THE
LETTERS AND JOURNALS
OF
ROBERT BAILLIE, A.M.
PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW. M.DC.XXXVII.—M.DC.LXII.
EDITED FROM THE AUTHOR'S MANUSCRIPTS,
BY DAVID LAING, ESQ.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOLUME FIRST.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR ROBERT OGLE, 49 SOUTH BRIDGE.
M.DCCC.XLI.EDINBURGH : ALEX. LAWRIE & CO. PRINTERS TO HER MAJESTY.At the Annual General Meeting of the Bannatyne Club, held at Edinburgh, in the Hall of the Antiquarian Society, on Monday the 3d day of December 1838 :—
Resolved, That the Letters and Journals of Mr. Robert Baillie, Professor of Divinity, and Principal of the University of Glasgow, be printed for the usg of the Members, from the Original Manuscript preserved in the Archives of the Church of Scotland, under the superintendence of the Secretary of the Club ; and that an extra impression of the Work be thrown off, for General Sale, according to the Specimens exhibited to the Meeting.
DAVID LAING, Secretary.PREFACE.
THE Letters and Journals of Principal Baillie chiefly relate to public affairs, civil as well as ecclesiastical, and extend in a regular and nearly unbroken series from January 1637 to May 1662, or within a few weeks of his death. The value of this series in illustrating the history of that remarkable period has long been acknowledged, although the work is only now for the first time printed in an entire and genuine form, from the Author's Manuscripts. The very nature of such Letters, sometimes intended for the information of a wide circle, yet addressed to different individuals, on a variety of topics, and with no view to ultimate publication, precludes the work from being regarded as strictly historical ; yet these Letters not only serve to exhibit the succession of public events, but what is equally valuable, to convey the expression of the hopes, the fears, and the prevalent feelings of the time, in immediate connection with such occurrences. That Baillie has done so in a clear and interesting manner, will not be disputed. What else indeed has he handed down to us in his descriptions (to use an illustration of his own) but the stirring scenes of a great National Drama? His earlier letters allude to those measures of Charles the First that awakened an irrepressible spirit of religious zeal and independence, which ere long triumphed over every obstacle, and secured the re-establishment of Presbytery in Scotland. His letters then detail the origin, the changing fortunes, and the vol. i.	bvi
PREFACE.
tragical incidents of the Great Civil War, which desolated these kingdoms; interspersed with accounts of the trial of the Earl of Strafford, the proceedings of General Assemblies of the Church, and of the Westminster Assembly of Divines; and they carry us on to the period when the dominant power of Cromwell and his sectarian forces, aided by the infatuated conduct of the English Monarch, prevented that Uniformity of Religion in Doctrine, Discipline, and Church-government, to the accomplishment of which both Nations were deeply pledged by the Solemn League and Covenant. This vision being at length dispelled, there was also an end put to the long cherished expectations of peace and concord when the death-warrant of Charles the First was signed, notwithstanding the public remonstrances and protestations of the Presbyterians both in Scotland and England. " One Act of our lamentable Tragedy" says Baillie, " being ended, we are entering again upon the scene:"—And now the affairs of the Church, in which he continued to sustain a somewhat conspicuous part, chiefly occupy his attention. It will be seen, that the attachment of the Presbyterians to a monarchical government, was the primary cause of those unhappy differences which sprang up and divided the Church of Scotland into the two parties, known as " Public Re-solutioners," and " Protesters," each of them actuated by the best motives, yet whose opposition proved not less ruinous to both, by eventually leading to the overthrow of the Presbyterian form of Church government in Scotland after the Restoration :—With what deplorable results to the interests of religion and the country at large, this last measure was attended, Baillie himself did not survive long enough to witness.
Such are the leading topics in the following series of Letters. That the Author was a faithful as well as a diligent observer of public events, may be asserted ; and his personal share in many of the important transactions alluded to, and his habitual intercourse with the chief actors of the time, furnished him with the most favourable opportunities for obtaining correct information. ThatPREFACE.
vii
his Letters should so fully describe the prpgress of public affairs, arises partly from the circumstance of so many of them being addressed to his relation, Mr. William Spang, minister of the Scotish Church at Campvere, and afterwards at Middleburg, in Zealand, during the whole period of twenty-five years stated correspondence ; while the practice which Baillie fortunately adopted at an early period, of retaining copies of his Letters, has furnished after-times with a work which must always command attention both from the importance of the subject, his own integrity and honesty of purpose, so conspicuous in his familiar and most unreserved communications, and the lively and graphic manner in which transactions, whether of a public or private kind, are narrated.
The original manuscript, containing the register of Baillie's Letters, is in three volumes quarto, very closely written^1) The persons he employed successively " to double" or transcribe his Letters, very often failed in deciphering his " evill hand;" but he himself usually corrected their mistakes, supplied the names or words omitted, and marked the dates and address. That nothing could be more wretched than his own orthography, the reader will be able to judge by inspecting the first letter in the series, (of which, as a specimen of his handwriting, an accurate facsimile is given,) and another printed in this volume at page 237. Even in regard to his own name, Baillie seems at no period of his life to have had a fixed mode of writing it. As his transcribers usually adopted their own orthography, whether copying from his papers, or from his dictation, of course it is very varied; and subsequent transcribers had no scruple in using a similar liberty: this will account for whatever variations may
(l) The first seven leaves of Volume First appear never to have been copied, perhaps from being wholly in Baillie's own hand, which subsequent transcribers could not easily make out, and six of these leaves are now unfortunately lost. From a partial list of contents, on the last page of the volume, we may conjecture they were chiefly Letters in the year 1636.viii
PREFACE.
be discovered, as no attempt was made to adopt strict uniformity in this respect.
The importance attached to Baillie's Letters and Journals as historical documents, appears from the care bestowed at an early date in transcribing them. A volume consisting chiefly of Letters addressed to Spang from 1637 to 1641, with the omission of private matters, but evidently taken from the first volume of the quarto MS., belonged to Dr. Fall, who was the second of Baillie's successors as Principal of the College of Glasgow. It is now preserved in the British Museum. (2) Of the first volume, the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland also possesses a folio manuscript written about the year 1700. A complete transcript of the work, in a very fair and legible hand, evidently for the use of the author's family, bears the date of 1701; (5) and from this copy the similar transcript in the University Library of Glasgow was probably made, and also Wodrow's, now the property of the Church of Scotland. The Church had previously obtained possession of the original volumes, which were purchased, with some other valuable manuscripts, by an order of the General Assembly, 20th May 1737, from the executors of Matthew Crawford, Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Edinburgh. The
(-) " Ane briefe Account of some memorable passages in the late Revolutions of Britaine:" MS. Harl. 6004, consisting of 212 pages, (erroneously numbered 215,) written on foolscap paper, in a neat hand of the seventeenth century. There is no note of the transcriber's name, nor whence the copy was made, but on the fly-leaf at the beginning is this note.,—" These papers were writ by Mn. Robert Bayley, Principal of the College of Glasgow, to Mr. Strang, Preacher to the Scottish Factory at Camphire in Zealand; given to me by my worthy and good friend Dr. James Fall, sometime Principal of Glasgow, now Precentor of York, December 31, 1709. W. Pearson." This memorandum is decidedly in a much more recent hand than the body of the MS. Dr. Fall was Principal of the College from 1684 to 1690.
(3) In four volumes folio, the first volume being bound in two.—On the last page of the second volume is written,—" Finem posui hujus libri, llmo die Septembris 1701."PREFACE.
ix
transcript mentioned as dated 1701, remained however with the Author's descendants, till within a comparatively recent period, when, along with some manuscript volumes of Sermons and Treatises, written by Baillie, it came into the possession of Dr. M'Crie, the late eminent biographer and divine.
From one or other of these MSS. the work was frequently used in the course of the last century; and more especially by Stevenson, who originally contemplated to publish it entire, previous to the compilation of his own History of the Church, (4) a great portion of which is a literal transcript from it, yet not without ample acknowledgment. In noticing the vouchers for his History, he says, " But the great repository from whence I am chiefly furnished is, The Historical Letters and Collections of Mr. Robert Baillie, consisting of four volumes folio," &c. In fact, these Letters, to a greater or less extent, have been used by all succeeding writers respecting that period of our history, although they generally contented themselves with referring to the printed edition which appeared at Edinburgh in the year 1775, in two vols. 8vo. The name of the Editor is no where mentioned; nor can much reliance be placed on what used commonly to be stated in Edinburgh booksellers catalogues, in the early part of this century, and has been repeated by Mr. Orme,(5) that it was undertaken at the recommendation of Dr. Robertson and David Hume. On the title-page of some of the copies, the Letters are said to have been " carefully transcribed by Robert Aiken ;" but who this person was does not appear, except that we may conclude he was the same individual who is named in proposals
(4)	" The History of the Church and State of Scotland, from the accession of K. Charles I. to the Restoration of K. Charles II. In Four Volumes. Collected from the Publick Records, Mr. Baillie's Letters, and other Writings of that time. By Andrew Stevenson, Writer in Edinburgh." Edinburgh, 1753-1757, 3 vols, small octavo. The work is only brought down to the beginning of the year 1649, as volume fourth was never completed.
(5)	Orme's Bibliotheca Biblica, p. 17- Edinburgh, 1824, 8vo.x
PREFACE.
for printing the work, dated March 17 th 1775, which bear, that " Subscriptions are taken in by William Gray, front of the Exchange, Edinburgh ; by Robert Aitken, schoolmaster at Ander-ston ; and by all others entrusted with proposals." Had either of the learned historians above named taken a special interest in the work, it is very improbable that the services of an obscure individual in the West Country would have been required.
