YALE UNIVERSITY
APR lln'!'.9
LIBRARY

HATTIE ELIZABETH LEWIS MEMORIAL

ESSAYS IN APPLIED CHRISTIANITY

THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS AND THE HAGUE
By JAMES ARMSTRONG SCOTT
First Prize. 1918

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HATTIE ELIZABETH LEWIS MEMORIAL
ESSAYS IN APPLIED CHRISTIANITY

THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS AND THE HAGUE

By JAMES ARMSTRONG SCOTT
First Prize. 1918

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS

Press of the
Department of Journalism
University of Kansas
Lawrence 1918

PREFATORY NOTE
The Hattie Elizabeth Lewis Memorial
This Memorial was established in the University of Kansas in
1911, in memory of Hattie Elizabeth Lewis, a former student of
the University. It was founded by Professor George Edward
Patrick of Washington, D. C, and is maintained out of funds put
into the hands of the Chancellor of the University a few months
before Professor Patrick's death, which occurred March 22, 1916.
Professor Patrick was a member of the faculty of the University
of Kansas from 1874 to 1883. He and Miss Lewis were married
in 1883. Mrs. Patrick died in 1909.
The Memorial takes the form of an annual competition in es
say writing, open to all students of the University of Kansas.
The general theme of the essays submitted in this competition is
"The Application of the Teachings of Jesus to the Practical
Affairs and Eelations of Life, Individual, Social, Industrial,
Commercial, or Political;" but each essay must deal with a
single definite subject, or a single phase of life. In the competi
tion for the year 1917-18, the University Committee in charge of
the competition itself prescribed the particular phase of the gen
eral theme to which contestants were to be confined : ' ' The Ap
plication of the Teachings of Jesusto International Relations. ' '
Each essay is required to be not less than 5,000 nor more than
10,000 words in length.

THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS AND
THE HAGUE BY
James Armstrong Scott

CONTENTS
The record of the Hague  12
A. Character of conferences  12
1. Composition  12
a. Origin  12
b. Participating nations  12
c. Characteristics of delegates  12
2. Machinery for work  13
a. Commissions  13
b. Method of procedure  13
B. Work of conferences  14
1. Actual accomplishments  14
a. Codification of international law : laws of
civilized warfare  14
b. Arrangements for prevention of war .... 14
1. In first conference  14
a. Indorsement of principle of arbitra
tion : good offices  14
b. Establishment of Commissions of
Inquiry  14
c. Establishment of Court of Interna
tional Arbitration  15
2. In second conference  15
a. Restraint from use of armed force in
collection of debts  15
b. Establishment of International Court
of Appeal in Prize Cases  15
2. "Attempts" or "voeux"  16
a. List of  16
1. Limitation of armaments  16
2. Immunity of private property on sea
during war  16

3. Real "permanent court" of arbitra
tion  17
4. Principle of obligatory arbitration  17
b. Value of  17
C. Influence of conferences  18
1. Practical  18
a. Arbitration treaties  18
b. Arbitration cases  18
2. Spiritual  18
a. Educative influence on public  18
b. Educative influence on methods of peace
workers  18
II. Christ's teachings on problems of war  18
A. Interpretations of extremists  19
1. Arguments for  19
a. Militarists  19
b. Pacifists  19
2. Criticism of  19
B. Christ as an evolutionist  20
1. Quotations from teachings  21
2. Agreement with doctrines enunciated at
the Hague  22
III. Evolutionary stage of contemporary world politics. . 23
A. Factors for war  23
1. Psychological  23
a. Appeals to feeling  23
1. To national ambition for conquest .... 23
2. To fear of other peoples  24
b. Intellectual appeal: arguments of mili
tarists  24
2. Political  24
a. System of armed states  24
b. Secret diplomacy  25
B. Factors for peace  25
1. Evolutionary movement from war  25

a. Causes of  25
1. Economic  25
2. Moral  26
b. Law of social acceleration  27
2. Contemporary forces for peace  27
a. Peace sentiment  27
b. Democracy : public diplomacy  28
c. Economic organization of world  28
IV. The program for the Christian nations  30
A. Creation of machinery for peace : League to
Enforce Peace  30
1. Necessity of overthrowing doctrine or sov
ereignty as preliminary  30
2. Proposal for League to Enforce Peace:
provisions of  30
3. Opinions of world politicians on plan  32
4. Criticism of League  33
a. Defects  33
b. Advantages  34
B. Strengthening of will to peace: education... 35

THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS AND
THE HAGUE
The real issue over which the world war rages is reducible, In
the final analysis, to the question of international government.
Two antagonistic theories of the state are grappling in a strug
gle upon the outcome of which hangs the fate of future civiliza
tion. On the one side battle the champions of a doctrine of the
sovereignty and independence of nations which would force
upon the world a permanent condition of international anarchy.
On the other side battle the champions of the introduction of law
into the relations of states. The inviolability of the treaty, the
latter maintain, must be upheld at all hazards. The loose union
of nations, as it has thus far been perfected at the Hague, must
be preserved. The articles of confederation there drawn up may
not be set aside at any nation's whim. Modern means of travel
and communication have caused the civilized globe to shrink so
greatly that we must accept the fact that a world divided against
itself cannot stand. The society of nations is a union to the mem
bers of which the right of secession is denied. Upon the side of
law, America has enlisted all her strength. We are warring for
the reign of reason in the acts of states.
And while we fight, firm in the belief that our cause will ulti
mately be triumphant, it is our duty to prepare for the cessation
of hostilities. In the reconstruction days that are to follow the
declaration of peace, we have before us the responsibility of
helping to lay the foundation for a political order from which
the probability of a recurrence of the present cataclysm will be
excluded. A return to the status quo ante bellum would be sui
cidal. On that point, the world is fully agreed. The problem
which today tasks the ingenuity of our ablest statesmen is the
formulation of a means of strengthening the organization of the
powers that the future may be made warproof. An adequate
treatment of the problem should begin with the determination
of the degree of international organization which we have al
ready attained and for which we are fighting. As this organi
zation centers around the Hague, a brief resume of the work

