. lours, 274 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. druids, and of the women, lours, and made thereon the reprefentation of animals, and they were fearful if they were cloathed all thefe delightful ornaments would be hid ;* they either knew not the ufe of fhoes, or did not care to wear them.-j- The habits of the druids differed from thofe ofthe laity, arid, if not always, upon their folemn feftivals and facrifices were white, and very probably of linen for diftinftion's fake. J How the women were habited at this early period we are not fo well informed ; only we find, that they let their hair hang loofe upon their fhoulders, and being turned back be- fore,fell down behind, without tying or braiding ; a conftant attention was paid to make it of a yellow hue by art, if it was not fo naturally ; and even where it was, it was thought rriore beautiful if the tint could be heightened.^ The women alfo wore maffy chains of gold about their necks, great bracelets upon their arms, and rings upon their fingers. || The habit of Boudicea, the famous Britifh heroine, is very luckily preferved, as well as. a perfeft defcription of her perfon : She was a large well-made woman, of a fevere prefence, and her voice was loud and fhrill ; her hair, which was of a deep yellow, and very long, hung down to the bottom of her back, and on her neck fhe wore a maffy chain of gold ; fhe was habited in a tunic, wrought and interwoven with various colours, over which was a loofer robe of coarfer make, and bound round her with a girdle, fattened with buckles. This was her ufual habit j but as fhe was now upon the point of giving battle to the Romans, fhe bore a fpear alfo in her hand.** What covering the Britons or Gauls had for their heads when they did not wear their helmets or accoutrements of war cannot be difcovered, but perhaps none at all ; for wheneVertheir drefs is defcribed we meet not with any mention made of them : or, if they had any, it is likely they were only caps made of the fkins of beafts, with the hair turned outwards,, In like manner might their fhoes be made of fkins, with the hairy fide outermoft, and bound round the inftep with a cord or thong. We may be well affured that the more civilized Britons had fome fort of fhoes The habit of Boudicea de- fenbed. Head coverings and (hoes. '* Herodian. in Vita Severus, lib. iii. cap. 46. & Xiphil. ex Did. Nie. in Sever. Ifidorus writes us, that the name of the Pi£ts, (which was given latterly to the Maaeatae) correfponded well with the ap pearance of their bodies : for (adds he) they fqueeze the juice of certain herbs in to figures made on their bodies with the points of needles, and fo carry the badge of their nobility updn fheir fpotted fkins. Ifidorus Qrig. lib. xix. cap. 23. So alfo Solinus fays, as this operation was dorje with {harp needles, and was very painful to them, thofe were efteemed the braveft who bore it with the greateft fortitude, and re ceived the deepeft punctures to imbibe the greateft quantities of paint. Solin. lib. xxxv. fub finem. •f The reafon why, they wore no fhoes, might be becaufe they thought they would- prevent their running fo fwift ; fo alfo they would wear no armour becaufe it was cumbeifome to them when they palled the bogs and fens. Herodian, ut fup. See one of thefe Britons reprefented plate V. of this volume. X Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xvi. cap. ±±. § Diod. Sic. lib. v. * ^ II Ibid. & Pliny's Nat. Hift. 1. xxxiii. c. r. ** Xiphil. ex Dion, in Nerone. See this figure delineated, plate V. for Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 275 fbr a particular ftrefs is laid upon the barbarity of the Maseatas and Ca lidonians from their being unfhod.* We will now take a fnort review of the habits which we fuppofe to have The J»«'»t« °f been worn by the civiler Britons, and which we have feen by undoubted ticuiariled! P* authority was the attire of the ancient Gauls. The firft is the robe, or cloak ; whether it be made of the bafket, or chequer-work, or whether made of woollen cut fmooth on the infide, and the hair left long on the outfide like a rug, both thefe forts were worn by the Gauls, and one of them had fleeves.f The fecond part of their drefs was the tunic. J The third part, and the moft remarkable, the braca3,§ which were a fort of garments not unlike the trowfers of our failors in the prefent day, fave- ing only that they came down to the ancles, and were there tied round clofe to the fhoe, Thefe habits, which were certainly worn by all the Celtic nations, may be feen frequent enough in many figures on the Trajan and Antonine columns ; and the authorities quoted below may perhaps amount to a proof, that thefe were alfo the habits of the Britons who dwelt upon the fea-coafts oppofite to Gaul. , The perfonal ornaments which the Gauls affefted moft, Were large Ornament. chains of gold; thefe they wore round their necks; maffy bracelets for |^™b/ the •their arms, and rings for the fingers, of the fame metal ; all which were univerfally ufed by both fexes. And we are well affured that the South Britons adorned themfelves in the fame manner ;|| nay, fo generally was this tafte diffufed throughout the ifland, (which proves it of long ftand ing) that in the north, where gold was not to be procured, the natives .made. chains, rings, and bracelets, of iron> of which, alfo, they were not a little proud.** It was fome time after the Romans had eftablifhed themfelves in Bri- The change tain before the natives were prevailed upon to quit their ancient habits, o"*^' Romans. ¦Julius Agricola, who, in all his proceedings, difcovered his prudence as a commander and as a governor, by lenitive meafures led them by de grees from one ftep of luxury- to another; and it is under his adminiftration that we firft find them wearing the Roman apparel, which before they had fliewn great diflike to. As they now began to learn the Roman language, to build temples, places of affembly, and imitating the cu- ¦* Xiphil. ex Dio. Nie. in Sever. § That the Britons alfo wore the bracae, T Varro- informs us, that the Britons let Martial bear witnefs, " Quam veteres. ufed to wear a garment called a Gavnacum, " braehse Britonis pauperis, &c." which was of divers Colours woven tpge-, || This may be proved from the great va- _ther, making a gaudy fhew. This gar- riety of rings, and chains of gold, which ment anfwers well to the defcription of the were carried before Cara&acus in- triumph, above robe, or cloak, as given before, page when he was led before the emperor Clau- 2£8 of this volume. dius : thefe he had taken in his wars from X The tunic, Strabo exprefsly declares, the monarchs of kingdoms neighbouring was worn by the inhabitants of the Caffi- to his own. ^ terides, before deforced ,- the tunic of va- ** See the authority quoted before. rious colours makes a part of the habit of Boudicea, as before declared. ' N n 2 floms. 2j6. GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. ftorris of their conquerors in all their proceedings,* the habits above- defcribed were no longer ufed, but the gown of the Romans, and other garments more convenient, or perhaps, at leaft, more agreeable. The Romans The Romans, foon after they had brought the natives to conform to ^thing «l tlieir cuftoms and habits, improved the art of making- cloth, and there was an imperial manufactory eftablifhed at Venta Belgarum, now Win chefter, where all forts of woollen and linen cloth was made for the ufe ofthe Roman army in Britain, f As the Romans improved this art, fo. alfo at their departure it declined ; for the miferies which followed in Britain prevented a proper attention being paid to it. CHAP. X. Learning, and- the State of the polite Arts amongft the ancient Britons^. The druids the ^TT^HE druids were the only perfons of learning in Britain before, and wrn-Pn°Fle °f -*- even f°me ^me after> tne arrival of the Romans ; and to thefe men amongft the the natives paid the higheft honours, for they were both priefts and phi- Britons. lofophers. It was cuftomary with the Britons never to perform any fa cred rite without their affiftance, for they believed them to be well ac quainted with the will of the gods; and for that reafon were the moft proper perfons to offer up their prayers and thankfgivings.J" Thefe priefts, as we have feen before, were divided into three claffes, the bards, the vates, and the druids ;§ the firft were poets and muficians ; the fecond were priefts and phyfiologifts ; and the laft added to the ftudy of phyfiology, that of moral philofophy. j| The druids im--* Thefe priefts poliflied, and brought their fcholars into a more rational to"nTd lhe B"" wa^ °*" living* and taught them fome branches of ufeful learning. The vates, by their refearches into the order of things, endeavoured to lay open the hidden fecrets of -nature ; whilft the druids were men of a more fublime and penetrating fpirit, and acquired the higheft renown by their fpeculations, which were at once both fubtile and lofty.** The phyfiology It is true, at this diftance of time, there is no poffibility of givin°- a oft edrm s. cjear an^ djft.;^ aCcount ofthe learning ofthe druids ; all that we can gather, muft be from the flight hints- which are to-be met with in the an cient authors, and which can only lead us td fome few particulars. . One of their phyfiological opinions concerning the univerfe, was, that it * Tacit. Vita Agricol. § Vide page 191 of this volume. f Camd. Brit, in Hampfhire.. |] Ammian. Marcel, I Diod. Sic. lib.v. cap. 31. ** Ibid. fhould Part IV.' OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. *77 fhould never be entirely deftroyed, or annihilated; but that it fhould fuffer a fucceffion of violent changes and revolutions, which would be produced, fometimes by the predominating poWer of fire, and fometimes by that of water.* ¦ All the reft of their various enquiries into' the ori gin, nature, laws, and properties, of material objefts, are unhappily loft ; and this misfortune, moft likely, we chiefly owe to their refufing to commit their opinions to writing. The druids (who were employed in matters of the higheft fpeculation) Aftroiogy and. we find ihftrufting their fcholars concerning the heavenly bodies and ^™r° y^of their motions, arid treating ofthe power and might of the gods.f . There is little doubt to be made, but that the druids alfo pretended to a know ledge of aftroiogy; becaufe, of all fuperftitions, this feems the moft likely to lay fail hold ttponthe minds of men ; and when moft of the reft were abolifhed.as abfurd, this held its confequence, and was not utterly rejected till very latter days : however this may be, it is certain that they were aftronomers, though we know but little of their opinions upon this fubjeft ; nor can we in the leaft pretend to inveftigate their ideas of the mundane fyftem. Their time they computed by nights ; J they had alfo the divifion of months: and years ;§ both which they are faid to have be- .gun from the full ofthe moon : but if they reckoned only twelve moons in their year, their computation muft have fallen confiderably fhort of the folar year, and would have foon* called for an alteration ; yet by what means they reftified the deficiency is not known. It is 'certain that they paid great regard to the age of the moon whenever they proceeded on any bufinefs of importance ; and the time that there was a new moon, or that fhe was at the full, was always efteemed the moft au-fpicious.|(- From a great variety of circumftances we may be led to conclude, that Arithmetic,. the druids were fkilled in the art of arithmetic, which muft have been seomeir>'» a"* abfolutely neceffary in all their computations, as well as in their public the druids. and private accounts. Their knowledge of the Greek alphabet is thought . to have been two ways ferviceable to them ; firft, as letters ; and fecondly, as figures.. With refpeft to geometry ; to what extent their knowledge of this fcience was carried, we can by no means deter mine; yet' it feems they were acquainted with it, becaufe they deter mined the bounds and limits of all eftates which were difputed ; and we find them engaged in the more fublime f peculations of geometry, as meafuring the magnitude of the earth, nay, of the world itfelf. - Geo graphy again it feems reafonable that they fhould have fome fkill in, .becaufe when annual difputes were referred to the arch-druid, and the provincial druids delivered in their determinations upon foch matters as might relateto eftates and landed poffeffions, this muft be fettled by the ascertaining in fome meafure the extent of fuch poffeffions..** ; * Strabo, lib. iv. • • j §- Pliny's Nat. HiuUib.' xvi. cap. 44. f Caf. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. & Pomp. Mela, || Ibid. lib. iii. cap. 2. ** Vide Borlafs's Hiftory of Cornwall, X Caef. ut fup. and Stukeley's Stone Henge. The s78 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. Mechanical The Druids were Certainly well verfed in mechanical knowledge ; thTdruida? ° this may be eafily proved, when we recolleft that Stone Henge, and a great variety of other ponderous ftruftures, are the lafting remains of their fkill ; for it muft require no mean dexterity, to convey fuch im menfe ftones from place to place, and to' raife them to fuch heights as we now find them.* The knbwiedge The druids alfo were the only phyficians amongft the G_auls and hadof phyfic! S Britons ; f which people were the more particularly inclined to make application to them for relief, becaufe they thought that all internal f difeafes proceeded from the anger of the gods, and therefore none could be fo proper to make interceffion for them, as the prieft of thofe ve- I ~ry deities from whom their affliftions came ; for this caufe alfo they of- / fered facrifices, when fick ; and if dangeroufly ill, the better to prevail upon the gods to reftore them to health, a man was flain, and facrificed upon their altars ; and this belief alfo gave the fuppofed power to charms and incantations, fo frequently praftifed in thofe times of fuperftition, to drive away evil fpirits, and to heal difeafes. X The anatomy What knowledge they had in the anatomy of the human body can- and lurgcrv or ^ * ¦¦ * the druids. not be afcertained, yet is it highly probable that they had fome general ideas of the mufcles, nerves, great blood veffels, and other external parts of the body ; and alfo of the chief inteftines ; and this they might have learned from a long courfe of human facrifices. Modern authors indeed, have enlarged greatly upon this fubjeft, and attributed to them, a much more extenfive knowledge of anatomy ; but as what they have advanced is meerly conjeftural, we have neither fpace nor leifure to infert their various opinions. § The druidical practice of forgery, without doubt, extended to the healing of wounds, fetting of broken bones, the reducing of diflocations, and fuch obvious branches of the art. Yet all this was not done in a plain ready way ; but the fimplicity of their practice was concealed, and numberlefs charms, fpells, and incantations made ufe of, to deceive the patient, and encreafe 'their own confe quence. Botany of the Since the chief of their medicines were compofed of the juice and druids. decoftions of various herbs, we may be well affured, that botany was not the leaft of their fludies. The mifletoe, and the ceremonies ufed in cutting it from the tree whereon it was found growing, as alfo the manner of' gathering! the herb Samulos, as well as their medicinal vir- * Vide Borlafs's Hift. Cornwall &Stuke- be efteemed the moft fublime and facred ley's Stone Henge. part of the art of healing. Pliny's Nat. f Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xxx. cap. i. Hift. ut fup. , X There is no perfon that makes any § See Stukeley's Stone Henge, Borlafs's doubt, fays Pliny, but that magic derived Ant. of Cornwall, Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. its origin from medicine, and that by its &c. flattering and delufive powers, it came to |] Vide page 196 of this volume. tues, Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 279 tues, have been before declared.* To thefe we may add, the Selago, a kind of hedge hyfop, which was greatly admired by the druids; the perfon who gathered it was to be cloathed in a white garment, and to offer a facrifice of bread and wine before he proceeded to take it ; when he had done this, he was to cover his right hand with the fkirt -of his robe, and with a hook, made of more precious metal than iron, cut, up the herb, which he was carefully to place in a clean, cloth ; thus gathered, the herb' poffeffed various wonderful qualities, and was a powerful charm and prefervative from misfortunes, and fudden acci dents of all kinds.f Vervaine alfo was in great efteem with the dru ids, and many extraordinary virtues attributed to it. Befides thefe, a multitude of others might be found j but as their virtues depended on fond ceremonies, which all bordered upon the fame fuperftition, it will be needlefs as well as tirefome, to proceed in the defcription of them. One thing ought not to be omitted here, which is, fome account of The Angui nun» the Anguinum or ferpent's egg, which the druids had in high efteem ; °- ferfent's e66- and it was formed, as they pretended, by a great multitude of ferpents clofe intwined together, from the frothy faliva proceeding from their throats ; when it was made, it was raifed up in the air by their com bined hiffing ; and to render it efficacious, it was to be caught in a clean white cloth, before it could fall to the ground ; the perfon who performed this office, was obliged inftantly to mount a fwift horfe,. and ride away full fpeed, to avoid the purfuits of' the ferpents, who fol lowed him with great rage, until they were ftopped by fome river,. Having thus obtained the wonderful egg, he proceeded in the next place to try whether it was genuine or not ; which was done by enr chafing it in gold, and throwing it into a river ; if it fwam againft the ftream, its virtue was indifputable ;. and thofe who carried it about them, fhould, by its powerful influence, be fuperior to their adverfaries, in all difputes ; it would alfo procure them the favour and friendfhip of great men. X But all this is, in general, looked upon as a fable of the druids* in order to procure the greater price for thefe eggs, which they fold at a high rate to the credulous people ; it is true indeed, va rious opinions have been delivered upon this fubjeft,, yet none of them. founded upon any certain fafts.§ Feint is the light thrown upon the methods purfued by the druids Preparation of in preparing their medicines ; fome few hints, it is true, we meet with^med'clne- of their extrafting the juice of herbs, their bruiting and fleeping them in water,, infufing them in . wine, boiling them, and making fumes from them, || and the like; it alfo appears,, that they were not ignorant of making falves and ointments,, from vegetables. * Vide page 196 of this volume* § See Borlafs ut fup. Sec. t Pliny, lib. xxiv: cap. 11. j| Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xvi. cap. 44. lib. X Ibid. lib. xxix. cap. 3. , xxiv. cap. 11. .lib, xxv. cap. 9. et alia. z When a8o - GOVE R N fvl E N T, LAWS, Sec. Part IV, Eloquence of When we remember the opportunities which the druids had of dif- playing their eloquence, we fhall not fo much wonder at the effeft their fpeeches frequently had upon their hearers. They taught their pupils, and harangued to them concerning their doctrines ; they made -public • fpeeches to the people, and inftrufted them in morality.; they pleaded in courts of juftice, and in great councils of the ftate declared their opi nions ; and either by inviting difcourfes, perfuaded the chiefs to peace, or elfe in powerful declamations, ufed every incentive to provoke them to war; and we find their fpeeches were never in Vain, for the greateft attention was always paid to their inftruftions and advice.* The kings and leaders of the Britons who were inftrufted by the druids, partook of their eloquence ; for always before an engagement, they harangued their army, and endeavoured to fire the minds of their fol diers with the hopes of glory and conqueft, and to raife in them a contempt of death and danger. Though thofe elegant fpeeches which are handed down to us, by the Roman authors, of feveral Britifh chiefs, are not entirely genuine, yet the effeft which their exhorta tions are faid to have produced upon their troops, may plainly prove the force and energy with which they were delivered.f Tfeejdrf 'ds ac" ^ne druids have lain under very grievous accufations, on account of their magical juggles ; but in Britain thefe delufions feem to have been carried to a more extraordinary length, and with greater fuccefs, than in any other Celtic nation ; for they praftifed fo many ceremonies and magical rites, that they were faid to have exceed ed even the Perfians themfelves ;J and by thjs art they pretended to difcover the defigns of the gods, and foretel future events. § The Eubate of Vates, alfo inveftigated the moft fublime fecrets of nature and by aufpices and facrifices delivered out prophetic fpeeches. || Yet af ter all, what were thefe more than a fort of religious juggles, which were * The Gauls, and moft likely the Bri- rior to Hercules in power and ftrength. tons, alfo had a god, named Ogmius, which We make him an old man, becaufe elo- in their language fignified eloquence; they quence is never fo forcible as when it pro- piefured him out as an old man, furround- ceeds from the mouth of the aged • and ed by a great multitude of people, all of the relation that the mouth has to the ear ¦whom were held by fmall chains, which juftifies that part of the picture which yo^ came from bis tongue to their ears ;. and wonder at, the flender chains reaching the multitude were not difpleafed with from the tongue of the deity, to the ears their bondage, but on the contrary, looked of the multitude, by which he holds them with admiration upon him. Lucian (who faft ; nor is it any difgrace to reprefent tells this ftory) feemiug to be furprifed at Hercules in this falhion, for it was by his this ftrange reprefentation, was anfwered eloquence that he fucceeded in every by a Gaulifh drnrd, in the following man- thing, and fubdued the hearts of all men. ner : You will not wonder when I inform Lucian in Hercules Gallicus. you, that contrary to the Greeks, we make f Vide page 17, 24 and 32 of this vol. Hercules (whom we call Ogmius) the J Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xxx. cap. 1. god of eloquence, whereas they attribute § Mela, lib iii. cap. 2. that honour to Mercury, who is far infe- |] Ammian. Mafcell. lib. xv. cap. 19. praftifed PartIV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 281' -praftifed by the heathenifo priefts in all ages, and of almoft all na tions. It feems certain that the druids knew the ufe of letters, becaufe f^""5 kn. vn their public and private accounts were always kept in writing,* The'^ how.1"" knowledge of the Greek alphabet, thofe of Gaul received fro m the -Greek merchants at Marfailles, who had fixed themfelves there for the ¦¦convenience of carrying on their trade with the Britons ; for the merchandife from Britain was carried by land thither, and from thence fent to the different nations, where thofe merchants traded :f the dru ids of Britain, either had the fame alphabet from their neighbours the Gauls, or elfe might learn it from the Greek merchants, who came frequently into the ifland. The fchools and feminaries of learning amongft the druids, were held Sc.h°°|^andf fe" in the deep receffes of groves and forefts, and the caverns of the earth; in learning. thofe places they inftrufted the youth J who were committed to their charge, in the knowledge that was neceffary for them, according to the ftation of life which it was intended they fhould fill. The coming of the Romans made a great alteration in the modes of learning amongft the Britons : Julius Agricola is the firft we find who paid any atten tion to the inftruftion of the provincials ; he, we are affured, took great eare to have the fons of the chief Britons taught the liberal fciences ; and fuch was the fuccefs, that they who had before defpifed the Ro man language, now became defirous of acquiring it, and made a rapid progrefs in learning and eloquence.§ After the converfion of the Bri tons to chriftianity, the learning was chiefly confined to the priefts and religious profeffors, andhy degrees the monafteries became the great feminaries of learning. The fculptures and images of the Britons are all of them loft. The Artoffcuipwe. Gauls ufed to ornament their fhields with images of beafts made of brafs, and upon their helmets they placed horns of brafs, figures of birds, or the faces of four-footed beafts ;-|| and it is highly probable, that this art of embellifhing- their fhields and helmets, was not un known to the Britons ; for every warlike people, feem to have taken great pride in the beauty of their arms ; which they either traced with figures,, or poliflied with extraordinary care. The Romans who car ried the art of fculpture to great perfection, improved the ftate of it in Britain, a great variety of their bafs-reliefs and images, have ' been found in various parts of the kingdom ; and it was very foon after their firft arrival, that they began to manifeft proofs of their fkill, for as early as the year 61, not twenty years from the inva- * Csef. Bel. Gal. lib, vi. § Tacit. Vit. Agric. f Strabo, lib. iv. II Diod. Sic. lib. y. J X Mela, ut fup. Vol. I. O o fion ra82 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Tart IV. fion under Claudius Casfar, we find a ftatue. of Viftory in the city of Camulodunum.* Art of painting. We know but little of the ftate of painting, and the art of colour ing amongft the Britons, before the arrival of the Romas ; we read in deed, of their painting th'eir bodies. The fouthern Britons when they went to war ftained themfelves all over with woad, which made them of a blue colour -,%. and this they did to appear more formibable to their enemies. Again at their public feafts and folemn feftivals, all of them, whether men, women, or children, were ftripped naked, and ftained over with wpad, to fuch a degree, that they appeared like Ethiopians :J yet this was but a kind of wafh, or plain colour, uni formly laid all over them. In the north the art of painting, or ftain- ing their fkins, was carried to greater perfeftion ; for there we find them pifturing upon their bodies the reprefentation of herbs, flowers, trees, and animals of all kinds. § The Romans The Romans, who were alfo well acquainted with the arts of defign improve the art ancj colouring, without doubt, inftrufted the Britons in the fame; pam mg. ^^ ^js we may ^e partiy affured of, from the pictures and delinea tions of their Gods, which remained upon the walls of their cities in the days of Gildas Badonicus ; yet becaufe they might be either greatly defaced by time, or the work of ruder hands ; they are faid, by that pious author, to have been hideous and ugly ; but the prejudices which he might have conceived againft them, as the reliques of idolatry, may have caufed him to look upon them in this frightful light ;|| or perhaps many of them may have beeen intended to reprefent fatyrs and fylyan gods, who are always drawn as deformed and ugly. The art of Po- Their remarkable fondnefs for poetry, may be eafily conceived, from Sin. " S their laws and doftrines, whether religious or moral, being all in verfe ; the whole employment of the bards, was poetry of one kind or other ; their compofitions were various ; the aftions of great men they cele brated in heroic poems,** which they fong to the fweet founds of the lyre iff again they would compofe fatirical poems, in which they cen- fured the vices and immoralities of the age ;XX and fuch was the power and harmony of their numbers, when they touched upon the pathetic, and ftrove to move the imaginations of men, that they would * Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. io. ** Diod. Sic. lib. v. f Casf. Bel. Gal. lib. v. cap. io. f-j- Poffidonius of Apamea informs us, j Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xxii. cap. r. that it was a cuftom common amongft the § Herodian, lib iii. cap. 46. Celtic princes, when they went to war, to II The words of Gildas defcribing thefe carry a certain number of poets with pictures of their gods, are as follows': them, who eat at their tables, and fang " quorum non nulla, lineamentis ad hue their praifes to the people, who gathered deformibus intra vel extra deferta moenia round them in crouds. . Athenseas, lib.vi. iblito more rigentia, torvis vultibus intue- cap. 12. Hiur." Gild, Hift. cap. 2. j+ Diod. Sic. lib. v. run Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 2S3' run in hetween two armies, juft upon the point of engaging in bat tle, and by their fongs overcome the paffions of the rough warriors, and make them throw down their arms ;* on the contrary, no doubt, when they were defirous of blowing up the flames of war and fedition ih the minds of their hearers, they had other fongs to raife their cou rage, and let laofe the fury of refentment in their breafts. Mufic feems always to have been happily united with the flights of The mufic of poetry by the Britifh bards ; their poems they conftantly fong to the harp ; and their tafte in mufic, as well as in the expreffion of their words, is plainly proved, by the wonderful effeft it had upon the fur rounding multitude, who liftened to their ftrains. The harp or lyre, is faid to have been invented by the Scythians, and The h? by it was ufed by all the Celtic nations ; in its primitive ftate, it had only whom ,nTenKd- four or five firings or thongs, which were made of an ox's hide ; and it was ufually played upon with a pleftrum, made of the jaw-bone of a goat ;f but by degrees it was improved, and became a very excellent inftrurnent ; the form of thofe ufed by the Britifh bards, as well as the number of firings wherewith they were ftrung, or how they were played upon, are circumftances we have no means left to difcover. Learning, and every other polite art, gradually loft ground, fome The decreafe of time before the departure of the Romans from Britain ; and after they ^"rute" Bri- had finally taken their leave, they funk entirely to the ground : all their tons. records of antient times were loft or deftroyed,J fo that the bare out lines .of the people, and the tranfaftions of this important period is all we could trace out, from the curfory mention we meet with of them in the Roman authors. * Diod. Sic. ut fup. f Pelloutier, Hift. Celt. cap. 9. p. 360. note 30. & vide Dr. Henry's Hift. Brit. v. I. J Gildas Sapiens, himfelf a Briton, de clares himfelf unfatisfied, whether the an cient Britons ever had any records or wri tings, to tranfmit their hiftory and origi nal to pofterity ; and therefore plainly confefles, "that he took all his hiftory *' out of foreign writers, and not out of " any writings or records left by his own " countrymen, which were either loft or " burnt by the enemy at home, or car- ii ried by exiles into foreign countries.." Gild. Hift. And Ninnius in the preface to his Hiftory °f Britain, complains, that the greateft fcholars amongft theBritons had but little learning, and that they had left no memorials ; and confeiTes, that whate ver he had written, was collected out of the annals and chronicles of -the holy fa thers. Pref. Ninn. Hift. Brit. O o 2 CHAP. 284 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV* CHAP. XI. Defcription of the Britons, and their particular Manners. The face of the f^i REAT Britain, which is now fo fair and flourifhihg,. was inthe cknVumes.3"" VjJ" times we are treating of, little better than a wild defart, covered with woods, and full of bogs,, fens, and marfhes ; except perhaps fome few countries in the fouthern parts, which lay near the fea-fhore, where the inhabitants being more civilized, had begun to cultivate the land, and fow corn. Many of thefe marfhes were drained by the Romans, who made folid roads through them, from one part of their poffeffions in the ifland to another ; they alfo built bridges, and did every thing neceffary for the improvement of the country. In Calidonia, where thefe conquerors feldom went, fuch improvements did not take place ; for when the em peror Severus, A. D. 207, with his army, invaded the northern nations,, he met with almoft infurmountable obfiacles, from the wild and urc-- cultivated ftate of the country; fo that in order to profecute his march, he was obliged to cut down whole forefts, dry up moraffes, build brid ges, and fill up the bogs ; till at laft his troops were fo wearied, and harraffed with a continual fucceffion of difficulties, that many, unable to proceed any further, begged of their companions to kill them, left they fhould fall alive into the. hands of their enemies. It is faid, that the emperor loft no fewer than fifty thoufand of his troops in this un profitable expedition.