But that Edition has no claim to be regarded otherwise than as a Selection from Baillie's Letters. The advertisement prefixed to it states, that " It was thought proper to leave out some things that relate to the Author's family and other private matters ; but nothing has been left out that throws the smallest light upon the history of those times." This is scarcely correct: many of the passages omitted may not be strictly historical, yet they throw great light on the spirit and temper of the times. But there are numerous Letters entirely omitted, such as his correspondence with Sharp previous to the Restoration, and others on subjects of Literature, besides all those local and personal details which, however unimportant in themselves, enhance the interest, as they add to the genuine character, of such documents. A complete and accurate publication of Baillie's Letters was therefore a work that had long been desired by persons who felt any interest in such matters.
The present Edition of the Work was undertaken for the Members of The Bannatyne Club ; a literary Association in Edinburgh, instituted several years ago, for the purpose of preserving, in an accessible form, the more valuable remains of our National History and Literature existing in manuscript, or in printed works of great rarity. In regard however to the acknowledged importance of this work, and as the Rules of the Club do not restrict the circulation of works so printed among the Members, when of a kind likely to interest the Public, it was resolved, although the chief expense of collating and transcribing would fall upon thePREFACE.
xi
Club,(6) that some arrangement should be made for having an extra impression thrown off for general sale, and for securing its publication at a moderate charge. The usual quarto size of the Club publications being less suited for that purpose, as necessarily adding to the expense, the lines of the pages have been overrun, to alter the form into royal 8vo., so that both Editions might usually correspond page for page, as well as in other respects. This plan, however, has proved the means of greatly retarding the completion of the work. As to the mode of editing, I may add, that the text has partly been given from the Manuscript belonging to the Society of Antiquaries, but chiefly from that of 1701, (which was most obligingly granted for that purpose by the Reverend Thomas M'Crie,) and then very carefully revised and corrected by the Author's original copy ; the use of this latter MS. having been obtained three years ago for The Bannatyne Club, by the special permission of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.
The Author, in the course of his correspondence with his cousin William Spang, frequently transmitted him copies of public papers, and other documents relating to the affairs of the time. Many of these he also caused to be transcribed along with his own Letters. To have inserted the whole of such extraneous matter would greatly have increased the size of the work without materially adding to its value. On the other hand, either to have incorporated some of them in the text, or entirely to have omitted them, might have been equally liable to objection. The plan that has been followed, was not adopted without due deliberation. In the Appendix to each Volume is given, first, a complete List of the various Papers
(G) For this purpose the services of my worthy friend Mr. David Meek were secured; but besides the necessary collation and transcription, numberless minute investigations were required, (which my own time did not permit of making,) for ascertaining the dates of letters, &c.: and to his great fidelity and familiar acquaintance with the ecclesiastical transactions of the period, it is but justice to add, that the work is greatly indebted.xii
PREFACE.
interspersed with his Letters, and references to works in which a very considerable portion of them have already been published ; and next, a Selection of such contemporary Papers as seemed most worthy of notice. This includes from Baillie's M.S. such as either related to his own personal affairs, or to the University with which he was so lorig connected; but instead of swelling the work by republishing papers merely from the circumstance of their having been collected by Baillie, this Selection generally consists of Original Letters and other documents hitherto unpublished. These have been collected from a variety of sources, and chiefly refer to the state of Ecclesiastical Affairs in Scotland during the period which each volume embraces. This Selection however is much less numerous than I could have wished, owing to the limited space. The articles in the Appendix to the present volume being mostly written by the opponents of Baillie and the Presbyterian party, that such additions may not be thought incongruous to a work like the present, I may observe, that nothing seemed so well calculated to illustrate and confirm the Author's statements, or so clearly to point out the objects which the Scotish Prelates and their adherents had in view, when the troubles commenced, than the publication of such of their Letters and Papers, between 1633 and 1639, as could be recovered.
Signet Library, Edinburgh, .June 1841.TABLE OF CONTENTS.
LETTERS AND JOURNALS
OF
ME, ROBERT BAILLIE.
1637.	Page Letter to Mr. William Wilkie, 2d January, .	. 1 -—— to Mr. William Spang, 29th January,	. 2 -—to the Archbiftiop of Glafgow, 14th Auguft,	12
-— to one of the Minifters of Glafgow, (without date,)	13
-to Mr. William Spang, 4th 06tober, .	. 15
Note of Proceedings, fince the 5th of December,	... 25
1638.
Letter to Mr. Robert Wilkie, 16th January, .	. 27
—:— to Mr. Alexander Cunningham, (fame date,)	. 27
-— to the Principal, Dr. John Strang, (fame date,)	29
--to Mr. John Maxwell, (fame date,) .	. 30
-to Mr. William Spang, 27th February,	. 31
Narrative of Proceedings, from 21ft December to 24th
February, . .	. 54
Letter to Mr. William Spang, 5th April, .	. 62
-—— to Principal Strang, (without date,) .	. 66
—--to Mr. William Spang, (without date,)	. 69
News from England, 15th July, .	. 72
Letter to Mr. William Spang, 15th July, .	•' 73
-—r— to a neighbouring Clergyman, (without date,)	. 95
-— to Mr. William Spang, 1ft November,	. 96
vol. i.	cxiv
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
1639.	Page
Letter to Mr. William Spang, 12th February, .	113 -to the fame, containing an Account of the Proceedings of the General Affembly at Glafgow, in November 1638, written in June 1639, .	118
--to Mr. Archibald Johnftone of Warrifton, (20th
December 1638.) . .	177
-to Mr. David Dickfon, 21ft January, .	179
-to the Earl of Loudoun, 21ft January, .	181
—— to Mr. William Spang, 28th September, .	184
-to the fame, Poftfcript, 12th O&ober, .	223
Inftru6tions to Mr. Alexander Cunningham, (without date.)	225
Letter to Henry Glen, Glafgow, in November, .	228
-from the Provoft, Magiftrates, &c. of Glafgow, 23d
November, ....	229
--in Anfwer to the above, 27th November, .	230
—-from William Yair, Glafgow, 26th November,	231
-in Anfwer to the above, (without date,) .	232
-from the Provoft, Magiftrates, &c. of Glafgow, 7th
December, . . .	233
-— in Anfwer to the above, 11th December, .	234
--to the Earl of Eglinton's factor ? (without date,)	235
--to Mr. Archibald Johnftone of Warrifton, 16th December, ....	237
1640.
Letter to Mr. Archibald Johnftone, 30th March, .	242
--to Mr. David Dickfon, 30th March, .	243
His Teftament, when he went to the Army, 4th May,	245 Letter to Mr. William Spang, after the General Affembly
at Aberdeen, in September, . .	247
--to Lord Montgomery, in September, .	263
-from the Earl of Rothes, Montrofe, &c. 15th 06tober, 266
-from the Earl of Argyle, 17th Odtober, .	266
Another Teftament, 22d O&ober, . .	267
Letter to Mrs. Baillie, at Kilwinning, 5th November,	268
-to the fame, 6th November, . .	270
-to the fame, 18th November, . .	271
—,— to the Prefbytery of Irvine, 2d December, .	274TABLE OF CONTENTS.	xv
Page
Letter to Mrs. Baillie, 4th December, .	.	278
-to the fame, 12th December, .	.	278
-to the Prefbytery of Irvine, 12th December,	279
-to the fame, 28th December, .	.	283
1641.
Letter to the Prefbytery of Irvine, 29th January,	.	288
-to Mrs. Baillie, 6th February, .	.	296
-to the fame, 22d February, .	.	299
-to the Prefbytery of Irvine, 28th February,	300
-to the fame, 15th and 19th March, .	.	304
•-to the fame, containing a Journal of the Earl of
Strafford's Trial, 7th May, .	.	313
-to Mrs. Baillie, 2d June, . .	.	353
-to Lord Montgomery, 2d June, .	.	354
--to Mr. William Spang, 15th July, .	.	355
-to the fame, 20th Auguft, .	.	358
An Account of the Proceedings of the Parliament of Scotland, 25th Auguft, . .	.	377 Letter to Mr. William Spang, (without date,)	.	388 Memorandum for the Town and College of Glafgow, (without date,) . .	.398
APPENDIX.
No. I.—List of Papers inserted in Volume First of the Manuscript Collection of Baillie's Letters and Journals, from 1637 to 1641.	.	403
"No. II.—Original Letters and Papers, chiefly relating to Ecclesiastical Affairs in Scotland, 1633 to 1639-
1633.
1.	Letter of Charles the Firft, to Bellenden, Bifhop of
Dunblane, 8th O&ober,	.	.	421
2.	The Articles fprhis Majefty's Chapel-Royal, (fame date,) 422xyi
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
1634.	Page
3.	Letter from Charles the Firft to the Lords of Council
and Seffion, 13th May,	.	.	423
4.	Warrant of Charles the Firft for eftablifhing the Court
of High Commiffion in Scotland, 21ft 06tober, 424
5.	Account of Papers intercepted betwixt Archbifhop
Laud and the Scotifti Bifhops, (without date,) 428
6.	Letter from Archbifhop Laud to Bellenden, Biftiop of
Dunblane, 14th January, .	. 431
7.	-from the fame to the fame, 6th May,	. 432
8.	-from the fame to the fame, 1ft July,	. 433
9.	-from the fame to the fame, 4th 06lober,	. 434
1635.
10.	Letter from the fame to the fame, 12th January, . 435
11	.--from the fame to the fame, 19th May, .	436
12.	-from the fame to Maxwell Bifhop of Rofs, 19th
September,	.	.	.	436
1636.
13.	Letter from Dr. Juxon, Bifhop of London, to the fame,
17th February,	. .	.438
14.	- from the Earl of Stirling to the fame, 17 th
February,	.... 439
15.	Account of the Privy Council of Scotland, authoriling
the Service-Book, with his Majefty's Warrant, in O6tober,	.	440
1637.