12 Essays in Applied Christianity
done there is first in order. Following that, an attempt will be
made to ascertain what Christ taught on the subject, and, after
a critical evaluation of the conflicting interpretations placed
upon those teachings, to select the one most consonant with His
character. In the third section, as a preliminary to making a
practical application of the teachings, an analysis of contemp
orary world politics, pointing out the political facts which con
dition our solution, will be made. Then, keeping in mind the
specific needs of the twentieth century, we shall conclude with
a suggestion agreeing with the doctrines of Christ.
I
It was on August 14, 1898, that Nicholas II, of Russia, issued
his famous Rescript, which invited a number of civilized nations
to a conference for the discussion of means of preserving the gen
eral peace, and, more particularly, of placing some limitation on
the rapid increase of armaments.1 Twenty-six powers accepted
the invitation ; and their representatives assembled at the Hague
on May, 1899. 2 Elated by the attainments of the first, many
prominent men labored for the early convocation of a second con
ference ; and, in 1904, the Interparliamentary Union, in session
at St. Louis, adopted a resolution requesting President Roosevelt
to call it. The president complied with this petition ; but, at the
request of the Russian representative, later relinquished the
honor of convoking it to the Czar.3 At the second conference,
which met June 15, 1907, sat representatives of forty-four na
tions. Like the preceding one, it was a pronounced success.
Not a small portion of the success of both assemblies may be
attributed to their personnel. The delegates were not Utopian
philosophers but conservative statesmen. No convention felt to
be too far ahead of public opinion was inaugurated. Their very
moderation has done as much for their cause as the radicalism
of other peace meetings have injured it. The fact that the two
conferences were initiated by governments of weighty influence,
in addition to the fact that they were composed of men who pos
sessed a thorough insight into the public mind, presaged the cre-
1. Choate, The Two Hague 2. Choate, op. cit., p. 7.
Conferences, p. 5. 3. Hull, op. cit., p. 4ff.
Hull, The Two Hague Con
ferences, p. 3.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 13
ation of a powerful agency for peace.
Fully in keeping with the character of the delegates was the
organization for business.4 The conference of 1899 was divided
into three principal commissions. They were the commission in
charge of armaments and the use of new implements of war, the
commission in charge of the laws and customs of warfare, and
the commission in charge of arbitration and other means of pre
venting war. Each of the first two was divided into two sub-
commissions which separately worked on military and naval
matters. In the third commission was appointed a commission
of examination to report upon plans of arbitration. The pro
cedure was as follows. In each subcommission, the Russian del
egate would explain the proposal of nis government. The other
members of the subcommission would reject, amend, or accept
this proposal. The amended report would be discussed' in a " re
union" of the commission concerned, and a final report would be
presented for further consideration in a plenary session of the
conference. Absolute unanimity was prerequisite to the passage
of every act.5 The last step was the presentation of the plan to
the signatory governments for ratification. The procedure of the
second conference was identical with that of the first, and its or
ganization was upon the same basis.6 It must be borne in mind
that to the sane methods of the delegates and the political pres
tige of the sponsors of the conferences is due the weight attached
to their work. The Hague agreements are entitled to a far
higher rating than the preposterous resolutions which emanate
from the average convention for the pacific settlement of inter
national disputes.
In estimating the value of the Hague's contribution to the
movement for judicial methods of settling disputes between na
tions, it is customary to distinguish two classes of results.7 In
the first place, several important achievements were made
there. In the second place, there were principles of funda
mental importance, which, though not unanimously accepted as
then workable, were nevertheless pointed out to the govern-
4 Ibid., p. 28ff. , R Tb^d., D, 31,,
5 Choate, op. cit., p. 37. 7. The distinction follows Hull,
op. cit., p. 449.

14 Essays in Applied Christianity
ments of the world as the next step towards the establishment of
stable peace. The latter are termed "voeux" or "attempts".
What many regard as the most important piece of work done
at the Hague is the codification of the laws and customs of civi
lized warfare.8 Up to 1899, there had been no written code
governing the fights of nations. Now an effort was made to re
strict the barbarity of their practices. It is, of course, easy to
overemphasize this phase of the work because such codification
does not really make for peace, and because the sad experience
of the present crisis teaches us the impossibility of civilizing
war. It is no less futile to try to aid the cause of peace by such
regulations than it is to try to advance the cause of civilization
by the conversion of savages to the use of knives and forks in
eating their victims. What value such a measure has lies in the
fact that it implies the recognition of law. It is an outright ref
utation of the philosophy of the state which defines sovereignty
as the right to act in disregard of rules. But the Hague con
ferees failed in their attempt to alleviate the miseries of the bat
tle-field by conventions relating to fighting in the air— which
was prohibited until the end of the third conference9 — fighting
on sea, bombarding of ports,10 the rights and duties of neutrals,
and other details of war.
Much more important in its final results on the peace question
was the impetus the Hague gave to the cause of international ar
bitration. In the clearest language, the powers were committed
to arbitration as the most efficacious mode of adjusting differ
ences. The conventions for the pacific settlement of disputes
have been hailed as the Magna Charta of international law. No
longer, they explicitly stated, were quarreling nations to regard
the proffer of mediation and good offices by a power stranger
to their dispute as an unfriendly act.11 More than that, the as
sembly contrived a special procedure for mediation by a neutral
power.12 Again, the creation of International Commissions of
Inquiry reflected the growing sentiment in favor of a thorough
investigation before the declaration of hostilities. These com-
8. Choate, op. cit.. p. 12ff. 11. See Appendix, I.
9. Ibid., p. 13. 12. Scott, Hague Conventions
10. See Scott, The Hague Peace and Declarations, p. 45.
Conferences, Chap. XII.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 15
missions make no decisions.13 They merely ascertain the facts
concerning the matter in question and present them to the con
tending parties. In many cases, no more is necessary to pre
vent war.
But mediation by neutral powers is only advisory, and the
Commissions of Inquiry render no verdict. To bring into exist
ence an institution competent to settle judicially cases presented
to it, the first conference created a ' ' Permanent Court of Arbi
tration".1* According to its plan, each nation party to "the
agreement elects not more than four persons of recognized abil
ity in international law to act as judges for a term of six years.
On the rise of a controversy, the disputants select their judges
from the list thus made. The value of the court is derived not
only from the fact that it is a preventive of war, but also from
the contribution its decisions make to the advance of interna
tional law.15
The accomplishments of 1907 are of greater import-anee
than those of 1899 because of the greater number of signa
tory nations.16 In the latter conference, a real triumph for ob
ligatory arbitration was scored in the stipulation that no power
should have recourse to the compulsory collection of debts from
a government until arbitration had been given a chance." The
agreement is automatically nullified if the debtor country re
fuses to submit to arbitration, rejects the award, or resorts to
some subterfuge to prevent the tribunal from arriving at a de
cision. The provision is a strong protection to the weaker na
tions. A second triumph for obligatory arbitration was the es
tablishment of the first truly permanent court of arbitration in
history,18 the International Court of Appeal in Prize Cases. This
court stands as the sole example of a judicial body to which na
tions are obliged to take their differences. It is composed of
fifteen judges, who are advised by a board of naval representa
tives. Each of the eight great powers has a judge all of the
time, i. e., each appoints one for a term of twelve years. Each
of the other nations appoints a judge to serve for a term of from
13. Ibid., p. 46. 15. See Appendix, II.
14. Choate, op. cit., p. 32. 1G. Choate, op. cit., p. 59.
Scott, Hague Conventions 17. See appendix, III.
and Declarations, p. 58ff. 18. Choate, op. cit., p. 65.