* The perfons of The Britons, in general, appear to have been a tall,f ftrong, nimble, the Bntons. ant^ COmely people ; though they were not all alike, for the Calidoni ans are defcribed as the ftrongeft built, and the beft able to endure hardfhips ; for they were accuftomed, from the nature of their climate, to fatigues of all kinds ; they could endure hunger and cold with great patience, and would remain for feveral days in the fens and mo raffes, up to the neck in water, without touching food of any kind :t thefe men, from their large limbs, and red hair, were thought to have come originally from Germany. The Silures, were remarkable for their fwarthy complexions, and their hair, which was generally curled : thefe have been thought to have come from Spain, whilft thofe who pof feffed the fea-coafts oppofite to Gaul, are univerfally agreed to have been like the Gauls, and moft likely fprung from them.§ As the Celtic * Xipil. ex Dio. Nicso. in Sever. ry ftraight upon their legs ; nor had they f Strabo fays, that he faw certain Bri- any very fine features, or elegance of fliape tilh youths at Rome, who were one foot or limbs. Strabo, lib. iv. and a half higher than the talleft perfon j Xiphil. ex Dio. in Sever. there: he remarks that they were fairer in § Tacit. Vit, Agric. perfon than the Gauls, but did not ftand ve nations PartIV.. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 285 nations. in general are faid to have been remarkable for their blue eyes, we may fairly judge that thofe of the Britons were the fame. As the Britons were a people of good conftitutions;, and lived in a fimple man ner, we need not wonder that they fhould arrive at great ages.. Some of them are faid to have exceeded one hundred years.* In genius the Britons excelled the Gauls, who were an acute and The general. ready people. j- In their tempers they were proud and hafty, con-^"^:",,^. temning danger, and fwift to revenge ; they were brave and valiant in the field of battle, but cruel and bloody to the enemies whom they had conquered. X Curiofity,.. credulity, and.ficklenefs, were the national foibles both of the Gauls and Britons ; and to all thefe, at times, were owing the misfortunes of both thefe people.§ On the other hand, the Britons were open, generous, grateful, and docile ; being perfectly fim ple and honefl in all their dealings,! they fubmitted with pleafure to what was mild and legal, but were impatient of reftraint,. and oppofed coura- gioufly all tyranny, . and attempts to enflave them ; but of all others, this was the ftrongeft charafteriflic of the Calidonians, many of whom put their wives, and .children to death with their own hands, rather than they fhould fall into the power of the Romans ;** they alfo were equally re markable for their focial affeftion and duty towards their parents.. Another remarkable part of the character of the ancient Britons, was-Thehofpitaiityv their hofpitality to ftrangers .; towards whom they always behaved with and'the^re""8'"' the greateft kindnefs, and received them with joy and feftivity, holding "fl"". nothing too good: for them that their houfe afforded.ff With refpeft to *¦ Plutarch declares that fome of them ftop, .even againft their wills, and they lived- to one. hundred and twenty years, would enquire of them the news of the Vide Camden, in his Preface to his Brit. time, what they had heard, or might -j- Tacit. Vita Agric. know, concerning any matter ; and the X This one may find ty their behaviour- common people would' croud round the- to the Roman captives, whom they took merchants in the towns, and oblige them . in the famous revolt under Boudicea,. to inform them from what country they queen ofthe Jcenians , fee page 23, of this came, and what news they have there,. volume. Diodorus Siculus and Strabo- Influenced by fuch reports and informa- bo'th inform-us that the Gauls ufed to cut tionsj they would"' creduloufly determine off the heads of their enemies whom .they matters of the greateft moment, and fre- had flain in battle; and fuch as were of a quently to their great difadvantage; fince high rank they anointed with a certain they gave credit to 1 every doubtful report,. mixture, to preferve them, and kept them and many impofed on; them things invent- in their houfes- to fhew to ftrangers, to ed to pleafe them; Caef. Bel.' Gal. lib. iv. . whom they boafted of their own great a&s, cap. 5. or the valour of their predeceflbrs ; . and |] Diodorus Siculus fays of the Britons, fhewed thofe heads as proof of the truth of that their manners were plain and fimple j their aflertions. There feems but little and that they were abfolute ftrangers to the doubt to be made of the Britons doing the pernicious cunning and difiimulation ofthe fame, fince in moft other matters they fol- generality of people in .his- time. Diod. . lowed the Gauls fo .clofely. Diod. Sic. Sic. lib. v. cap. 2 1 . lib v. Strabo, lib. iv. ** Tacit. Vita Agric. § Cseiar informs us that it was the cu- If, Diod.. Sic; lib, v. ftom with the Gauls to oblige travellers to their,- 2.86 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. their chafti ty, it feems their ideas were grofs and unpolifhed.* As they had not wherewithal to live luxurioufly, fo their frugality is not to be commended, for they were very eafily drawn into all kinds of excefs, f and drunkennefs was a vice they frequently gave way to ; they would often drink until they were entirely overcome with the liquor, or inflamed with a kind of madnefs; and the bad effefts of this vice was, that thereby fudden quarrels happened amongft them ; for when they had drank freely, they would flart up and fight furioufly, without the leaft regard to their lives or fafety.J Another blemifh in their charac ter, was, their pronenefs to public robberies, efpecially in the north ; for the Maseatse and Calidonians fupported themfelves in great meafure by plunder and fpoils, which they took from their, neighbours in the fouth, whom they frequently diftreffed to the greateft degree in a moft cruel and barbarous manner.§ Ranks of men Of the ranks of men amongft both the Gauls and Britons we find Briton* the Dut two f°rts> that enjoyed any confiderable honours, and thefe were the druids and the nobles : concerning the druids, enough has been faid al ready ; the nobles, or heads of clans, as many of them as formed a com munity, or ftate, were obliged, when any war broke out, to join in the profecution of it ; and as any one of thefe were fuperior either in quality or power, fo he had more retainers about him, and in this his honour chiefly confifted. The common people were looked upon almoft in the light of flaves, and could do nothing of their own accord ; neither were they admitted to any councils, moft of them being oppreffed with debt, the weight of taxes, or the injuftice of the great, fubmitted themfelves to the vaffajage of the nobles, who had the fame -power over them as if they were flaves ;|| and indeed they were frequently abufed, and fold as fuch.** Behaviour of We have the greateft reafon to believe that the Britons behaved with wa^dl'the"^"- a'l becoming decency and refpeft towards the fair-fex. We find that the fex. brutal carriage of the Romans towards the daughters of Boudicea, and the affronts which they put upon her, were great incentives to that de ftruftive revolt that broke out foon after.ff What their ceremonies of marriage were, or what the particular employment of their wives, is not known;|:f but without doubt it was their charge to overlook the affairs of the houfe, and pay attention to fuch bufinefs as more properly belongs to women than men ; and had the care of their children until they were of * Csef. Bel. Gal. lib. v, & vide page 248 amongft the Gauls, " Whatever fum of this volume. " the hufbands receive with their wives, f Tacit. Vita Agric. " by way of dower, (fays he) fo much X Diod. Sic. ut fup. » of their own poffeffions (a calculation § Seethe firft part of the Chronicle. "being made) they join to that for- || Csef. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. " tune; a clear account is kept of this ** Strabo, lib. iv. " money, and its intereft preferved, and •ff Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. cap. 10. " the longeft liver of the two inherits the jj Cafar relates a remarkable circum- " whole." Cad". Bel. Gal. lib. vi. cap. ly. ftance relative to the marriage dowers fit Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS, 287 fit age to be put under the tuition of the druids. Their houfhold furni ture we can by no means pretend to. difplay ; their beds, indeed, might be nothing more than fkins of beafts, fpread upon the floor within their lit tle cots. The original diet ofthe Britons was plain and fimple, nor do they Diet of the Bri- feem to have had any idea of luxury in food before the arrival of the Ro- tons" mans. Some of the northern nations lie under the horrid accufation of gating their fellow-creatures ;* but this heavy charge is thought by mo dern authors to have been groundlefs, and only to have arifen from mif- take, or wrong information ; which opinion (as every one ought to think as charitably as poffible) is not without a tolerable foundatio.n-f The fouthern Britons had great plenty, as well as variety of provifions, pienly 0f pro- though they fuperftitioufly abftained from eating hares, hens, and geefe;f f^"^^,;,,, however, a bird, named Chenerotes, (fuppofed to be a kind of wild fowl) was in the higheft efteem amongft them.§ They had alfo a great plenty of venifon, befides their tame cattle, as oxen, fheep, and goats, which they drove about from place to place, and which, indeed, confti- tuted the chief wealth of the inland Britons ; all thefe, it feems, they killed and dreffed for their ufe, as their neceffity required them. It is remarked of the Celtic nations in general, that they eat very lit- Manner of dref- tle bread at their entertainments, but a great deal of flefh, which they £* ' 00 ' either boiled in water, or broiled upon the coals, or roafted on fpits ; and of the Gauls, in particular, it is faid, that near the place where they intended to make an entertainment they ufually kindled great fires, whereon they placed pots, and near them fpits, on which they roafted large jointsofmeatofvariouskinds.|| The Gauls and Britons had fait, with which they ufed to fait their provifions, and preferve them. In ancient time fait was a part of the commodities which the Britons received from the Phcenicians, in exchange for their tin and lead ;** but, fome time after, . they learned a method of making it themfelves, inftrufted, perhaps, by the Gauls, who purfued the following procefs : — They raifed a pile of trees, chiefly of oaks and hazels, and having fet it on fire, burnt it to charcoal, and whilft if was red hot, they poured fait water upon it, which produced a kind of fait of a blackifh hue.f f . Their cattle afforded *them milk, and arnongft the more civilized Scarcity of i)ro- Britons perhaps the art of making cheefe and butter might not be un- norland why. known ; XX Dut we are affured that the more northern nations were totally * Diod. Sic. lib. v. cap. 32. & Hieron. XX For it is thought that the words of adver. Soven. lib. ii. , Strabo, declaring " that fome of the. an- f Dr. Henry's Hiftory of Britain, vol. I. " cient Britons were fo very ignorant, pages 478 & 479. " that though they had great quantities X Caef. Bel. Gal. lib. v. " of milk, yet they knew not how to make § Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. x. cap. 22. " cheefe, &c." ought not to be taken in a || Poffidonius, &Diod. Sic. lib. v. generalfenfe, as regarding the whole ifland, ** Strabo,- lib. iv. but only that part of it that was moft un- -j-f Tacit. Annal. lib. xiii. fub fine, poliflied. Vide Strabo, lib. iv. Pliny's Nat. Hift. lib. xxxi. cap. 7. ignorant 283 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. The Hrinlcs ufual amongft tne .Britons. ignorant of it ; nor had they fuch variety of food as was produced in the fouth, for they inhabited the barren mountains, and their country v/as full of -moraffes and marfhes ; neither had they any cultivated lands, fo that their whole provifion confifted of milk and flefh, either of their tame cattle, or fuch as. they got by hunting, or wild fruits and roots; for we are affured they would not eat fifh, though their rivers abounded with them: if they ever fed upon greater dainties than fuch as are juft men tioned, thofe were only the fpoils which they had taken from their fou thern neighbours.* The drinks of the Gauls and Britons were chiefly, ale, or mead ; the lat ter made of honey, diluted with water, and fermented ; and the former; which feems to have been their more common drink, was ufoally made of barley ; the grain being fleeped in water, was made to germinate, by which its fpirit was excited, and fet at liberty; it was then dried and ground, and after infufed into a certain quantity of water, and being fermented, became a warm, ftrengthening, and intoxicating liquor :f when they found a deficiency of barley, feveral other grains were fubfti tuted in its ftead, as wheat, rye, oats-, and millet. Wine they had but fmall quantities of, which was imported by the merchants who traded with them, but they were moft immoderately fond of it; and when they had it in their poffeffion, would feldom leave it till they had either drank it all out, or fo far inebriated themfelves as to be deprived of all fenfibi- lity.J When they fat at meat, it was not upon feats or benches, but upon the ground ; whereon, inftead of carpets, they fpread the fkins of wolves, or dogs. The guefts all of them fat roundabout, and the food was placed before them, and every one took his part ; they were waited upon by the younger people of both fexes.§ Such as had not fkins were content with a little hay orftraw, which was laid under them. Exercifes of the The exercifes of the Britons were robuft and manly; they praftifed, iBnwns. without doubt, like other barbarous nations, feats of war, and ftrove to make themfelves expert in the ufe of arms. They do not feem to have Manner of lit ting at meat. * Xiphil. ex Dio. Nie. in Sever. -j- Ifidorus Orig. lib. xx. cap. 2. To the fame purpofe Diodorus Siculu«, " The " Gauls made a ftrong liquor of barley, " which they callZithus ; they alfo made a " a drink of honey, diluted with water." lib. v. X Ibid. In the Scottifh iflands (where many of the old Britifli cuftoms are ftill preferved) "Themanner of drinking (fays Martin) ufed by the chief men, is called in their language Streat, i. e. around, for the company fat in a circle, and the cup-bearer filled round to them, and all was drank out, whatever liquor.it was, whether weak or ftrong. They continued drinking •fometimes twenty-four, and fometimes for ty-eight hours. It was reckoned a piece of manhood to drink until they were drunk, and there were two men with abar- row attending punctually on fuch occa fions. They flood at the 'door until fome became drunk, and they carried them up on the barrow to bed, and returned again to their poft as long as any continued frefh ; and fo carried off the whole company one by one as they became drunk.*' Martin's De fcription of the Weftern Iflands, p. 106. § Diod. Sic. lib. v. dedicated PartIV- OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. a8o dedicated their leifure hours to conftant idlenefs, or diffipation, as the Ger mans were wont to do, but attended to recreations of various forts. Of their furprifing agility and alertnefs we have many proofs ; they were fwift of foot, and incomparable fwimmers.* The Gauls and Britons burned the bodies of their dead; and their Funerals of the funerals, according to the quality of the perfon, were grand and magni ficent : around the pile the friends and relations of the deceafed were affembled, and threw into the flames whatever he thought valuable in his life-time ; particularly his arms, and fuch animals as were favourites. In ancient times it had been cuftomary alfo to burn his flaves andferVants with him, efpecially if he were of high quality,f that he might not go unattended into the other world ; and, for the fame reafon, frequently his deareft friends would rufh voluntarily into the fire, in order to ac company their departed companion to his ftation in the future life.j; When the afhes were gathered up, with them was buried the bonds and contrafts for money, that were made during the life-time of the deceafed, that he might fhew them in the other world, and exaft the money of his debtors, which was due to him. § . The dead body being burned, and the afhes collefted together, the laft Monuments of fad office of the friends of the deceafed was to lay them in fome place of grjtao"cs'ent reft. The common fort of people moft likely had their afhes laid in a hole dug in the earth, near where the funeral had been performed, and over the grave might be raifed a little hillock of earth, or turfs. Thofe of more confequence were put into the ftone cheft, or kift vean, a rude monu ment, frequently, found in various parts of Britain, and was ufually com pofed of five large flat ftones ; four of them made the fides, the fifth ferved by way of cover ; fometimes thefe were placed on the top of a high hillock, or barrow ; at other times a hill was made over them : the bar rows were ufually made of earth, though often ornamented with large ftones fet round about them, or with a little trench. Kings and nobles had more obvious monuments raifed over their afhes : thefe are called Cromleh's ftone tables, and are ufually formed by one large flat ftone, laid on three or four other ftones, which are fet upright, or poft -ways, to.fuftain it.|| * Thus. Boudicea, in her famous fpeech § Ibid. to the Britons, remonftrates, " If we fly, || Some authors, inftead of Cromleh, " we are fo fwift of foot, that the Romans write Cromlech. See two of thefe ancient " cannot overtake us ; if they fly, they monuments, plate III. For a further ac- " cannot efcape our purfuit. We can count of them, the reader is referred to " pafs rivers by fwimming which they can the firft- volume of the Hojlba Angel " hardly pafs in boats." Xiphil. ex Dio. cynnanj or yiew of the Maruiers and in Nerone. Cuftoms of the Inhabitants of England, t C*f. BeLGal. hb. v. PaSe6l> X Mela, lib. ui. cap. z. r ° Vol. I. Pp CHAP. 2oo GOVERNMENT, LAWS, See. Part IV, CHAP. XII. B1 eleftion. Military Conduil and Fortifications of the Romans. lEFORE we conclude this part of the Chronicle, it may not be amifs to explain the manner and nature of the Roman fortifica tions, that we may be able, in the future volumes, to determine which of the various entrenchments remaining in Britain may,, or ought to be aferibed to that people. To fet the whole in as clear a light as poffible, the following extract from Polybius is given, which fhews in what man ner the' armies of the Romans were conftituted, and how encamped.* Roman tri- « After the Romans have elefted their confuls, they create military choftA.h°* tribunes ; they chufe fourteen out of thofe who have been five years in the war, and ten more of thofe that have carried their arms ten -years : for all their citizens muft bear arms till the forty-fixth year of their age. The horfe muft ferve ten years, and the foot fixteen ; except thofe who are worth above feventy livres, and thofe they referye for the marine. But if the commonwealth have an extraordinary occafion, the foot are bound to ferve twenty years. The manner of fc None can exercife the office of a magiftrate that has not ferved tens campaigns. When the confuls have occafion to raife foldiers, they caufe proclamation to be made, that all that are able to bear arms fhall affem- ble together at fuch a time; and this they do once a year. When the day is come, and the Romans who are able to go to war are affembled at the capitol, the youngeft of the military tribunes divide them, into four bodies, according to the order ofthe people, or of the generals of the army, becaufe they firft divide their troops into four legions, and the four tribunes who were firft chofen are ordered into the firft legion, the three next for the fecond, the four next after for the third, and the laft for the fourth. In the firft legion are two of the ojdeft made tribunes, in the fecond are the three next, in the third the two next after them,. and in the fourth the three laft. Legions, how " After the legions were thus chofen, and divided into fuch fort, that every legion has the fame number of leaders, the tribunes of each legion being fet at a diftance, draw the tribus (wherein the names were con tained) by lot. They are called as they are drawn, and afterward they chufe four young men of the fame age and flature. The tribunes of the firft legion chufe firft, thofe of the fecond, the fecond, and fo of the reft; except the number of the triarii, which never changes. The youngeft are obliged to wear a fword, and carry a fmall javelin, with a target; the target is firm, being made for that purpofe, and bio- enough to defend him that carries it, for it is round, and a foot and a chofen. * Polybius, lib. vi. half Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS'. *?i half in diameter. Befides this, the velites wear a light head-piece, on the top of which they commonly put a wolf's paw, or fomething like it, which ferves both for a covering, and a mark for the captains, to know them upon occafion. The javelin of the velites is of wood, and commonly about two -cubits longi and finger thick; it is armed with iron about half a foot, and at the point fo fine, that it bends at the firft blow, fo that when they lance againft their enemies they can not ufe the fame weapon again, otherwife it would ferve both, and he that lanceth would find his enemies weapons to fight againft himfelf. " The next to the velites are the haftati, and they are appointed tOThehairati, carry the arms which they keep in their houfes, and chiefly the buckler. 4°"^,°^** Its fuperfices, bending outwards, are two feet and a half, and four feet long, or at fartheft does not exceed half a foot more. It is made of two boards glewed together, covered with thick cloth glewed in like man ner, and over all the reft a calf's fkin ; round it there is a border of iron, to defend it againft all cutting ftrokes, and give it fhape ; in the midft there is an iron fhell, or bofs, to fuftain the blow of a ftone, or the pulh of a lance, or any other arms whatfoever. The fpearmen have, befide the buckler, a Spanifh fword, which they wear on their right fide, fit either for thrufting or cutting, with an edge on both fides, made of a ftrong well-tempered blade. Befide all this, they carry two great jave lins, a brafs helmet, and armour to cover their thighs and legs ; forrie of thefe javelins are thicker, fome more flender: ofthe largeft fori, the round ones were of four fingers diameter, and the others as much on the fides ; the leffer fort refembles our common darts. Thefe every foldier carries with the arms above-mentioned. The fhaft of thefe javelins is three yards long, with iron in form of a hook, and pointed at the end, of an equal length ofthe fhaft. This iron, which reaches as far as the middle of the fhaft, is firmly fecured, and riveted with nails, to prevent its being loofened, or breaking by any accident where it is joined. On the-top of their helmet is fattened a fmall coronet, or circle of iron, with three fea thers, red or black, in the midft, a foot and a half in length, which towering fo far above the head, make thofe who wear them appear big and terrible to their enemies. The ordinary foldiers wear on their breafts a plate, twelve inches on all fides; but thofe who are worth more than one hundred and fifty pounds eftate, wear a coat of mail inftead of this breaft-plate. " The principes and the triarii bear the fame arms, except that the tri- The principei arii, inftead of javelins, carry a fort of half-pike. Out of thefe fighting- "rirwr^"™* men, except the youngeft, which were the velites, are chofen ten com- rank. manders, all experiencedin the art of war; and after this, by a fecond elec tion, ten more. All thefe officers have the title of captains, with power to nominate ten ferjeants in their divifions. Next, according to their fe veral ages, the whole body is divided into ten parts, exclufive of the ve lites, and each divifion hath two commanders, and two ferjeants out of P p 2 thofe 202 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV.. thofe before chofen. The velites are equally diftributed to each party,, and each part have the name of a band, company or colours given to it,: and the captains are called centurions. Thefe chufe each in their re- fpeftiye companies two enfigns, the moft robuft and brave fellows they can find. Doubtlefs it is a very prudent method to place two com manders to each divifion ; for, confidering all uncertainties, how either may behave themfelves, and the rifques of war, it may not be fafe to fuffer companies to hazard the want of a commander. The eldeft of thefe captains, or he who is firft chofen, leads the right, and the other: on the left, and either in the abfence of his partner, leads the whole body. The qualities which the Romans defire in a commander, are not fo much adventurous boldnefs, as fkill in military affairs, good con duft, and counfel : nor do they ever fet fo high a value on thofe who are forward to engage and,. expofe themfelves freely, as thofe who refift an enemy when he preffes them, and rather die than quit their poft. Their cavalry, « Jn the fame manner they divide their cavalry, into ten parts, each of vvhich has three captains, who chufe three lieutenants of their troops. The eldeft, or firft eleft, command the troops, and the others are but , decurions, or commanders of ten. In the abfence ofthe eldeft captain, the fecond afts in his place. The armour of the horfe is the fame with the Greeks ; formerly they did not wear cuiraffes, but a fort of breeches -, by this means they were lighter, and could difmount more readily, but - fighting thus unarmed, were more expofed to danger. Their javelins were ufelefs to them for two reafons ; firft, becaufe flender, and bending with their weight, they were fubjeft to be broken by the agitation of the horfe ; the fecond, becaufe being armed with iron at one end only, they were only proper for a fingle blow, and being broken on one fide, were rendered ufelefs. They bore a buckler made of an ox's hide, which re^ fembled certain loaves ftuck through, as is ufed in facrifices ; and thefe being not firm enough to make any great oppofition, were of little ufe at heft; but if they happened to be thorough wet by a good fhower of rain, became wholly unferviceable. For this reafon they laid all thefe things afide, introducing the Greek arms, by which they were able to fecure their blow, the javelin being firm, arid capable of being ufed on either fide. The Romans finding by - experience how convenient thefe arms were, foon embraced them, no people being mote docile,- or apt to change, when in the ftead of their ancient cuftoms they can introduce better. other particu- " When the tribunesof the army have finifhed the divifion, anddifpofed their affairs as above, they difmifs the foldiers till the time arrives, upon which they are fwom to meet at the place nominated by the conful. It happens, ordinarily, that each conful affigns a different rendezvous, and orders a feparate meeting of their legions, each conful having a moiety of the auxiliary forces ofthe allies, and two Roman legions at his difpo- fal. All who are lifted meet without fail at the time and place ap pointed ; Jar cuftoms. Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. *jj pointed ;. nor are any who were fworn admitted to offer any excufe for their abfence, without fome extraordinary accident or impoffibility. At this meeting of the allies and Roman forces, twelve provofts, commif- fioned by the confuls, have the direftion of all matters, and affign to each man his duty ; but in the firft place they proceed to chufe out of the allies who are prefent, divers horfe and foot, who are to be near the per fon of the conful on all occafions which may require an approved cou rage, and thefe are called extraordinaries. In all other refpefts the in fantry of the allies is equal in number to the Roman legions, but their cavalry is double ; out of which are ufually employed for extraordinaries of horfe, the third, and of foot, the fifth part ; the remainder is divided, and called, one the right, the other the left wing. In the next place, the tribunes take the legions with their auxiliaries, and encamp them, which they perpetually do in the fame manner and form. Wherefore, I fhall proceed in the next place to fhew the manner of marching, en camping, and difpofing their troops in battle; and here I cannot doubt but all thofe who have any curiofity for any commendable knowledge,. will give juft attention to a matter which is fo memorable, and fo well deferves their notice. " This, then, is their manner of encamping : — Having chofen out a Method of en- proper ground, they ereft the prastorium, or general's pavilion, in the ""p1"2, moft convenient place, to obferve what paffes, and give orders. After they have planted the flandard in the place of the pavilion, they proceed to fet out a fquare of two acres of land, each face being one hundred feet diftant from the flandard; the Roman legions are polled on that fide which appears moft proper for forage and water. There are fix tribunes, in each legion, as was before recited ; and each conful having two legions. with him, it is evident there muft be twelve tribunes in both armies. The tents ofthe tribunes are erefted in a right line, all parts of which an equal diftance of fifty feet from the fide of the fquare appointed for them ; and this fpace is large enough to receive their horfes, their other beafts. of burthen, and the reft of their baggage : theis tents extend all the back ofthe fquare, looking outwards. " And here the reader muft obferve, that this is the front of the whole Different parts figure, and that we fhall hereafter call it fo. The tents of tribunes are howiodg™!' equally diftant from each other, and make in their traft a fpace equal in extent to that of the Roman legions in depth. After this, they mea fure out a fpace in front, directly oppofite to thefe tents, and draw a right line of equal length with that on which the tribunes' tents are erefted,. and parallel to it ; here they begin to lodge the legions, which is done in the following manner : they divide the former line in the midft, then draw a ftrait line from the point of feftion, and lodge on both fides of this line the cavalry of the two legions oppofite to each other, leaving between an empty fpace, or way, fifty feet broad>; through the midft of which the former line paffeSi- The tents of the in- 2 fantry 2tj4 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV. fantry and cavalry are difpofed in the. fame manner ; the figure of the ground which both occupy making a fquare. This looks towards the ways, or ftreets, between both, and its length, which is a hundred feet, is the length of the way ; and for the moft it is fo contrived, that the depth and widenefs have the fame meafure, except the lodgment of the allies. But when that armies are greater, they increafe the dimenfions. But the tents of the horfe terminating exaftly in the midft of the tents of the tribunes, there is a way which traverfes the right line before-men tioned, and the fpace before the tribunes' tents. For the reft, all paf fages are difpofed in fuch manner they refemble ftreets, or rows, part foot, part horfe, being extended along each fide. The triarvi, " The triarvi of the two legions are pofted behind the cavalry, of thTcamp!din which we have been fpeaking, each company anfwering to the other in the fame figure, in fuch manner, that although they touch each other on the back, the triarvi face thofe of the oppofite fide, and the breadth of the way where each band of the triarvi is pofted, does not exceed half its length, thefe being for the moft part one half lefs than the other. For this reafon, though the number of men be not always equal, and the fpace in which they are pofted be different, yet the length is equal. The principes are polled oppofite to the triarvi, with a way of fifty paces between them ; and in going from hence, to the fpace which I before mentioned by the tribunes' tents, there are two other banks or rows, which begin at the fame ftraight line with the horfe, that is, at the fpace of a hundred feet, before the tribunes' lodgment, and terminate at the other end of the camp, which we be fore called the front of the whole figure. Thehaflati, « The haftati or fpear-men, are pofted near the principes, but on their back, like the triarvi, facing the horfe. on the oppofite fide. Now having obferved, that each legion confifts of ten companies,' according to the divifion before made. All thefe alleys or ftreets, are of the fame length, and end in the front of the camp, and it is on that fide all the laft companies are pofted. In the back Of the haftati, at the diftance* of fifty feet, are planted the cavalry of the allies, beginning in the fame line, and ending in the fame ftraight line with them. The infantry of the allies is equal in number to the Romans, but it is leffened a third part by taking away the extraordinaries. And for this reafon, in en camping they encreafe the breadth, to equal them in length to the Ro man legions. After the ftreets or rows are marked out, which never exceed five, the lodgments of the foot of the allies is next fet out, who are planted on the back of the horfe, but the depth is increafed in proportion ; for the reft, this infantry looks towards the retrenchment of .camp on both fides ; but the captains of each company take the principal lodgments on each fide. But in difpofing the cavalry- in this manner, the fixth company is feparated from the fifth, by an in terval of fifty feet ; and the fame thing is obferved in the infantry. By this Jiow lodged. VI Part IV. OF THE -ANCIENT BRITONS. 29$ this means away is formed which croffes all other rows, and snakes a line parallel to the range of the tribunes' tents. The Romans give it the name of the fifth, becaufe it runs the whole length of each fifth range of lodgments. As for the- void fpace behind the tribunes' tents on each fide the prsetorium, the one fide is allotted for the mar kets, and the other is occupied by the quaeftor and the" ammunition. On each fide the tribunes.,tdwaj:ds their utmoft tent, a little falling back, are volunteers, who came into the army; out of refpeft to the conful. Thefe are planted the whole length of the camp, fome on the qusef- tor's fide, others on the fide of. the market. In all other refpefts thefe are not; pofted there, but when the army marched, or in any aftion, they guard the conful and quaeftof, being ever near their perfons. " With thefe they join the flower of the foot, on the fide of the en- other divifion*' trenchment, whofe office is the famfe with the horfe before -mentioned : of the "rop" after them is left a fpace of fifty feet broad, parallel to the tribunes' tents, which extending the length of the market, prsetorium, and the quseftor's apartment, is continued from the retrenchment on one fide, and to that on the other. On the upper' fide ofthe way the extraordinary horfe of the allies are planted, oppofite to the market, the prsetorium, and the quasftor's quarters; but in midft of the tents a way of fifty feet broad is left, paffing before the praetoriumy which crofling the other way in that place, traverfes the camp, making a ftraight line from one entrenchment to the pther. ¦:, -Behind thefe horfe, are lodged the extraordinary foot of the allies, which looks towards the entrench ments and the laft fide of the camp. The remaining void fpace on each fide, is allotted for the reception of foreigners, or allies, whofe occa fions may bring them into the camp. All thefe things thus difpofed,. the form of the camp is a, fquare of equal fides, and the regular pofi- tion of the "ftreets, tents, and all other things, make it very much r.e- emble a town.. On every ,fide between .the entrenchment and the rents, is a vacant fpace of two hundred paces, very commodious for receiving a multitude of different things ; here they kept their own cattle, and thofe they have taken from the enemy, in the night-time ; and this fpace is very ufeful, the enemy not.being able, in cafe they make" an attack by .night, to fling either darts, . or fire, unlefs by a great """% chance, and then cannot do any confiderable damage, by reafon of the greatnefs of the diftance, and the tents which are about it.* ¦ Thus * That the reader may the better un- reference we have marked-but one fide all derftand the whole, form of the Roman through, the other exaftly correfponded' ; camp, according tp the defcription of Po- with it. BBBBB'B,"iix of the tribunes'" lybius, we have fubjoined plate VI. where, tents, the other fix are oppofite on the other at the top, a plan is accurately drawn out. fide of the praetorium ; each of thefe fquares The references may be made as follow: A, are fifty feet every way. On one fide of. the pratorium, or fquare, for the general's the prsetorium is the market, two hundred. teni two hundred feet every way : in this feet broad, and three hundred and fifty. - r feet &9& GOVERNMENT, LAWS,- Sec. Part IV. The form of the " Thus it is eafy to know how fpacious the camp is, and what number it camp when two js ^e to receive, whether a legion confifting of four or five thoufand men, joined. e fince I have fhewn the dimenfion of every part, its ftreets, and other parti culars ; but if the number of the allies be greater, whether they come firft or after with their troops, as neceffity or occafion requires, they, are lodged on one fide of the praetorium, and the market is removed to the quasftor's apartment, or, if the number of thofe be great, who begin to march ; when the army is too big, a row is added on each fide of the Roman legions, towards the fide ofthe camp. But if the two confuls and the four legions join in one camp, you muft fancy them after the manner of two armies, joined back to back, difperfed as before de-: feribed, and in the place where their extraordinaries are pofted. Thus ' the figure will be oblong, the ground twice as fpacious, and the circuit once and a half greater. In fhort, whenever the two confuls are iii the fame camp, they order every thing in the fame manner as when their camps are feparate, except that the quaftor, the market, and the prse torium, are then in the middle between both armies. The adminiftra. « After the encampment is made, all the tribunes meet, and admi- non o t e oat . Hjfl.er an oatn to every man in the legion, as well freemen as flaves, who. all one after anodier fwear, That -they will not rob in camp; and in cafe. any one finds any thing by chance, he. fhall acquaint the tribunes with it. Next, two companies of the principes and haftati of each legion are Ceet in length ; oppofite to this, on the other fide of the praetorium, is the qiue- :ftor's lodging, of equal length and breath with the forum. CCCCCC, fquares fifty feet every way, the lodging of the prae.- fefti. DD, the via principalis, orprincipal 'ftreet, one hundred feet in width. E E E E, ¦another ftreet, dividing the lodgings in the midft, and parting from each gate to the praetorium. F F, two long divifions, each one hundred feet broad, and five hundred long, divided into ten fquares ; in thefe were lodged the ten companies of cavalry. G G, two other divifions of equal length, only fifty feet wide ; thefe are the lodgings for ten companies of the triarvi. HH, a 'ftreet fifty feet broad. 1 1, two long divi fions, one hundred feet wide, and of equal ¦length with the former, containing ten fquares, for the lodging ofthe ten compa nies ofthe principes. KK, two other di vifions, equal in length and breadth with the former, the lodgings of the ten com panies* of the haftati, or fpear-men. L L, another ftreet, fifty feet wide. M M, two other long , divifions, one hundred and fifty feet wide, but of equal length with ¦the for-mer ; thefe are the lodgings for the ¦auxiliary cavalry. 1ST N, other divifions, two hundred feet wide, but of equal length with the former, the lodgings of the aux iliary infantry. O O, a tranfverfe ftreet. P, the lodging for the feleft voluntary ca valry. ,Q, the feleft voluntary foot ; thefe, with the former, occupied a fpace. three hundred and fifty feet long, and two hundred broad. R R, another tranf verfe ftreet, one hundred feet broad. S, the lodgings of the foreigners and allies,- occupying a fpace of three hundred and fifty feet long, and one hundred and fifty broad. T, the extraordinary in fantry. V, the extraordinary cavalry ; thefe togetTier occupied a fpace of four hundred and fifty feet long, and one hun dred and fifty broad. WW WW, &c. a yoid fpace all around the whole camp, two hundred feet broad. X X X X; the four principal entrances, each fifty feet wide YYYY, &c. the vallum. Z Z Z Z, &c. the fofie, or ditch. The reader will ob ferve, that this camp is compofed, of two legions, and their auxiliaries, who are lodged exaftly in the fame manner, one legion on one fide the ftreet, E E E E, and the other on the other. appointed PartIV. . OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. t& appointed to guard the tribunes' tents, the Romans fometimes fpendihg whole days in that fpace, for which reafon they are extremely curious in keeping it clean.. As for the other eighteen companies, each tribune draws three by lot, for there is in each divifion which are made of them the fame number of haftati, principes, and fix military tribunes ; out of each company of thefe, three ferve the tribunes alternately in the follow ing manner : — When the camp is marked out, thefe companies pitch their tents, ereft them, and making the ground level, fecuring the bag gage ; if occafion requires, they keep two watches of four centinels, one of which is kept before the tents, tbe other behind, near the horfes. Now each tribune having three companies under his command, and each company confuting of a hundred men, exclufive ofthe triarvi and velites, who are not obliged to thefe offices ; this charge is not very hea vy, they only-being in waiting once infourdays : this provifion is made for. the eafe ofthe tribunes., and for fupporting their authority, credit, and conveniency. The companies of the triarvi are exempt from all the du ties which the reft perform to the tribunes, but each is obliged to fend every day four foldiers to the troops of horfe, to watch near t'he compa nies behind them. They fet a fpecial guard on the horfe, to prevent them from embarraffing each other, to fee that they preferve the ranks, or, by falling foul on one another, they do not caufe any diforder or «Iatra in the camp. To conclude, one company every day ftand centry at the general'^ tent, to prevent any treachery and ambuftade, as well as for the grandeur of his office. " In the laft place, the allies have orders given to fecure by a trench The camp, how and pallifado two fides of the camp, and the two remaining are fecured fecured* by the Romans, each legion having one committed to its care. Now aU fides thus diftributed, the captains., who are prefent to overfee the work, take care that every thing be done by their companies, and two tribunes infpeft each fide in general, . , "As to what relates to the Roman way of decamping and marching, it The method of is after this manner : — At the -firft founding of the trumpet the tents are prSdby the taken down, and the baggage packed up ; but here it muft be under- Romans. flood the general's and tribunes' are always fent firft. At the fecond founding they load the horfes, and on the third they muft begin their march. For the moft part the volunteers are in the front ;< then follow the right wing. of the auxiliaries, with their baggage;' after which marches,, the. firft Roman legion with its baggage likewife ; and laftly, the left wing of the auxiliaries, with its baggage, brings up the rear. A'sfor the horfe, they fometimes- march inthe rear of all, and fometimes flank the baggage, for bettet fecurity of it. Whenever they have any apprehenfion of the enemies attacking theni in their rear, they do not change their order), but only caufe the volunteers to march thither forth with ; the, legions and auxiliaries - march thin, that they may all equally have a-fhare in-the forage and water.. " The Romans have another kind of march, when they are in any fear' Order ofthe of the'enemy, and are in an open country : they caufe the haftati, prin- Romin """** Vol- I, Q^q cipii. 498 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Stc. Part IV- cipii, and triarii, to be divided into three battalions, and to march at equal diftance one from' another. Firft, they place the enfigns- and co lours in the front with their baggage, then the haftati with their bag gage, next the principii and their baggage,, and laftly, the triarii with theirs, in a manner that, the army being thus difpofed, whatever hap* pens, either on the right or left, by a half-turn they may be upon their guard; the firft thing they do is to remove the flandards from that fide where the enemy appears, fo that in an inftant, and with one motion*. the army can be in a pofture of defence. By thefe means the baggage,. and all thofe who follow the army, will be found inthe rear, and confe- quently fecured from danger. who are fent to " When the army is near the place where they are to encamp, the tri- grwjnd'for'an bunes and captains, whom it is cuftomary to chufe apon fuch an occa1- encampment. fion, go before and mark out the ground for. the praetorium,. as like- wife confider where it is moft proper for the legions to pitch their tents. After this, they meafure out the circumference of the" praetorium, and then draw from thence one ftrait line, where are raifed the tents of the tribunes, and on the other hand, where are pitched the tents, of the le-*- gions. The fame lines are drawn out on the other- fide of the praeto rium, according to the defcription we have already given,. This being done, for the laying out of the ground is no way difficult,, the diftances being eafily known, they plant a flandard, firft where the preetorium is to ftand, and next in the other, places marked out. Here it muft, be ob ferved, that the conful's flandard is always white," and all the others redi ' Afterwards they proceed to meafure out the ftreets* in every one of which they plant a javelin.. By thefe means,, as. foon as ever the army arrives, they. know immediately where to .place themfeLves, and every one can go direftly to his quarters by the flandard of the general.. Difference be- « Tn t^eir encampments the Romansaft quite contrary to the Greeks; ma" "nd Greek for whenever the latter defign to pitch, their camp, they always chufe method* of for- places well fortified by nature, and this becaufe they would avoid the trouble of en trenching themfelves; and moreover, they never trufted fo much to fuch fortifications,- as to thofe prefented by nature. Hence it happens,, that as they are ohligedto have their camp conformable to the ground they have pitched upon, fo alfo their quarters muft differ ac cording to the nature of the place,, and confequently their lodging be al ways uncertain ; but, on the other hand,, the Romans chearfully under went all manner of fatigue and , labour, that they might encamp more commodioufly." General obferva- Thus far Polybius ;* and from, this excellent defcription we not onlv 'iou» fonrtifica-a' ^earn tne outward form of the earth-work of the camp, but we fee the tions in Britain, difpafition of the army itfelf $ which was all done in fuch juft order,, that we cannot but admire the prudence and fkill of the Romans. Yet we * This extract from Polybius is according to the. tranflation of that author* pub lifhed by Sheer, * are PartIV. OFTHE ANCIENT BRITONS. 29$ are not to imagine that this people conftantly made their camps exaftly fquare : the inequality of the ground which they might fometimes be obliged to pitch upon, might frequently caufe various alterations ; but we may depend upon it that thofe were as trifling as poffible, and that the form of their camps were conftantly as near to the fquare, or in cafe of ad ditional force, to the long fquare, as it was convenient to make them. But fome time after Polybius they made a flight alteration in the figure of their camp, by juft rounding off the corners ; and of this form are the greater part ofthe Roman camps difcovered in England.* Having thus feen the fize and fafhion of a Roman camp, we fhall prefently exclude all thofe circular entrenchments upon the tops of hills, and places of na tural ftrength, fo frequently difcovered in this kingdom, from any fhare in the performances of the Romans.: Can any idea be more natural, than that the Britons, a people who were too volatile to attend to the making regular fortifications, and places of proper defence, and flying before a ftrong band of veteran troops, who well underftood the man oeuvres of military difcipline, fhould have recourfe to places by nature ftrong, and difficult to be forced ? And this, we find, was the conftant cuftom with them. After the Britons, the Saxons alfo may claim a great fhare in thefe circular hill-entrenchments ; and befides thefe, the Danes themfelves alfo made choice of hills, and places by nature ftrong, for their temporary ftations. It muft be our bufinefs, in the fucceeding parts, to point out, if poffible, what is Saxon, and what Danifh ; and when this is done, we may conclude, that what does not belong to either of thefe people, nor to the Romans, muft be Britifh. All this difcourfe has hitherto been concerning the temporary camps Wailed towns of the Romans ; we now come to their more confequential ftations, of the R°n,an,• and the which we can with more certainty infill upon, namely, their walled cities. One of the moft perfeft of thefe is upon the «very ut- moft borders of Hampfhire, towards Berkfhire ; it was the ancient Vin- domis of that people, but in the prefent day it is called Silchefter : this ve nerable antiquity has the walls now ftanding all around it, and its circuit, by an aftual meafurement, is found tb be near an Englifh mile and a half ; it contains within the walls corn fields to the amount of one hundred acres ; the wall on the fouth fide, where it is moft perfeft, is in fome * See a camp of this form, plate VI, better anfwers to the given diftances in the which is at Plufhey, in Effex; it is a full Itinerary of Antoninus, than ' Dun mow, Englifh mile in circumference ; the valum, where there is not the leaft veftige of a' or bank, which furrounds it, where it is moft Roman ftation. The explanation of the perfect is fourteen feet high from the bot- figures upon the plate are as follow : — torn of the ditch, which is in general about A.AAA, isthebank, or valum. BBBB,' ten yards over. Thefigureof the camp is the foffe, or ditch. C C, the remains of not far wide of the long fquare, with the a Norman caftle. D D, the ftreet through corners gently rounded off; it ftands upon the village. E E E E, the four entrances- the Roman road, which probably went into the entrenchment. F F F F, &c. from thence to Csefaromagus, fituated houfes .that form the village. G, the pa rtner at Chelmsford, or Writtle. This, rifh church. perhaps/was the Fillam Faujimi, which Q^q 2 places fcribed. 306 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. Part IV." places near twenty feet high, but its height in general runs from fix teen to eighteen feet.* s/iichefter de- The firft foundation of the wall, which is here arid there to be difco vered on the north and north-eaft fides ofthe city, appears to have been . made with large flag- ftones, from two to four feet, and four feet and a half in length, and of unequal thicknefs, as fometimes fix, feven, eight» and nine inches ; their depth could not be afcertained, becaufe they yet remain firmly fixed in the wall. Upon thefe ftones was laid: a ftratum of rubble ftone, or large cragged flints, large pebbles, and the like, filled up, and held together with a ftrong cement ; this was continued to the height of about two feet and a half, and then fucceeded another layer of large flat ftones, though not fo big as the former; for the largeft of thefe feldom exceeded three feet in length, and 6ftener were not fo long ; they ran in general from four to fix inches in thicknefs ;f many of thefe ftones,. which were broken out of the wall> were carefully mea- fured, and few exceeded eighteen and twenty inches in' width. This courfej or layer of flat ftones, runs round the whole city, and may eafily be difcovered in any part ofthe wall, and its bottom is almoft always le vel with the ground. Upon this layer again was another ftratum ofthe rubble ftone, which, according to the meafurements on the fouth fide, was in height three feet ; then fucceeded another layer of fmaller flat ftones, made as near as poffible to the fhape of the Roman brick, but larger and thicker, fo that the thicknefs of the ftone, interfperfed with the cement, amounted to four inches. On this layer of flat ftones was ' raifed another ftratum of rubble ftones, compofed of fmallef flints, and laid in more order than the former; this ftratum was about two feet and a half in height : then followed a double row of flat ftones, in fhape and thicknefs exaftly the fame With thofe before-defcribed ; this double row took up the fpace of eight inches. On thefe again was raifed another ftratum of rubble ftone, ofthe finer fort, like the former,' and exaftly of the fame height, namely, two feet and a half; on the top of this was a repetition of the double row of flat ftones, fomething larger and thicker; than the former; for thefe two rows, with the mortar, made the thick nefs of nine inches. The ftratum of rubble which was raifed upon thefe, was three feet high; and on the top fucceeded by another double row of flat ftones, ftill increafing in fize ; for they took up, with the mor tar, the fpace of ten inches ; and then the rubble continues on to the top, higher or lower, as the walls have been more of lefs damaged : i * See a view of the fouth wall of this delineation begun with the fecond) is city, with the prefent appearance of the reprefented at the bottom of the piece of fouth gate, or entrance, plate VII. the wall, plate VIII. fig. i. where all the f 'This fecond layer of large flat ftones. other ftratums of rubble ftone, and layers (for the firft, as defcribed before, which of flat ftones, axe regularly drawn upon a forms the foundation, is very feldom to larger fcak than in the former plate. Ki» i\ti r>(-,Voro/l thorofiiro ttia V. iim • _ *l, ^ * be difcf/vsrfd, therefore we have in the yet MI VIII 31 H. 2%c ^07~u&Ms . 3C. Z%* Jburta/Aer*; &/c a /to/Sat?, were- Atfe£~. 