16.	Difcharge, by the Printer, &c. for Books furnilhed to
the Chapel-Royal, in April,	•	• . 441
17.	Letter from Archbifhop Spotifwood to Dr. Hall, Bifhop
of Norwich,	.	.	•	442
18	.--from Lindesay, Bifhop of Edinburgh, to the
Prefbytery of Dalkeith, 28th April,	.	442
19.	Inftru6tions how the Service came to be made : deliver-
ed to Dr. Balcanquall by the King, • . 443
20.	Information from the Earl of Stirling to Dr. Balcan-
quall, ..... 446TABLE OF CONTENTS,
Page
21.	Extra6ts from the Regifters of the Privy Council of
Scotland, 13th June,—25th Auguft, 1637, . 447
22.	The Supplication of certain Minifters of Fife, prefent-
ed to the Privy Council, 23d Auguft,	• 449
23.	Information given to Councillors,	.	.	450
24.	Letters to and from the Lords of Privy Council of
Scotland :
1.	The Council's Letter to the King, 25th Auguft, 451
2.	The King's Letter to the Council, 10th Sep-
tember,	.	.	.	.	452
3.	The Council's Letter to the King, 20th Sep-
tember,	....	453
4.	The fame to the Earl of Stirling, 14th De-
cember,	.	.	.	.	454
25.	The Earl of Loudoun's Speech to the Lords of Privy
Council, 21ft December, .	.	. 455
26.	Extracts from the Regifter of Privy Council, 1ft and
5th March, .	.	.	,.. • . 458
27.	Letter from Mr. David Mitchell to Dr. John Lefley,
Bifhop of Raphoe, 19th March, .	. 463
1638.
28.	Letter from the Earl of Loudoun to Johnftone of
Warrifton, 24th April, .	.	.	464
29.	- from Archbifhop Spotifwood to the Marquis of
Hamilton, (without date,) .	.	. 466
30.	Dr. Balcanquall's Propofitions to the King, at Oat-
lands, (without date,) . .	. 467
31.	Some Directions fent to Prefbyteries, 27th Auguft, 469
32.	Note of the Private Articles, 27th Auguft, . 469
33.	Letter of Inftru&ions fent to Prefbyteries, 28th Auguft, 470
34.	Baillie's Commiflion to the General Affembly, 25th
September, .	.	... 473
35.	Letter from Sir Thomas Hope, Lord Advocate, to the
Earl of Rothes, 2d Oftober,	.	.	474
36.	- from Lindefay, Bifhop of Edinburgh, to the
Prefbytery, 9th 06tober, ... 475
37	.--from Dr. Balcanquall to Laud, Archbifhop of
Canterbury, (without date,)	.	. 475xviii
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
38.	The Earl of Loudoun's Reafons to diffuade the King
from fwearing Protection to the Bifhops at his
Coronation, in June 1633, . .	477
39.	Letter from the Earl of Rothes to the Earl of Balcarras,
11th November 1637. . .	477
40.	- in favour of Dr. Balcanquall, in November
1638, and another from the King, . .	478
41.	Letters to Dr. Balcanquall, in 1638 and 1639 : .	479
1.	Prom Mr. William Wilkie, 29th Oftober 1638,	481
2.	Prom the fame, 6th November, .	482
3.	Prom the fame, 11th December, .	483
4.	From the fame, 26th December, .	484
5.	From the fame, 11th March 1639, .	487
6.	From Dr. Strang, Principal of the College
of Glafgow, (without date,) .	490
7.	From Mr. William Wilkie, (without date,)	490
42.	Commiffion from the General Affembly for vifiting the
Univerfity of Aberdeen, . .	491MEMOIR
OF THE
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
VOL. I.
aMEMOIR
of the
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
Robert Baillie, the author of these Letters and Journals, was a native of Glasgow, and was born in the Saltmarket on Friday the 30th of April 1602.1 His father, Thomas Baillie, was probably a merchant or tradesman in Glasgow, being described as a citizen of that place,2 and was a younger son of Robert Baillie of Jerviston near Hamilton. He was thus connected with many families of distinction in the West of Scotland; as the Baillies of Jerviston were cadets of the Carphin family, and consequently a branch of the ancient family of Hoprig and Lamington,3 all in the county of Lanark. Elizabeth, one of the daughters of Robert Baillie of Jerviston, was married
1	The date hitherto assigned for his birth is the year 1599. That he was not born till 1602, as above stated, we learn from the following minute memorandum of the exact day and hour of his birth, written on the fly-leaf of a note-book while he was a student at the College; viz. Robertus Baillize natus pridie Kal. Maij hora sesquiquarta a meridie 1602 die Veneris. This date is further confirmed by his own authority at a later period of his life. In a letter to Sharp written in August 1661, he urges his inability " in this my sixtieth yeare, and frequent infirmities,'' as one reason for declining a journey to London, in case he had been fixed upon to go thither on the affairs of the Church. (Vol. iii. p. 474.) The Saltmarket, a well-known street in Glasgow, which had the honour to be the birth-place of two Principals of the University, (lb. p. 402), has, in our own days, obtained still greater celebrity from a fictitious character introduced in a work known to every one.
2	In the brief notice of Baillie's Life, prefixed to the publication of his Letters in 1775.
3	The Baillies of Hoprig and Lamington, (from whom the families of Carphin, Carnbrue, Jerviston, and others were, all branches), have been usually considered to have been originally connected with the illustrious house of the Balliols, who were Lords of Galloway ; and in the account of the Lamington family, given in Nisbet's Heraldry, (Vol. ii. App. p. 128), Sir William Baillie of Hoprig is said to have obtained the estate of Lamington, by his marriage with the eldest daughter and heiress of Sir William Wallace. But Sir George Mackenzie in his MS. Genealogies, controverts the opinion that the name of Balliol was changed to Baillie, and shews that the armorial bearings of the two families were different, and that the name of the latter was known in Scotland as early at least as 1292, when (he says) Sir John Baillie swore fealty to Edward the Third at Berwick. See also note in Chalmers's Caledonia (Vol. iii. p. 742) respecting the alleged alliance of Baillie of Hoprig and a descendant of Wallace.*xii	MEMOIR OF THE LIFE
1
to Archibald Roberton, a younger son of the family of Earnock,1 and their son, James Roberton of Bedlay, who held for some years the office of a Regent in the University of Glasgow, afterwards became an advocate, and, when far advanced in life, was raised to the Bench. His mother, Helen Gibson, was a daughter of Henry Gibson and of Annabella Forsyth.2 Another daughter was mairied to Archibald Fleming of Ferme, afterwards Commissary of Glasgow; and in this way might Baillie's relationship be traced to some of the numerous persons, the Spangs, Forsyths, Flemings, Raes, Crichtons, and others, whom he has addressed as cousins.3 This Henry Gibson, whose name appears in 1580, as Town-Clerk of Glasgow, and in 1592, as Commissary of the Diocese of Glasgow, is supposed to have been either the uncle or brother of George Gibson of Goldingstone, the founder of the Durie family, one of whom, Sir Alexander Gibson of Durie, became a judge in the Supreme Civil Court, and his son, of the same name, was Lord Clerk Register, in the reign of Charles the First, and was also raised to the Bench.
Of Robert Baillie's early education, we learn from his own words that his first instructions were received under the parental roof; and that he was afterwards placed at the public school in Glasgow, of which Robert Blair, an eminent divine, was then assistant master. In 1646, when he dedicated to Blair his " Historicall Vindication of the Government of the Church of Scotland," he thus recalls the memory of his youthful days : " When I look back (as frequently I doe with a delightful remembrance) towards those years of my childhood and youth, wherein I did sit under your discipline, my heart blesses the goodnesse of God, who in a very rich mercy to me, did put almost the white and razed table of my spirit under your hand, after my domestick instructions which were from mine infancy, to be engraven by your labours and example with my first most sensible and remaining impressions, whether of piety, or of good letters, or of morall vertue : What little portion in any of these, it hath pleased
1	In George Crawfurd's MS. Baronage, p. 380 (MS. Advocates Library,) she is called " Elspeth Baillie, daughter to' the goodman of Jerviestone near Hamilton.'' An account of the Robertons of Earnock is contained in Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii. App. p. 145.
2	«« Henry Gibson left a daughter by his wife Anabella Forsyth, daughter to Mr. David [Forsyth] of Blackhill," (Crawfurd's MS. Baronage, p. 348.) " Henry Gibson, Town Clerk of Glasgow in 1580, who, they say, was Durrie's brother, and had a daughter married to Archibald Fleming of Ferm, &c." (Ib. p. 198.)
3	In vol. i. p. 76, Baillie speaks of Lord Alexander, eldest son of William first Earl of Stirling, as being "his near Cousin."OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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the Lord of his high and undeserved favour to bestow upon me; I were ungratefull if I should not acknowledge you after my Parents, the first and principall instrument thereof. I cannot deny, that since the eleventh year of mine age to this day, in my inmost sense, I have alwayes found my selfe more in your debt, than in any other man's upon earth.1' The mention of the period of Baillie's life would fix the time to the year 1613; but according to Blair's own statement, after he had completed his .course of Philosophy at the College at Glasgow, " under the discipline of my brother, Mr. William Blair, I was engaged (he says) to be an assistant to the aged and decayed schoolmaster of Glasgow, who had under his discipline above 300 children, the one-half whereof was committed to my charge." This must have been in 1614, as he took his degree in that year; and he further mentions, that after two years employment in teaching, he was admitted to be a Regent in the College. His admission to that office took place in March 1616; and as Baillie entered the College of Glasgow in March 1617, he would again come under the tuition of Blair, who continued to fill the office of Regent till the year 1623, when he resigned his charge; and soon after he received an invitation to become minister of a presby-terian congregation at Bangor, in Ireland.