16 Essays in Applied Christianity
one to eleven years, according to the general standing of the
country represented. To this court is entrusted the disposition
of prizes captured on the high seas.
Such, in brief, are the actual accomplishments. Aside from
the reduction of the customs of war to paper, we see an attempt
to devise means for the preservation of the general peace. The
institutions and plans here adopted were all conceived in answer
to the urgent need for some way of maintaining pacific relations
among nations. The other sort of work, though not so palpably
conducive to this end, was equally valuable. The "attempts",
which also appeared in the final report, paved the way for
future progress by showing the world the road it must take if it
would ever arrive at the goal of perpetual peace.19 Let us look
at the more important of them.
To begin with, the Hague Conference did not achieve the pur
pose for which it was called. Despite the fact that the question
of a limitation of armaments was the object of earnest consider
ation, it met with too strong opposition from several powers,
notably Germany, for the discussion to terminate in any degree
of unanimity.20 Still, it was the consensus of opinion among
the majority of members that a fundamental prerequisite to the
attainment of lasting peace was the restriction of the rapidly
growing enginery of war, which, as early as 1899, gave promise
of the havoc it would one day play. In the same way, by a vote
of twenty-one to eleven, the conference gave its sanction to the
American proposal for the immunity of private property on the
high seas during a state of war.
Yet by far the most magnificent failure of either conference
was the attempt to establish a really permanent court of arbitra
tion, competent to pass on all disputes.21 To be sure, a so-called
permanent court had been created in 1899. But in that case
"permanent" court was a misnomer. The thing actually per
manent in it was the list of possible judges.22 The body held no
regular sessions; the presentation of a controversy was neces
sary to call it into existence ; and it was dissolved upon arriving
19. Hull, op. cit., p. 449. 22. Scott, Hague Peace Confer-
20. Choate, op. cit., p. 80. ences, p. 42.
21. Ibid., p. 77.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 17
at a verdict. The proposal for a truly permanent court of such
wide scope, therefore, by such a body of men was per se signifi
cant of the progressive internationalization of public opinion.
The. organization, the function, and even the procedure of the
tribunal were agreed upon. The only hindrance to its inaugu
ration, was the contention of the small states for absolute equal
ity in the selection of judges. As it would be extremely un
wieldy for forty-f our: judges to sit regularly in session, and as
the small nations staunchly stood for equal rights in this partic
ular, the delegates recommended the study of the difficulty dur
ing the interval between the second and third conferences. The
obstacle is serious ; but it is in no sense insurmountable.
Once more the pacific temper of tine world disclosed itself
when the question of a general arbitration treaty between all the
nations was raised.23 Though several powers vigorously op
posed the agreement, they did so for the avowed reason that it
would militate against the very end it was designed to further.
The vote stood thirty-two to nine in favor of the treaty, with
several abstentions. So, while the principle of universal obliga
tory arbitration was embodied in no concrete act, it was en
dorsed. It is worth noting in this connection that several "at
tempts ' ' of the first conference became achievements of the sec
ond. During the intervening seven years, public opinion had
become ready for them. It is highly probable that several im
portant "attempts" of the second — and among them obligatory
arbitration — will be realized in the third. Secretary Root ex
presses a fact and a hope in his words : ' ' The most valuable re
sult of the Conference of 1899 was that it made the Conference
of 1907 possible. The achievements of the Conferences justify
the belief that the world has entered upon an orderly process,
through which, step by step, in successive conferences, each tak
ing the work of its predecessor as its point of departure, there
may be continual progress toward making the practice of civi
lized nations conform to their peaceful professions."24
What, then, constitutes the contribution of the Hague Confer
ences to the movement towards internationalism — towards the
23 Hull, op. cit., p. 490. 24. Quoted by Choate, op. cit.,

18 Essays in Applied Christianity
elimination of friction between national groups? How have
they advanced us towards the ultimate attainment of that ideal
social organization which is to prevail when wars and rumors of
wars no longer exist — when the anarchy of nations has given
way to law ? First, valuable and definite benefits have resulted.
So far, seventeen cases have been taken to the Hague, and every
one of them has been peaceably settled.25 Moreover, as an indi
rect outcome of this work, a number of arbitration treaties be
tween the powers have been ratified.20 Second, the educative
forces set at work by this first great "Parliament of Man" were
of no less value.27 They revealed to the world the fact that the
peoples were essentially alike, and that their interests harmon
ized to a remarkable degree. They impressed upon the nations
the fact that civilization had reached the point where co-opera
tion between national groups was indispensable to future pro
gress. In short, the conferences brought together the opinions
of the world's greatest statesmen on the world's gravest prob
lem. By spreading the sentiment of universal brotherhood and
good will, as well as by pointing out practical measures, the con
gress gave an impetus to the cause.
But, aside from the effects of these fine sentiments and prac
ticable plans, the method and spirit of the work at the Hague ex
erted its influence. The careful analysis of the political condi
tions of the age and the care taken to adapt each scheme to these
conditions is responsible in no small measure for their success.
They worked with facts not as they ought to be but as they were.
They fully appreciated the truth that permanent peace must be
the product of evolution, and that schematic proposals which
took no account of the defects of the actual world were worse
than useless. In a word, every project recommended by them
was accommodated to the principle of social evolution. They
realized that humanity advances as the tortoise rather than as
the hare. How do Christ 's principles agree with theirs ?
II.
An examination of the vast body of current literature which
purposes to explain Christ's attitude towards war will reveal the
25. See Appendix, IV. 27. Hull, op. cit., p. 497.
26. Choate, op. cit., p. 82.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 19
tendency on the part of a large number of writers to single out
certain specific utterances of Jesus as the basis for their inter
pretations.28 The literalists who are wont to proceed thus are
commonly called militarists and pacifists. Both claim the Bible
as the foundation of their creed. The former hold that war is
not a necessary evil but an affirmative good.29 In it, their ar
gument runs, the finest virtues of our social life have their gene
sis. Furthermore, they point out the incidents in the life of
Jesus to prove that He, too, adhered to such a philosophy. May
not His advice to the disciple to sell his coat and buy a sword30 be
quoted as a Scriptural sanction of an increase in armaments?
And when Jesus went into the temple, knocked over the tables,
and drove out the money-lenders, did* He not evince a most mili
taristic spirit?31 Again, He specifically declared that His mis
sion was not to bring peace "but a sword",32 which was the rec
ognized symbol of warfare. Such citations, this school of ex
tremists assert, are an incontestable refutation of the statement
that Christ was opposed to armed conflict. Vigorously the
apologists for Mars maintain the Christian support of the prece
dence of might over right — a creed which General Bernhardi,
one of the foremost exponents of militarism, bluntly sums up
thus : ' ' Might is at once the supreme right, and the dispute as
to what is right is decided by the arbitrament of war. "33
But Jesus was an open enemy of war, retort their antagonists,
the pacifists. He admonished us to "resist not evil".34 There
fore, carrying the command to its logical extreme — as did that
arch-pacifist, Tolstoi35 — civil government must be abolished — a
principle the Bolsheviki compatriots of the Russian radical have
evidently adopted as their own. On another occasion, Christ
rebuked Peter, who had drawn a sword, with the warning that
they who live by the sword shall perish by the sword.36 Once
more, did not the Savior extol the virtues of pacifism in His
promise that the meek shall inherit the earth,37 and that the
peace-makers shall be called children of God?38 And did He
28. Jefferson, op. cit.. p. 58ff.
29. Angell, op. cit., p. 155ff.
30. Luke, 22:36.
31. Matthew, 21:12.
32. Matthew, 11:34.
33. Von Bernhardi, op. cit., p. 23.

34.

Matthew, 5:59.

35.

For Tolstoi's attitude see

Freeman, op. cit., p. 79ff.

36.

Matthew, 26:52.

37.

Matthew, 5:5.

38.

Matthew, 5:9.