4/0 Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 301 _ yet in many places a fucceeding layer of flat ftones is to be feen, fol lowed alfo by another ftratum of rubble, of ftill finer eaft. One thing was obfervable, as well in the foundation as in the fecond row of large ftones, defcribed as above ; thefe great ftones were not conftantly conti nued, but there appeared frequent breaks, filled up with fmal.ter flat ftones, fet fhelving one upon the other ; alfo, in the fecond, third, and fourth ftratums of rubble, (from the ground) great pains appeared to have been taken with the flints, to place them in exaft order, fo that for a confiderable diftance one often obferves them to form a kind of zig zag, or herring-bone work laid in rows, forrre one way, and fome another., The wall at; the fouth gate being meafured, was' found to-be full fourTunher parts of and" twenty feet thick; the whole of this city was furrounded by. a large }££& e" deep ditch, great' part of which is' now filled up with the ruins ofthe walls fo as to form a. bank, on which oheTnay eafily walk round about, having-the. wall itfelf on. one fide,, and the ditch belpw on. the other; -but this was not its original ftate, for formerly the ditch came up clofe tb the wall, and this' bank was not then in being. Beyond the ditch again is the external valum, very perfeft, and eafy to be traced out all'' round the whole city ; its higheft parts (even in the prefent ftate) are at leaft fifteen feet perpendicular from, the bottom of the ditch, but if it is.' meafured on the flope, confiderably more : a ftraight line drawn from the' top of this bank to the wall on the north-eaft fide, meafured four and thirty yards, its full breadth.* The" two main ftreets, which lead from gate to gate, are broader than any ofthe reft, and meafured better than ten yards acrofs.f Near the middle of the city, within a fpacieus - fquare, '* See the plan pf Silchefter, plate VIII. work, I fouti'd every part of the plan as apd the references at the fide ; alfo figure correct as poffible. From his plan the en- 5, on the fame plate, which is the feclion of graving is given, but reduced by a fcale the wall, the bank, the ditch, and the ex- to bring it to the fize of my own book. ternal valum; A, is the wall, coming per- And as I was unwilling that Mr. Stair,' pendieularly down to B, which reprefents who has taken fuch indefatigable pains to the bank made by -the ruin of the wall ; inveftigate a number of curious particulars- C is the ditch, and D, is the external va- relative to this place, fhould. not in fome luixi- " meafure be rewarded for it, I perfuaded * + ft would be an injuftice done to a very him to draw up an account of it, and give fenfible and induftrious man, if I were not, it to the world, together with a full ac-. to own, tint I owe the plan of this ancient' count of fhe coins which he found in dig-> city to' a Mr. Stair, of Aldermafton, in: ging there, amongft which was a curious- Berkfhire, about four miles from Silche- goldAlleclus. Another thing I fhall ob iter • -a man- wjno has fpent all his leifure Serve concerning the above plan, which ia time' in the prefervingas. much as he could this : the ftreets which are reprefented were of this venerable antiquity, and making all taken by him the very l*nmer after the- every difcovery which lies in his power, hard winter in the year 1 741, which proved ' He was at the pains to-meafure every part very dry ; and in- the corn, the whole ap- of it exactly*; for when I furveyed it myfelf pearance pf the ftreets, juft as here laid; in the fummer, in order to make the deli- down ; for he was at incredible pains to neations which 'are here engraved, and to. trace them out exadlly, becaufe neither be- examine carefully into the nature ofthe forejapf fince have they been feen fo perfed; - 2 though 302 The amphithe atre at Sil- ¦cheiler. Onion's hole, why made. GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IV« fquare, formed partly by the interfeftion of the two main ftreets, was difcovered the foundation of a large ftrufture, confifting of free-ftone, three feet thick, which is reported to have been the temple, becaufe near it, and on the infide, was found the remains of a little elevated building, an altar, as it was thought, from the quantity of afhes, wood, and coals burnt, that lay round about ; it was three feet in heighth, four in length, and three in breadth, and built entirely of Roman bricks ; the dimenfions of which were as follow : feventeen inches and a half long, twelve and a half broad, and near two in thicknefs.* Not far from the fame place was alfo ploughed up, the bafe and other parts of a large co lumn of free-ftone, in diameter one foot eight inches, and a piece of a wall of rubble ftone ftrongly and elegantly cemented, f The city was fupplied with water from a fine plentiful fpring, which arifes in the fouth- eaft divifion, and running to the wall, difcharges itfelf underneath into . the ditch, Clofe at the north-eaft corner of this venerable ruin ftands the amphi theatre ; the diameter of its area is fifty yards by forty ; it has two en trances, one oppofite the city, due weft, and the other direftly contrary, facing the eaft. The elevation of the amphitheatre confifts of a mix ture of clay and gravel, and the feats are in five rows, one above ano-. ther. The whole wall, or bank, of the amphitheatre is about twenty yards thick at the bottom, and fo decreafes gradually to the breadth of about four yards at the top ; and is in height on the north and fouth fides full thirty feet.J Clofe on-the fouth fide of the amphitheatre is a pond, where, they inform you, a cavern formerly was, in which the wild beafts were kept until the time that they were to be brought out be fore the fpeftators.,§ On the fouth fide of the city there is a paffage underneath the wall, which is called by the country people who inhabit there, Onion's hole,-|| which, they fay, had its name from a giant fo called, who made his dwelling formerly in the city ; and fo ftrongly is the tradition of this though every year the main ftreets may be -eafily difcovered by the colour of the corn. Afterwards, to prove the truth of his plan, he dug down into the ground on each fide of the ftreets , and conftantly found the foundations of houfes, &C. very obvious ; whilft inthe ftreets the foil feemed gra velly and uniform. * All thefe things were difcovered by the Mr. Stair, above-mentioned, from whofe mouth I received this account ; and nearly the fame was printed from a letter of Dr. Ward, to the Royal Society. See Ehilof. Tranf. vol. XLV. fol. 603. f See thefe pieces of the columns, fig. j. and the bit of the wall, fig. 4, plate VIII. The bit of the wall is perfectly flat, four feet high, two feet and a quarter wide, and near four inches thick; its compofition was very fine pebbles, held together by a ftrong cement of a blackiih hue. It was probably part of the wall of fome temple, or fuperb houfe. X See a perfpedive view of the amphi theatre from the north, plate VIII. fig. 2. the bottom is now a horfe-pond, and is about three feet deep of water. § See the plan of the amphitheatre, plate VIII. marked N, and the pond marked O. || See the plan of the city, and the refe rence to the letter L. ftamped IT PartIV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 303 ftarrrped upon the*irnrfinds, that -all -the Roman.penniesj- which are found in great abundance, bear the name of Qniqn'j." ponies amongft them. In all probability, this hole was neither more jfor lefs "than fome private paffage; for, independent of the four gates,' it "might be made ufe of upon particular occafions. ^ ¦*"*• . ,, j This large account we have given oPSilchefter ; and 'thofe who- foaffi*--, have leifure enough to examine fo.ther remaining buildings of the Ro mans, will find them conftantly- upon the fame plan, -only where - •_ . flat ftones- Could not conveniently be" got, their "pkce was fupplied' ^A ...... with Roman brick, as was the cafe in the old Roman walls-af Verulam, at Cbefterford,* and may alfof beTeen-atRicJ}borough,t -sSmqre evident \ L ftill at Burg-caftlej in Suffollc.J Onemay obferve that the fornaSv-of thefe cities were various; tHat"at^Chefterford.wasifoih.ething ofran-Oval, r Burg-caftle and Richborbugh are morerincliriing. to. the long fquare, not unlike the Roman caftra. ... And now, by way of .conclufion, we will fet dowm all the Roman towns that were iru .Britain, according to the Itinerary of Antoninus^ and their diftfaee from each other as therein defcribed- •¦ Rotrr t. From the limit of the mall to Hebber- flow-fields, ,_- or Broughton.^. 15.6 Milesi -'"kiLis. j>eichesTer- l t'~"-2o Co'rbridge ... ., i ¦' '' Ebchefter \ A -•*•¦ ' J" M^-'z .Iter I. A Bmite, i$ eft a vallo Praetorium. ufque. M. P. clvL .AAy.-- Bremenio "l £\ Corftopilum ]; M. P. xx Vindomoram . - M. P. '¦- ix Vinoviam -*->'. M. P. xix Gataraftoriem M. P. xxii Ifuriurri ; - M. P. xxiv JEboracum leg. vL vie t-rix M. P. xiv Derventionem ' -; ,,M. P. vii Delgovitia M. P. xvi Pnetorium M. Pi* xxv Binchefter 3 (fat ar ail Aldborough York — '\ On Derwent river — Wighton — — ' Huhberftow fields, or Broughton 9 19 2224 H 7 16. 25, * The account- of Ghefterfprd, and the old wall of London, fee the firft volume of tthe Hopba Angel cynnan, or the Manners and Cuftoms of the Inhabitants. of England, page ir. ¦ .-.*> -f Vide Stukeley'a Itin. Curiof.; X See Ives's Remarks upon the Garia- nonum of the_B.omans.. x § The reader is defired to notice, that- all thefV places, as given in- the Engliflr explanation, are from tlje- moft approved1 antiquaries, as Camden, Horfley, ./©ale,, &'c- and from them the map, plate IX., which is given, in.this. volume, is made.. "% lT£Ri 3°4 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &e. Part IV. » Iter II. A Vallo ad Portum Rttupas. M. P. cecclxxxi. A Blatobulgio Caftra exploratorum M. P. Luguvallum M. P. Voredam - M. P. Brouonacim M, P. Verterim - M. P. Lavatrim - v-»-- M; P. Cataraftonem **>' M. P. Ifurium - M. P. Eboracum - M. Calcariam -¦ M. Cambodunurn M. Mancunium M. Condate - M. Devam leg. xx viftrix M. Bovium - M. Mediolanum M. Rutunium - M. Viroconium M. P. Uxaconam - M. P. Pennocrucium M. P. Etocetum - M. P.. Mandueffedum M. P. Venonium - M. P. Bennavenam M. P. Lacodorum M. P. Magiovinum M. P. Durocobrivim -M. P. Verolamium M. P. Sulloniacim M» P. Londinium - M. P. Noviomagum M. P. Vagniacim - M. P. Durobrivim M. P. Duroievum M. P. Durovernum M. P. A:d;Portum Ritwpas M. P. P. P. P. P.P. P. P. P. P. xn xii xiv xiii xiii xiv xiii xxiv xvii ix ' xx xviii xviii xx x xx xii xixi xii xii vi xii xvii xii xvii xiixii ix xii x xviii ix xiii xiixii Rout 2. From beyond the Wall to Richborough in Kent. 481 Miles, MILES* Erom Middleby To Netherby — 12 Carlifle — 12 Old Penrith — 14 Kirbyfhure — - ' 13 Br ugh under Stanmore 13 Bowes — — 14 CataraS — — 13 Aldborough — 24 York — 17. Tadcafter — 9 Near Gretland — 20 Manchefter — 18. Near Northwich — 18 Chefter — 20 Near Str et ton — 10 Near Draiton — 20 Near Wem — 12 WroxeUr — 1 j Near Sheriff Hales — - 1 1 Near the river Pink — 12 Wall near Litchfield 1 2 Mancafter 5 Cley cefter _ , I2 Ruther at Weedon3 near Daventry 1 7 12 1.7 1212 9 12.1018 9 *3 1212 Towxefter Fenny Stratford Dunftable St. Albans — BroMy Hills London Woodcote near Croydon North Fleet Rachefter Milton Canterbury To Richborough Iter Part IV. OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 3<>S Iter III. A Londinio ad Portum Dubris.. M. P. kvi. Durobrivim M. P. xxvii Durovernum M. P. xxv Ad Portum Dubris, M. P. xiv Rout 3. From London to the Haven at Dover.. 66 Miles. miles. Rochefter ' — 27 Canterbury — 25 Dover — — 14 Iter IV~ Rout 4. A Londinio ad Portum Limanis. From London to the Haven at 1 ime+ M. P. Ixviii. 68 Miles. Durobrivim M. P. xxvii Rochefter. — 27 Durovernum M. P. xxv Canterbury — 25 Ad Portum Lemanis M. P. xvi Lime near Wefthyth 16. Iter V- Rout 5... A Londinio Luguvallum ad Vallum. From- London to Car lifle near tie M. P. ccccxliii. Wall. 443 Miles. Caefaromagum M. P. xxviii ¦Near Writtle. ' — 28- Coloniam M.P. xxiv .Colchefter — 24. Villam Fauftini M. P. xxxv Dunmow, or rather Plufhey 35 Icianos M. P. xviii Chefterforcf — 18; Camboricum M. P. xxxv Icklingham '¦ — - 35 Duroli Pontem M. P. xxv Cambridge — 25 Durobriyas M. P. xxxv Caftor —- — 35 Caufennim M. P. xxx ^Ancafter — 30 Lindum -~ M. P. xxvi Lincoln — — 26. Segelocim. M. P. xiv Littleborough — 14, Danum M. P. xxi Doncafter — 21 Legeolium M. P. xvi Cafterford — 16. Eboracum M. P. xxi York — — 21 Ifubrigantum M. P. xvii Aldborough — 17 Cataraftonern M. P. xxiv CataraSi -— 24. Lavatrim M. P. xvii Bowes — — „ 17 Verterim M. P. xiii Brugh — — 13 Brocavum M. P. xx Brougham Caftle — 20- Luguvallum M. P. xxii CarUJle — 22 Iter VI Rout 6. A Londinio Lindum. From London to Lincoln* M. P clvL 156 Miles. Verolamum M. P. xxi St. Albans — ,2E Durocobrium M. P. xii Dunftable • — 12 Magiovinum M. P. xii Fenny Stratford — 12: Laftbdorum, M. P. xvi Towcefter-, — 16 Iffannavatia M. P. xii Near Daventry 12 Vol. I. R r Tri- ;o6 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part IT. MILES. Tripontium M. P. xii Rugby — - 12 Vennonim M.P. ix Cleycefter — 9 Ratis M. P. xii Leicefter — 12 Verometum M.P. xiii Near Willoughby — 13 Margidunum M.P. xiii Near Eaft Bridgeford 13- Ad Pontem M.P. vii Near Southwell — 7 Crococalanum M.P. vii Brugh near Colingham 7 Lindum M. P. xii Linfoln — - 12 Iter VII Rout 7. A Regno Londinium. From Chichefterto London. M. P. xcvi. 96 Miles. Claufentum M.P. xx Old Southampton — 20 Ventam Belgarum M.P. x Winchefter — 10 Callevam Atrebatum M.P. xxii Farnham — — 22 Pontes M.P. xxii Near Old Windfor — 22 Londinium M.P. xxii London — — 22 Iter VIII. Rout 8. Ab Eboraco Londinium. From York to. London. M. P. ccxxvii. 227 Miles. Lagecium M.P. xxi Caftle Ford — 21 Danum M.P. xvi Doncafter — 16 Angelocum M.P. xxi Littleborough — 21 Lindum M.P. xiv Lincoln - — H Crococalanum M.P. xiv Brugh wear Colingham 14 Margidunum M. P. xiv Near Eaft Bridgeford 14 Vernemetum M.P. xii Near Willoughby - — 12 Ratis M.P. xii Leicefler -*- — 12 Venno Cleycefter — Banavanto Near Daventry — Magiovinium M. P. xxviii Fenny Stratford 28 Durocobrivim M.P. xii Dunftable — 12 Verolamum M.P. xx St. Albans — 20 Londinium M.P. xxi London — — 21 Iter IX Rout 0. A Vent a Icenorum Londinum. Caifter near Norwich to London. M. P. cxxxviii 138 Miles. Sitomagum M. P.- xxxii Wulpit — 32 Cambretonium M.P. xxii Stretford — 22 Adanfam M.P. xv Witham, or Coggefhall 15 6 Camulodunura M.P. vi Maldon — Canonium M.P. ix Farmbridge — 9 Cajfaromagum M.P. xii Writtle — 12 r luro- PartIV- OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 3°7 Durolitum Londinium M.P. M.P. xvi LeSlon xv London MILES. 16 H Iter X. A Clano vent a Medio lanum. Rout io. From Lanchefter in the County of Dur ham, to the Station near Draiton, upon the borders of Shropjhire. M.P. cl. 150 Miles. Galavam M.P. xviii Old Town — 18 Alonem M.P. xii Whitley Caftle — 12 Galacum M.P. xix Appleby — T9 Bremetonacim M.P. xxvii Overborough — 27 Coccium M.P. XX Ribchefter — 20 Mancunium M.P. xvii Manchefter — 17 Condate M.P. "xviii Near Northwich — __,- 18 Mediolanum M. P. xviii Near Drayton. — ? 18 Iter XI. A Segoncio Devam. M. P. lxxiv. Cononium - M. P* Varim - M. P. Devam - M. P. Rout ii. From Caernarvon to Chefter.- 74 Miles. xxiv Caer Rhyn ^ — 24. xix Bodvary — 19 xxxii Chefter — 32 Iter XII. A Calleva Ifcadum Nuniorum. M. P. . cxxxvi. Vindomim Ventam Belgarum Brige -. Sorinodunim Vindocladiam Duronovarium Moridunum Ifcadum M.P. M.P.M.P.M.P. M.P. M.P. M. P. xxxvi M. P. xv XV xxi xi viii xii viii Rout 12. From Farnham to Chifelborough. 136 Miles. Silchefter — 15 Winchefter — 21 Broughton — 11 Old Sarum -j- 8 Near Cranburn — 12 Dorchefter — 8 Near Eggerton — 36 At or near Chifelborough 1 $ Iter XIII. A Muridono Viroconium M. P. clxxxvi. Leucarum Bomium Nidum Ifcam. Leg. 1 8 Aug. BurriumGobannium Rout 13. From Eggerton to Wroxeter* 186 Miles. M.P. xv Near Glaften bury i£ M.P. xv Near Axbidge — 15 M. P. xv Near Poftbury — 15 M. P. xxvii Caer Leon — 27 M.P. \x Ufik — — 0 M.P. xii Abergaveny 1 — 12 R r 2 Magnim 308 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. Part IV. MILES. Magnim - M. P. xxii Kenchefter — 22 Branonium M. P. xxiv Ludlow — 24 Viroconium M. P. xxvii Wroxeter 27 Iter XIV. Rout 14. Ab Ifca Callevam. From Caer Leon to Farnham.. M, P. cix. 109 Miles. Burrkim - M. P, \x Vfk f — — 9 Bleftium - "M. P. xi Monmouth — 11 Ariconium M. P. x NearRofs — n Clevum - M. P. xv Gloucefter — 15 Durocornovium M. P. xiv Cirencefter — 14 Spinas - M. P. xv Speen.. — — 15 Callevam - M. P, xv Farnham — 15 Iter XV. Rout 15, Alio Itinere ab Ifca Callevam From Caer Leon to Farnham another M P. ciii. way. 103 Miles. Ventam Silurum M. P. ix Caergwent — 9 Abonem - M. P, ix Aunfbury — 9 Trajeftum M. P. ix Henham — — - 9 Aquas Solis - M. P. vi Bath — — 6 Verlucionem M. P. xv Near Leckham — 15 Cunetionem M. P. xx Marlborough — 20 Spinas ¦- M. P. xv Speen — — — i§ Callevam - M. P. xv Farnham — — 15 The reader is wifhed to obferve, that the Roman mile is fhorter than the Englifh mile,, being nearly as 1 1 to 1 2, END OF THE FOURTH PART OF THE CHRONICLS, C H R O* ( 2°$ y CHRONICLE O F ENGLAND. PART V. A DISSERTATION ON THE GOVERNMENT, LAWS, ARTS, MANNERS, HABITS, ETC. OF THE SAXONS, FROM THEIR ANCIENT STATE TO THE ACCESSION OF EGBERT, A. D, 804. CHAP. I, The Government-, Conftitution, and Laws of the ancient Germans. WE are now beginning the hiftory of a very different people The Engiiftde. from the Britons, of whom we have fo largely fpoken ; a peo- r"nde d from pie, to whom the Englifh may, in the jufteft fenfe, be.faid to' e *>we their origin : for this caufe, it is highly neceffary for us to view them in their moft ancient ftate, and fo follow them, ftep by ftep, through all •their various improvements. Germany anciently was divided into many diftinft and feparate ftates, Germany, fcow or nations, which were entirely independent of each other, all equally divided ancient- ¦free, and fubjeft to no laws but their own ; thefe nations again were fub- y •divided into a certain number of provinces, or pagi.* Every one of thefe provinces, or diftrifts, formed a fort of civil com- Divifion of Pr»- munity "within itfelf, having its own court of judicature, and its own"""'- prince, prefident, or judge; and as many of thefe provinces as formed a whole ftate, or nation, (though in a manner independent of each other) * " Suevi centum pagos habere dicunt." " Helvetia in quatuor pagos divifa -eft.** Cs£..Bel. Gal. lib. iv. cap. 1. " Ciyitas Ibid, lib, i, cap. 12; were 310 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. Part IV. were all of them fubordinate to the fupreme legiflative power, vefted in the general affembly, or congregation ofthe whole ftate.* Patriarchiai go. , Every freeman exercifed a patriarchial authority in his own. houfe, and rver7™nWo'r-h a^ ^is famuY was fubjeft to him, and dependent on him alone; his au- Cefli'd. thority was abfolute over his flaves and vaffals, fo that if he fhould kill them in his anger, it was a matter that concerned not the community in general, neither was there any law to call him to an account for his rafh proceedings. Again, if his wife difhonoured his bed, he might infiift a punifhment upon her of his own accord, without waiting for any pre vious trial, or formal condemnation ^ and to the honour of our ancient anceftors, it may be affirmed, they feldom abufed this extenfive power,. but, on the contrary, behaved with much lenity towards their depen- dants.j- The prince, This was the domeftic government ofthe Germans; but fomething fur--- aii7iiowaetl' t^ier was ft'^ necefTaFy- to be concluded upon for the prefervation of the ge neral peace; for when any of the heads of clans, "or families, might raife difputes ampngft themfelves, it was but equitable that there fhould be fome judge conftituted, to decide the quarrej; for if there were none to determine fuch matters, they would be productive of continual feuda> and the foundation of lafting and dangerous animofities. They were foon aware of this evil, and to ¦ prevent it, by common confent of the people, a prince, or prefident, was elected in every pagus, or province,. to whom was given full power to go round the diftrift committed to his. charge, and to hear and determine all caufes, or matters of controverfies, arifing within his jurifdiftion.J The extent of The prince was chofen for the noblenefs of his birth, and the- power ptwer.mces conferred upon him by the confent of the people, which, however, was limited by certain reftriftions ; nor could he do any thing • contrary to the conftitution of the country, but was controuled by the general councils, in which he was firft elefted, and where he received his au thority. His office continued for life, and his children fucceeded him, though very young, if the diftinguifhed merit of their father entitled them to that dignity.§ Attendants upon To fupport the dignity of the prince;, and to affift him in the execu te prince, tion of his legiflative power, a feleft band, to the amount of one hun dred, were chofen from amongft the people, who were always fuch as had the reputation of being the wifeft and moft judicious in the pro- * Vide Squire's Englifli Conftitution, chief, or head ; but by the Roman authors,. page i6._ fometimes king, general, but moft often f Tacit, de Monb. German. prince : " Eliguntur in iifdem concilis X Ib:d. & Csef. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. This «< principes, qui jura per pagos vicofqUe. prince,„or judge, was probably called by " reddunt." Tacit, de Morib. Germ. the Germans, FOjtjTe, or firft ; that is § Ibid. vince j Pa-rtV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. jn vince ; befides thefe, he was conftantly followed by a numerous train ofthe braveft freemen of the country ; thefe were an honorary fet of fer- vitors, or companions,* who not only added to his ftate and dignity, but in the time of battle were his fafeguard ; for they were all of them by oath obliged to be faithful to him, and to defend his life at the ha zard of their own : and fo far would they frequently carry their enthufi- aftic love for their prince, as to impute to him the glory of their own aftions, however great and meritorious; and all the return that the prince made them for thefe fervices, was, the entertaining them plenti fully at his expence, and fometimes rewarding them, according to their deferts, with a war horfe, or a lance, a weapon they moft affefted ; and thefe companions,- or followers, were of different ranks, which kept up a conftant fpirit of emulation -amongft them, every one ftriving to ob tain as high a place as he could in his prince's favour. The number of thefe followers was not limited, they feem to have ferved of their own accord, fo that by the number of them that attended upon the perfon of a prince, you might know how much he was beloved by the people ; and -the prince was not a little defirous of having a numerous and valiant train of attendants ; for his dignity was thereby increafed, and by the fame means he not only acquired great fame in his own nation, but be came refpeftable to the neighbouring ftates ; fo that his friendfhip was fought after by embaities, and cultivated by prefents. f Befides the adminiftration of juftice, an authority was vefted in the The authority prince, to divide, or portion out land amongft the feveral families within dfvideiands" t0 his territories, and place them wherever he might think proper. The" freemen -remained but a year in one- place, for when that time was completed, the princes obliged them to go to another part, where a new habitation was affigned to them ; and this was done left they fhould give their minds to agriculture, and fo negleft the ufe of their arms, and alfo to prevent any one clan from growing richer than their neighbours, left they fhould affume too great an .authority in the ftate, where all free men were efteemed equal. X When the prince went to war againft the enemies ofthe province, it was a matter of the higheft difgrace for any freeman, through fear, or any other caufe, to negleft attending upon him.§ Another prerogative, which the prince had above the commons, was, princes allowed his being allowed two wives; but this was not for the gratification of ^h° wives> and his lulls, but for the obtaining of iffue : for, of all the barbarous na tions whofe hiftories are handed down to the prefent time, there is no people who were more famous for their exemplary ehaftity than the Germans. II * They are ftiled Comites by Tacitus: § Ibid. -f Tacit.-de Morib. German. |[ Taciti de Morib. German. % Csf, Comment. Bel. Gal. 1. vi, c, 20. The 3™ GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. Partv4. The revenue of The expences of the prince were fupported by feveral means j firft, a^ the prmce. larger portion of land was allotted to him in the general divifion of the province, than to any of the other freemen ; next, a certain portion of, the cattle, or grain, the produce of the land of every freeman, was pre— fented to him ; again, every offender whofe crime was fineable, whatever the payment might be, apart of it belonged to him ; fothat his annual' revenue muft have been very confiderable, yet. he was never rich, for; the more bountiful his fupporters were, the more liberal he was in his. rewards to his followers.* The great coun- We now come to the greateft part of the conftitution ofthe ftate, their* general affemblies ; thefe Were a full meeting of all the pagi, or pro vinces, which formed a diftinft nation, or ftate; not only all the princes in fuch a nation had a right to be there, but every freeman who was arrived at a proper age, and had not forfeited his title by any mifdemeanor, was alfo* bound to be prefent, to give his affent, or declare hisdiflike,. to the bu finefs there tranfafted. In thefe councils all the material affairs of the whole community was difpatched ; here complaints might be lodged againft the princes ofthe provinces, and every man was fore to have his, caufe righted ; here alfo public edifts were made, princes chofen topre- fide over provinces, generals elefted, and war declared againft any other ftate ; nay, even a young man was not permitted to bear arms until he had been firft approved of in thefe councils," where he was folemnly pre sented with a fhield and a lance, and thefe were the firft badges of honour conferred upon him before he became a member of the ftate, and was, permitted to fight for his country. Small trifling matters the princes. themfelves concluded upon; but all weighty affairs were firft debated -in council amongft the princes, and after declared to the people, in whom was invefted the fole power of confirming, or abrogating the decrees of the council, and the caufing them to be obeyed : but when the people had given their confent, fuch determinations were held facred, and might not be disannulled, unlefs in another general council,, and by a frefh confent of the people.f They all of them came armed to their councils, and being feated each in his proper place, the prieft, who had the authority to punifh fuch as, offended, commanded filence, and the princes fpeak firft, and after * Tacit. Morib. de Germ. gone ftill higher, and they would have: f Ibid. Who fees not in thefe grand found them not only the grand and moft national councils the moft perfeft ground- material part of the Saxon conftitution, work of the prefent parliament ? It may but even of the German themfelves, and feem unaccountable, yet true it is, many that in their moft wild and uncultivated of the moderns have ftrangely perplexed ftate? And this matter will appear more themselves about the antiquity and origin obvious and ftriking, as in- the fucceeding' of the praliament : fome have attributed parts of this work we fhall regularly point the honour of this noble inftitution to Ed- out the nature and improvements of thefe ward the Confeflbr ;, others again to councils amongft the Saxons and the Nor- Hemy the Firft. Ought they not to have mans. 2 them Rules obferved in the councils. Part V. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 3* 3 them every man according to his age, nobility, renown in war, or power of eloquence; at the fame time declaring their fentiments in a foft per fuafive manner, and not haughtily, as if commanding the auditors. If the opinion which was delivered to the freemen was not pleafing to them, they expreffed their diflike by a murmuring found of difcontent; if, on the contrary, it was well received, they clafhed their lances ; for it was efteemed amongft them the moft honourable way of fhewing their affent, or of conferring praife, when it was done by their arms.* When any war or danger threatened the1 ftate, they elefted a general in Generals, when this affembly, who was to prefide over all the different provinces that^y.' ' and compofed the whole nation ; and this general was always a man who, for his approved valour and conduft, had rendered himfelf moft famous; for it was not fo much his office to command the army, as by his own perfonal bravery and courage to fet them a Worthy example. After the war was concluded, the power which had been vefted in the general ceafed, and he defcended again to the rank from whence he arofe. j- There can be no reafon to fuppofe that the Saxons altered the form of The Saxons on government and conftitution of their anceftors upon their firft gaining maTenTfuddea poffeffions in Britain, or, Indeed, for a long time after. The followers alterations in of Hengift, and the other Saxon chiefs, were all of them equal with their ^aftutlon! leadersj and Volunteers, owing Only a temporary obedience to them as their generals, and not like mercenary troops, to be paid or rewarded as their chiefs might chufe ; fo that no one perfon could lay claim to . the whole ofthe conquered land, but every free foldier had an equal right to expeft his fhare : the land, therefore, was divided by their generals, and their afiiftants, into as many fhares as each general had corps of dif ferent diftrifts in his army; and every one of thefe fhares were Subdivided, and every individual had his proper portion allotted to him. Thus the firft divifion naturally conftitutes fo many pagi, or counties, whilft the fubdivifion makes trythings, .hundreds, and tythings, as portioned amongft one thoufand, one hundred, or ten men in a troop, all of them under their proper elder-men. J At this period, little difference could be made between their civil and civil and miii- military government ; the fame prince that led them to the field of bat- ["/ftm""1"'"* tie, took care to preferve peace and good order amongft them ; nor was this fo very difficult, for every feparate clan was compofed of friends and near relations, and held fo ftrongly by the deareft ties of cOnfanguinity, that harmony and good fellowfhip was naturally preferved amongft them. The Saxons, for a long time after their firft arrival in Britain, found too How the land much employment in the war to attend to the cultivation ofthe land, ad- ^1™/" mitting they had been ever fo defirous of doing it;§ they were obliged to ufe their utmoft endeavours td fupport their conquefts, and preferve * Tacit, de Morib. German. i Ibid. Vol! I. X Vide Squire's Effay on the Englifh Conftitution. § See the fecond part ofthe Chronicle. S s their 3i4 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part V. their property j therefore, every freeman amongft them parcelled out his fhare of the land, which had been allotted to him by the general, amongft his flaves and dependants for a certain time, according to his pleafure, which was to be improved and cultivated by thefe flaves, the lord referving to himfelf fuch a fhare of the produce of their labours as he thought proper to demand ; >and this gave occafion to the well-known divifion of lands, called afterwards Bocland and Folcland.