In 1620, Baillie having completed the usual course of philosophical study, extending over four sessions, took the degree of Master of Arts, probably with some distinction, as his name stands first on the list of graduates on that occasion. As the custom then prevailed, and is so apparent in all the letters and papers of that time, of prefixing Mr. to the names of the persons mentioned, or themselves using it when signing their names, it may be noticed, that this was done by way of distinction, and that it uniformly denotes such persons to have taken the degree of A. M.
Of this interval he availed himself to gratify his thirst for knowledge by an excursion to some of the principal towns in Scotland. From some very brief notes of his journey, we learn, that after visiting some of his relations in Bothwell, Hamilton, and Cadder, he and one or two companions proceeded to Kilsyth, Stirling, and the Links of Forth; thereafter to Perth, Scone, Dundee, " where we saw the Bishop of Brechin, and Dr. Bruce." Having crossed the ferry, they came to St. Andrews, and visited " the kirk, castle, port, three colledges, abbey ;" and there conversed with some of the Professors, and, at Darsie, with the Archbishop ofxxiv
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St. Andrews. In Cupar, they dined with Mr. William Scot; thence to Falkland, Dysart and Kirkaldy, and drank of the famous mineral spring at Kinghorn. " The shore and links, with the bulwark of Leith being seen ; we see the tolbooth [of Edinburgh], kirks, castle, printers, booksellers, colleges, abbay." They also visited Roslin and other places in the vicinity of the metropolis, before returning to their native place.1
As it was Baillie's intention to devote himself to the ministry, he continued his attendance at College, with the view of completing his theological studies. From an incidental notice in 1621, we learn, that if it had been in his power, he would have spent some time at one of the foreign universities. " We live (he says,) upon conceits. Seeing I have no means to go abroad, the less God will require of me : wherefore I expect no more but to satisfy a little curiosity; yet I hope in two years to see Ley-den and England, part of France, if peaceable, then to live and die in any landward church that is offered.'1''2 At this time Robert Boyd of Trochrig, a man of very singular learning and accomplishments, was Principal of the University of Glasgow. To his posthumous commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, published in 1652, a short account of his life was prefixed by Baillie, in which mention is made of the flourishing state of the University under his superintendance; and he exclaims, what a brave time it was, when the College enjoyed such a Principal, and Regents so eminent and highly esteemed as William Blair, David Dickson, James Roberton (of Bedlay), James Sharp (of Govan), and Robert Blair. He likewise mentions his having in his youth heard the latter portion of the commentary delivered by Boyd in the course of his public lectures, to a large circle of studious or learned men; and how eagerly he listened to these prelections, with not less advantage than pleasure; and even then, he adds, after an interval of thirty years, by calling such times to remembrance it filled his mind with the most pleasing recollections.3 Boyd however resigned his
1	MS. Note Book, p. 126__The passage in the MS. is somewhat obscure, and not worth quoting.
2	MS. Note Book, p. 292__The orthography of the original is not retained, being scarcely
intelligible. The following is a literal copy of the passage :—" We leiv on conceits, seing I heiv no means to go abroad, the lesse God wil requir of me, querfor I rek no mor bot to stench a litil curiositie, yit I hop in 2 ears to sie Leidan and Inglan, a peic of Franc, if peacibil, then to die and liv in oni landvart kirk that is offerit."
3	" Et qufE'lam de ultima hujusce Operis parte, quam olim pueri non minori cum voluptate quam fructu, in frequenti doetorum virorum et studiosorum corona, soiebamus tanta aviditate auscultare, ut eorum temporum rceordalio non mediocri etiamnum suavitate animum perfundat." (Ad Lec-torem Epistola.)OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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office as Principal before his affectionate pupil had been long under his immediate charge, or could have derived much benefit from his instructions. In one of Baillie's early note-books, he assigns various reasons for Boyd's resignation ;l but it was mainly occasioned by his firm adherence to the cause of Presbytery, and consequently his disinclination to promote those measures of conformity to the Articles passed by an Assembly held at Perth in 1618, and confirmed by Parliament in 1621, which enjoined certain ceremonial observances in public worship, but which were then esteemed to be only preparatory to the full establishment of diocesan Episcopacy in this country. Boyd having fixed his residence in Edinburgh, was, on the 18th of October 1622, elected Principal of that University and one of the Ministers of the City. King James was so much displeased with his appointment, notwithstanding Boyd's acknowledged " gifts and peaceable disposition," that he peremptorily commanded the Magistrates and Council of Edinburgh to remove him, " not only from his office, but out of your town, at the sight hereof, unless he conform totally : And, when ye have done, think not this sufficient to satisfy our wrath for disobedience to our former letter."2 In Glasgow, the office of Principal having remained for one year vacant, a successor to Boyd was found in the person of John Cameron, a divine of equal learning and attainments, who was a native of Glasgow, where he had been educated, and for a short time was one of the Regents. Much of his life had been spent abroad, and he had filled a chair in several foreign Universities, having latterly been Professor of Divinity at Saumur, the chief protestant seminary in France; but in 1620 being driven from that country by the civil troubles, Cameron sought in England a place of refuge for himself and his family;
1	Boyd was elected Principal of the College of Glasgow, 20th January 1615, and, in virtue of his office, was Minister of Govan, on the banks of the Clyde, about two miles west from Glasgow. Baillie's words are,—" The Principal is resolvit to retir himself at Lambes : 1. Becaus he is not abil for waknes of bodie, not for capacitie, to preich in Govan 1, & 2 in the Colleg. 2. Becaus he cannot liv a paedantrie lyf angrieng himself with bairns. 3. Becaus he is resolvit not to obey. 4. That he mey sie for his Wyf (a stranger) and babies, for his huse [house] is de-caing, and his Brothir is far fra hevin[g] mikil sauing of his aun [own]. 5. That he mey polisch sum things he hes in hand, to gif them to the press. To quhilk the Bischop answerit, with mani protestatiuns of his respect to him. But he desyrit no mor favur then to depart peacable. He is offend[it] with the Bischop of Argil, and M. Jhams, and othirs, that laburs to dimov him." (Baillie's MS. Note Book, 1621, p. 69.)
2	Boyd gave in his resignation to the Town-Council on the 31st of January 1623. He retired to his estate in Carrick; and died on the oth of January 1627. See The Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. 1, pp. 285, 296, 297.xxvi
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and he resided some time in London, where he read private lectures in divinity. The high opinion which King James entertained of his learning and moderation, led to his appointment at Glasgow. He was admitted the 3d of January 1623, but not finding the situation agreeable, before a full year had elapsed, he relinquished that charge and returned to France.1 During even the brief period of his incumbency, he appears to have had no small influence in confirming his students in the doctrine of passive obedience; for when, by the course of public events, Baillie's attention had been more immediately drawn to the subject of submission to the civil power, he acknowledges that he " had drunken in, without examination, from my Master Cameron, in my youth, that slavish tenet, that all resistance to the Supreame Magistrate in anie case was simplie unlawfull.11 In like manner, in 1646, in his address to Robert Blair, already referred to, he says, " I confesse, that after you, to my exceeding great grief and losse, were taken away from my head, and
1	came to be set at the feet of other masters, especially Mr. Cameron and Mr. Struthers, my very singular friends and excellent divines as our Nation has bred, I was gained by them to some parts of conformity, which, if the Lord's mercy had not prevented, might have led me, as many my betters, to have run on in all the errours and defections of these bad times: but thanks to his glorious name, who held me by the hand, and stopped me at the beginning and first entry of that unlucky course; who before I had put my hand to any subscription, or was engaged in any promise, or had practised any the least Ceremony in my flock, did call me to a retreat.11 It was not till two years after Cameron's resignation that Dr. John Strang minister of Errol, was raised to the office of Principal ;2 and although suspected of being in favour of conformity, he displayed great prudence and zeal in the affairs of the College, and succeeded during a period of twenty-four years to sustain the reputation and usefulness of that seminary of learning.
The distinction which probably attended Baillie during the whole course of his academical studies, may have led to his appointment as one of the Regents in the College. He was admitted to this office on the 16th of August 1625 ; and on that occasion he delivered an inaugural oration,
1	See Life of Cameron, in Dr. Irving's Lives of Scotish Writers, vol. i. p. 339. Edinb. 1839,
2	vol. 8vo.
2	The date of Strang's admission as Principal, was the 22d of February 162(>.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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De Mente Agente} The Oath he subscribed on his admission is given below.8 Three years later he delivered another oration, In laudern Linguce Hebraicce ;3 towards the close of which he speaks in high terms of their late Principal, Cameron, and the ardour he excited among the students in cultivating a knowledge of the Hebrew, Chaldee, and other languages ; and Baillie himself may at this time have imbibed that love of Oriental literature for which he was distinguished. Among the persons who were scholars, during the years he held the office of Regent, there were many young men of rank, including members of the noble families of Hamilton, Eglintoun, Grlencairne, Lindesay, Stirling, and Wigton. It is probable, the education of some of these young men may have been specially entrusted to Baillie, while they were attending the classes in the University. Archibald Johnston of Warriston appears likewise to have been under his charge; and it will be observed that he frequently calls himself his master. One of his pupils, who had the greatest influence on his subsequent fortunes, was Hugh Lord Montgomery, eldest son of the Earl of Eglintoun ; and a vacancy happening in the parish church of Kilwinning, Ayrshire, the presentation to it was given to Baillie, as a reward for his services. The date of Baillie's appointment to this benefice must have been before Autumn 1631; as James Forsyth was admitted on the 1st of September that year, as a Regent in the College, evidently to supply the vacancy occasioned by his resignation.