20 Essays in Applied Christianity
not, as the supreme sacrifice of a life replete with sacrifices,
submit His own person to the agony of Gethesemane ? Finally,
was not this meek attitude towards the world characteristic of
His entire life ? In the face of such evidence, how can one who
professes to be a Christian murder his fellows or even resist their
attacks? If your enemy bombard one port, disarm your other
port, they interpret His Doctrines to mean. Jesus' great lesson
of love — the kind of love that includes one 's bitterest enemy —
is diametrically opposed to war. The "irresistible might of
meekness" is, to their minds, His sole weapon for righting the
wrongs of the world.
Now the fundamental error into which the controversialists
whose arguments precede have fallen in their application of
Christ's teachings is their failure to apply the teachings as a
whole rather than in detached segments.39 The adage which
says that even Satan may prove his argument by quotations
from the Scriptures is applicable to the dispute between the mil
itarists and pacifists. In order to ascertain the position Christ
would take upon an issue of this kind, it is necessary to review
not only the definite statements which bear upon the question
but also to keep before us the whole character and teachings of
the Nazarene. Jesus constantly spoke in the metaphor of the
Orient;40 and the apparent inconsistencies of His speech are
often explicable by reference to other speeches and to His ac
tions. Any attempt at literal interpretation must result in fail
ure. Furthermore, it must be remembered that Jesus laid down
no rules for the conduct of the social group in any particular sit
uation.41 His principles are general ones. The universal ap
plicability of His doctrines inheres in Has practice of striking at
the root of evil rather than at any of its diverse branches, such
as slavery and war. He aimed to lay down the principles of
social action as derived from individual conduct.
If we accept the method of considering Christ's teachings in
their entirety, we may rest assured that He was neither a mili
tarist nor a pacifist. The assertion that Jesus did not preach
a gospel of militarism no thinking student of the Bible can deny.
39. Jefferson, op., cit., p. 74ff. 41. Ibid., p. 61.
40. Ibid., p. 74.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 21
He was the Prince of Peace.42 He explicitly warned His dis
ciples that His Kingdom could not be spread by the 'sword.43
The conviction that the law of love ' ' can claim no significance
for the relations of one country to another, since its application
to politics would lead to a conflict of duties"44 was never His.
It is, indeed, a faulty logic which, discarding the greater number
of the Great Teacher 's words, removes a few from their context
and bases its conclusions entirely upon them.
• On the other extreme, it is no less patent that He was not a
peace-at-any-price advocate. It has become the custom of mod
ern times to stress far too strongly the meekness and submis-
siveness of the Man and to pass with almost utter negligence
over the sublime heroism of His character.45 Jesus was pre-em
inently a man. He contended against the evils of His day with
all the strength of His manhood. He would never, as a citizen
of the twentieth century, have counseled a people to submit to a
peace imposing gross injustice upon the weak and helpless.
For Himself He took no thought. His colossal altruism has
never been equalled in the history of man. But who shall say
that He would have failed to resort to force when the lives and
freedom of those dependent upon Him had been jeopardized?
As a matter of fact, He did apply force in the protection of His
disciples on the eve of His crucifixion.45* That this force was
supernatural matters little. Its results were physical. The
important truth is — and even the meekest pacifist must eon-
cede it — that He would have resisted — and did resist — evil when
it affected the safety of others.46
Indeed, the resistance of the evil which menaces the well-be
ing of our fellows is the basis of moral law. What Christian
would tamely submit to the sacking of his home and the murder
of his family by a drunk burglar ? What Christian community
would do no more than register verbal protests when an irre
sponsible mob, terrorizing the populace and murdering promi
nent citizens, runs amuck through the streets? What Chris-

42.

< Isaiah, 9:6.

46.

Outlook, 109:61-63. No. Am.

43.

John, 18:36.

202:879-887.

44.

von Bernhardi, op. cit., p. 29.

Outlook, 111:305-307. Out

45.

No. Am., 204:195-202.

look. 111:596-597.

45a.

John, 18:5-8.

22 Essays in Applied Christianity
tian nation in the world's society would tolerate similar conduct
on the part of a people trampling upon the rights, and murder
ing the citizens, of its sister states? "It is not written in any
book that on such occasions we may use force, it is written in the
tables of the heart. It is a law sacred and divine which ante
dates the decalogue, and it will never be repealed. ' '47 Jesus did
not teach that in cases like these the Christian procedure was
submission. We need neither sing a Hymn of Hate nor display
a savage, un-Christian spirit to protect the world against the
forces of evil. If we apply the spirit of the Man rather than
fragmentary exerpts of His speeches, we are safe in the asser
tion tjhat He stood for war when it meant the mitigation of hu
man misery and the freedom of oppressed peoples. In an ad
mirable discussion as to whether or not Jesus would have been
a "conscientious objector" were He now living, Harold Bell
Wright, the popular novelist, writes: "As long as men bring
war for the wrong, men must go to war for the right. As long
as evil fights for evil, good must battle for good. As long as
the nations that seek to live by war assail the nations that would
live by peace, the armies of peace must take the field."48
How, then, may we reconcile Christ's sanction of the use of
force with His utterances which can only be interpreted to mean
that the ideal way of settling differences is through peaceful
channels ? What is the tertium quid — not militarism, not paci
fism — Christ would advocate today? The answer is simple.
Jesus recognized the place of war — the clash of group against
group — in the development of nations ; but He recognized, too,
that the process of social evolution tended away from a state of
universal war — the "normal" state of nature — towards a state
of universal peace. War, like slavery, may be a very useful in
stitution in its period — which is the boyhood of nations. But
as men advance, the need for it becomes obsolete, and it checks
progress. Universal peace is the ideal. War is not an affirm
ative good, to be preserved because of its intrinsic worth. It is
a means to an end. The day will come when wars will be no
more, and when swords will be beaten into plowshares.49 Be-
47. Jefferson, op. cit., p. 78. 49. Isaiah, 2:4.
48. Am. Mag., 85 (No. 6): 7-8.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 23
fore then, conflicts must be. "And ye shall hear of wars and
rumors of wars : see that ye be not troubled : for all these things
must come to pass, but the end is not yet. ' '50 That sentence con
tains the essence of Christ's teachings on war. The strife is
bound to come ; but — and here lies our greatest hope — the end is
not yet. The end is not fighting and bloodshed. The end is
harmony. It is an answer to our prayer for God's Kingdom on
earth. III.
In the preceding pages, we have sought to make it clear that
the purpose of the Hague Conference^ was not to advance any
radical scheme for the immediate elimination of war but to ac
commodate their plans to the normal progress of the race. This
assertion we have supported by an analytical survey of the con
ferences. Our next concern was to show that Jesus voiced the
same principles when He pointed out perpetual peace as the goal
of social evolution. The conservatism of such an attitude was
contrasted with the radicalism of the militarist and the pacifist.
Before outlining a feasible and Christian means of furthering
the cause, it will be worth while to make a prefatory inquiry into
the stage of evolutionary development extant in the contempo
rary social order. Then we shall be conversant with the facts
that must be considered in the formulation of a practicable plan
to minimize the probabilities of war. In discussing the forces
conducive to a recourse to arms, it is convenient to consider the
psychological and political factors separately.
It is the consensus of opinion among careful students of polit
ical science that much of the feeling which gives rise to interna
tional friction comes into existence through an intense spirit of
nationalism.51 Any one familiar with European political condi
tions previous to the outbreak of the war could not fail to know
of the jingo's practice of playing upon the people's fear of ag
gressive attack by a foreign nation. The same alarmists have
further fostered this spirit by their appeal to "corporate ego-
50. Matthew, 24:7. ternational Prejudices, p. 4.
51. Hart, School Books and In- Buxton, op. cit., p. 24fr.