* The thread of But to proceed further in the differtation upon phis head, we fhall be broke' off 'and naturally led on by a clue of circutfaftances, not only through the hiftory why. of the heptarchy, but even through the whole Anglo-Sa-xom sera ; or elfe we muft break off the difcourfe abruptly at the end of the heptarchy* where we fhall find the whole conftitution, both before. and after, ib clofely connefted, that in the next volume we fhall not be able to re--afr fume the fubjeft without tedious repetitions; to avoid which, it is pro pofed for the, prefent to let it reft here, and in the fucceeding differtation to continue it regularly down, from the firft arrival ofthe Saxons, to the Norman invafion, in a clear andconnefted difeburfe,- without-any inter ruptions. taws of the an- With regard to the laws of the ancient Germans, we are to confider went Germans. tnem as made both by and for a free people, who were; all of them equals ; or at leaft no one could affume any more authority oyer . die reft than what they themfelves -thought proper to inveft him withs for their own mutual prefervation and fafety.. For this caufe, none could beat or imprifon a freeman, except the priefts, .becaufe it was not to he done as a thing infifted upon by the prince, or for an offence to his peers, but as the command of the gods, whofe orders the offender had difobeyed. This mode of punifhment, it feems, was chiefly confined to thofe who were refraftory in the army; and for this purpofe, as well as to facrifice, the priefts attended upon the camp, fo that when one had broken any ftated rule, he fell under difgrace ; and every one fo offend ing fubmitted voluntarily to the chaftifement, and flood ftill to receive the repeated ftrokes of the lafh from the hands of the priefts, when, at the fame time, he would have refilled even to death a blow from any other perfon, however exalted in their condition.-)- ; . Punuhrnents, No man could be punifhed by the fecular power until he had forfeited what they were, j^ j-jgj^j- ancj t;tie to a freeman, by fome bafe and ignMninious aftiom, and then he was Sentenced feverely, according to his fault. Traitors and fugitives, they hanged. Cowards, and fuch as were unnaturally lewd, they drowned in mud, or in the marfhes, and covered them with hur dles, becaufe they would hide them from the face of men, that their crimes might be no mOre remembered amongft them. X * Squire, ut fup. J Ibid. f Tacit, de Morib. German. Whoever PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 315 Whoever- loft his fhield in battle, which was -given him as the infig- Matters of dif- nia, or honourable badge of his profeffion; and proof of his worthinefs to srac* bear arms, fell into a lafting difgrace; as alfo did all fuch as efcaped from the field of battle wherein their prince was flain.; thefe were turned from fociety, and. debarred being prefent at the public facrifices, which was fo.fhameful and black a flain upon their charafters, that they feldom long out-lived it, but in -fome defperate manner put an end to their wretched beings.* -Other faults of lefs magnitude were punifhed by a fine, part of which Quarrels, how ¦went towards the maintenance of the prince,, and part, by way of reparas- comPromifcd* tion, was paid to the -injured party. When difputes zrofe amongft the freemen, and their friends could not terminate the difference, the prince interpofed his authority, and obliged the offended perfon to accept of fome gift from the offender, and fo the quarrel was end^ ; for the gift was held as a compenfation for the injury, and was, as it were, a mark of fubmiffion in the aggreffor, and gratified the pride of him who had been injured; by this prudent method, the foundation for lafting ani- mofities was fairly removed. Amongft the feparate clans, or families, feldom happened difputes attended by any fatal confequences ; - their natural Jove to each other held them together,, as well aa the ftrongeft ties of confanguinity ; for they were all relations under the govern ment of their own elder-man, or chief, and it was efteemed a moft atrocious crime for any one to injure, , or flay his relation, and was, with out doubt, moft grievou fly punifhed.f The matrimonial law amongft them .was ftriftly kept; by it one Matrimonial woman was Confined to one hufband, nor might fhe upon his deceafe £"*"ai3r marry a fecond time j On the other hand, the hufband might not have .more than one wife at once, (unlefs he were a prince, to whom it was allowed to have two, for the fake of iffue :J) yet it does hot appear that, upon the death ofthe firft wife, a man was forbid to marry a fecond, but the contrary may moft reafbnably be fuppofed;, efpecially in default of iffue. Their laws againft the violators of chaftity were very fevere, and fuch ^"fffij^. were ufually hanged ; but it lay in the breaft. of -the hufband to punifh Jih/and agLft ,his wife if fhe was guilty of incontinence, which was ufually done by*Jultery- ¦ cuttinc off her hair, and then turning her naked from his houfe, in the prefence of all her friends and relations, at the fame time fcourging her fharply through the town : nor was her wealth, her beauty, or her rank, iri the leaft regarded ; for after, fuch an offence a lafting difgrace was .-fixed -upon. her, and none would fpeak to her, or -Condole with her; neither was it poffible for her to get' another hufband, but in general wan- " dering from place to place1, fhe died with want,' fharne, arid grief.§ * Tacit', de liorib. German. j Ibid. t Ibid. 0 § Ibld- _ . , - S s a Such \ 316 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. PartV. Laws of the Such is the fketch of the legislature of the anceftors of the Anglo com^ue^he're! Saxons; it now . remains to give a view of their laws, on their efta- blifhent in Britain, to the end of the Heptarchy ; but the reafon which has above been given, for referring the account of the government and conftitution of the Anglo Saxons to the next volume, may with equal juftice be applied to the laws, which are hung together as it were in a chain ; and the circumftances during the Heptarchy, fo connected with thofe that follow, that to divide the account, would not only be a difficult tafk, but would take off greatly from the regularity of the method, in which it is beft to purfue it ; therefore, both thefe heads will be fully and regularly treated on in the fucceeding volume. CHAP. II. The State of Architecture amongft the ancient Germans, and the Saxons. . The ancient \ MONGST a people fo barbarous, as we find the ancient Germans, fto'oTnottheartxJL in their original ftate, and who attended fo little to the luxuries of building, of life, we fhall not be amazed to find their dwellings homely, and uncomfortable : the pinching cold of winter, foon obliged them to feek for fome fhelter, where they might live fecured from the ftorms and inclemency of the weather. Their habitations were foon found, con- fifting only of holes and caverns made in the earth, and covered over with dung to keep them warmer, -and in thefe wretched dwellings they ufually fpent the winter. Thefe caverns ferved befides for granaries, where they laid up their corn, and to them they ufually made their re treat when purfued by the enemy.* The fummer In the fummer, they were not confined in thefe difmal fituations, the Germans ^ut i^uing ^rom them, they fet about the building of little huts, which how conftrufted were efteemed more convenient and more pleafant ; thefe they erefted in a rude manner, with timber unhewn, and framed without the leaft attention paid to its beauty or regularity : the walls were compofed of a clear fhining earth, of various colours ; and all the ambition of the builder was, to difpofe his colours into certain forms, fo as to give the barbarous tracings of piftures.-j- Thefe houfes, like thofe of the Britons, are thought to have been of a circular form, thatched over at top with reeds and ftraw, and the roof left rifirig up in the middle.t Orie great reafon why they did not beftow more pains or labour upon * Tacit. Vit. Agric. J Culver's Hift. Anc, Germ. f Ibid. . their PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 317 .their dwellings, was, that every year they were removed from the fpot .of ground where they had laft inhabited, and confequently left their houfes behind ; fo that they were obliged to provide themfelves with others in the places whither they went. This confideration, added to their diflike of menial labour, very naturally accounts for the rudenefs of their habitations.* Without doubt, near to the place where the prince made his refi- Towns hew dence, houfes muft have been erefted for him,, and for his train ; this ^' j£ the would naturally conftitute a town ; but they had no idea of making the houfes clofe to each other, fo as to form regular ftreets and paffages, but every man's houfe flood feparate, and detached from that of his neighbour ; all of them following their own wills, and fettling themfelves in whatever part of their land they moft approved off Temples to their gods the Germans built not at this early period, but Architefture inftead thereof, they confecrated woods and groves,, where they performed ,hneP»rri4ibof,r*' their religious offices. Nor can we fuppofe that the habitation of their e Saxons in prince, was more fplendid than their own ; the only difference was,, its nton' being larger, that he might the better entertain his friends and follo wers. This was the ftate of architefture amongft them towards the latter end of the firft century ; but many changes may be fuppofed to have taken place, and many improvements introduced before the arrival of our Saxon anceftors in Britain, which happened not until full three hundred and fifty years after ; and this we may very naturally be led to conclude, becaufe foon after, we find them erefting ftrong and per manent buildings of ftone, as well as large caftles for their fecurity and defence *f The firft buildings that we find mentioned of the Saxons, are their Tong caftic in caftles j one of which Hengift is faid to have erefted foon after his ar- Kent defcribed- rival in Britain ; this caftle was built at Tong in Kent, and the earth works yet remain 'near Tong-Mill, about half a mile from Bapchild in that county.:]: It confifts of a round flat hill, furrounded by a broad ditch, and an external vallum or bank; the hill which antiently was level, has, from time to time, been removed, and thrown into the ditch, on the eaftern fide, where the external vallum is entirely worn away, arid the rivulet, which formerly filled the ditch, has. now altered its courfe, and running lower down by the fide, it fupplies a little mill, hard by, with water. The foundation of the hill, was originally made of very permanent materials, which are difcovered on the fouth fide, where part of it has been fuddenly Stubbed down ; thefe are large flints, pebbles, and rough ftones, thrown together, and a ftrong cement poured over them ; and to this folid foundation we doubtlefs owe its prefent * Tacit, ut fup. ing, and fecondly, their fear of fire. Tac. + Tacitus affigns two reafons for this ut fup. Angularity amongft . the Germans ; the J See Lambarde's Perambulation of firft their ignorance in the arts of build- Kent, in Tong. 2 ' exiflence :-. 3i8 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part V. Antiquity of Tong Caftle. Considerationsdeduced from , the view of Tong Caftle. exiflence : the height of the hill, from the bottom of the ditch, in the moft perfeft part, is at the prefent- time, near thirty feet ; and on - the . loweft fide, where it has been flubbed away, about twenty : its prefent diameter, is not more than one hundred yards at the top, from whence it does not go fuddenly perpendicular to the bottom of the djtch, but gradually with a flope. The ditch, if meafured by a ftraight line drawn from the top of the vallum, to the fame height on the fide flope of the hill, would, be at leaft fifty yards ; the external vallum, on the weft, where it is moft perfeft, it is in fome places full fixteen feet high.* This (where ever they learned it) was the conftant form iri which the Saxons made the firft foundation of their caftles ; and they were ufually erefted upon the brow of a hill, or upon a place which was, in fome meafure, fortified by nature ; not that they Spared any trouble or "expence to make their works as ftrong as poffible, as is clearly proved in the fortification now before us ; for if fuch extraordinary pains Were taken in the foundation itfelf, we may moft reafonably fuppofe that the' walls and fupefftrufture were not rieglefted : and that we may with the - greater degree of certainty, judge what really were the works of this people only, we have chofen the moft ancient piece of work attributed to them ; for if it was not really built by Hengift himfelf, there can be little doubt, but that it was the work bf his fon Mfc, who was a peace able prince, and rather anxious to preferve the conquefts already ob tained, than to extend them further : during the wars which afterwards enfued, it feems to have fuffered, becaufe Ofta, the fon of Mfc, upon his advancement to the throne of Kent, repaired the walls, and placed a ftrong garrifon of foldiers within it, to guard the adjacent country. Now, on a- thorough confideration of what has been advanced, we fhall eafily be lead to conclude, that the Gentians had made great im provements in architefture, before the period in which they firft fent troops^ to Britain ; for when we recolleft how little leifure the SaxOns had, for a confiderable time after their arrival, to invent and perfeft fuch buildings as we find from record erefted by them, we muft apprehend their neceffity of having fome models to form their plan upon; iffo, where did they meet with them ? Not from the Romans, for they had no ideas of any fortifications like thefe ; nor from the Britons, who * Two plates bf this extraordinary for tification are fubjoined, one reprefenting the fouth view, in perfpe&iye, ofthe earth works, removing only fome few trees which grow upon the top of the hill. - Vide plate -XII; The other., plate XIII. is the plan or ground plot of the fame, with a given fcale to afcertain its exaft fize : A, is the caftle hill, furrounded by a broad ditch ; B B B, which has been flubbed down, and all the external vallum remov ed at C C, and runs floping down into the water ; DDD, reprefents a fmall. road through part of the entrenchment to the mill, - and leads to Sittenbourne ; E E E, reprefents the external vallum, very per feft- on the north and weft: fides ; F, is the rivulet, which formerly fupplied the. ditch with water, but now runs much' lower to the mill,- At , the bottom of the plate, is the fe&ion of the earth-work with, the measurements. had J^fate JC JC7 Jru Plat*XW m !;,i wmm ~Plahy of J-, that eight yoke of oxen could fcarcely move one of them.f In the mid dle ofthe eighth . century, Ethelbald, the tenth king of Mercia, being. defirous of building a church of ftone at Croyland, where St. Guthlae had erefted- a fmall oratory with wood, he found the foil fo fpungy and hollow, as to render it entirely unfit for the fupport of a ftOne edifice;. to remedy this inconvenience, he firft caufed large piles of oak to be made> and driven down into the ground,, and -a great quantity of loam,, and ftiff clay was rammed round about them ; by which means he obtain ed; a folid and permanent foundation. J Many of the other dependent: arts we have feen already, and when they were firft introduced. e hap. in. Art, of War, and military Difcipline of the ancient Germans and their Defeendants.- THE ftrong charafteriftic of the ancient Germans,, was, their en- The io*e of war. thufiaftic love of glory, and paffion for arms. Their youth,, from ^"e™ga*sthe their very infancy, were bred up in the felf-fame notions-, and thofe alone efteemed, who, upon all occafions- feemed eager for the battle; for this caufe, provifions and plunders- won by the fword, were efteemed. far more honourable than thofe attained' by labour, and the careful cultiva tion of the ground : therefore, it is not to be wondered at; that hopes of fpoil fhould frequently call them to the field.§ When war was to be formally declared againft any nation* it was donewar, Kowde- in- their folemn councils, and by the common confent of all the princes ^ff^llff *-Vidteth#-Honba Anrel cynnan, X Ingulphus Hift. fol. i. ' o* the Manners arkcuftonS of the Eng- § Tacit. deMfcnb. Germ. & C«£ Bel. 1^ vol. I. , Gal.hb.v-i. -f Robert de Swapham, in Gunfton's Hi ftory of the Church of Peterborough, 4 326 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. Part V. Form nf eletfl- ii>,;-tbe gene ral. Confulting the .gods in times of war. Forces of the Germans. and freemen there affembled ; they then proceeded to eleft their chief, v/hich was alio done by general confent; and their choice conftantly fell upon him who had moft fignalized himfelf by his courage and perfo nal bravery, fo that by his example his followers might be animated with frefh courage, and refill with the greater bravery the attacks of their enemies ; for as in battle it was efteemed a great difgrace for the general to be overcome, fo was it a perpetual fhame and ignominy in his fol lowers not to fhare with him in the labour and danger of the fight, or to return alive from that field where he had been flain.* When their general was chofen, it Was cuftomary with them to fet him upon a fhield, and fo he was borne upon men's fhoulders through the croud, who with repeated fhouts and acclamations confirmed their choice. f Ax. other times, and in matters of lefs moment, their prince would lay before his followers the reafons which he had for declaring war in fuch a place, and that if they would approve his conduft, he him felf would become their leader, and defired thofe who were willing to accompany him to come forth, and join with him in his expedition; all who approved- of the propofals of the prince rofe up prefently, and promifed their affiftance, and were praifed by the multitude, but foch as refufed to accompany him were numbered with the deferters and trai tors, and their honour and credit was loft for ever afterwards. J Before they would proceed to battle, or fet out on any great expedition, they would confult the gods by cafting lots ; they alfo noted the flight of birds, their tinging, and noifes ; but more par ticularly they attended to the neighing of horfes.§ Before a great battle they would procure, ' if they could, a prifoner from the army of their enemy, and then they chofe out one of their own foldiers, and both being armed according to the cuftom of their country, were brought -into the field, where they fought with each other, and the prefages were made of the fuccefs of either army, according to the iffue ofthe combat. || In raifing troops for the profecution of any confiderable war, every pagus, or diftrift, furnifhed a certain number, divided into feparate corps, one hundred ih a band, under the leading of their own proper offi cers, called by the name of Centeni, or the leader of a hundred, and all thefe were under the conduft of their prince. Their principal force con fifted in their infantry ; their horfes were not very fwift of foot, but were * Tacit, ut fup. t Tacit. Hift. lib. iv. cap. 6. X Cief. Bel. Gal. lib. vi. cap. 21. § See more of thefe matters in the ninth chapter of this part. ' |j Tacit, de Morib. Germa.n*Saxo. The grammarian adds, that the ancient Ger mans would not go to war without firft confulting their wives; again, fays he, when they declared war againft their ene mies, they fet their fpears before the tem ple of the gods, and a facred horfe was led out, when,, if he put his right foot forward, the omen was holden good, but if, on the contrary, his left foot was firft put forward, it was efteemed an unlucky fign, and they defifted from purfuing their intended enterprize. managed PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS, 327 managed by their riders in fuch a manner, that they would turn from fide to fide with the utmoft dexterity. The arms both of the horfe and foot foldiers were the fame, namely the framea, a fort of javelin, hand- fomely made, and headed with a fhort narrow piece of iron, extremely fharp, and a fhield. There were but few of them who could purchafe fwords ; and as to any The arms ofthe kind of defenfive armour, either for their heads, or for the fecurity of"ac^"tGer" their bodies, it was fcarcely known amongft them.* Their fhields they took great delight in, and ufually ornamented them with a variety of colours.-f- When they arranged their troops for the battle, they placed their in- Their armies,, fantry (in which their chief ftrength confifted) in the form of a wedgej how arra"scdv - pointing towards the enemy, X and the front of it was compofed of certain chofen youth ; on each wing were placed the cavalry, and when the at tack was begun, the main body of infantry and the cavalry advanced with equal pace, obferving diligently! each others motions, fo that the one was neither too hafty in bearing down upon the enemy, nor the other too far behind. In the encounter it was ufual for the infantry to mingle with the horfe, and fo fight jointly together. In forming this pointed battle of the infantry, men were not mixed promif- cuoufly together as they might come, but placed in feparate bodies;. each body compofed of the deareft friends and neareft relations; by which means, befides. the love of glory, and felf-defence, their valour was excited to the higheft degree in being anxious for the prefervation of thofe, united to them by. the irrefiftible ties of the neareft confanguinity. When they had thus arranged their army, in the rear was placed their * Tacit, de Morib. German. Seethe " thofe warriors to eaft himfelf into the- foldier thus armed, reprefentedplateXVIII. " fea, he could eafily efcape by fwimming the middle figure on the plate. " upon his buckler. Laftly, they made a + " The fhield was moft commonly " rampart with their fhields,. in the form '? made of wood, bark, or leather. The- " of a circle; and at the end of a Cam- " fhields belongingto warriors of diftindion " paign they fufpended them againft the " were of iron or brafs,' ornamented with " walls of their houfes, as the fineft deco-. ?« painting and fculpture, often finely gilt, " ration with which they could adorn. " and fometimes plated over with gold." " them. When a young warrior was firft «* The Scandinavians had them of a long " enlifted, they gave him a white fmooth- " oval form, juft the height of the bearer, " buckler, which was called ' The fhield •« in order to protect him from arrows, " ' of expectation ;' this he carried, till. *' darts and ftones. They befide made •' by fome fignal exploit he had obtained. " ufe of them to carry the dead to the " leave to have proofs of his valour en- -" grave, to terrify the enemy by clafhing " graven upon it;, for this reafon-, none^ " their 'arms againft them, to form upon " but fuch perfons as had diftinguifhed- " occafion a kind of fhelter, or tent, when " themfelves by their fervices. prefumed to " they were obliged to encamp in the open " carry fhields adorned with any fymbol,, " field, or when the weather was bad. " &c." Northern Antiq. vol. I. pages " Nor 'was the fhield lefs' ufeful in naval 240, 241, & 242. " encounters; for, if the fear of falling. J The outward form of which was not " into the enemies' hands obliged, any of unlike the Greek letter A.. wag- 32% GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. PartV. -waggons, their baggage, arms, and provifions, as alfo their wives and children',and fuch as were fick and wounded, under a proper guard ; by which means they made a kind of rampart, to fecure them from any attacks from that quarter.* w^rfonss.and They advanced to the battle finging certain verfeS,t by which they z'^lf encouraged each other, and worked up their paffions to a prodigious pitch; they began with a low voice, which they increafed gradually, according to the tune of the battle, until they made a prodigious loud and refounding noife, in which they affefted a certain roughnefs of voice, and added to its terror by putting their mouths before their targets, which by reverberation occafioned the found to appear ftrohger and ful ler. Inipired with this enthufiaftic fury, they rufhed upon the foe, and with continual noife heightened the horror ofthe fcene, and frequently ftruck a terror into the fouls of their enemies ; efpecially when it >vas ac companied with the repeated cries and howlings of their, wives and chil dren, who were placed in the rear as witneffes of their valour, and who were continually attendant upon them, bringing them food during the' battle, and encouraging them to fight bravely. If the women faw any of their party give ground, it was ufual for them to enter the battle, and expofe themfelves to danger; by which means they reminded their relations Of the confequence of the viftory, who, to preferve them from captivity, would frequently rally again, and fometimes obtained a con queft where the battle had been almoft loft. As foft ^s any were wounded, they retired, or were carried from the fight, to the Women in the rear, who dreffed their wounds with the greateft care and tender-' nefs ; and when any one was flain, his companions conveyed the body to a place of fafety ; for even in doubtful battles they were careful to pre ferve the dead bodies of their friends from the hands of their enemies.; ; stratagems of. - They, would frequently feem to retire from their enemies, to draw them from their poft, when fuddenly turning -about, and taking. the ad vantage ofthe diforder their ftratagem might occafion, 'they renewed' the battle with frefh alacrity, and frequently obtained the' viftory by their policy. But of all others, the. Catti, a nation of the Germans, in habiting the Hercynian foreft, were the moft fkilful in the art of war ;¦ they preferred choice men for their leaders, to whom they hearkened' with great attention, and obeyed their orders with the utmoft refolu tion : they kept clofely in their ranks, and bridled their heat to engage by prudence and difcretion, carefully taking every advantage of the foe • they repofed their whole confidence in the fkill and prudence of their general; and the battle was eondufted with the greateft regularity. When they entrenched their camp, they did it carefully in the night feaf©n.§ * Tacit, ut fupra. § Tacitus completes the cha rafter "of f Thefe fongs they called Barditus; this nation with obfervihg, that the other X Tacit, ut fupra. Germans made ikirmifhes but the Catti made war. Amongft PartV, OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 329 Amongft the Germans, every man was obliged to manifeft his valour, obligations t» or he was branded with perpetual difgrace ; for, as it was a fhame for the be valiant- king, or leader, to be overcome in battle, fo was it an equal fhame for his followers to abandon him, for they were all bound by oath to fupport him in his expedition. And becaufe they hoped for the affiftance ofthe gods in battle, they carried before their armies certain images andmonu- mentSj taken from the facred groves. After the arrival of Wodin, they ufed to engrave Runic charafters upon their fpears, as charms which Would prevail upon the gods to affift them in the war; and in return, their cuftom was cruelly to feleft every tenth captive to facrifice before his un hallowed fhrine.