The older records of the parish of Kilwinning are not preserved, from which the precise time of his induction could be ascertained, but it was either at the close of the year 1631, or the beginning of 1632. For he
1	The date 1627 is however given in the MS., in the title: " Oratio in Academia Glasguensis comitiis habita a R. B. anno 1627, cum in Regentium numerum solemniter cooptaretur, De Mente Agente."
2	The following is transcribed from the Register of the College, (vol. vii. p. 62.)—" XVII. Cal. Septem. Anno Sal. 1626—Quo die in numerum Magistiorum Academiae Glasguensis legitime cooptatus est M. Ro. Ball^eus, qui hoc admissionis suae Sacramentum preestitit: Ego Mag. Robejitus Ball.sus cooptatus in numerum Magistrorum Academiae Glasguensis, promitto sancteque juro me, favente Dei gratia, muneris mihi demandati partes (studiose) fideliterque obiturum; et in hujus Academise rebus ac rationibus gerendis ac procurandis, et commodis ador-namentis augendis, nihil reliqui ad summam fidem et diligentiam facturum ; rec ante sexennium exactum nisi impetrata vonia ab iis quorum interest stationem hanc deserturum, nec nisi consultis, et ante tres menses praemonitis Academiuj Moderatoribus, discessum. Quod si diutius hoc munere, fungi contigerit, ne turn quidem ante exactum anni curriculum, et trium mensium praemonitionem. alio migraturum.—R. BAILIE."
3	" Oratio in Laudem Linguae Hebraese, in Academiae Comitiis dum promoverenter Orclines, Anno CIoIoCXXIX Recitata."
VOL. I.	exxviii
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says, " My verie good Lord, my Lord Montgomerie, in whose education, from a child, I have had some hand, out of a tender affection towards me, when I had been some years his master in the schools, brought me thence with him to be his own preacher, at his parish kirk, for term of life, shewing me alwayes so much courtesie in every thing as my heart could wishand in a paper written in August 1639, he refers this to some seven or eight years ago,1 when, he adds, Mr. David Dickson " made, as it were, a solemne marriage" betwixt him and his parishioners. Previously to this event, he had received orders from James Law, Archbishop of Glasgow, (who died in November 1632); but the date 1622 usually assigned, is undoubtedly erroneous, as Baillie had not then completed his theological studies. His immediate predecessor in that charge, we presume, was John G-lassford, whose name occurs in the records of the Regality of Kilwinning, as Minister in 1619, and who is joined along with Baillie, James Fergusson, and Ralph Rogers, as the " eminent, learned, and pious men," with whom the congregation of Kilwinning had been blest since the Reformation.2 The Abbey of Kilwinning, in the district of Cunningham, Ayrshire, one of the most ancient and important institutions of the kind in this country, was founded in the reign of David the First, (a. d. 1140) ; but this stately and imposing fabrick was in a great measure destroyed at the Reformation. In the year 1603, Hugh Earl of Eglintoun having obtained a new grant of the Abbey, with all the lands and titles belonging to it, they were erected into a temporal lordship for him and his successors. A part of the old Abbey Church had previously been repaired, and converted into a parish church ; and it continued to be so used till the year 1775, when, on account of its ruinous state, it was entirely demolished.
About the time of his parochial settlement, Baillie formed an alliance of another kind, having been united in marriage with Lilias Fleming, of the family of Cardarroch, in the parish of Cadder, near Glasgow. In the latter part of the year 1633, a vacancy in one of the churches of Edinburgh was occasioned by the decease of William Struther,3 a mini-
1	See the Supplication, and Baillie's Reasons against his Translation, in No. XLVII of Appendix vol. ii, p. 443.
2	Preface to Fergusson's Sermons on the Errors of Toleration, 8cc. Edinburgh, 1692, 8vo.
3	Baillie, vol. iii. p. 402. Struther, as there intimated, was a native of Glasgow, and was admitted minister of the Inner High Church in that city in 1611. About tho year 1616, he was translated to Edinburgh, where he was very highly respected. His successor was Sydserfif, afterwards Bishop of Galloway.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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ster very highly esteemed as an eloquent preacher ; and it was in contemplation to name Baillie in the list of candidates as his successor. This proposal to translate him to such a conspicuous place in the Church, might have proceeded more from personal friendship than from any celebrity which he had then attained as a preacher. The circumstance itself appears from the following letter, which he addressed to Robert Fleming, who was one of the magistrates of the city,1 and who seems to have been a distant connection of his own, and also his wife's nephew.
" For R. Fleming, Baylie of Edinburgh.
December 1633.
" My verie worthie and much-respected freind,
" I have been hearing this long time a surmise that you had a mind to have me upon the leet for your vacant place in the Ministrie. Soe long as I took it for a clatter I misreguarded it, as manie moe of that kynd; but latelie being informed by my neighbour Mr. Da. Dicksone, that you certified him there was indeed such a purpose, I thought meet to shew my mind therein to yow, whom I tak to be the principall if not the only mover in that bussiness. I truelie think myself much obleidged to your love that makes yow conceave a possibilitie of meetness in me for a place that is farr above either my yeirs, or my learning, or any gift that I have for the present. But as I doe heartily thank yow for that opinion, whilk your love hes made you conceave of me, so I hope that the same love shall not suffer you to doe me wrong, at least such a greiff and hurt as the greatest enemie I have in the world could doe me no greater. It has pleased God so to joyne my heart to my people, and theirs to me, ever since my entrie among them, that to speak of a depairture it were to break no my heart alone, but of manie hundreds that are glewed to myne. This yow ought to consider who loves me, and whom nature commandes to have regard to the just greives of the paroch© of Kilwinning, and it were no more but for the sake of your dear Mother, who wes one of them. I know there is manie proud people in your Towne who thinks nothing to enslave and make subject any poore minister, or countrie paroche, to their humours, rather than to any just priviledge. Yet I think that these just greives and violent oppressions whereby God verie justlie hes begun, and is like to
l Robert Fleming, merchant in Edinburgh, youngest baillie in 1G33, second baillie in 1637, and first baillio in 1647.XXX
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goe on, to punishe these proud men by the hands both of the Church and State men; I think, the sence of what they feell themselff[es] will make them be loath to greive or oppress any of their neighbours, who did them never wrong, but oft prayed to God for their weell. Beside, I pray yow remember that my opinions in Religion, which I never mind to dissemble, neither in private nor publict, they are such as could not be tolerat by many now there. To avow and practise manie of the Englishe Ceremonies, to count these schismatiques that holds it unlawfull to communicat with Kneelers, yow know it to be verie hatefull doctrine to many there ; and yet this is my mind, and long soe hes been : Also to preach against all points of Arminianisme and Papistrie, especiallie the doctrine of our new Cas-sandrian Moderators, yow know likewayes, how hatefull it is to these men who now are able, for few words, to put their brethren from their ministrie, yea cast them in the straitest prisones. These, therefore, be to chairge yow, in the name of God, who is the Master and freind of everie faithfull Minister, as yow would not greive me exceedingly, who ever hes respected yow as my good freind; as yow would not stirre up a godlie congregation to cry to God against yow, whom nature obleidged to be their freind ; as yow would not draw me, to that place wherein daylie I would have greives that my sillie weak spirit could not digest, beside the daylie danger, as times goes now, to be silenced, imprisoned, spoiled of my goods, liberties, and all that I have but God; and [in] your Toune cheifflie, if God be posting his just vengeance upon the land, why should your love move yow to drawe me under the first thunder bolt? As yow would not occasion all these evills, let me obtest yow yet againe, in the name of my Master, at this tyme never to name me; and if I be named by anie other, to stryve by all your might to shift me, so shall yow be sure of my best affection as one who hes delyvered me from that which I apprehended, and many moe heir who loves me, to be the greatest danger that possiblie could befall me.
" I hope this my free letter yow will keep it to yourselff, and with the first occasion give me an answer; for I will be ever in suspense till, by your letter, yow have given me assureance to grant my most reasonable requeist."
Fleming's answer to this letter has likewise been preserved, and is as follows :—OF llOBEET BAILLIE.
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" Loving Good Freind,
" My heartly affection to your selff and my Aunt (though unacquainted) remembred : Your's I ressaved, and am sorie that any, especiallie yee, should have the occasion to be greived at your wisched presence in this place : the time hes been otherwayes: God remeed the present, and remove our sinnes, the occasion of all. As for your nameing to this place, out of that respect, in conscience to my judgment, I had to yow and your gift, yee are the first placed, and I am sorie at my heart, and many with me, that ever soe good men should be swa unwilling to be with us, especiallie now in thir pitifull dayes, wherein comfort of such men are maist requisite. All wayes, since I perceave your unwillingness, and your earnest desire otherwayes, persuade your selff I will endeavour, to the uttermost of my power (that is but little) to effectuat your will therein for the present. Since we heard of the coming of our new erected Bishop (to be playne) we are all in a dumpe, and swa in no settled resolution: God, of his infinite mercie, grant ane happie issue, and make us all yet in tyme to repent. The trew saying in God's word is now verified on our good late Pastor and kynd countrieman, that the righteous are taken away from the evill to come. Swa leaving to be tedious, wisheing yow all health and happiness, persuade your selff of me to remaine,
Yours to his power, at command, Edinburgh, 5th December 1633.	Robert Fleyming."