24 Essays in Applied Christianity
tism, "52 or national pride. Chauvinism is not yet extinct. Such
an emotional state common to millions of people is illustrative
of the inertia of passions the logical basis for Which has long
since been removed. Suspicions that other peoples are plotting
against their existence, as well as pride in conquering others,
are slow to disappear in any nation.
Not less harmful to the cause of peace than this attempt to
influence the masses by their feelings of fear and pride is the
militarist's effort to lay before them a defense of war which
will appeal to their reason. Extending the Darwinian theory
to include nations, he declares group conflict a biological neces
sity.53 On the surface, this advocacy of killing off the nation's
enemies does have the appearance of being in consonance with
the law of natural selection, for the strongest nation is presum
ably the victor. "War," von Bernhardi neatly phrases the
philosophy, ' ' gives a biologically just decision, since its decision
rests on the very nature of things. ' ' r,i Their apotheosis of war
exerts a strong influence upon the minds of men in all social
classes. That the militarists have misread the law of social evo
lution will become evident when we take up the social elements
working for peace. Suffice it to say here that in so far as these
claims have gained popular credence, they are pre judical to the
cause of peace. It is not facts but what men think of facts that
determines their actions.
In addition to the psychological reactions of feeling and intel
lect which facilitate an opening of hostilities, we are confronted
with their fruit in unsatisfactory political adjustments between
states. No thinking European statesman could have been blind
to the fact that the system of rivalry in the acquisition of arma
ments, which held sway before 1914, was certain to end in catas
trophe.55 No stable peace could ever be founded upon so un
stable an arrangement as the balance of power.56 Truly does
Hobson say that the real purpose of the balance was the weigh
ing of it to one side.57 The very existence of such vast accumu
lations of armaments was in itself sufficient to engender fear of
52. Dickinson in "Towards a 56. Review of Reviews, 80:488-
Lasting Settlement," p. 27. 489.
53. Arigell, op. cit., pp. 155-167. 57. Hobson, Towards Interna-
54. von Bernhardi, op. cit.. p. 20. tional Government, p. 23.
55. Dickinson, After the War,
p. 7.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 25
aggression and to inspire the militarists' minds with ambitious
schemes for conquest. The avowed reason for manufacturing
armaments was insurance against war; the actual result was
deeper suspicion — and war. The second force which went far
towards making war inevitable— the secret diplomacy of Eu
rope — has the same defense.58 A few men held the peace of the
world in their hands. Their, deeds were all done under the
cloak of secrecy. The fundamental principle of their creed was
that the interests of states were irreconcilable ; and, dispensing
with all rules of morality, they made ittfoeir sole business to out
wit one another.59 The majority of international relations
were conducted in the dark. Like the increasing armaments,
they led directly to war. The greatest lesson that the world can
learn from the bloody ordeal through which it is now passing is
that before it can hope for anything like permanent peace, there
must come a. political re-organization, characterized by a limita
tion of armaments and democratic diplomacy.
A consideration of the existant psychological and political
forces which give birth to war is all too apt to make us pessi
mistic as to the possibility of immediate steps for the abolition
of international anarchy. Yet a close inspection of society as it
is today constituted will warrant our attempt at curtailing
future orgies of bloodshed. From our enumeration of the fun
damental causes of war, let us turn to characteristics of the
present age which give promise that the day of peace is not
distant. Time after time, the economic progress of the group, has re
sulted in the substitution of law for brute force.00 As men
emerge from a state of self-sufficiency, they come to a realiza
tion of the value of co-operation. Then begins a crude division
of labor. One man produces a single commodity and depends
upon his neighbors for his other necessities. This interdepend
ence brings about the rejection of force as the predominating
factor in economic relations. The stage of direct appropriation
has passed. An exceedingly selfish man can no longer openly
overpower his fellow and deprive him of property? In an
58 Jbid., p. 204. Dickinson, 59. Buxton, op. cit., p. 16.
After the War, p. 34. 60. Angell, op. cit., p. 261ff.

26 Essays in Applied Christianity
analogous way, tribal communities have availed themselves of
the advantages of trading with one another by submission to
law. Proceeding to larger units, this evolutionary tendency
has effected such a high degree of interdependence between na
tions that it is now impossible for a nation to derive gain from
the appropriation of the territory of another. Economic forces
have speeded the drift from war.01
Nor are the peace factors of history wholly economic. Once
more does the story of the past sanction our contention that the
day is not remote when a. resort to arms will be unthought of, in
the widening of men's sympathies as civilization progresses
from age to age.02 From the time when the family was the legal
unit to the twentieth century, when the inhabitants of a nation
are inspired by the love of a common fatherland, the broadening
of human sympathies has been uninterrupted. Progress has
been away from force.03 He who today holds that the abolition
of armed encounters between the powers is a dream impossible
of fulfillment places himself in the same position as the ultra-
conservatives of a few centuries ago, who believed that law
would never supersede private war and brigandage. Indeed,
so many points of resemblance does the question we are discuss
ing bear to the question of the duel that it would not be amiss
for us to make note of the way in which that problem came to
its solution.04 Four distinct stages are present in the history
of private war. In early days, kinship was the sole bond. Law
did not exist. Revenge and retaliation by kinsmen were the
only cheeks on crime. Later, tribes were formed, and ven
geance was regulated. The third step was the inauguration of
courts to exist side by side with the institution of vengeance.
A man could bring his grievance before the court, but resort to
a tribunal was optional. Finally, private war was abolished;
and all differences were declared to be within the jurisdiction of
the court. May we not say that the society of nations, having
passed through the first two periods, is now in the third stage of
the evolution — the stage in which courts exist side by side with
61. Cf. infra, p. 28. 63. Fried, op. cit., p. llff.
62. Lecture in course in educa- 64. Independent, 80:427-429.
tional Psychology, bv Prof.
Carter, 1917-1S.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 27
the custom of war, but in which an appeal to them is not ob
ligatory ? There remains but one more step to the unconditional
repudiation of war as a national policy. How long will men
take to make it?
We may be reasonably sure they will not take long. We
must take into full account the law of social acceleration65 — a
law which says that the nearer we come to our goal, the faster
do we gravitate towards it. As Mr. Angell clearly points out, in
all that pertains to this discussion, man was for three hundred
thousand years unchanged. Then, a comparatively brief period
of two thousand years has witnessed "changes in human na
ture," if we wish to express it so, greater than did hundreds of
preceding centuries. To diminish th^ scale, after living fifty
years as a cannibal, man in three months became Smith of New
York, using a telephone, patronizing a commercial bank, and
dealing in real estate loans. Slavery, the duel, and other social
evils which men a few generations ago declared to be forever
with the race have all been destroyed. The law of evolutionary
acceleration hastens the end of war.
The verdict of history, therefore, is against the eternal rule
of Mars. And the characteristics of present society strengthen
the conviction left by historical analysis. One of the most sa
lient traits of the century — a trait certainly of good omen — is
a widely spread peace sentiment among the peoples of the world.
No one is more cognizant of the existence of this sentiment than
the militarists, who lament it loudly. Von Bernhardi wrote his
famous book, according to his own confession, to counteract
' ' the aspirations for peace which seem to dominate our age and
threaten to poison the soul of the German people".66 Further
on in the same work, he deplores the fact that "we are accus
tomed to regard war as a curse, and refuse to recognize it as the
greatest factor in the furtherance of culture and power".67
Again, "The desire for peace has rendered most nations
anaemic, and marks a decay of spirit and political courage such
as has often been shown by a race^f Epigoni. "68 Alas for mili
tarism, the people are beginning to "reason why" before they
65. Angell, op. cit., p. 220. 67. Ibid., p. 11.
66. von Bernhardi, op. cit., p. 14. 68. Ibid., p. 17