* -Upon a youth's being admitted to bear arms, he was* prefented With a fhield, as a facred badge j- of his becoming an ufeful member ofthe community in general ; and if by any negleft, or want of courage, he loft his fhield in battle, he was branded with infamy, and debarred being prefent at the public facrifices. Amongft the Cat% teans, and perhaps amongft all the German nations, a Angular cuftom prevailed of letting their hair and beards grow until they had flain an enemy ; but after they had done their country fervice, or obtained fpoils by flaughter, every one cut the hair from h>s forehead, thinking he had then paid the price ofhis birth, and was become worthy of his parents and his country : and none but fuch as Were unValiant and defpicable would long continue without the privilege of cutting their hair, after. they had attained to years of maturity. Alfo, every man was obliged to wear an iron- ring about his neck, as a badge of flavery, until by the flaughter of any enemy he was permitted to take it off. J This view which we have taken of the Germans, is of their moft an- some*iterat?0rjs cient ftate ; and from this time to their arrival in Britain, a fpace of full ™^dej" %e three hundred years, we may naturally fuppofe a variety of alterations Germans. e might take place relative to their warlike habits, Weapons, and military difcipline : and this we may be led to believe, becaufe we find the chief arms of the Saxons, in their firft battle againft the Scots, under' their conductor, Hengift, to have been large long fWords.§ Our next ftep muft be to examine the arms and warlike habits of the whence the Saxons upon their eftablifhment in Britain ; and the only authority we ^As* re^ou* can have recourfetoon this occafion, is, the delineations of them as left ie£iea. by themfelves, which haVe been too long paffed by unnoticed. It is true, the earlieft manufcripts that we meet with are far from being coe val with their firft/ arrival, and few indeed fo ancient as the heptarchy it felf ; yet by the conftant refemblance that we find in all the various deli neations of foldiers, and other figures, we may reafonably conclude,- that * Apoll. SidoniiEpift. VI. lib. viii. with them the toga virilis, and the firft ho. f Ih the public council he is, fays Taci- nour beftowed upon young men. tus, either by one of the princes, or his X Tacit, de Morib. German. father, or fome one of his kindred, pre- § H. Hunt. lib. ii. fertted with a fpear and a fhield, which is Vol. I. U u no 330 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. PartV. no material alteration took place from the laft three hundred years before the eftablilhment of the Danes in England: however, all. that can be. traced out will be regularly fhewn, and the authority for fuch affertions fully explained. ,f ' The claffes of The foot foldiers of the Saxons feem to be divided into three claffes ; ^"nd their fir^' tn°fe wno fought with long , fpears ; fecondly, thofe who chiefly habits. fought with fwords, without,. fpears; and laftly, tho'fe.who fought both with fwords and fpears. The; general habit of the firft clafs, is a tunic - with fleeves, which reaches down to the knees, and bound round the waift: in the moft ancient delineations they feldom appear to have cloaks, which are very commonly added to their drefs,- as they •come lower down.to the end of the Saxon sera. They fometimes arefeprefented with oval. fhields, big enough, to, coyer all their body, though they are fre quently feen without them.! .Perhaps there were twpjforts -of thefe fpear-, ,mm, one of them flightly' armed,- havings only theirjlpear for fkirmifhes,, and the ; other 'bearing fhields for their defence in clofer aftions. The fecond .clafs are the fwordfmeq, who, befide a large, »long, , two-edged fword, '.aire ;ufually feen with fhields ;^- the more ancient the delineations are, the fmaller the fhield is generally rnade ; on. the- contrary/ thofe at the end of the Saxon sera are very large. The habit of the fwordfman, like the fpeaWman, . is a fhort- tu-nic, with fleeves to the- wrift%.. like them too, they have, fometimes cloaks, buckled on the,. right fhoulder, though they are often drawn without. The laft; clafs do,i.not fo frequently occur ; but the fwords.. and fpears that'-they bear, differ nothing from the former : thefe men feem never to have: had either fhields or, cloaks ; their tunic exaftly referhbles thofe before-defcribed. The greater part of thefe fol diers appear to have their . legs naked ; but they wear fhoes^ which feem, to be black, made,, without doubt, of ftrong leather, and bound' round- the inftep : but in the drawings of later; date, befides thefe fhoes, we fee'evidently a fort of (lockings, which are drawn to the middle of the leg. The helmets that they wear (though many are .figured without any) appear to be nothing more than the fkin of fome animal fowed to gether, and the hairy fide turned outwards.*-. The habit of ' The horfe foldier; differed nothing in habit from the foot, having the theborfefoi. farne fort of tunic, cloak, fhoes, and helmet; In the ancient drawings .,:?:'he has a fpur with a firiglfepoint ;.he rides upon a'faddle, but has no flir- rups; the bridle, and other trappings of the horfe, have ¦ nothing' fur- 1 . :ther .particular in them. ' His weapon anciently was a lance, which he ,,-bbre in Tiis right hand, 'whilft he guided his horfe .'with his left, without a fhield, -pr the appearance of any defenfive." armour,; except his hel met,;}' ..¦ ? ' ¦:"' ' ' ' ' - "' ' ''¦ V'yi * AU thefe foldiers are reprefented on f The horfe foldier is reprefented plate .'., ,"' •-*, plate "XIV. -of this volume ; and fee alfq XI. of this: volume. ¦¦ i the twoffigures in the fore-ground, plate XI. The ynv PartV. OF THE AN"CIENT SAXONS. 331 The habit ofthe king, when he went to war, feems to have been equally Tbe habit of a firh.ple with thofe of his officers. Like them he wore a tunic, withj^*1^118 fleeves reaching down to his wrifts, and bound round the waift, from W' whence it hung as low as the knees ; he alfo wore a cloak, which was buckled upon his right fhoulder : his legs appear to have been naked, and his fhoes exaftly the fame with thofe before-defcribed. His chief diftinftion is the crown, which he conftantly wears upon his head, and which anlwered the purpofe of a helmet.* His arms, when he fought on foot, were a fword and a fhield ; but when he was on horfeback, he_ _ had only the lance. As to the methods in which the Saxons arranged their armies, and their The methods military difcipline, from the time of their arrival to the end ofthe heptar- de^L"^^^* chy, cannot eafily be afcertained. It is true, the monks of the middle the arrangement ages have given feveral long and particular accounts of the order in which unknown?1'6 the armies were drawn up, in fome of the moft noted battles during this period ; but we muft recollect, that thefe monks lived at a time very re mote from the aftions they defcribe, and therefore could not poflibly be acquainted with the particulars of them : and this we may be well affured of, fince it is no uncommon thing to find the fame battle differently de fcribed by different authors. From thefe accounts it will be impoffible to trace out the truth ; for this reafon we muft pafs the fubjeft over, for the prefent, and fee hereafter what light can be thrown upon it, in a re view of the military order and difcipline, after the heptarchy was ended. CHAP. IV. State of Agriculture, and the dependent Arts, amongft the ancient Germans, and their Defendants, the Saxons. IT will be in vain to feek for any very great improvements in agricul- Agriculture dir- ture amongft a people who defpifed every kind of labour, fave that o^^y the of war. The cultivation of land amongft the Germans was committed to the wretched flaves, and the moft fervile of their dependants -,f what time they could fpare from war, was fpent in amufements or toils of a different eaft ; amongft which, hunting was one of the chief: for this they followed, not as a fport only, but frequently to provide themfelves with food.^I * See the figure of a king in his warlike f Tacit, de Morib. German, Cxfar's habit, plate XIX. No. i. of this volume : & Comment. Sec. _ videvanous figures of kings in- the firft vo- X Culver. Antiq. German. lume ofthe Hojiba Angel cynnan, or the Manners and Cuftoms of the Englifh. _ U u 2 Their 333 The Saxons fond of paftu- rage. The beginning of hufbandry amongft the Saxons. GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. PartV. Their defcendants, the Saxons, on their arrival in Britain, paid a much greater regard to pafturage than any other rural purfuit : it is evi dent that this was the chief means of their fubfiftence, by the many laws lorTegulating the prices of tame cattle, .directing how they fhould be fed, and alfo for the preferving them from thieves ; fo little had the South Saxons attended to any thing elfe, that in the year 68 1, when Wilfrid, bifhop of York, (who had been driven from his fee) took re fuge amongft them, they were totally ignorant of the art of catching fifh, though they had foch abundance amongft them.* From what has been faid, we may gather, that the Saxons, on their ¦ arrival in Britain, were much better fwordfmen than hufoandmen ; but foon after their eftablifhment in the ifland, finding none to plunder, (for the Britons, by repeated misfortunes driven from their cultivated poffef fions, had fled to their fecret retreats amongft the woods and mountains, and the tillage of land was entirely neglefted, fo that ruin aud defolation appeared in every part of the ifland) they were obliged to have recourfe to agriculture ; therefore, every one who was poffeffed of ground, por tioned it out amongft his flaves and dependants ; and thefe portions were diftinguifhed by the names of inlands and outlands : the former was that part of their eftate which lay contiguous to, and moft convenient for the fervice ofthe dwelling-houfe, or manfion, of the proprietor himfelf, and was for this reafon commonly referved in his own hands, and managed by his own bondmen and flaves, for the more immediate ufe and fufte- nance ofhis family and houfhold ; the latter outland, or utland, was that which lay at a greater diftance from the nianfion-houfe, and was commonly divided into two parts ; one of which they difpofed of amongft their free fervitors, or companions, as a reward of their fidelity, to be freely enjoyed by them, for one or more years, for life or lives, and fome times in perpetuity, whilft the other was let or granted out to other per fons, to be by them likewife occupied for a longer or fhorter fpace? ac cording to the will of the proprietor. This latter fort are thought to have been the conditional tenants, or land-holders, diftinguifhed in the Anglo-Saxon records by the, name of ceorls, or churls; and, as an ac knowledgment, befides fome other perfonal marks of dependance, were annually obliged to pay their lord a certain portion of viftuals, or of fuch other things as were deemed neceffary for the fupport of hofpitality.f Yet the owners of land were not left at liberty to exaft what rent they plea^ fed of their tenants ; but it was fettled by law, and afcertained according to the number of hides, or ploughedlands there were in a farm, or por tion of land; which rent the land-holder paid in various articles, as cat- * Bede, Ecclef. Hift. lib. iv. cap. 13. Fifhiijg was praftifed by the flaves. By the laws of Ina, fpmeparit ofthe rent of farms that lay upon the banks of rivers were paid in fifh, fo that it is probable the ceorls, or hulbandmen, who kept thofe farms, em ployed their flaves in this manner. f Vide Squire, on the Englifh Conftitu tion, pages 105 & 106. tie, jTF 333 PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. tie, poultry, fifh, ale, cheefe, butter, or grain, according to the nature ofhis farm, its ^oduce, or the cuftom of the country.* In the fame manner were the greater part ofthe crown lands farmed out cropland., to with a goad, or- 'fharp "point, at the end, with which he kept the oxen to their labour,, ,;,bi^"ju^|.ing them when -they :grew lazy :) the perfon who guided the. - , |",plf^p|^' which doubt^efs required great fkill, was an elderly man ; i^if^^d; the plough .ftilt with his right hand, whilft in his left he bote-afjierge, cudgel,, or fometimes a- kind of hatchet,, to break the large ;clo,d$, tpf dirt, or whatfoever elfe might impede the -courfe of the is * ;In,the laws made by Ina, king of the us the plough had but one handle at his fp^elfiiflioas, who governed that kingdom time; for, in the Life of Efterwin, abbot (fhom'AYD. 689,, *o A. D. 728, a farm of of Wererhouth, he fays, " This abbot, be— '|fcn hfiles was to pay the following rent : '.'¦ ing aftrong man, and of humble difpo- Ijtyielve -cafkjS of honey, three hundred "" fttion,., would frequently affift the-monks -ipaves of bread., .twelve - ca&s of ftrong :-;V in.their rural labour, fometimes guiding ' #le, thirty cafks of fmall ale, twc*. growit . . " the plough by its ftilt, or handle, . fometimes x*6xen, or,ten wethers,., ten geefe, tvy-iniy "- winnowing the corn,. fometimes forging Si'ens, tenxheefes,' one cafk ctf butter, €Ve " fche inftruments of hufbandry upon an- ;^rBon,,'^werity pounds 0;f forage, and one "anvil.'' Bed«iHift.;^|^^hu'then. We '%bhdred"teels." Leg. Inae, apiid Lamb. cap. may here obfeive?:,£li^. a;t this. .time -of day 69.-Auf.wilk. Leg. Sax, the. monks, or feciilar jcaoons, cultivated ...y. -i\. -A r^^sfent3tion. of the plough here: .their.own lands', arid*p£r&irmediefeery, pther: S^Jjjribecfjicco'mpahjes .this chapter, fee requifite neceffary for the; providj^jfflqd; plate XV"". which is taken, from .'the an-, for their brotherhood,, all of >h4i»|$j£ifig' cienfc man-ufcript of Qoedman, at Oxford, obliged to labour in their, ,tuni af j^^i^fe- Xhe authenticity of the delineation may. .-s&lart or other* be confirmed by Bede,,whpexprefsly telk/8'^; : . , ''¦ 3, ' 334 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. PartV- plough.* In general, there are but two oxen joined to the plough, which go abreaft, though fometimes there are four joined two and two.-f- Mills, when It will be unneceffary to enter into any long difcourfe concerning their ta'in^not'wei"' method of fowing the grain, or harrowing the ground ; all thefe feem to known. have been done in a manner little differing from the ufages of the prefent time. The harrow was compofed of a long fquare frame of timber, fet full of iron teeth. In what manner they manured their ground, or their rules for letting it lie fallow j with a great variety of other particulars re lative to the art of cultivating lands, cannot eafily be inveftigated ; only . we fhall remark^ that every ceorl who was provided with ploughs, and other inftruments of hufbandry, had his own frriith, whom he kept in his houfe, to fabricate, and keep them in order. J At what time mills were firft ufed in Britain, cannot be determined; hand-mills, which, without doubt, were the moft ancient of any, we may conceive were known in the time of- Ethelbert, king of Kent,- who ruled that nation from the year 560, to the year 616 ; for, in his laws, a particular fine of twelve fhil- lings is impofed -upon any man who fliould corrupt the king's grinding maid;§ hence it is alfo evident, that they were turned and tended by women ; but it is probable that before the end of the heptarchy water- mills were erefted, becaufe in ancient deeds and grants of lands, we find mention made of mills-, which are generally faid to be fituated near the water; but of this fubjeft we fhall have occafion to fpeak more fully hereafter. secondary arts Gardening, planting, and other fec'ohdary arts of like nature, might relative to huf- -perhaps be known to the Saxons before the end ofthe heptarchy ; but to what degree of perfection they were carried, cannot be determined : however, we may believe that their fkill in thefe arts was not very great, and at beft they might only attend to the cultivation of fome few ufeful herbs on the one part, and the planting of fruit-trees for .ufe, rather than beauty or pleafure, on the other ; and this much they might naturally fall into, becaufe the Britons underftood thefe arts very well, and, without doubt, many of their gardens and orchards might be yet undeftroyed when the Saxons took poffeffion of the land, which would be fufficient •hints'- to thofe conquerors to follow fuch provident examples. * See plate XXVI. vol. I. ofthe Honba his dwelling, or the lands which he held, Angel cynnan, or the Manners and lle was permitted to take with him his •Cuftoms ofthe Englifh. overfeer, his finith, and a nurfe. Leg. + -Ibid, plate. X. -. . 1 Ins, cap. 64. ' j By the laws of Ina, when a ceorl left § Leg?s Ethelberti, apud Wilkins. . CHAP. PartV, .OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 33^ CHAP. V. Navigation and .Commerce of the Saxons. LONG before the Saxons left their ancient feat in Germany, and The Saxons an. pafled over into Britain,, they had rendered their name famous fordenlly s™'?'1- their piracies, particularly infefting the Britifh feas, and frequently ma king defcents upon the fouthern and eaftern coafts of Britain, and plun dering the inhabitants. This obliged the Romans, who were then in poffeiTion of all the fouthern divifions of the ifland, not only to ; keep. a ftrong. fleet to fcour the feas,- but to ereft forts upon the fhores which were moft expofed to the ravages of thefe lawlefs plunderers, and from them obtained the name ofthe Saxon fhore; thefe forts, as we have feen before, were put under the command of an officer, , called the Count of the Saxon fhore, in Britain.* After the.departure ofthe Romans, the wretched -Britons were driven to The miferies the utmoft extremities. In the north, their reftlefs foes, the Scots:andPifts,of the Brltons' deftroyed their country, and fpoiled them of all their valuable poffef fions, whilft their fouthern coafts. lay open to an enemy full as formida ble, andxqually deftruftive. Horrid alternative ! either to fall by the fwords of their foes,, orfeekirig to avoid them,, be drowned in the fea, to whofe brink they were purfued. In this diftrefsful fituation we findtherfi making application to their foreign enemy for proteftion, opening their arms to receive a foe whofe only fortune depended on their fwords, and whofe only wealth was plunder and the fpoils of war : this ftep completed the ruin ofthe Britons, and gave the, Saxons firm poffeffion in the land, which they never quitted, but continued increafing their power, and ex tending their conquefts. f The veffels which the Saxons generally ufed upon thefe piratical ex- The reffeis of , pedi.tions were very light,, and fo built as to weather out a'ftorm, in the Saxoa%' which a larger and ftronger fhip would be-in danger of perifhing ; they were generally fwift failers, fo that the pirates could fuddenly affail the "foe, and as eafily efcape if they were overpowered : by this means they became a formidable and dangerous enemy ; for, on the one hand, the enemy could not be aware of their attack, fo on the other it. was in vain. to purfue them when they fled. They would alfo frequently venture to fea . in little fkiffs, like thofe before^defcribed of the Britons, con fifting only of a light frame of timber, and: covered over with fkins pre pared for that purpofe.J Yet, for particular occafions, it feems, the Saxons had larger and £4,gse *|p! of ftronger fhips ; for the firft troop, of this people who came over into Bri-1 e * Videpage 268 of this volume. . +.Apoll. Sidonii lib, viii. Epift. 6. &, f See the latter end of the firft part of . Ibid, Author. Carmen. VII, the Chronicle. tain,., 336 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, ore, PartV. tain, under the conduft of Hengift and Horfa, arrived in three long fhips ;* and though the exaft number of foldiers cannot be afcertained, yet we may conceive it was confiderable ; fome thought their army con fifted of nine thoufand men,f and if this is true, each fhip muft have carried three thoufand, which is a prodigious number. The Saxons put The Saxons on their firft arrival in Britain, put a ftop to all the trade rnerce.t0 c°m which had exifted to that period: the making themfelves rich by any other means than the edge of their fwords, feems never to have entered the ideas of that people. After their armies were landed in the ifland, we hear no more of their fhips ; and it appears certain, that for full two centuries from their firft arrival, they had but few veffels, and thofe, moft likely,- but ill conftrufted. The low date of The ftate of trade amongft them, during this period, was at a low rlod! *' th's pe" e°b, for there was no commercial intercourfe between them and the Britons ; and it feems that London, the capital of the little kingdom of Effex, was their only center of all foreign commerce. This place we find reforted to by merchants of feveral nations, who came thither both by fea and land, on the account of trade if thofe that came by land were the native Saxons, Who brought their goods with them,, in order to exchange with the foreign merchants, who for that purpofe crofted the fea from Gaul, and other parts of the continent. offa improves In this manner it is likely that commerce was carried on, until the the sa«n".£ °f middle of the eight century, about which time, Offa mounted the the throne of Mercia ; this great prince encouraged his fubjefts to fit out fhips, and carry goods in their own bottoms to the continent j and this he did with a view of raifing a naval power to defend his do minions. This dawn of commerce was however foon over-clouded by the wars«vhich. followed in the Heptarchy, occafioned by the ambitious attempts of Offa, upon the territories of his neighbours. The other4 princes juftly fearing his growing power, made application to Charle^ ' magne, befeeching hirn to interpofe his authority, and to command Offa to defift : accordingly the emperor wrote to him ; but his letters not being regarded, a final ftop was put to the trade which was carried on upon the continent, between the foreign merchants and the Saxons, until fuch time as a good underftanding was reftored between the em peror and Offa.§ After the death of this warlike Mercian prince, the encreafe of fhips was not attended to, and of courfe the trade fell back * Tribus lorigis' navibus. Bede Ecc. conceive, that their number was very con- H-ift. lib. I. cap. i (,-. " Tribus (ut lingua fiderable, though they did not think them- " ejus exprimitur) CyullS, noftra lingua felves ftrong enough to conquer the land " longis navibus." Gildae Hift. cap. 2->. withoutfrefh fupplies. f Thus Verftegan fays, quoting his au- + Bede Hift. Ecc. thority from John Pbrharius, for all an- §. Wm. Malmib. de geft. reg. Ang. lib. cient authors are filent upon this head ; I« cap. 4. yet from the words of Gildas, we may into XVI PartV. OF THE 'ANCIENT SAXONS. 337 into its wonted channel, until it was reftored with greater glory by jElfred the Great. Another hindrance to trade in general, was the reflraint laid on bar- obitruaions to terings and exchanges ; by the laws ofthe Saxon kings, no bargain trade- was permitted to be made without fome principal perfon or chief ma giftrate" beingprefent, and a witnefs to it.* The defign of thefe laws was to regulate, the terms of bartering, - and to prevent all impofitions and frauds'; befides, as few perfons at that time could write, fuch evidences might be produced:, it 'any difpute fhould afterwards arife between the two parties. Though thefe laws were very good in themfelves, and prevented any unfair dealing, they doubtlefs were a prodigious hin drance to "commerce, which ought to be carried on in a quick and un interrupted manner. . . v f ¦. The form of the Sax^pn, fhipsj j£ the end of ?the eighth -century, or.the The form ofthe beginning of the ninth, is happilyvpreferye*4 in. fome of the ancient Saxon Shlf!' manufcripts " of that date: they were fcarcely inore , than a very large boat, and feem to be built of flout planks, laid one oyer the other, in the manner as is done in the prefent time; their heads and flerns are very erect,*' and' rife high out of the? water, ^ornamented at top with fome uncouth head of an animal, rudely cut ; they have but one maft, the top of which is alfo decorated with a bird, the head of a bird, or fome fuch device ; to this maft is made faft a large fail, which from its nature and conftruftion, could only be ufeful. when the veffel went be fore the wind ; the fhip was fteered by a large oar, with a flat end, very broad, pafling by the fide of the. ftern ; and this was managed by the pi lot, who fat in the ftern,and from thence iffued his orders to themariners.f * Inthe laws of Lothair,'king of Kent, ftraiut was en bartering one commodity it is enacted^ .That if any Kentifh Saxon, for another ; which none were permitted fliould buy any thing at London, and bring to do, except fuch bargains were made be- itkitbKent,heihould have two or three ho- fore the fherifF, the mafs prieft, the lord neftmen, or the king's port-reeve (the chief ofthe manor, or fome other perfon of magiftrate of the city) prefent at the bar- undoubted veracity ; upon pain of paying gaf||Wilkin.Leg.Sax. Bythe fame laws, no a fine of thirty (hillings, befides the for ma^ was allowed to buy any thing above feiture of the goods fo exchanged to the; the '>alue of twenty-pence, except in a lord of the manor. Wilkin, utfup. towrv and in the prefence of the chief ,'fVSee thefe fhips taken from ancient infpitrate, or other witnefs : the fame re- delineations, plate XVI. of this Volume. . Vol. I. ** CHAP. 3& GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. Part V." CHAP. VI. Working of Metals, iSc. and the Coins of the Saxon Kings. The art of fTptHE art of working mines and refining of metals, we may be well knoJn^to'the ' A affined, was but little thought on byv a people fo rude and unpo- Germans. lifhed as the ancient -Germans ; yet it is plain they had fome know ledge of iron, and alfo could work it into form ; their chief care was beftowed upon the manufafturing of their arms ; the heads of their javelins efpecially, were made extremely handfome, and fhar- pened with great art ; but they were fmall and flender, becaufe iron was not plentiful amongft them ; befides their arms, we may be certain, that they manufaftured other tools, which were abfolutely neceffary for the compleating their domeftic works, as axes, implements of hufban dry, and the like'-; but thefe perhaps were made by the flaves and de pendants, to whom the tillage of land was committed, and by whom all fervile -offices were performed, Thisart how What fkill the Germans hadin the art of working metals, was with- fmpwea!0 ^ out doubt, underftood by the Saxons, who, ontheir fettling in Britain, where plenty of ore was to be found, could not but improve upon the knowledge of their anceftors. Alfo, from fome of the fugitive Britons, they might learn the readier way of refining metals, and making them fit for ufe ; butthis art was brought to the greateft perfeftion, by the inftruftions of thofe artifts,- who came from Rome with Benedift Bifcop, in the latter end of the feventh century. The plumber's The plunlbers art was well underftood by the Saxons, foort after their and fmith s art. tonverflon to Chriftianity ; as 'is abundantly evident, from the churches and other public edifices being covered with- lead, as we have repeated affurances they were* The artificers in iron were much efteemed ; every nobleman had his fmith, conftantly 'attendant 'on' his perfon, to fabricate his arms and keep them in. proper order.* The chief fmith was an office of great importance in the houfhold lift of the Saxon kings. Neither was any capital land-holder without a fmith amongft his fervitors, to take care of the implements of hufbandry.f Thegoidfmifh's At the latter end of this asra, that is before the diffolution of the Heptarchy, it feems that other arts lefs neceffary, were cultivated and improved, particularly works in gold and filver; the goldfmiths were firft employed in making ornaments for the altars of churches, fhrines for faints, and coffers for. the prefervation of facred relicks ; but foon afterj the pride and luxury of kings and nobles procured them other bufinefs, art. * Wilkin. Leg. Sax. page 25.^ -j See a preceding note, page 320^. ; and 3 AT/I II PartV. OF THE' ANCIENT SAXONS. 339 andcups for drinking, plates and diftles, with many other things for fetting out their tables, as well.ag Variety of ornaments for their per-: forts, were made of gold and filver; the clergy alfo were apt to run into the fame extravagance, for the great quantity of gold and filver plate which Wilfrid bifhop of York poffeffed, excited the envy of, others* and was perhaps the leading ftep to his difgrace.* , .