These letters irrespective of their personal reference to Baillie, are worthy of notice as characteristic of the spirit of the times, and indicating the low state of religion in the Church. On the one hand, Baillie avows no dislike to Conformity, although hostile to the Arminian doctrines which most of the prelatic clergy had embraced; and while apprehensive of the ends at which that party were aiming, he was also aware of their policy not to tolerate any of their brethren who would hesitate to proceed in the same reckless course with themselves. On the other hand, his correspondent, holding in the metropolis an official situation of some importance, expresses his grief and despondency at the gloomy prospects which the state of religion presented. Edinburgh had recently been erected into an Episcopal see ; and the new Bishop, Dr. William Forbes, was considered in his sentiments to be not much opposed to popery.1 When Charles the
1 Baillio, vol. iii. p. 390; and Life of Forbes, in Lrving's Lives of Scotish Writers, vol. ii. pp. 6-9.xxxii
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First was in Scotland at his Coronation, in 1633, he might have perceived, from the reluctance manifested even by his courtiers to the English Service, as performed in the Chapel Royal, how much its forms were disliked. He ought also to have considered, if the people, with all their hereditary feelings of attachment to royal authority, could never be brought, during his father's reign, to a conformity with the Perth Articles, which had reference only to external ceremonies,1 it was not probable they would more readily acquiesce in still greater innovations, affecting both the doctrine and discipline of the Church. Prelacy had never been allowed as a standing office in the Church by any lawful Assembly in Scotland, but had constantly been regarded as " a great and insupportable grievance and trouble to the nation.11 It is nevertheless no improbable conjecture, that in the course of a few years the whole kingdom might have silently acquiesced in the proposed changes, had no coercive measures been employed for that purpose. The race of old Presbyterian Ministers would have become extinct; the Bruces, the Dicksons, and Calderwoods were in exile, or silenced and confined to remote districts, where it was supposed their influence or example would be inconsiderable; and although others of the clergy, opposed to the Perth Articles, were still allowed to exercise their ministerial functions, their number was daily lessening; nor would their places have been left vacant, as there are always " enow of such,11 who, for sordid motives,
Creep, and intrude, and climb into the fold. As patronage was only extended to such as were disposed to unqualified conformity, already the chief places in the Universities and the Church were fast filling up with persons so inclined, by whose instructions the rising generation would have been embued with like sentiments ; and what an open and determined line of conduct so signally failed to accomplish, might in this way have been perhaps too easily secured by mere passive forbearance.
In the meanwhile Baillie devoted himself to the duties of his own retired charge, and by assiduity and faithfulness, secured the best affections of his people ; for he at least was not one of those " hirelings,11 to whom
The hungry sheep look up, and are not fed.
If, at this time, he felt a kind of passive indifference as to the practice
1 The Articles were five in number, viz__Kneeling at the Communion; the Observance of
Christmas, Easter, and three other Holydays; Private Baptism ; the Private Administration of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper; and Episcopal Confirmation ; all in accordance with the Rites of the Church t>f England.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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of particular ceremonies in public worship, he was by no means deficient in zeal for defence of the truth; as he endeavoured, by private conferences and long argumentative letters, to reclaim some of his friends from the Arminian and Popish tenets, which were fast creeping into the Church. Some of these letters, written in the years 1634 to 1636, are still preserved in manuscript, addressed to his cousin John Crichton, minister of Paisley; but in his case, without any good results, as he was finally deposed, on account of heretical doctrines, by the Assembly in December 1638. These studies, were, however, of advantage to himself, and proved eventually the means of bringing him into a more active sphere of public employment.
In pursuance of the resolutions formed by Charles the First, for introducing hierarchical prelacy into Scotland, a book of Canons had been framed under the direction of Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Court of High Commission was re-established,1 conferring powers for Bishops, not only to erect local subordinate Courts, in which any one Bishop with six assessors, might proceed summarily to try cases of immorality, sedition, and other offences, but likewise to deprive, fine, and imprison all ministers, masters of schools or Universities, and others, who should preach or speak in public against the present government, or against any of the conclusions passed at the Assembly at Perth. But sufficient time was not allowed, nor had the older Prelates resolution enough, generally to establish the proposed inquisitorial Courts. The more effectually also to promote the King's intentions, by increasing their power and influence, churchmen were advanced to the highest offices of state; Spottiswood, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was raised to the dignity of Lord Chancellor, and nine other Prelates were introduced as members of the Privy Council: and the usurping power they began to assume was a source of no small irritation to the nobility. A new Form of Public Service intended to supersede the Presbyterian forms of worship then used throughout Scotland, was in the course of preparation, and before this book had been seen or even completed, a missive letter was received from the King, which commanded " all our subjects, both ecclesiasticall and civill, to conforme themselves in the practise thair-of, it being the onlie Forme, which We, (having taken the counsell of our clergie,) think fitt to be used in God's publict worship there?
1 See the Royal Warrant for establishing the Court of High Commission in Scotland, 21st October 1634, inserted in this Volume, Appendix No. IV, p. 424.xxxiv
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The Proclamation of the Service-Book, on the 21st of December 1G36, in compliance with the King's missive letter to the Privy Council, was the first sound that excited general alarm over the whole kingdom; and at this precise time commences the series of Baillie's Letters and Journals. " The Proclamation of our Liturgy (he begins) is the matter of my greatest affliction. I pray you, if you can command any copy, by your money or means, let me have one, if it were but for two or three days, with this bearer. I am minded [resolved] to cast my studies for disposing of my mind to such a course as I may be answerable to God for my cariage. However, I am greatly afraid that this apple of contention has banished peace from our poor Church hereafter for ever.11 His education, habits, and relationship, inclined Baillie to adhere to the dominant party in the Church ; but their attempt to impose a particular form of Service which no one had seen, and without any other sanction than a royal mandate, he considered to be a just cause of alarm; yet his intentions were carefully to examine the book, and as far as conscience would permit, to give due obedience to his ecclesiastical superiors. He cannot however avoid remarking, that to impose a Book of new Canons, and to have the whole form of worship and discipline changed by a simple missive letter or Act of Privy Council, was a measure that would never have been attempted had Scotland been, as some persons alleged, merely " a pendicle of the diocese of York, instead of a separate Church and Kingdom.11
But the Proclamation, it is well-known, was so far premature, that the copies of the Liturgy were not ready for distribution till nearly three months after Easter 1637, the period which had been prescribed for its practice. When it was at length published, it seemed in such portions as differed from the Book of Common Prayer, to be a restoration of the Service of the Romish Church. It was not to be wondered, therefore, that ministers and people alike, who had evinced the strongest aversion to mere ceremonial innovations, should take alarm at what appeared to be so great a change in doctrine. " Now as concerning our Kirk,11 so writes Samuel Rutherford at this time, from his place of confinement at Aberdeen, " our Service-Book is ordained by open proclamation and sound of trumpet to be read in all the Kirks of this Kingdom. Our Prelates are to meet this moneth for it and our Canons, and for a Reconciliation betwixt us and the Lutherians. The Professors of Aberdeen Universitie are charged to draw up the Articles of a Uniform Confession: but Reconciliation withOF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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Popery is intended. This is the day of Jacob's visitation; the waves of Zion mourn; our gold is become dim; the sun is gone down upon our prophets; a dry wind, but neither to fan nor to cleanse is coming upon this land : and all our ill is coming from the multiplied transgressions of this land, and from the friends and lovers of Babel among us. . . . It I saw a call for New England, I would follow it.111
The tumult at Edinburgh, on the 23d of July 1637, on occasion of the first using the Service-Book, was the spark which kindled a flame that spread over the whole land. According to the deliberate judgment of the Privy Council, after minute investigation, they could only report to his Majesty that this " barbarous tumult," proceeded from " a number of base and rascall people."" It was an act altogether unpremeditated ; but the spirit of resistance having thus openly manifested itself, supplications from every part of the Kingdom were presented to the Council, urging, that the Service enjoined was contrary to the religion then professed, and that it was introduced in a most unwarrantable manner, without the knowledge or approbation of a General Assembly, and in opposition to Acts of Parliament. The clergy, nobility, and all ranks of people, flocked to Edinburgh, with such petitions against the use of the Liturgy : being encouraged by their increasing numbers, and irritated by delays and by the evasion of their first humble requests, they became sufficiently formidable ; and enlarging their demands, they at length succeeded not only in having the Service-Book withdrawn, but in restoring Presbytery in its purest form, and in relieving the Church from the thraldom of her pre-latic oppressors. From this time the history of the country is that of the Church, and it exhibits a succession of events partaking more of the character of romance than of scenes in ordinary life. But the history of that period is so well known, and Baillie's Letters furnish so full and distinct an account of the more remarkable occurrences of the time, that in this Memoir it will only be necessary to allude to such events as have some relation to the Author himself.
Baillie, as we have seen, was hitherto in favour of a limited kind of Episcopacy. " Bishops (he says) I love; but pride, greed, luxury, oppression, immersion in secular affairs, was the bane of the Romish prelates, and cannot long have good success in the Reformed [Church] It was only by slow degrees that a decided change came over his sentiments, and
1 Lettur 51. To John Stuart, Provost of Ayr, now in Ireland, p. 118, edit. 1G75.
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that lie was led to co-operate with such of his brethren as had no scruples in regard to the total abolition of diocesan Episcopacy. When Lindsay, Archbishop of Glasgow, applied to him to preach before the Synod of Glasgow in August 1637, and desired him so " to frame his sermon to incite his hearers to the obedience and practice of the Canons of our Church and Service-Book, published and established by authoritie,11 his reply is that of an honest and conscientious man; and when new letters came, commanding him to do so upon his canonical obedience, but leaving the matter of his sermon to his own discretion, he resolved, he tells us, " to have spoken no syllable of any conformity, but pressed those pastoral duties which would not have pleased all.11 But from this dilemma he was accidentally relieved. About the same time, the prelates, for the most part, had raised " letters of horning,11 charging all ministers in their diocese to purchase two copies of the Service-Book, for the use of each parish, within 15 days, and the Presbytery of Irvine, of which Baillie was a member, agreed to supplicate the Privy Council to be freed from the charge. Finding such opposition to be general, this Act was suspended by the Privy Council. At the desire of his patron, Lord Montgomery, upon the entreaty of his father-in-law the Earl of Rothes, he attended a meeting of the Supplicants at Edinburgh, on the 18th of October. The nobility, gentry, and ministers, met in separate rooms for consultation. Ramsay, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, being chosen chairman of their meeting, inquired of each of the brethren, if he dissented from the Service-Book ; all of them did so, we are told, " both for matter and manner of imposing it. I was posed, (Baillie continues) somewhat more narrowly, because they suspected my mind in those things. I replied, with some piece of blushing in such ane auditory, the like whereof I had never spoken, that albeit I thought myself obliged in charitie to construct all that came from authoritie in the best sense that any veritie would permitt, yet I behooved to disapprove the [Service] Book, both for matter and manner; upon these reasons, which at more length I had to shew.11 Being urged to express his reasons, he adopted the method of proving the errors of the Service-Book by shewing, from a number of works published under Laud's authority, what were the avowed doctrines of " the book-makers.11 " A number of these passages (he adds) I had perqueir; so I was heard with very great applause, and ere even[ing] was too famous a man in all the toune, and intreated, that what I had said, or could say more to thatOF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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purpose, I would put it in write ; for that way of proceeding was counted to be very advantageous to our cause."