28 Essays in Applied Christianity- '
"do and die". "The mass of the people*" said Bismark to
the Reichstag, "has usually no inclination for war. The torch
of war is lit by minorities, or, in absolute governments by rulers
or cabinets."69 Testimony from such sources supports the'
declaration that men are refusing to glory in war as an end in
itself. The zone of reason is widening.
As it widens, the masses of people are wresting from the hands
of ' ' minorities ' ' and ' ' rulers or cabinets ' ' the power to plunge
them into war. We could not attach nearly so much signifi
cance to this popular will for peace, were it not for the remark
able democratization of governments now in progress. Not
only have the peoples acquired a pronounced aversion to war^,.
but they have also come into political power which gives that
sentiment tremendous weight. Intelligent democracies will not
tolerate unnecessary wars. Moreover, publicity in diplomacy,
a special phase of this democratic movement, works effectively
for peace.70 Secret treaties are less frequently binding whole
nations to plunge into bloody conflict. An outstanding feature
of the war is that its diplomacy is being mainly conducted not
by notes to foreign ministers but by addresses to representatives
of the people.71 The synthesis of a popular demand for peace
and a popular control of the government and publicity in the
contraction of treaties is the surest guarantee of peace.
By no means least of the factors forcing Mars' exit from the
scene of human activities is the present economic organization
of the world.72 The civilized portion of the earth is an economic
unit. The division of labor is international. The telegraph,
the steamship, and other means of travel and communication
have converted the globe into one big neighborhood. No longer
can a nation hold aloof in "splendid isolation". The system of
foreign trade, foreign exchange, and the numberless other
forces facilitating closer relations between states are "entan
gling alliances" from which no nation desirous of the advan
tages of modern civilization can extricate itself. Conquest is
altogether unprofitable.73 It is impossible for a nation of the
69. Dickinson, Foundations of 72. Angell, op. cit., p. 32ff. cf.
a League of Peace, p. 20. supra, p. 26.
70. Review of Reviews, 51:38-34. 73. Living Age, . 281:SC5-568.
71. See Appendix, V.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 29
twentieth century to enrich itself by looting a conquered terri
tory and enslaving the inhabitants. The annexation of land
brings no new wealth, for the owners are annexed with the land.
The citizens of the conquering country are not one bit weathier.
Nor is their commerce materially increased ; for, in these days
of international movements of capital, economic investments
are not restricted to national boundaries. Not even do indem
nities always result in financial benefit. In the case of the
Franco -Prussian Indemnity Fund of 1871, the financial results
were more beneficial to the payer than to the nation exacting
payment. It took Germany years to recover from the victory
of 1871. This dearth of material advantage in wars of conquest
is, doubtlessly, partially responsible for the wide-spread peace
sentiment. The discussion thus far has been devoted to the consideration
of the Hague Conferences and their part in forwarding the
cause of peace, of the teachings of Jesus and their fundamental
concordance with the principles advanced at the Hague, and,
finally, of the practical questions besetting those who are striv
ing to lay the foundations for lasting harmony. The Hague
has been chosen as the nucleus of our , study both because it
stands for the 'highest type of international organization yet
attained, and because it has made definite steps in the direction
of stable peace. The mere fact that no attempt was there made
to do more than the people were ready for,, and — this is equally
important — that there was no tendency to lag behind what the
people were ready for, places it in a class by itself. The analy
sis of contemporary world politics has made clear what forces
are allied with the concert of powers at the Hague, and what
forces they must combat. The fact of greatest encouragement
is that the factors for war are in the process of decay, whereas
those militating for peace are growing at a marvelous rate.
Our next task is to outline a program by which the brotherhood
of Christian nations — nay, of all nations — may foster the forces
making for peace and inhibit the operation of those which can
result only in war. This is no time to wait fatalistically for the
evolutionary process to come to our aid. Throughout history,
reason has been prominent in directing the course of evolution.

30 Essays in Applied Christianity
Let us sedulously apply ourselves to the construction of ma
chinery for peace. IV.
Before we arrive at a solution in accord with Christ's teach
ings, we must posit a disposition on the part of states to recog
nize the existence of supernatural law.74 No influence has been
more detrimental to the cause of permanent peace than the false
doctrine of the sovereignty and autonomy of nations. To the ex
tent that sovereignty denotes the right of a free people to shape
their own destiny, it is desirable. But to the extent that it con
notes exemption from moral law, it is hostile to the cause.75 No
sane person would contend that the individual's obligation to
respect the rights of others impairs his personal freedom. Nor
can such a statement be true of nations. The interpretation of
sovereignty as license to violate moral rules is the basis of that
pernicious theory of the state, adherence to which has had an in
evitable termination in the present conflict. "Unconditional
sovereignty," writes Darwin P. Kingsley, "was the funda
mental error in the civilization of 1914. ' '76 The society of na
tions must have law. As Cicero says, Ubi societas, ibi jus.77 As
suming, then, that nations, like men, should be governed by a
moral code, we shall inquire into a means of guaranteeing the
observance of that code.
The suggestion of the statesmen of the twentieth century to
meet the twentieth century's need of some means of insuring a
judicial settlement of international disputes has been the pro
posal for a League to Enforce Peace.78 The system of alliances
must become one of alliance. Because the idea is a suitable
continuation of the international organization initiated at the
Hague, and because it has been endorsed by the most astute
politicians of our time, it is fitting that we seriously entertain
it. Its provisions are four.79 The first is concerned with the
settlement of justiciable international questions by a judicial
tribunal competent to pass judgment both on the merits and the
74. Independent, 85:153-154. 78. Ashbee. American League
75. No. Am., 201:853-859. to Enforce Peace, Mohonk
.6. Independent, 85:153. Report for 1916, p. 55ff.
it. Mohonk Conference Report Dickinson, After the War.
for 1916, p. 12. p. 25.
79. See Appendix, VI and VII.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 31
jurisdiction of a case. A justiciable question is defined as one
which can be settled in accordance with the principles of law
and equity. The stipulation that the court be granted power
to say whether a question is justiciable or not is important, since
a recalcitrant power might otherwise refuse arbitration on the
grounds that the question did not lie within the court's jurisdic
tion. The second article supplements the first by making pro
vision for the pacific settlement of non-justiciable disputes —
for example, our restriction of Japanese immigration. Such
a policy — while not illegal — might very conceivably be the
cause of serious international complications, just as refusal to
allow a neighbor's child to play on the lawn may result in a
quarrel.80 For the peaceful solution of such differences, the
plan includes a Council of Conciliation, the purpose of which is
to inquire into the facts and to recommend something in the
nature of a compromise. Like the other tribunal, the council
aims to obviate the necessity for the arbitrament of war. Both
bodies might appropriately be stationed at the Hague, where
the forces for international good will are strongest.
The decisions of neither agency, however, are to be enforced
by the military strength of the League. The point at which
force figures is in the obligation of the disputants to present
their claims to the tribunal. In case a member of the alliance,
the third article reads, fails to comply with this requirement,
the other powers are to make joint use of their economic and
military resources against the offender. The threat of such
action, the proponents of the plan believe, will ordinarily prove
a sufficient deterrent to a nation contemplating violation of the
act. Indeed, economic pressure, alone, will exert such a pow
erful influence that military action will probably not be called
for. As a direct outcome of the hearings which compulsory ar
bitration will necessitate, a large number of discrepancies in
the interpretation of international law will come to light. To
utilize this experience for the advancement of the law of na
tions, the plan proposes, as a fourth measure, regular world
conferences to codify the rules of international law. In this
80. Lecture by William H. Taft
at the University of Kansas.