„ The lapidary's .art was not entirely unknown at this period ; for we The lapidary's fihd' frequent mention of fhri'nes and other fumptuous pieces of work- *rt" manfhip, ornamented with precious ftones : from fome curious anti- ; 7i cfuities that have been difcovered, it does not appear that they un derftood the methods of cutting them into any fornv, to render them more beautiful ; nor do they feem to have been polifhed fo highly, or fet with that exaftnefs as- at- prefent ; but this will be more largely con fidered' hereafter, and fome remaining fpeoimens produced. The coinage of the Saxons is a fubjeft which will require a very par-Theartof coin- ticular differtation ; and indeed the whole, from their firft beginning to^e fecond vn- coin -money, to- the end of the Saxon aera, is fo connefted, and circum- lumeand why. ftancesV" depend fo much upon each other, -that to divide the fhort fketch, which is neceffary to be drawn Up, on this head, would1 caufe a manifeft" confufion.; becaufe the certain periods in which many alterations took place cannot be afcertained! : therefore hereafter, when we compleat the hiftory of the Anglo-Saxons, a regular account of their coinage, its weight, its value, its fize, and whatever more is neceffary for the full explanation of the fubjeft will be given. f> - ¦ C H; A P. - VII. ' - ,-- Claa&hing Arts, and Habits' of the. ancient Germans and the Savons. IT may appear extraordinary, that a pepple fo barbarous, and little Barbarous na- inclined to labour, as the atiqient Germans were, fhould attend irt-^of InTr"' the leaft tothe manufafturing of cloth,-., when they might fo eafily fup-: ply themfelves with garments from- the fkins;of their cattle ; but there feems to have been no people, however barbarous,, but What- were proud of decorating their perfons ; and though they affefted to defpife the ufao-es of civiler nations, they would frequently "give into luxuries, eve ry wayeqisal, only fet forth in a- different, -aod} perhaps- a rjaoreunplea- fing ftile ;, fo'that the vice ItfelfMs'* not altered in its tendency, but in its outward appearance ; for the f^eTpaffipftfor finery, caufed ihe un- ¦ * Eddii Vit. Wilfridii., coin?, w$uch were ftruck during the Bep- ¦f We have here fubjoined plate XVII. tarchy. This plate is fully explained in which exhibits fixteen different Saxon the appendix. _ X x 2 civilized 340 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. PartV. civilized Maasatas and Calidonians to pounce their fkins, and endure a great. degree of torture, to bear the reprefentation of various figures upOn it, that prevailed upon the inhabitants of more poliflied nations to wear Jfilks and gold embroidery ; and perhaps the fame paffion, led the barbarous Germans to fpinning and weaving, in order, to appe% at particular times, in fuch garments as required fome fkill to ^ rnake.; -.. . . _ . TheOermans It it certain, that the Germans ufed, in very early times, to drefs and totwelin^' fpin'Bax,, and weave linen cloths ; but whether it was, they wei;e jea lous of their art ,b,ejrig difcovered, or whether they were afhamed to have it known ,that they condefeended to labour at the loom, cannot be , determined; hqweyer all this work was fecretly done in. vaults and ca verns, the-manufafturers ijeirtg buried as it were under .ground.* 'As they were fki'lledVih'the aft of rtiaking linen cloth, we canhardly fup pofe, that woollen garments, and other cloths of coarfer manufaftory, were' unknown to them. Their methods of bleaching and foftenjng their linen, as wgll as the different forts which they might . make, can not be difcovered ; nor do we know whether, like; the Gauls, they were well acquainted with, the arts of 'dying and colouring cloth, before it was made into garments-. ..,. . , •- Thehabitof the The, meaner fort of people amongft the Germans, fueh as their flayes mS!r °er" ^na^ mere dependants, went almoft naked, bearing only a cloak called a fagum, which was fattened round their fhbulders upon their breafts with a buckle, or : if they could not procure that ornament, a fharp thorn :f this garment hung down both before and behind, and reach ed nearly* to the middle of their thighs.^ A-'- Thehabitof the The richer fort of people and the : princes, were diftinguifhed by noMeGermans* their habit, which was a clofe garment, covering all their bodies, their legs, and their thighs, but in fuchj a manner as to fhow the whole fhape of the wearer; befides this part of his drefs, another was adopt ed, namely, a kind of cloak or robe, made of the fkins of beafts ; which fkins they were very particular in the choice of, and fuch as were ';¦-.? , the moft difficult to obtain, were received^ with' the greateft approba tion; thefe they ornamented with a variety of artificial fpots, to make , them more beautiful ; and they were much pleafed, if they could procure any foreign trinkets to* adorn their perfons :§ their arms may alfo be faid to have conftituted part of their drefs, for they fcarcely ever appeared without them from- the time of their being firft permitted to bear them. || * Pliny** Nat. Hift. lib. xix. cap.T. Vinan, plate XVTH. of this vol. the figure ¦j- -Tacit. dgl^orib. Germ. •- on the right-hand of the plate, holding a X Scf, two, 'figures of this kind repre- fpear in one hand and pointing with the fentedatalittle diftance, plate XVTJI, of other. this volume.. , || Tacit, de Morib. Germ, • § See the delineation of the noble Ger- The xmi PartV. O F T HE AN C I EN T S AXONS. 341 The habits of the women differed but little from thofe, of vthe men, The habit of * except that they were ufually made of linen, which as it was finer German wcman- and better woven, was the moft efteemed : their garments they would frequently ornament with purple borders, to make them more gaudy. Another peculiarity in the tunic of a woman, was its not having fleeves, fo that their arms were entirely bare, and their necks and breafts left open :* but we muft now conceive, that this is the de fcription of the garments of a woman of diftinftion, thofe that were poor and of lefs confequence, without doubt, were cloathed in a lefs elegant mannner.f What covering the Germans wore upon their heads is not record- covering for the ed : long hair was not. honourable amongft the men, becaufe it was the head: and fhu<:s' lign of cowardice ; for they might not cut or trim it until they had done their country fome fervice by flaying an enemy : on the .contrary,, the women were fond of their long hair, infomuch, that it was the higheft difgrace to have it cut off. X Neither have we any certain account con cerning their fhoes ; but in the Very ancient delineations of the Anglo- Saxons, we find the feet of -the nobles covered with a fort of fhoes, ¦which feem to be made of leather, and bound round the inftep ; but the commoner fort, of people are unfhod and conftantly bare leged.§ The habits we have already defcribed, were fuch as appertained, to The habit of the ancient Germans;, yet it is highly probable, fome flight altera- ^es%ancient SiX* tions might take place before the time of the Saxons arrival in Britain. The habit of thofe piratical Saxons, who infefted the Britifh feas,. confifted . of a tunic, reaching down tor their knees, and bound round the waift ; their arms were a fpear, a fhield, and a fword y the two laft they ufually carried at their backs, when they travelled from place to place; but the moft remarkable part of their drefs was the adornment of their heads, for after they had fhaved their temples and dipt the locks which, hung round their necks, the hair upon the crown of the head was per mitted to grow as long as it would, and being inclofed within a ring of copper, which raifed it from the forehead, it hung down over the ring, reaching to their fhoulders.|| Now we have feen a faint gjeam of light thrown upon the art of The manufac^ manufafturing cloth amongft the ancient Germans, we fhall naturally r^edbyihe. pafs on to the Saxons. It is certain,, that after their converfion to Saxons. Chriftianity, fpinning and weaving were greatly, improved amongft them; and it is by no means unlikely, that fome of thofe artifts who came from Rome with Benedift Bifcop, might underftand the cloath- * Seethe German woman delineated Cuftoms of the Englifh. plate XVIII. II Paulus Diaconus ApoT. Sidonii Epift. , •f Tacit, de Morib. Germ. ' lib. viii. epift. 9. &Witc'hindus- See this. * jbjd ' figure delineated, leaning on his fpear, § See the plates vol. I. of the ¦ Hopfca plate XVIII. of this vol. SnTel cynnan ; or the Manners and. 2 ing, 342 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, 46Wicl figure^s^deliiteat^tf "in\st- tumc, exactly . like?- that of" the-^rm^, [only'atifcheehdocrfi the fleeveV'there appears ,:a- fort of pleat ing |ike' a, r^lBe-j:; thastfigairerhas' a large long robe"; which "buckles' :upV; on his right Jh«ulder, -and hangs over all his -back and left fide,; like. thofe cloaks which we have already defcribed. fl , Every figure defigned to reprefent a king, whether he is in his. court, jiead covering. or in the. field of battle, has, conftantly a1 erown upon his- head, . by way t^ *°M of the ; of diftinftipn • other perfonages are generally delineated without any covering. for their heads* fometimes indeed they wear- a cap, which oopaes clofe ; round their heads, gradually deereafing to the. top, where it' bends a litde forward. Their, fhoes, as has been declared' before, .feem. to be njiade of leathery left with an opening on the top of the foot, and., bound tjO^dlth© infleps : their legs appear to be generally naked, which cuftonpfpf^oing barelegged,- was forbidden to the priefts who mihiftered '¦¦ at the-alta^^y canon made* in the Council of Chalcuith, A, D. ^5.** We mall, riot here enter into any further particular defcriptibn of the Defcription of drefs of the Saxotia, Aefcaufe it is moft likely, .. that but few, if any of our t™^*™ ahnadbltsi aij^|icgities,,.afe fo ancient as- the period we are now treating of. -Nor ^y. fljall, w$ here take aniy -notice of the apparel of the ladies, becaufe,1 that . will be more properly afuteijeft for future confideratibri; ,, when we , fhall. be able to produce our-aurihority ^as we proceedJih 'our difcourfe. v V • *.AlcUH>ilib.de,oficsdivia.. - § See plate XfX.fto. 3. .of this vol. -'~ ''7 tJf.S«e. this. kpd of cloak plate -XV, bifhop of Lindisfarn, prevailed upon. Ealdfrith, a monk there, to* compofe an elegant copy of the four gofpels, which was done under his, infpeftion, in the moft elegant manner that can be conceived ;, the whole of this book, which is yet extant, is written in Latin, with St. Jerome's preface, and interlined with a Saxon Verfion. When Ealfrith had com pleted this valuable manufcript, Bilfrith, a celebrated anchorite,, was em ployed to ornament it in a fuperb manner ;§ before each gofpel is pre fixed a painting ofthe evangelift who wrote it,|| and the oppofite page is full of beautiful ornaments, enriched with various colours ; then fol-, * Bede draws the character of Adhelm § See a full account of this valuable in the following concife manner: " He MS. in the. catalogue of the Cotton li- " was a man of univerfal erudition, his ftile brary, or in the preface to Cafley's cata- " wjis elegant and flowing, and he was logue of the royal library. " wonderfully well acquainted with books, || Thefe figures,, which have nothing to- u both on philofophy and religious fub- recommend them but their antiquity, are *• jecls." Hift. Ecclef. lib. v. cap, 19. faithfully copied in the third volume of t ^-nglia. Sacra- the Honba Angel cynnan, or Man- 4 Ibidi ners and Cuftoms ofthe Englifh. lows 0-n Jl-JVYW^ j0?» -pprjU ^icipireyauretturoj ; Secuuclum lucam **>¦' ¦'^V Part V. OFT HE ANCIENT S A X/O..NS. 347 lows the commencement pf the gofpel, the firfl page of which is moft,, , - - • -- ,„ elaborately ornamented .with.letters . of a peculiar form, and very large, " ' * <'** which difplays, at once the zeal of the performer, and tlfe tafte: of the times in which the. book. was written.* * v, Ih the beginning ofthe eighth century flourifhed Tobias, bifhop of Life of toMu/- Rochefter, who in his younger years had,begun his ftudies .at' Glafton- ^r°f Ku"- bury,- but finifhed.his education at Canterbury, under Theodore arid' "' Adrian, , where he became a, great proficient in all the. parts of learning, .whether- civil or ecclefiaftical.. He was alfo- well verfed in the Greek and Lati-ntpngues^t he wrote, feveral books, though his works are now. .urjhappiiyljil, ._& ,,, -. ; ...,."-.-,.' j ;.:§ut the moft fearnedj.man of this, age , was Bede,' a prefbyter, c&m- The life «f ri|0^% called the-, venerable Bede ;::this.. great mafe ^as" born at Were- Bade\ rriput^^in!N,iprthurnb)e|tind> A. D.,67-2, and received his; -education in the monaftery of^St.Petej, founded; ^t JJiat placed al$put -two years after his»jbirth, by Benedift^Eieppj, who #as one of, the moft learned men, and, th^e. greateft trav£ll;efeqf that lage* j Bede h^dj the advantage of an "excellent library,, which- was fuperior to any exifting in* Bri tatrj. at his rime; and alfo the -benefit of the beft. preceptots, , as AabbQv Benedift, and his fucceffor, Ceolfriol, and St. John" of Beverley; *ne'rnade a ra pid; progrefs in. all .kinds, of learning, fo that at tfye age. or nineteen he was -ordained a deacpn by John of Beverley, at that time bifhop of Hagulftad,,. (or Hexham ;) about which time he left Weremotith, and went to the monaftery of St. Paul, at Jarrow, near the mouth of the ; Tyne, and then newly founded by Benedift ; heise he fpent the remain der of his life in the Offices pf devotion, teaching, Ipj^f, and; writing. At the age of thirty he was ordained prieft, by John^f^Heyerley, abofe . which dignity he was not advanced : yet although ^pive|l thus pbfcure- ly, mured up in a little, -corner ofthe ifland, his farjf|e was fpread abroad, noijbniyjthr^u^ioilt all Britain, but irt-JFrance andrltstlyj : infomuch, that- pqpejferjrius fe|t for him to |onfult withhim concerning a difpute which ha:dv;ariffn at Ronfe, |about|f explained in the rlf^Malmibury, lib. 1. capi 3. ... - "• defctiption 'of the |fates';.given at the ehd f || Vide Biograph. Bntam ' . .^ •«if the-voiume. - ¦{>';""'1 . , . Y y 2 ... Anglos 34& GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. PartV. Anglo-Saxons, confifting of five books, from whence the more perfeft part of our early hiftory is formed ; his other works are, the lives of faints, treatifes on the holy fcriptures, and philofophical trafts.* The greateft blemifh that clouds the works of this learned man, is his credu lity ; for he eafily gave into the popular ftories of miracles and wonders,. which at this time were propagated moft plentifully in every part ofthe ifland; and though, it is true, they were no more than religious juggles^. yet they were conformable to the tafte of the people, and- fineerely be lieved by them of almoft every rank and denomination. other learned After the death of Bede, learning decayed in Britain ; for a fhort Tnslm°nsft t^me> i£ is true> k was upheld by fome few of his, friends, who furvived him; amongft whom was Acca, bifhop of Hagulftad, (now Hexham) who excelled in church mufic, and his knowledge of ecclefiaftical rites- and ceremonies, which he acquired at Rome, to which place he went for improvement ;f alfo Egbert, archbifhop of York, who founded a noble library at York, and was a great encourager of learning. X Nor ought we here to forget Alcuinus, a Saxon, born in the northern parts of Bri tain, who received his education at York, under the direftion of arch bifhop Egbert ; he was fent by 'Offa-; king of Mercia, on an embafly to Charlemagne, and became the tutor of that great prince, inftrufting him in rhetoric, logic, mathematics, and divinity : in fhort, fuch was the love which the fcholar bore to the preceptor, that Alcuinus never re turned to Britain again, but remained at the court of Charlemagne, § at 'whofe defire he wrote feveral books againft- the heretical opinions of Fe lix, bifhop of Argel, in Catalonia, in defence of the orthodox faith; which he performed fo well, that he not only pleafed his employer, but evert convinced the heretic ofhis errors, who afterwards renounced them publicly, and returned to his former faith. Alcuinus died at the abbey of St. Martin, at Tours, A. D. 804.H Befides his feveral epiftles, Al cuinus left behind him a poetical hiftory of the bifhops of York.** Se veral other learned men flourifhed alfo during the eighth century.; but as they were riot fo famous as thofe we have already mentioned, we have no room to irtfert their lives in this place, as we can only pretend to give a. eoncife and general hiftory of learning in each particular period. The tight but Thus we have feen the early dawn of literature amongft our Saxon an- thro'-n^'lm" c^ors » tne hiftory "of which we fhall purfue hereafter, with great care the learning of and cireumfpeftion, through all its various ftates, and endeavour to fet in th* Saxons., ag ciiear a light as poffible the extent of their knowledge in every parti cular fcience- This cannot be done at prefent, left,, as we are, in the : ' ' ' } .:? '^ ' ' v' . * A complete lift of all the works of '"which followed in all the feveral kingdoms Bede is given by Dr. Henry, inthe Ap- ofthe heptarchy, and the great decay of perrdix,. vol. II. of his Hiftory of Britain. learning. f Bede, Ecclef> Hift. lib.v. cap. 20. ||, Vide Leland de Scriptorib. Bale, &c X Alcuinus de. Pontific. Eboracen. , ** This poem is printed by Gale, in § Another reafon why he would not re- his Hift. Script. Britan. XV.. printed- A.D. turn to Britain, might be the troubles 1691, in folio. dark; J37^ PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 349- dark ; but as we advance in the hiftory, moft of thefe interefting parti culars will be difcovered, and then by comparifon we may be able to form fome idea of the more early times. s It is impoffible to difcover all the phyfiological opinions of our ance- several phUofo- ftors, and more efpecially. thofe which they had imbibed- at ^this diftant g£' period; nor fhall we pretend to-inveftigate how. far. they were acquainted unknown. with the doftrine of atoms* and their properties,, the laws of gravitation, or their ideas of lighter colours,, becaufe we have.no certain guide to lead us through thefe ajaftrufe ftudies-... -'As- they received the greateft part of their learning from, France and Italy, we may very fairly fuppofe their opinions in. philofophy were nearly, if not exaftly, the fame with thofe eftablifhed on the continents Their aftronomipal knowledge we may be better able to afcertaih,. be- The ceieitiai . caufe, in an old manufcript on this. fubjeft, yet extant, written. partly in ^"^^'^V Latin, and partly in Saxon, we meet with agreat variety of.delineations, Saxon auffi; || reprefenting the figures 'depifted by the, andents.in the celeftiaVfphere ; .and on each figure is marked the ftars which were^ faid to belong to ,them. ; This curious production has unhappily been mutilated by fome facrileT *- gious hand,, fo that fcarcely. more than half the drawings -now remain.* At the end of the book is preferved a 'general view of the whole ..celeftial-^ fphere, included in one large circle';f as this, is extremely curious and valuable, we fhall be the , more particular in -defcribirig of it: — Iri the^middle is placed the leffer bear,, partly encompaffed by .aTlarge ^ferpent ; below it, upon the-tail of the ferpent, the greater bear is deli neated.;., above the ferpent, is. Hercules, with the lion's fkin, the crown, the harp, and the fwan ; on the right fide of the ferpent ftands Cephus,*- andbn the left fide- Bootes,, or. the herdfmani above the figure of Her cules is the. dolphin,, the arrow, and the eagle;, immediately over the- fwan is the head of the Pegafus, or winged horfe ; under the Pegafks, by- the fide of the fwan, ftahds Andromeda naked ;. between Andromeda and- Cephus fits Caffiope, with both her arms extended ; a little lower down. we fee Perfeus holding thehead of Med.ufa, and under him,- clofe to the greater bear, isErichtonius,. having in his right hand a whip, or fcourge,. and in his left an animal, intendedjbr, a goat ; near his left-foot is another animal, like that he holds in his handVall thefe figures are furrounded by a double circlej in which are- reprefented the twelve figns. of the zo diac. Sere we find-three things, remarkable; virgo,. orjhe virgin, is reprefented with wings ; libra, or the balance; is- held by ^man in his ri^hthartd; and on the fcorpion ftands a man holding a-fefpent; with both hands, which is twined round his body ; without the fecond circle ofthe- zodiac we fee the fhip Argo ;•• above " that the hydra,, reprefented as a large ferpent, on whofe "back -is placed the; crater; or *. This curious manufcript is preferved f See plate-XXI. of .this volume which b the Harleian library at the Britifh Mu- is a faithful copy of the drawmg here de- feum,,and:i5 marked 647., fcnbed. goblet^ 35° GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. PartV: The mundane fyftem ofthe Saxons. goblet, and the crow; towards the top is the centaur Chiron; at the top is the altar ; paffing round we come to the greater fifh, the dragon, and Orion, whofe left foot is placed upon a large urn, which Idanus empties, forming a longftrearn of water; near the right foot of Orion, is the hare; a little above, between Orion and the fhip Argo, are the two dogs, the" greater and the lefs ; and direftly- under them is an in fcription, which informs us, that we owe the delineations contained in the book, and the difcourfe which accompanies them, to the labour and induftry of a prefbyter and monk, named GeruVigius ; of what date the manufcript itfelf is, cannot be determined ; but from the hand in which it is written, and every outward -appearance, it muft have been very an cient ; perhaps as early as the beginning of the ninth century. In the felf-fame manufcript bf Geruvigius is alfo preferved a delinea tion of the mundane fyftem ;* the earth is placed in the midft, about which all the planets make their rotation at unequal diftances, which are given as follow : — From the earth to the moon is 15,515 miles; from the moon to the planet Mercury is 7,757 miles and a half; from Mer cury to Venus is the fame diftance as from the moon to Mercury ; from Venus to the fun is 23,272 miles and a half; from the fun to Mars, 15,515 miles; from Mars to Jupiter is 7,757 miles and a half ; from Jupiter to Saturn is the fame diftance as from Mars to Jupiter; from .Saturn to the fixed liars is 23,27,2 miles and a half; fo that -the whole diftance from the earth to the fixed ftars is 108,605 miles. j- It may not be unpleafing to the reader to compare thefe ancient calculations with thofe of the moderns, infinitely more certain, and nearer to truth,, C H A P. IX. The Germans had fome little notion of fcurf ture. The State of the Polite Arts amongft the Saxons, THE polite arts, as well as learning, had fcarcely entered the ideas of the ancient Germans ; of courfe we can have little to fay con cerning them. Sculpture they feem to have had fome faint ideas of,- be caufe they are faid to have carried certain little images before them to battle, which they had taken from their confecrated woods and facred * See plate XXII. of this volume. f We muft here obferve, the meafures on the plate are as in the original plan, divided into the tonus, the femi-tonus, &c. One tonus, the author informs us, con tained 135 fladiorum, or meafures ; and each ftadius, or meafure exactly 115 miles, fo that it is eafy to determine the number of miles, according to this fcale, which vwe have done iri the above defcription. places ; ZPUtt 22 >S re?nt?ejZ~' PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 3Si places :* and it is certain that their defcendants, the Saxons, had images or the idols which they adored fet up in their temples ;f but in what manner they were executed is a circumftance we can by no means deter mine. Sculpture was improved, without doubt, by thofe artifts who came oyer into Britain with Benedift Bifcop ; for we foon hear of images, and variety of other ornaments, fet up in churches, and admired for their elegance. Painting, and the arts of defign, we hear not of amongft the Saxons The an of before, nor indeed until fome time after their converfion to Chriftianity. Paintin£- This art, if not introduced by the painters who came over with Benedift Bifcop, was at leaft improved by them ; and the Saxons did not want proper models to imitate, for Benedift, after he had built the church of St.. Peter, at Weremouth, brought images and piftures from Rome,, with variety of other curious ornaments^ to adorn it. , A piftureof the Virgin Mary, together with piftures of the twelve apoftles, he hung up in the body of the church ; the fouth wall he decorated with piftures of the gofpel hiftory ; and the north wall with other piftures, reprefenting the vifions of St. John, in the Apocalyps :J alfo when he had dedicated the church of St. Paul, at Jarrow, he brought over other ornaments and piftures from Rome. He covered the walls of the chapel ofthe Bleffed- Virgin, at Weremouth, with the whole gofpel hiftory ; and. the church . of St. Paul he decorated with piftures ofthe concordance ofthe Old andi New Teftaments, which were executed and difpofed with lingular art and propriety; as, for example, the pifture of Ifaac bearing the wood; whereon he was to be facrificed, and another of Chrift bearing the crofs- whereonhe was to be crucified, were placed clofe to each other : in like manner, Mofes lifting up the brazen ferpent in the wildernefs, adjoining to another reprefenting the lifting up of the Son of Man upon the crofs.§ -, The earlieft painters were employed chiefly, if not altogether, upon. making ornaments for the church. " In a little time after, we find them decorating books with piftures, onr/rawingrby- which they frequently beftowed the greateft pains and labour. The moft **nt°'o took*- ancient, and at the fame time the moft elegant,, manufcript of this. fort,,. is the four gofpels which we have before defcribed ;||, but.if we may judge of the tafte of the times from the figures of the evangelifts which ar& therein delineated, we fhall not think fo favourably of it, becaufe they are by far the worft part ofthe ornaments of the book, though, without doubt,, much admired at the time in which they were done: thefe figures are out of all proportion,, and drawn in a rude ftile ;- the drapery is..ftiff and5 * Tacit, de Morib. Germ- broke d6wn -.'the. images in the great tem- ¦f We find them particularly mentioned pie at Godmundham, near York. Bede, by Boniface, bifhop of Rome; to Edwine, libiii.cap. 13. ' ting of Northumberland. Bede, Ecclef. + BedeHift. Abb. Weremuthen. P ~ . ri r-.y C TL:J, ume. unnatural., Hift. lib. ii. cap. 10. Bede exprefsly fays, § Ibid. that Coifa overturned the altars, and u; Vide page 346 of this volume <&**> 3\2 ^GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. PartV, unnatural, without the leaft idea of grace in the difpofition of the. folds ^ and the ftools, or benches, on which they are feated," are falfely drawn, without any knowledge of perfpeftive. T*e ancient The next fpecimen of the art of defign amongft theSaxons, is faid to be ciirnan',^? '° tne paraphrafe on the book of Genefis, preferved in the Bodleian library, oxford. at Oxford, which fome have afcribed to Casdman, and fuppofe it to have been written and ornamented towards the latter end ofthe eighth century ; ethers again have imagined that it was not the work of Casdman, nor in deed quitefo ancient as that time : as the date cannot be afcertained, we fhall defer the account-of the delineations to the next volume, where we fhall have occafion of mentioning this manufcript again. A very early fpecimen of the ftate of this art amongft the Saxons is exhibited in the celeftial 'fphere, aboVe^defcribed.* * • Poetry. Poetry is thought to have been much cultivated by the Anglo-Saxon kings, who are faid to. have had their poets attending upon them, to fing their praifes, and celebrate their aftions. This, we fhall be eafily led to believe, when we fee hereafter the .great refpeft in which the fcalds, or poets, were held by the Danes. Adhelm, who flourifhed ,(as we have feen before) towards the latter end of the fixth century, was an admi rable poet, and his works were much efteemed, not .only by his cotem poraries, but alfo in after times ; for, -upwards of two hundred years af ter his deceafe," he was -efteemed the beft Saxon poet, and a favourite fong compofed Jay .him, was, then fong, and. greatly admired-t After him, amongftothers, Casdman, a monk in the .abbey of Streanfhalchj is particularly noticed," who was a. manof obfcure. birth, and but of little learning ; yet the fublime ftrains of poetry were fo natural to him, that ".he compofed verfes -in his fleep, which he repeated when he awalced.J This happy genius for poetry he improved, and principally employed his. talent .on religious fubjefts, which, by thefe pleafing decorations, became more ftriking to the auditors, and were longer retained in their memories, •Miiiic. Amongft the mufical inftruments ufed by ^ur Saxon anceftors, the harp was the moft admired ; to which the poets ufually would fing their rpoems, and- by a happy mixture ofthe voice with the tones ofthe inftru- ment, make them delightful to the auditors.' They had alfo at this pe riod, various other -inftruments of mufic, as the organ, the violin, the afola, the pfaltery, the trumpet, the tabor, the -pipe, .and the flute;§ but it is impoffible to difcover their fhapes, or the manner in which they were played, not only becaufe the authors who -have mentioned them. ¦have neglected to give . any defcription of them, but alfo becaufe we * Seepage 349 of this volume. is defervedly ..admired, by all who under- -j-»Anglia Sacra. . -ftand the Saxon tongue. This poem, with X Bede gives a Latin tranflation of the a literal tranflation, as well . as various .exordium of one of thefe poems, which, fpecimens of the Saxon language, .will :he confeffes, falls far fhort of the beauty .be given in the fecond volume. ^of the original, . which is itfelf preferved in . § Bede de Arte Mufices. ,«h£ Saxon,verfion of Bede, of Elfred ; and Siave .2 fy PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 353 feave no dtarcrurgs- that can pofitively be declared to be fo ancient as; the eighth century* that contain the delineations of any mufical inftru ments ; however, this much we may affert, the organ, mentioned- above,' was compofed of a certain number of pipes, of different lengths and fizes,, and blown into by the mouth,, fomething after the form and. fa- fhion of the Pan's pipe, made of needs of unequal lengths.