The renewal and solemn subscription of the National Covenant, on the last day of February 1638, forms a memorable era in the annals of our Church. Copies bearing the signatures of the leading Covenanters, Rothes, Loudoun, Cassillis, Montrose, and others of the nobility, gentry, and clergy, were sent to every part of the kingdom for local subscriptions. It might well be designated a National Covenant, from the enthusiasm manifested, and unprecedented unanimity that was displayed in signing it. To obviate the inconvenience of frequent meetings in great numbers, a board of commissioners from the different orders of Supplicants, under the designation of " The Tables,1'' was instituted, who were appointed to reside in Edinburgh, to deliberate and manage all their affairs. By such means, joyned to incessant vigilance, energy, and sound judgment displayed by the Supplicants, after every attempt to overcome them or to defeat their plans had failed, the King found himself constrained to yield to their demands by withdrawing the Service-Book and Book of Canons, by abrogating the High Commission, and by giving authority to call a meeting of Parliament and a free General Assembly. Of this memorable Assembly, which met at Glasgow on the 21st November, Baillie was returned a member by the Presbytery of Irvine ; and he has furnished us with a minute and interesting account of its proceedings. Although personally inclined to advocate moderate measures, he " resolved not to be a medler in anythingand being well lodged, and having brought with him a trunk filled with books and papers, he purposed " to read, and write, and studie all incident questions.11 On the 1st of December he was appointed, along with Dickson, to bring before the Assembly the subject of Arminian tenets, with which most of the Prelates and their adherents were charged. " Arminian-isme (he remarks) is a deep, and large, and intricat subject: our time was next meeting. Whatever I doe I would doe it in earnest; so without tyme I can doe nothing; alwayes there was no remead,11 and on the 4th of that month " I read to them, out of my blustered papers that which I sent you of Arminianisme. I got thanks for it, and was fasched many days in provyding copies of it to sundrie [persons].11 On the 6th of that month, he seems also to have submitted some of his papers against the Service-Book, forming the ground-work of his Parallel; but on a subsequent day, when the question of the abjuration of Episcopacy camexxxviii
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to be discussed in the Assembly, he drew general notice upon himself, as in opposition to the votes of all the other members, " Removed and Abjured," he alone voted that it was " Removed now, but never before Abjured for, according to their interpretation, all kinds of prelatic government in the Church had been condemned by the Confession of Faith. He was likewise placed in a similar minority on the following day, in regard to the abjuration of the Perth Articles. The Marquis of Hamilton, as King's Commissioner, on the eighth day quitted the Assembly, in the hope of abruptly terminating its further proceedings; but the members asserted their own inherent privileges, and continued their meetings, until having carried their several resolutions for rooting Episcopacy out of the Church, and for re-establishing Presbytery, the Assembly dissolved itself on the 20th of December 1638.
In the spring of the following year, the King's preparations for war satisfied the Covenanters of the necessity of not remaining inactive. After presenting a respectful supplication to the King, to which the only answer given, was " the pitiful Declaration," " where we are contrare to all law and reason declared, in all the churches of England, the foulest traitors and re-bells that ever breathed; to remove the scruples that were still entertained by some of their adherents, as to opposing " our sweit Prince,11 their next care was to demonstrate the lawfulness of defence by arms. Baillie himself, who had hitherto, as he tells us, been accustomed to consider all opposition to civil authority as unlawful, was now so much convinced of its necessity, that on this head, he drew up a short paper, which was circulated in manuscript; and he also undertook to satisfy the objections of the Earl of Cassillis, who while at College had imbibed the same principles of unconditional submission with himself. When hostilities were proclaimed, and troops from various parts of the country poured into Edinburgh, Lord Eglintoun, he adds, " came away with the whole countrey at his back, and I as their preacher." The account he has preserved of the Scotish army, as they lay encamped on Dunse Law, about the 7th of June 1639, is very graphic, and exceeds in interest perhaps any passage in the whole extent of his correspondence. " It would have done you good (he says) to have casten your eyes athort our brave and rich Hill, as oft I did, with great contentment and joy; for I (quoth the wren) was there among the rest, being chosen preacher by. the gentlemen of our shyre, who came late with my Lord of Eglintoun. I furnished to half aOF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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dozen of good fellows, musquets and picks, and to my boy a broad-sword. I carried myself, as the fashion was, a sword, and a couple of Dutch pistols at my sadle ; but I promise, for the offence of no man, except a robber in the way; for it was our part alone to preach and pray for the encouragement of our countreymen. which I did to my power most cheerfullie.11 The troops were commanded by noblemen, the captains, for the most part, were landed proprietors, and the lieutenants, experienced soldiers, who had been employed in the wars of Gustavus Adolphus; the colours, flying at the entrance of each captain's tent, bore the Scotish arms, with the motto, For Christ's Crown and Covenant, in golden letters. There were some companies of Highlanders, " souple fellows, with their playds, targes, and dorlachs.11 But the soldiers were mostly stout young ploughmen, who encreased in courage and experience daily ; " the sight of the nobles and their beloved pastors dailie raised their hearts; the good sermons and prayers, morning and even, under the roof of heaven, to which their drums did call them for bells; the remonstrances verie frequent of the goodness of their cause ; of their conduct hitherto, by hand clearlie divine; also Leslie his skill and fortoun made them all so resolute for battell as could be wished. We were feared that emulation among our Nobles might have done harme, when they should be mett in the fields; bot such was the wisdome and authoritie of that old, little, crooked soldier, that all, with' ane incredible submission, from the beginning to the end, gave over themselves to be guided by him, as if he had been Great Solyman.1 Certainlie the obedience of our Nobles to that man's advyces was as great as their forbears wont to be to their Kings commands.11 He farther adds, " Had ye lent your eare in the morning, or especiallie at even, and heard in the tents the sound of some singing psalms, some praying, and some reading scripture, ye would have been refreshed.....For myself, I never fand my mind in
1 See vol. i. pp. 203, 211—214. It lias been stated that " The Covenant was received by their countrymen abroad in the Swedish service; and Alexander Leslie, a distinguished officer, was invited hy the Earl of Rothes to relurn as their future commanler to Scotland "—(Laing's Scotland, vol. iii. p. 168.) Baillie indeed mentions, (vol. i, p. Ill,) ,£ that General Leslie caused a number of our commanders subscryve the Covenant, and provided much good ammunition;" and also, (p. 191,) that the Committee at Edinburgh had the benefit of his advice, and that he called home a number of the officers of his regiments; but he himself must have returned to Scotland before any prospect existed that his services could be so required. The original passport, under the seal and signature of Charles the First, granting Sir Alexander Leslie of Balgonie permission to return to Scotland, dated the 20th March 1637 [1637-8?], is preserved among the papers of the
Earl of Leven and Melville.xl
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better temper than it was all that tyme frae I came from home, till my head was again homeward; for I was as a man who had taken my leave from the world, and was resolved to die in that service without re-turne.1' Troops animated by such a spirit, and led by old and experienced commanders, would have proved irresistible. The royal forces were encamped at a short distance, and found they had nothing to expect but a determined resistance; but, to the satisfaction of both parties, and before any engagement took place, the pacification at Berwick, which was proclaimed on the 18th June 1639, produced a cessation of open hostilities, and the army of the Covenanters was disbanded. " Many were glad of this divine conclusion," says Baillie ; and he was led to hope that " this might be the comedick catastrophe of our verie fearfull-like Episcopall tragedie.-" But Charles, unfortunately for himself and the kingdom at large, had neither the prudence nor good faith to abide long by the terms of this pacification.
By one of the Articles of agreement, a General Assembly was appointed to be held at Edinburgh in August 1639. Baillie, from his having opposed the Assembly's declaration respecting the abjuration of Episcopacy, was not returned as a member; and when he found this " somewhat disgracefull in many mouths," he consoled himself with the reflection, that he had furthered the good of the Church to the best of his power, ever since his entry to the ministry. The neglect which he thus experienced did not lessen the esteem of his friends in Glasgow, as supplications in the name of the City and University were presented to the Assembly, to appoint him to be translated from Kilwinning, as Minister of the High Church. The Reasons urged by Baillie against this request, (which was referred to the Synod of Glasgow), may be found in another part of this work. Nor was he less urgent, when the Synod met in October or November, to reiterate his Reasons against his proposed translation; it seems without effect: but when the Magistrates and Council sent a deputation to entreat him to comply with the ordinance of the Synod, he still resisted; and by the influence of powerful [friends, he succeeded for the time in being allowed to remain with his beloved flock, from whom he expressed his anxious desire never to be separated.