32 Essays in Applied Christianity
way, the third and fourth divisions of the proposal provide for
compulsion in arbitration and the development of laws accord
ing to which the arbitration is to be conducted, as the first and
second provide the necessary machinery for such arbitration.
The proposition as above outlined impresses the political
leaders of the world as being' peculiarly adapted to our needs.
And it is no digression to note that nothing has done more to
wards the preparation of the public for some such project than
the war itself.81 On this point, let us quote a few authorities.
Mr. Asquith comes to the conclusion : "It means, finally, or it
ought, to mean, perhaps by a slow and gradual process, the sub
stitution for force, for the clash of competing ambitions, f or <
groupings and alliances and a precarious equipoise — the substi^
tution for all these things of a real European partnership, based
on the recognition of equal right and established and enforced
by a common will. A year ago that would have sounded like a
Utopian idea. It is probably one that may not, or will not, be
realized either today or tomorrow. If and when this war is
decided in favor of the Allies, it will at once come within the
range, and before long within the grasp, of European states
manship. ' 'S2 And the pacific state of the public mind leads
even the German Chancellor to promise: "Germany is at all
times ready to join a league of nations — yes, even to place her
self at the head of such a league — to keep in check the disturb
ers of the peace."83 What a change of front since the obstruc
tionist attitude maintained by Germany at the Hague. Our
President adds his voice to these. "Only," he says, "when the
great nations of the world have reached some sort of an agree
ment as to what they hold to be fundamental to their common
interest, and as to some feasible method of acting in concert
when any nation or group of nations seeks to disturb those fun
damental things can we feel that civilization is at least in a way
of justifying its existence and claiming to be finally estab
lished."84 Again, he pledges the nation's support of the idea:
' ' I am sure I speak the mind and wish of the people of America
when I say that the United States is willing to become a partner
81. See Appendix, VIII. S3. Ibid., p. 91.
82. Cosmos, op. cit., p. 90. S4. Ibid., p. 91.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 33
in any feasible association of nations formed in order to realize
these objects and make them secure against violation."85 The
opinions of the men here quoted, in addition to those of Sir Ed
ward Grey, Monsieur Briand, Mr. von Jargon, and ex-President
Taft, who are staunch supporters of the League, should not be
discredited.80 The. sanction of conservative thinkers argues
strongly for the practicability of this solution of our problem.
Despite the large number of prominent men who subscribe to
the principles of the League, there are defects in the plan which
will necessitate modifications in some details. The criticism
that certain nations now in alliance with others will adhere to
their alliance in truth, even after the formation of a general
union, may be easily dismissed. Tlfe reason for the present
groupings of nations is that they believe that their interests de
mand it. When this reason disappears, the old affections will
gradually be replaced by a loyalty to the world as a whole.
The history of wars abounds in illustrations of nations one gen
eration enemies; allies in the next. Yet the second objection
raised is a more formidable one. Since the League is to be
based on the status quo of a certain time, are the injustices of
the present to be thus perpetuated ?87 That there can be some
way of righting injustice other than by the arbitrament of war
seems beyond dispute. We may leave the settlement of this
question to the powers entering the agreement. As the futility
of a policy of "splendid isolation" has been shown in the pre
ceding pages, we may pass lightly over the reasoning of those
who quote Washington's advice to steer clear of European
wars.88 A very important contingency which must be taken
into account is the possibility of the allied nations who boycott
a refractory member bearing an unequal share of the resultant
loss in trade. Some way of equalizing such economic loss may
be thought out. The obstacles are real ; yet they are in no wise
insuperable. But a consideration of the advantages which would attend
85. Historical Light on the 87. New Republic, 2:167-169.
League to Enforce Peace, von Bernhardi, op. cit., p. 32.
p. 1. 88. Mohonk Report for 1916,
86. Mohonk Report for 1916, p. 145.
p. 59.

34 Essays in Applied Christianity
the formation of the league will leave us convinced that a trial
of the project is imperative. To commence with, the malad
justment of the political organization of the world to the inter
nationalization of the factors making for civilization would be
remedied.89 A definite stop would be put to the amassing of
armaments; and the evils of secret diplomacy would cease to
exist. Furthermore, the publicity of international affairs
would check the overt acts of diplomats. It would also do
much to dispel the narrow patriotism which is all too prevalent
in the world today. The recognition and conscious direction
of the confederative trend of history would be a long step to
wards the elimination of war. For several centuries, thinkers
have advocated some sort of federation, loose though it must be
at first, as the only way to end war. Thus would the league
furnish the world with a peaceful agency for adjusting interna
tional troubles.
Then, too, the moderation of the league's aims would be an
other factor contributing to its usefulness. Its purpose is to
make war less probable, not impossible. No effort would be
made to enforce the observance of its decisions. The court
would rely on international public opinion for that. Thus the
plan is founded on the theory that as soon as war is made the
last resort in public opinion and the policy of statesmen, it will
cease to be resorted to at all.90 The delay and discussion will
give men a chance to think. Wars would not be entered in the
heat of passion. Suspicions between nations would gradually
be destroyed by this substitution of police force for aggressive
and defensive force. The problem is one of doing between the
nations what has already been done within them.91 The trans
fer of power from use for self-interest to disinterested hands is
the greatest stride we could make.92 The inauguration of such
a concert at the Hague would mean that the dark ages of politi
cal anarchy have passed, and that the future chapters of the
world's history will be free from the bloody records of human
conflict. 89. Dickinson, After the War, 91. Mohonk Report for 1915,
p. 22. p. 51.
90. Dickinson, Foundations of 92. Mohonk Report for 1916,
a League of Peace, p. 12. p. 36.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 35
Notwithstanding the many benefits consequent upon our
adoption of this plan, pari passu with such a course of action
must go a campaign of education to destroy the mistaken no
tions and public policies which lead to war. Pestalozzi's dic
tum that education is the most powerful means of social re
demption has not yet been disproved. The day has passed
when textbooks dilating upon the physical prowess of our na
tion and instilling an admiration for America to the disparage
ment of other countries should find place in our schools. The
younger generation should be taught that there is a funda
mental community of human interests the world over, and that
all modern movements for humanity are international in char
acter.93 For no matter what the facts are, if the world is blind
to those facts, it will fail to change. MtLch of our present trouble
is traceable to ignorance. Men fight, we commonly say, be
cause they "fail to come to an understanding". The idiom is
literally true. When men "come to an understanding" — an
understanding of the gross stupidity of settling their differ
ences by the sword — they will cease to fight. Until then, it is
the part of the protagonists for peace to turn the light of reason
on the dark practices of the age and to reveal the truth con
cerning war. For primarily requisite to international organi
zation is the international mind on the part of the masses.94 No
more is it the office of our schools to produce citizens of a na
tion. The children of today must be prepared for citizenship
of the world. Christianity demands the dissemination of its
gospel of peace and good will.
Such, in the barest outline, is the pathway to peace according
to the teachings of Jesus. In our treatment of the Christian
nations' duty in eliminating war, we have made a brief com
pendium of the principal work of the Hague Conferences, which
are the only semblance of international authority of our times.
In particular, we dwelt upon the attention they gave the prin
ciple of social evolution. We then took up the mooted question
as to what attitude Jesus assumed on the same topic ; and we
found His teachings agreeing that, while war is a transitory
93. Bushnell, op. cit., p. 4. 94. Cosmos, op. cit., p. 66.