* Mufic and fingingwere introduced into, the Saxon churches foon afterciiurch mufiW $eir converfion to Chriftianity ¦» for John, the arohancor of St. Peter's, at Rome, and abbot pf St. Martin's abbey in that city, was, at the re-- q-ueft of Benedift Bifcop,, fent over into Britain by pope Agatha,, about the year 67 8„ to teach the monks of Weremouth, and others of the Saxon clergy,, the art of finging the public fervice. This John, imme diately on his arrival in Britain,, taught the monies in Benedict's mona^- ftery y and alfo all other perfons,. who had any tafte for mufic, came thi ther from every monaftery in Northumberland,, and put themfelves un der his- care* Befides. this, he" taught in feveral other places, whither he was invited ; he alfo left behind him writtendireftionsfor finging the fervice throughout the whole year, which were preferved for a confidera ble time afterwards,t Church mufic foon after was publicly taught in the fchools at Canterbury, from, whence profeffors of mufic were fent to all the different parts of Britain; but fuch as were defirous of attaining this.' art in the higieft perfeftion^ wentto Rome.;f: C H A PL X- Particular Manners? &?c. of the. ancient Germans and, the Saxons:. THE face ofthe country in Britain fuffered a material and a dread- The face of the ful change, after the departure of the Romans ; the flourifhing coun"y- towns and villages which that people left behind them were ruinated and deftroyed ; their gardens, orchards, and cultivated lands, were left de- folate and neglefted ; and every place exhibited the fury of mercilefs con querors, and bore the horrid marks of war and rapine.. The Scots andi Pifts were the firft who began this* ruin,, and: the ftern uncivilized Saxorts thofe who completed it.§ Long did the land continue in this wretched ftate, till the Saxon arms had completed the conquefts, and then by de crees 'improvements and cultivation took place throughout all the king- dbms,of the heptarchy. Afte* the converfion ofthe Saxons to Chrifti- * The figure of thefe organs, from an- f Bede lib..iv. cap. 18. Vol. I. Z *• to* 354 GOVERNMENT, LAWS,' Sec. PartV- amity, their minds became more open to the refinements of tafte, and cities, towns, palaces, monafteries, and ftately churches, rofe out of the ruins of thofe deferted by the haplefs Britons.* The perfons of The perfons ofthe Saxons are defcribed as very ftrong and robuft, yet the Saxons. ^y, were jjjji more remarkable for the elegance of their fhape, the fairnefs of their complexion, and the finenefs of their hair ; they- ftrength- and ftature they derived from their anceftors, the Germans, who are univerfally faid to have been men of large limbs; the Germans had yellow, hair, and grey fiery eyes, which might alfo be common amongft the Saxons, their immediate defcendants. They could not en dure much labour ; they were eafily overcome by heat and thirft, whilft, they could bear hunger and cold with great patience ; to thefe they had been inured by the poverty of their country, and the fharpnefs of the climate, f The Saxons were in general long-lived; this proceeded from- ther fimple living, and conftant exercife. The ciwaaer Many of the Saxons have left undoubted proofs behind them of a great cf the Saxons. geniUs, an(j a ftr0ng natural underftanding; their character, it is true, as given by the monks in general, is very unpleafin'g, and often fhock- ing and barbarous ; but we muft confider it as drawn by a fet of gloomy bigots, who always laid hold of the failings of their coternporaries, and overlooked their virtues, and who were too apt to cenfure the community for vices which prevailed amongft a few individuals. Notwithftanding all this religious outcry of the priefts, we find them poffeffed of many excellent and amiable qualities. The pie-ty ofthe They were, in general, after "their converfion, much inclined to pi- withfopm*6 ctY > which, however, was ftrongly tinftured with fuperftition-.: this tion. frequently produced a fondnefs for. the monaftic life, by which means the community was deprived of feveral of its valuable and important members ; and this prepofterous zeal was conftantly encouraged by the priefts, efpecially if the parties were rich, and any great benefits were likely to.be the refult. Another kind of enthufiafm prevailed amongft them, which caufed them to undertake extraordinary pilgrimages, in or der to vifit the fhrines of faints,, and fee remarkable places that were re puted holy : this blind zeal naturally produced a great love and vene ration for the reliques of faints, fo that rotten bones, old nails, bits of rufty iron, tattered pieces of garments, and fuch kind of trafh, were as highly prized by the Saxon devotees, as filver and gold are by the mifers of the prefent age; and, without doubt, they were frequently made the dupes of the more cunning priefts, who vended this rubbifh at an extra ordinary price. J iLo*e of liberty. The great charafteriftic, both of the Germans, and their defcendants, the Saxons, was their love of liberty. AH thofe brave warriors who came ' into 'Britain under the conduft of Hengift and' Horfa, and the other * Chap. II. part V. of this Chronicle, J See pages 234, 236, & ,237, of .this -^ Tacit. deMorib. Germ. volume. "Saxon PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. U5 Saxon chiefs, were free and independent men ; and though they per mitted their generals to affume the name of kings, for their own honour and better fecurity, yet they were jealous of their privileges, and re tained to themfelves the right of makingjaws, impofing taxes, and de termining important queftions relative to the ftate, by common confent, in the national affemblies. Valour was highly efteemed amongft the Germans and the Saxons.; The valour of every ftimulus was ufed to prevent cowardice, and every encouragement f^f"™'1* given to the brave and hardy warrior. Courage was efteemed by them " ait°ns" as the moft noble attribute of 'mankind, and endeared them, as they thought, to thq powers above, whom they fuppofed would never for- fake the valiant man. After the converfion of the Saxons to Chriftia nity, valour decreafed amongft them, greatly owing to the foolifh infa tuation of many of their chiefs, and moft powerful- men, who fuddenly quitted the world, as though it were impoffible to ferve their God and their country too.* This was one main reafon, though another, and perhaps a ftill more powerful one, might be the increafe of luxury, and their fondnefs for idlenefs. and diffipation. The Saxons were famous for their focial difpofitions, and formed Their fecial dif- themfelves into fraternities arid guilds of various kinds,, having frequent ?ofitions> convivial meetings with each other ; nay, even by the Saxon laws every freeman, and head of a family, was obliged to be a member of the de cennary, or neighbourhood, where he dwelt ; and all the members of that neighbourhood were pledges for each other's good behaviour in public :f thefe prudent regulations kept up a clofe connection in each. community, which formed, as it were, a little ftate of their own, under the laws and proteftion of the nation in general.. They had alfo fre quent voluntary meetings and focieties, , fome of the clergy, and fome of the laity, which all tended to ftrengthen the ties of love and friend fhip amongft them ; though, it is true, they often contributed to the promotion of excefs and drunkennefs, a vice they were all of them too apt to fall into. Their curiofity was equal to their credulity"; thefe were the palpable Their curiontjr failings of the Germans and their defcendants : as- the former prompted and ciedull'-y> them eagerly to enquire into all kinds of matters, the latter led them to a belief of all that was told them ; this is abundantly evident in the various irnpoftors and joggles which were put upon them by the priefts, under the names of wonders and miraculous events. Before their, converfion to Chriftianity they ufed to praftife a great variety of methods of footh- feyin°- and augury ;£ nay, their ordeals, by which folemn appeals to Z z 2 Heaven * Bede himfelf, though a prieft, fore- J. Soothfaying and lots (fays Tacitus,, faw the fatal confequences of this fuper- fpeaking. of the Germans)' they- obferve ftitious folly, and accordingly inveighed above all other nations ; their cuftom of, • /i jj. cafting lots is as follows : — -They cut a- " -i Witkin's Leg. Sax, branch from a fruit-bearing tree, and di- * vide.- 356 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, Sec. PartV.- Heaven were made, were ftill retained for a confiderable time after they had embraced the true faith. Their hofpit*. For hofpitality the Germans are juftly famous ; they were not exceeded in the bountifuinefs of their difpofitions by any nation in the whole world; for amongft them it was an aft of the greateft bafenefs for any one to debar another his houfe, or refufe to entertain him according to his ability. Their doors were conftantly open, and a ftranger was re ceived with as hearty a welcome as if he were an intimate acquaintance ; he was entertained by the perfon who firft received him, until all his itore was confumed, and then he was condufted to the next houfe, where, though uninvited, he was received with like welcome, and taken care of until he chofe to depart; and if before he went away he demanded any thing of them., it was freely beftowed upon him.* Nor did the Saxons after their eftablifhment in Britain deviate from the rules of their venerable anceftors ; their kings fpent a large part of their revenues in the entertainment of ftrangers, and feafting their own nobility and at tendants ; their hofpitable difpofition was alfo increafed, rather than diminifhed, by their converfion to Chriftianity; for the clergy were commanded by the canons to make ample provifion for the needy, and to perfuade all other people who were able to do the likcf Their chaftity. Amongft all the virtues of the ancient German people, none are more confpicuous than their chaftity; fornication and adultery were crimes fcarcely ever heard of amongft them ; J and in general, efpecially at the -early period we are treating of, the Saxons feem to have carefully fup ported the character, fo juftly attributed to theif anceftors. It cannot be denied, that fome few inftances of incontinency are fet down in the an nals of the heptarchy, but they are >chi>efly confined to the great and po werful ; and for thofe few examples we will not too haftily condemn a "whole people. ¦vide it into many pieces, all of them, diftin- their gods. It is a thing peculiar to the :guiihed by a feparate mark; thefe are call: country to make prefages from the neich* upon a white garment in ,a promifcuous. ' ing of horfes, bred and maintained in the manner, and if it be a matter that con- woods, which were generally white, and cerns the general ftate, the priefts, or in unhroken to the reins ; thefe being har- private matters,the mafter of the family, nefled, and put to a facred chariot, are having prayed to the gods-, looks ftedfaftly permitted to go whither they will, and towards Heaven, taking up every one of the prieft, or the prince, follows thems ¦the lofs feparately three times, and ma- carefully obferving their noife and neigh.- keth his determination according to the ing. Of alt prefages, this is of the greateft .marks as they fucceed each other. If the -credit with the- priefts, noblemen^ and lots fall not aufpicioufly, they confult no common people, thinking themfelves. mis- more that day about the fame affair.;, but niftersof tbe gods, and the horfes privy ta af they do, they will try other methods, their fecrets, &c. Tacit.de Mor. Germ, ifprthey obferve the ringing of birds, and *- Tacit, de Morib.- German. :their flight, by both" which they confult f johnfoti's: Canons. X Tacit. »de Morib, German... ¦a A peculiar PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAX QNS, ^57 A peculiar fondnefs for their parents arid love for their relations* Their fendneA feems. to have prevailed amongft the Saxons and their anceftors: it was ^r/r^rtiponrse;,ts ever held a moft atrocious crime to murder a relation, or even to hurt""1 him wilfully. The brothers or fitters children were as much efteemed and beloved in their uncle's houfe as that of their father's"; for the greater number of relations a man had, the greater was the. refpeft and honour which was paid to him ; and fo it was, if any perfon of fended one of this little communityj he Was accounted an enemy to therft all; fo. on the contrary, every one Who did any one of them a kindnefs, was refpefted and beloved by them all.* One of the greateft blemifhes upon the charafter of thefe people, Their proneireft was their pfonenefs to robbery and plunder, which they always encou- t0 robbety- raged father than difcounteflanced, fo it was. done out of their own ftate "; by this means, (for they hated all rural labour) they frequently procured their food; nay, the Saxofis feem chiefly to have fupported themfelves by their piracies : the youth were permitted to tread the fame fteps with their fathers, becaufe they might be early inured to war, arid kept Out of floth and idlenefs, to which they Were very much given, infomuch, that when they were not engaged in any war, nor out at the chacej they Would lie in their beds late, and fit' whole days over their fires, made on the hearth before them-f Our SaxQfl andeftors upon their firft arrival, were rude and unpolifhedThe'r.i,,if oxen yoaked together, a horfe with furniture, a fhield, a fword, ¦and a lance ; to the bride alfo arms were prefented ; which they looked -Bpon as- the titular deities of matrimony ; thefe arms the bride and bride groom exchanged with each other: this done, a, fpeech was made to the bride, putting her in .mind* that fhe was now become the com panion' of her hufband, to foare with him in his labours and dan- '* Tacit de Morib. Germ. J IW& f Ibid. & Csrf. Bel. Gal. lib. v-h :ger£b Germans. 358 GOVERNMENT, LAWS, &c. PartV. gers, and that fhe was alfo to fuffer the fame hadfhips with him-, whether in peace or war, and run the fame hazards ; . for that was the meaning of the two oxen yoaked together, as alfo the horfe with his furniture, and the reafon why arms were reciprocally received on either fide; thus. fhe was to live chaftly and faithful to the day of her death, and deliver up her gifts unviolated to her children, which were afterwards again. beftowed upon their wives, and looked upon as facred reliques : the wife gave no dowry to the hufband, on the contrary, the hufband gave to the wife ; and the parents and near kinfmen were always prefent when ever any gifts were made by the new couple, from the one to the other.. The wife had always the care of her children, and fuckled them from her own breaft ; for it was held difgraceful amongft them, for the mo ther to put her child away to be fuckled by a nurfe or ftrange woman.* Funerals of the The ancient Germans feldom made any very pompous funerals: the body of the deceafed perfon was ufually taken and laid upon a pile of wood ; and with the corps was conftantly placed his arms, and fome times his horfe; the pile being fet on fire, and the whole confumed; the afhes were ufually raked up in a heap, and Over them was raifed a mount of earth or turfs.f This, in the early ages, feems to have been all the monument they had ; but in after times, their funerals were more magnificent, and the tombs were frequently ornamented with great ftones. At the period above defcribed, the only difference between the funeral of a nobleman and a common man, was,, the pile of the former being made of a choicer fort of wood. Tears and la mentations for the deceafed, his relations foon forbore, though they might fecretly mourn his lofs. It was thought becoming the,- women to weep for the dead, and for the men to remember them^J: * Tacitus de Morib. Germ. & Casf. Bel. is great reafon to believe that this, is not Gal lib. vi. The ceremonies of marriage, true, becaufe in all probability, and in* as ufed by the Anglo-Saxons, are defer- deed according to the authority of the red to the next volume, where as full an ScalaChronicle, that battle was fought at account as can be procured will be fet Afhendown, near Rochford, many miles . down. diftant from this place : thefe are likely f In plate XV. the reader -will find a very ancient; Holinglhead mentions one reprefentation of four of thefe artificial of them being opened,, and there were tumuli or barrows, which are compofed of found " two bodies in a ftone coffin, one earth, thrown up to a confiderable height, " lying with his head towards the others and gradually decreafing towards the top ; " feet; and many chains of iron;- like thelargeft is about one hundred and twen- " the water-chins of the bits of horfes,, ty-four yards round and twenty-fix high. " were found in the fame hill." See his Thefe barrows are in a field in Eflex, near Chronicle, vol. I. page 256. - Bartlow, upon the borders of Cambridge- J The funerals of the Saxons after their- Jhire. They are faid to have been ereft- converfion to Chriftianity, are purpofely ed by the foldiers in Canute's army, after., omitted here, becaufe- a -full account of. the great battle fought between him and them will.be given in.: the fecond volume.. Edmund Ironfide, at Aftiendon ;, but there As PartV. OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 3~S9 As aiinorigft the ancient Germans it was counted honourable for a Great trains ho- prince to have a great number of followers j* fo amongft the Saxons, fer- "onrabie. vants and retainers added greatly to the ftate and magnificence of their - kings, and were befides a proper guard for his perfon. The diet of the Germans was plain and fimple; it -confifted chiefly Their diet. of wild apples, frefh meats, .and curds or cream, f As to the diet of the Saxons, particularly in their more improved ftate, towards the latter end of the -Heptarchy, we need not fay rnuch ; for as they were at that period well acquainted with all the various arts of hunting, hawking, fifhing, pafturage, and agriculture, they were well provided with all the variety of food which thofe arts could procure, and which may be as eafily conceived as 'defcribed. The tables ofthe kings and noblemen abounded with the greateft plenty of all kinds of provifions. Their cookery confifted chiefly in three kinds, roafting, broiling, Their cookery. and boiling ; and all thefe appear to have been done in a plain, fim ple way ; for they do not feem to have any idea of rich fauces and gra vies, the bane of the conftitution ; by way of fauce, perhaps, they had herbs and all the kinds of garden fluff, known at that time. Their drinks were chiefly ale or mead; thefe they received their Their drinks ,& knowledge of from their anceftors the Germans: they had but little ""fs m Jrink" wine, and the greateft part of what they got was imported from the continent; but of all thefe liquors they were extremely fond,. and would frequently drink to great excefs ; fo that their convivial meetings were feldom clofed without a quarrel, in which fome of the parties were often hurt, and indeed frequently flain. X Before they fat down to meat, it was ufual with the ancient Germans Manner of fit- to wafh, and generally in warm water,§ which was efteemed a kind of ting at meat- luxury ; and was afterwards improved by their defcendants, who were fond of hot baths, and frequently ufed them ; on the contrary, the cold bath was extremely difagreeable, infomuch, that it was often enjoined them by the priefts as a fevere penance. || When the Ger mans had wafhed, they inftantly fat down to the table, and every man had his own ftool, and a feparate difh containing part of whatever the banquet might confift of. Some traces of this cuftom we fhall evi dently difcover hereafter, in the moft ancient Saxon delineations.** The diverfions of the Saxons were of three kinds ; as martial exer- Their diverfioa* cifes, the fports of the field, and domeftic amufements, all of which they J received' from their anceftors: the firft of thefe was the prac tice of arms, which every one was early taught: amongft the Ger mans, young men were ufed to ftrip themfelves naked, and dance and leap between fwords and lances, fet up round about; and this they * Tacic. de Morib. Germ. § Ibid. = ThiJ || Johnfon's Canons. T Thirl " ¦ ** Tacit. utfup. * Ibld* would GOVERN ME N'T, LAWS, Sec. PartV- would do with the greateft dexterity : the fecond kind were the fports of the field, as hunting, hawking, and the like ; to which a great part of their leifure time was conftaHtly dedicated : the laft confifted chiefly of gaming, for which the Germans had fuch an irrefiftible pafEon,, and would play at dice fo eagerly, that when they had loft their all, they would lay their perfons and liberty upon the laft throw ; and he who was overcome, entered into a voluntary fervitude, though he were both older and more powerful than the winner,* and fuffer himfelf to be fold like a flave. It is true, the Saxons, their defcendants, do nbt feem in general to have gone fuch great lengths in gaming, yet we have evident traces in ancient hiftory of their fondnefs for this pernicious* amufement,. ' » . * Tacit., ut fupj END QF THE. FIFTH PART OF THE CHBOJUCiE* APPENDIX. ( 3«« ) '' :\h yn:ien nn nxxL. < > » ' '' *)' J ',•* --u l'm f ,,p-:' E ' IN O -is vr i ;' . • ' An. AG GOU NT ¦'¦>;.- • N D I X. the PLATES. nations,1 and where th fituated, according to Ptolomy's Geography redtified. I. " A - Map reprefenting all the Britifh nations,1 and where they were II. The nofth-eaft: view, of, S't'one-HehgejJ reprefenting the grand dhtrance: ; ;: ''¦-' ¦' •< L;" '-' '>'. - '; - "" > ;¦¦'¦¦ ¦_" n ,. "Til. Rolrieh m Oxfbrdflfire,' a J' large1 circle bf ''ftbries,' with a ruined cromlech freaftoUt. 'Alfo' a view1' ofthe cromlech, called: KetsCoity-' Houfe, near Aylesford in Kent* the monurnent of Catigern, the Britifh ririnfce, the brother bf Vortimer, flain by the Saxons, A. D. 455. See page-66 of this vol. - and a large cromlech at Lanyon,* in Cornwall, taken .fromrBoriafs,'s hiftory Or that county. ' :' CfTV» Cbhis1 of Cunobelinus,' divided into ' fix ckffes : fee ;the^ note, pige^ybr10"-"0- '-' ' lu ¦:l-' ':' ' ' <•'¦¦ >' J '"¦ f ' ¦ 1 - ' 7; ,,;, V. .Figures of the ancient Britons, as defcribed by'Dioddrus Siculus, Strkbo, Julius Csefar, Dioh Caffius, and Herodian. ' : VI.J A Roman- encampment, according to Polybius ; and a Roman cartip'atPlufheyihKffek, " ljt f, ; ¦• -'""' - - ;i rn- :; ^ : ;VJL A perfpef5tive view of part of the fouth ' angle* *of the wall of the Romari 'city' of 'Silchefter; with fome Roman •foldiers in the fore ground, from the Antbnihe column: VIII. Plan of Silchefter, with a perfpective view of the ampitheatre, and a piece ofthe fouth wall upon a larger fcale. IX, A map of the Romahftations' in Britain, according tothe itine rary, of Antoninus. Note, !the nine forts erected' by the Romans on the fouth-eaft fhore. againft the SaxOns {Tee page 268) are reprefented by ftars. X. The plan' of Caftle Bavord, an entrenchment thrown up by El fred the Great, about a quarter of a mile from Sittenboufne, in Kent. On the fame plate is reprefented another entrenchment, called Caftle Ruff, made by Haftings, the Dane, barely -half a mile' from the former. .,.',...., XL A view of a Saxon entrenchment,, with' the appearance of the face ofthe country during the Heptarchy,' according to the ideas of * Vide Borlafs's Hift of Cornwall. Vol. I. A a a the 362 A P P( Sc'N )D I X. the author. The tents within the entrenchment, and the figure 05 horfebackj are from a Saxon manufcript in the Cottonian library, at the Britifh Mufeum.* The figure leaning on the fhield is from an ancient mantjfcript ip'tite HarijeUn libracjrj-nlfo awifje BrittfhyMufeurfl.f The:Sgure wilking fef ard wijjif ja fpear^Ji from ^fvery anjient Sa£qn book (fuppofed by fome to be the work of Ccedman, the poet mf fee page 352) preferved in the Bodleian library at Oxford.^ XII. Tong Caftle in Kent, built by Hengift, or his fon iEfc. x^JMnisf dffham wmc-io T VI U GDOA ;¦:/, XIV. Six Saxon foldfers ; the firft five are from an ancient Saxon MS. -ia the Cottoniaa library,! -qnd^fhe. fixth holding .^ftyeldiupoa thef ground, is from another Saxon MS. n? j h^ fanle lif>rarv4-. "•'¦¦' i \,7 r XV. Saxon hufo^n^en^t-wbr^, .with;^ view of lt)ie large, afiiflfyal hills or barrows, nearr Bartlbw, on the borders of Effex. Theplqu,^ afnd figures attending it are from the JtylS. of,Cp^rn^Jrat^x^foid, men tioned above ;, the harrow, and the" ^na^^atpten^g .upon.^ ,is,, fxorri; the. tapeftry at Bayeux.** The .two front -figures are from .a Cottonian MS. before mentioned} of thefe, the elderly man bears a fhort ftaff ia his band jof a ve;rgvj(§cpliar fjarna ry . this^guTein ihe cur^inal is defigxied to reprefent the fteward of a nobflenn^n'^ l^fljioid, " - ¦ r, '. „t jX.VIt^x^frfe^jhth^^^ is from, a MS. in she Harleian library ; and the other two from a MS. in the Cbttoniajn Jibj#- ry:ft both th£f§rft4SS< a^ementioned before. ,„¦•. x s v XVII. A plate of Sa^on pennies; the finft fpc wexp coinea m "Kent* No., 1 vis, Ceoin of Ethelbert, the firft £hrifijian king of the' Sax-ons, and to whom the firft coinage of Saxon rnoney is attributed. ,Np* ,%*. \~. c$in of Edbjvldr.. Not 3.;; on,_ P:at*lfts T&a'cptipsj, $s;C. t3i j JfiJ _. .__ . * Marked, Claudius B. TV.' - - 4 Marked Vrtellius C. . j, f No. 603. fee the. Harleian catalogue. ^*' Vide Monarch. Francois- par Moifc* t T^af ted Junius XJ. faucon . § Claud. JB. IV. ff No- 603.. Claud. B. IV. •¦;»;-/ XIX. Fi- A P^P E'^N D I X, 363 XIX. Figures of Saxon kings : No. 1 . a monarch in a warlike ha- bit(frqm an old MS. in ths Cottonian library;* the other three kings aleifrom'arxbih&r^MSs.-iMi'tRei&me library, tyientioned-bfefor^t --' * XX. A curious page-|in an old jSaxOn ]^S« of the Gofpels, preferved in the Cottonian library :| atthe top is written; Incipit evangelium fe~ cutfdam lucam. The following writing is thus : Quoniam quidem multi conati funt ordinare narrationem: It Is interlined with theSaxoir tranfla- tion <$f the fame, and may be thus Englifhed :" The beginning of the- gofi- fd'-(ffioqi&f&#p--Stt, Thujif* i Thenjfpllows : Forafmtch as pimy 'fyave: taken^ iu hand to fet forth in ordff, a declaration^ Sec. ... . ¦ XXI. The celeftial; fphere, aecording to the ideas ofthe Saxons, taken from a curious MS. in fhe Harleian library^ : . c JXXII. ;The Mundane fyftem Qf the' Saxons, preferved in the fame IjlS^as the preceding number. || . : I —- ...A: -.uilj..; i. * - ' r.ci^c: \ '* Marked TjfeeriusB.V. :*,- rf >N-_: j.-- >.:, pjtgc.' n Wycherd and "Webhard, two-. Page. 68 ,.\'.*UR Vi. '.'. -t! ?"" : J- • • 72 tyrants ibid. 1 2 Wihtred 73 13 Edbert — ibid. 14 Ethelbert the Second • 77 15 Alric - — -,q-;iij 78 16 Ethelbert Pren — 79 17 Cuthred — ,r :-:, ibid. 18 Balred — : 80 SUSSEX. W E S S E X. 93 98 99 103 ibid. 104 105 107 108 10 Centwine 11 Ceadwalla. 12 Ina 13 Ethelheard 14 Cuthred 15 Sigebryght 16 Cynewulf 17 Beorhtric E A S T S E X. Erchenwine — 121 Sledda — 122 Sebert — ibid. Serred, Seward and Sigebert ib. Sigebert the Little ibid. ibid. 6 Sigebert the Second 7 Swithelm — 8 Sighere and Sebba 9 Sigehard and Senfred 10 Offa — 11 Selred — 12 Swithed — 8182 ibid: 8.1 ibid. 84 ibid. 87 3 Athelwald or Edelwalch 901 89 4 Berthunus and Anthim ibid* 10S m"3 114 116 118 123 ibid. ibid. 124 ibid. ibid. NOR- APPENDIX. &5 NORTHUMBERLAND. i 2 3 4 s 7 8 9 ion Page. Ida — 127 Adda, Glappa, Theodwald, Frethulf and Theo'deric 129 iEla Ethelric — Ethelfrith — Edwine — Eanfrid and Ofric Ofwald — Ofweo and Ofwin Egfrid — Ealdferth or Alcfrid ibid.ibid. 130132136 ibid *39142 144 12 Ofred . '-— 13 Cenred — 14 Ofric — 15 Ceolwulf — 16 Egbert — 17 Ofwulf — 18 Edilwald or Mollo 19 Alured — 20 Ethelred — 21 Alfwold — 22 Ofred — 23 Ethelred — Page. 144 J45 ibid. ibid. 146 *47 ibid. ibid. 148 ibid. 149 ibid. EAST-AN GLE S. Uffa Titulus ? Redwald Eorpwald SigebertEgric 1 Crida — 2 Wibba — 3 Ceorl -— 4 Penda — Peada — Wulfhere 7 Ethelred ' - 8 Cenred - 9 Ceolred or Celred 5 6 152 ibid.ibid. *53 154155 7 Anna — 1^5 8 iEthelhere — 156 9 Ethelwald — *57 10 Adulf, Elfwulf, and Beorn -ib. 11 Ethelred — ibid. 12 Ethelbyrhte — 158 MERCIA. 160 ibid. 161 ibid. 164 165167 169 ibid. 10 Ethelbald — 170 1 1 Beornred — 172 12 Offa — ibid. 13 Egferth — *75 14 Kenulph or Cenwulf 176 15 Cenelm — 177. 10 Ceolwulf — 178 17 Beornwulf — ibid. x8 Ludecan — ibid. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. E R R A T A, Page i. line io. leave out the word now. 3. line 18. for -E#far?£Jt>ty read Cafar'sjbips, »' 6. line 15. for. fatties read bodies. ~ 1 7. line 24. for name* read maws. 21. the firft m^kial note, iax^iulus Didiuixsid Veramius^ 33. line 1. for tymder read watyUrtd. Ibid, for ar* reafljvw-*. 35. Note * for into the Genounia read into Genomia. "' '. * 59. line 10. for Aaremwka read ' Aremsrictf. 80. line 10. from the bottom, for fe wasfhot read Lothmr-wasfhot. Ibid, line 5. fsomthe bottom," -leave out theword j*«s. 83. line 6. aftertheword ETHELBERT *M (the Second.} 92. line 7. for part of tbeCiflas veadparufCi/jas. j 02. line 25. for 593 read* £92. 121. line 24. fbr jHerefordfhijreKzd Hertfordfbire, . { 122. line theTafti for Ofwy read Ofweo. 125. marginal -note, for ^Tl>. 746. ready?. .D: 823, ' 142. line 15. *fbr<653 read 633. Ibid, line the laift,ibr audited read who had. ¦'- ' Ibid, for Oftrida&jLdOftriik 143. line 3. for the bifhop read archbifhop of Canterbury* i6o> line 15. for Eafl-Angles read Eaft-Saxons. 191. line 23. f$% Paids read Faids. 269. line 26. for f&tf read which. DIRECTIONS for the Binder to place the PLATES. Plate I. to. front Page 241.. 1 11. and III. ¦>¦ 247.it IV. — ~ 270. V. — — ^73- VI. — — 205. VII. and-VIII. , — . y\;7) '7 300. IX. — — 3°3- X. XL XII. and XIII. 318. XIV. — , *-r 33Q- XV. — — 333- XVI. • — 337- XVII. — . •'— 339- '' xvm. •"¦"¦ — — 340. XIX. ,.. 343- XX. — — — ¦ r 347- A. XXI. - 349i XXII, — . — 35<>* .It :. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 08954 2659 — r ; / . "• -.. .•'.-¦: &