36 Essays in Applied Christianity
necessity, peace is the ultimate goal. To make clear the pro
gram it was incumbent upon the Christian nations to follow, we
next sought to determine the stage the evolutionary process had
reached. In an analysis of world politics, we found the forces
for war, while still powerful, passing,95 and the peace factors
occupying an increasingly important place. Bearing these
things in mind, we concluded that the Christian means of
egress from this system of wars was the creation of police force
to make obligatory the presentation of cases to a judicial tri
bunal before the rupture of peaceful relations. Here we advo
cated the adoption of the plan for a League to Enforce Peace
as the most efficacious guarantee against future strife.
After the conclusion of peace, when the nations once more
convene at the Hague, in a conference formerly planned for
1915, 96 formal recognition should be accorded the momentous
change that has occurred in the relations of states. A war-
weary world, bleeding from the ravages of the most titanic con
flict yet staged in history, will at last turn to reason as the final
arbiter. And if the Hague is true to its traditions, we may ex
pect that some such alliance as the League will be there sanc
tioned. For the war has done more to spread the peace senti
ment than a century of preaching could have done. Until that
day of harmony, it is ours to battle on for the cause of perma
nent peace — a peace secure from disturbance by militaristic au
tocracies. A world safe for democracy is a world free from
militarism, and a world free from militarism is a world ready
for peace on a permanent basis. The future relations of peoples
must — and will — be something more than a temporary truce —
a latent war — certain to culminate in an armed encounter.
Stable peace must be had at any price, — even at the price we
are paying, the price of universal war. The horrible experience
through which the world is now passing is the birth-agony of a
new social order — an order in which democracy predominates
and law reigns supreme. For ages immemorial, men have wor
shiped Mars. Today his mask has been mercilessly stripped
from him and in the dawn of an enlightened era, he stands re-
95. Craftsman, 27:79-80. 96. Hull, op. cit., p. 500ff.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 37
vealed as a demon — not a god. In the court of international
public opinion, from whose decree all appeal is vain, there is no
question but that the verdict of "guilty" will be returned
against him. In the signs of the times, we read the doom of
war. Let the nations execute the judgment through their con
cert at the Hague.

APPENDIX
I. "In case of serious disagreement or conflict, before an ap
peal to arms, the signatory Powers agree to have recourse, as
far as circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of
one or more friendly Powers.
"Independently of this recourse, the signatory Powers rec
ommend that one or more Powers, strangers to the dispute,
should, on their own initiative, and as far as circumstances may
allow, offer their good offices or mediation to the states at va
riance. "Powers, strangers to the dispute, have the right to offer
good offices or mediation, even during the course of hostilities.
' ' The exercise of this right can never be regarded by one or
the other of the parties in conflict as an unfriendly act. ' '97
II. ' ' There is also another gain, — incidental but of real and
permanent value ; and this is the inevitable development of the
law of nations by the decisions of such a Court of Arbitration
composed of the most eminent jurists from all countries. Thus
far it has been evolved from the writings of scholars often con
flicting, from the decisions of national courts biased by local
patriotism, from the practices of various powers, on land and
sea, more in obedience to their interests than to their sense of
justice ; but now we may hope for the growth of a great body of
international law under the best conditions possible and ever
more and more in obedience to the great impulse given by Gro-
tius in the direction of right, reason and mercy. ' '98
III. ' ' The Contracting Powers agree not to have recourse to
armed force for the recovery of contract debts claimed from the
Government of one country by the Government of another coun
try as being due to its nationals.
"This undertaking is, however, not applicable when the
debtor state refuses or neglects to reply to an offer of arbitra
tion, or, after accepting the offer, prevents any compromis
97. Scott, Hague Conventions 98. White, quoted by Choate,
and Declarations, p. 43. op. cit., p. 39.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 39
from being agreed on, or, after the arbitration, fails to submit
to the award."99
IV. A list of the cases submitted to the Hague Court follows :
The Pious Fund Case, involving the United States and Mex
ico (1902).
The Venezuelan Preferential Claim Case, involving Germany,
Great Britain, Italy, and Venezuela (1904).
The Japanese House Tax Case, involving Great Britain,
France, Germany, and Japan (1905).
The Muscat Dhows Case, involving France and Great Brit
ain (1905).
The Castablanca Case, involving France and Germany
(1909). #
The Grisbadarna Case, involving Norway and Sweden
(1909). The North Atlantic Coast Fisheries Case , involving the
United States and Great Britain (1910).
The Orinocco Steamship Case, between the United States and
Venezuela (1910).
The Savarkar Case, involving France and Great Britain
(1911). The Canevaro Case, involving Italy and Peru (1912).
The Russian Indemnity Case, involving Russia and Turkey
(1912). The Carthage Case, involving France and Italy (1913).
The Manouba Case, involving France and Italy (1913).
The Island of Timor Case, involving the Netherlands and
Portugal (1914).
The two cases brought before the Commission of Inquiry
follow :
The North Sea or Dogger Bank Case, involving Russia and
Great Britain (1904).
The Tavignana, Camouna, and Gaulois Cases, involving
France and Italy.100
V. "Diplomats of the older school are watching with keen
99. Scott, Hague Peace Confer- 100. See Scott, Hague Court Re-
ences, p. 415. ports, or, Wilson, op. cit.

40 Essays in Applied Christianity
interest the 'extra official negotiations' which depart so radi
cally from the ancient and accepted practices of diplomacy.
They point out that peace negotiations on a great scale are ac
tually going on, only instead of being conducted secretly in the
round table conference, which was the aim of the Central Pow
ers in the early stages of the war, the great war issues are now
being expounded and critically analyzed in the light of publicity
and the world's Forum." 101
VI. The provisions of the League read as follows :
"First. All justiciable questions arising between the signa
tory Powers not settled by negotiation shall, subject to the limi
tations of treaties, be submitted to a judicial tribunal for hear
ing and judgment, both upon the merits and upon any issue as
to the jurisdiction of the question.
"Second. All other questions arising between the signator
ies and not settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to a Coun
cil of Conciliation for hearing, consideration, and recommenda
tion. "Third. The signatory Powers shall jointly use forthwith
both their economic and military forces against any one of their
number that goes to war, or commits acts of hostility against
another of the signatories, before any question arising shall be
submitted as provided in the foregoing.
"Fourth. Conferences between the signatory powers shall
be held from time to time, to formulate and codify rules of in
ternational iaw which, unless some signatory shall signify its
dissent within a stated period, shall thereby govern in the de
cisions of the judicial tribunal mentioned in article l."102
VII. The preamble, to the constitution of the League is
worth quoting verbatim :
"Throughout five thousand years of recorded history,
Peace, here and there established, has been kept, and its area
has been widened^ in one way only. . Individuals have combined
their efforts to suppress violence in the local community. Com-
101. Kansas City Times, Feb. 12, 102. Ashbee, op. cit., p. 33ff.
1918.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 41
munities have co-operated to maintain the authoritative State
and to preserve Peace within its borders. States have formed
leagues or confederations, or have otherwise co-operated to es
tablish Peace among themselves. Always Peace has been made
and kept, when made and kept at all, by the superior power of
superior numbers acting in unity for the common good.
"Mindful of this teaching of experience, we believe and sol
emnly urge that the time has come to devise and to create a
working union of sovereign nations to establish Peace among
themselves and to guarantee it by all known and available sanc
tions at their command, to the end that civilization may be con
served, and the progress of mankind in comfort, enlighten
ment, and happiness may continue. ' 'loS
VIII. "The war has prepared the world for much that it
would not have accepted three years ago. It is the task of
statesmen to ascertain what instructed public opinion is now
willing to support and to fix it in international relations. ' '104
103. Ibid., p. 29. 104. Cosmos, op. cit., p. 88.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Hobson, John Atkinson. Towards International Govern
ment. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1915.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 43
Hugins, Roland • The Possible Peace. The Century Company,
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44 Essays in Applied Christianity
PERIODICALS :
American Magazine, 78:17. Militarism and Christianity, by
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Christian Civilization.

The Christian Nations and the Hague 45
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Independent, 77:228-230. Peace by Arbitration, by A. Car
negie.

46 Essays in Applied Christianity
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The Christian Nations and the Hague 47
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48 Essays in Applied Christianity
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Kansas City Times, the Chicago Tribune, and the New York
Times.

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