From what has been stated, it will be seen that Baillie had directed his studies to a careful examination of the Service-Book, and Book ofOF ROBERT BAILLIE,
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Canons, in order to ascertain the avowed sentiments of the High Church party in England, and their aspiring followers in Scotland : and being deeply impressed with the conviction that the changes contemplated both in worship and doctrine would be fatal to the cause of true religion, he had too honest a mind to hesitate in acting upon his convictions. He therefore yielded the more readily, " in the midst of his very frequent and necessary distractions," to Warriston's solicitations, to publish the result of his inquiries. He could not say, with the great English poet, that by such an occupation he " was retarded from undertaking something that might be of use and honour to his countrybut being persuaded in his own mind " that a treatise of this kind was very needfull at this tyme to be published, both to show to the Churches abroad the true state of our controversies, and to waken up the spirits of our own countrymen,11 he was thus drawn from his retired and peaceful duties at Kilwinning (in the words of Milton, on a similar occasion,) " to imbark in a troubled sea of noises and hoarse disputes, put from beholding the bright countenance of Truth, in the quiet and still air of delightful studies.11
The first fruit of Baillie's labours was his treatise, entitled " Autokata-crisis; the Canterburian's Self-Conviction ^ which bears to have been " written in March, and printed in Aprile 1640.11 This publication was the chief cause of his being afterwards selected for employment in matters of public concernment. It displays considerable learning, and the subject is treated in his own peculiar mode, the margins being filled with an elaborate display of the actual words of the chief writers whom he controverts. In the month of July that year he was returned a member of the General Assembly held at Aberdeen. Soon after this period, the Scotish forces were again called into action; and having advanced into England, they obtained possession of Newcastle. On the 15th of October a letter from the Earls of Rothes and Montrose, and other members of the Council of War, contained a request that Baillie should attend the Committee with all convenient speed at Newcastle; and bring with him a number of copies of his Treatise, " with the warrands thereof, and all such papers and proofs which may serve for that purpose.11 This was accompanied with a letter from the Earl of Argyle, at Edinburgh, repeating the same request, and the noble writer expressed a wish to enjoy his company on his way thither if he arrived at Edinburgh before Saturday night. On these pressing invitations he set off for the camp on the 22dxlii
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of October; and on this, as on a former occasion, he thought it prudent to commit to writing his " Latter Will." Both these Testaments1 have been printed, as throwing some light on the state of his private affairs.
Baillie reached the camp at Newcastle on the 6th of November, and was formally nominated one of the Commissioners who were to proceed to London, under the protection of the Great Seal, for conducting the treaty with the King. The other ministers were Henderson, Blair, and Gillespie; with whom were joined three noblemen, the Earls of Rothes, Loudoun, and Dunfermline, three barons, and three burgesses. His account of their journey from Newcastle is worthy of notice, as exemplifying the ordinary mode of travelling in those days. He describes the English inns as palaces, and the charges for entertainment as exorbitant. They were eleven days on the road, stopping the first Sunday at Darnton (or Darlington), and the following one at Ware. At the latter place, after being informed that prayers were ended, they entered the church, and " heard the minister preach two good sermons.11 Next morning they rode twenty miles before sun-rise, and reached London on the 16th. That same night the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Wentworth Earl of Strafford, also reached London ; and two days afterwards he was arraigned before the House of Lords, and sent to the Tower on the charge of high treason. One of the first occupations of Baillie was to draw up " The Charge of the Scottish Commissioners against Laud Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earl of Strafford," which was exhibited to the House of Lords on the 17th December. It was printed at the time, and Baillie subsequently refers to it as his own performance. " Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland their challenge, for the first draught and matter, was myne, though the last form, as oft all wryttes, was Mr. Henderson's.1,2 This was speedily followed with other publications; such as his " Parallel of the Liturgy with the Mass-Book," his " Antidote to Arminianism," a " Large Supplement to the Canter-burians Self-Conviction," and " The Unlawfulness of Limited Episcopacy." No portion of Baillie^ Letters has attracted more notice than that which contains his detailed account of Strafford's trial. His homely details and personal descriptions are much more graphic than the voluminous report of the proceedings and speeches published by Rushworth. We cannot
1	I have not included this in the list of his publications, because it is evidently a joint production of the Scotish Commissioners, and hears at least as evident marks of Henderson's hand as of Baillie's.
2	The first is dated the 4th of May 1639; the other the 22d of October 1640. See Vol. I, pages 245 and 267.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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commend the language which he occasionally uses ; as where he says, " when we get his head, then all things will run smooth.11 But after this bold unfortunate man was beheaded on the 12th of May 1641, matters did not " run smooth i11 and Laud, as less worthy of notice, though the prime mover in all these unhappy contests, was allowed to linger out a much longer period before he experienced a similar fate. In a printed ballad, called " Scotland's Triumph over Rome, the Second Part,11 several of the leading persons of the time are mentioned, and Baillie, among the rest:—
Bayhe is bold now with his subtile pen, At London, Laud to encounter, and defend His scrolls 'gainst England's Bishops and their minions, And in High Justice Court plead his opinions.
The sufferings of the old Puritan ministers in the early part of Charles's reign, contributed in no small degree to alienate the people of England from any lingering attachment to Prelacy; and in the progress of civil events, the subject of the reformation of church government in England, began to be widely and openly discussed. " An Humble Remonstrance to the High Court of Parliament,11 by Bishop Hall, containing a defence of Episcopacy and the Liturgy, appeared in 1640, and gave rise to a con-troversy between the Prelatists and Puritans, which was carried on with great fierceness of spirit, and asperity of language. In particular, the writings under the name of " Smectymnuus,11 in answer to Hall's Remonstrance,1 had a powerful effect, and as Calamy affirms, " gave the first deadly blow to Episcopacy.11 The Scotish Commissioners indirectly aided in the great contest which then took place with the hierarchical establishment ; but having completed the task more immediately entrusted to them,2 they returned to Scotland in the beginning of June 1641. Baillie
1	In this struggle to render Episcopacy (in Baillie's words) " a poor plucked craw," Milton joined the side of the Puritans ; and in coming forward with his Apology for ' Smectymnuus,' and other tracts, he may have been influenced by his regard to Thomas Young, one of the writers, who for some years had been his preceptor.
2	Milton in his earliest tract, alludes to " the crooked ways of perverse and cruell men," with their " poore drifts to make a Nalionall Warre of a Surplice Brable, a Tippet-scuffle, and ingage the unattainted Honour of English Knighthood, to unfurle the streaming Red Crosse, . . for so unworthy a purpose, as to force upon their Fellow-subjects, that which themselves are weary of, the Skeleton of a Masse-Book ; and commending " the wisdom, the moderation, the Christian pietie, the constancy of our Nobility and Commons of England''; lie says, " Nor must the patience, the fortitude, the firme obedience of the Nobles and People of Scotland striving against manifold provocations, nor must their sincere and moderate proceedings hitherto, be unremembered, to the shamefull conviction of all their Detractors." He then has a noble address to both Nations:— " Goe on both hand in hand O Nations never to be dis-unitcd, be the Praise and the Ileroick
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describes their voyage as tempestuous and somewhat dangerous; more especially when sailing past the coast of Northumberland, and approaching Holy Island, " great was the fear of the whole companie; yet God brought us through that death, blessed be his name ! I resolve, (he adds) if I may goe by land, never more to sail that coast."
Baillie was a member of the General Assembly that met at St. Andrews in July 3641, and he felt some alarm at the prospect of being put in nomination as Moderator. Besides the request for his translation to a parochial charge in Glasgow, he appears to have had nearly simultaneous offers of a professorship in each of the four universities; but he strongly resisted every attempt to remove him from his much-loved people and parish. These repeated solicitations however so vexed his mind, that he devised the new mode of preventing them in future, by addressing letters to Henderson, Blair, and Johnston of Warriston, to ascertain their sentiments, whether, in order to put an end to such annoyances, he could not obtain from the next General Assembly a special act in his favour authorizing him to remain unmolested in his present charge at Kilwinning. Their answers are still preserved, and concur in assuring him that any proposal* of the kind was not only unreasonable in itself, but would never be listened to. Finding thus that the Assembly which possessed uncontrolled power in such matters, might at once order him to be translated to some place less congenial to his habits than that of his birth and education, and where he still would be in the midst of his friends and relations, he, with some reluctance, in June 1642, accepted the invitation to become Dickson's colleague as joint Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow.
The chair to which Baillie was appointed, had only recently been instituted ; as, according to the terms of the grant from the revenues of the Bishoprick of Galloway, the College was obliged to maintain a new Professor of Divinity. His admission took place on the 6th of July 1642, and on that occasion he pronounced an inaugural discourse, Be Hceretico-
Song of all Posterity; merit this, but seeke only Vertue, not to extend your limits; for what needs? to win a faJing triumphant lawrell out of the teares of wretched Men, but to settle the pure worship of God in his Church, and justice in the State: then shall the hardest difficulties smooth out themselves before ye. . . . Commit securely to true Wisdome the vanquishing and uncasing of craft and suttletie, which are but her two runnagates: joyn your invincible might to doe worthy and godlike deeds; and then he that seeks to break your Union, a cleaving curse be his inheritance to all generations." (Of Reformation touching Church-Discipline in England, p. 69, Lond. 1641, 4to.)OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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rum Autocatacrisi} In accepting this office, as he entertained great scruples about relinquishing his ministerial functions, he undertook to officiate once a week, as minister of the Tron Church, without any increase of his salary as professor; but the Magistrates of Glasgow directed their treasurer to pay 100 merks " to Mr. Robert Baillie, for the transpor-tatione of his gudis to this burghe, in hope he will continue his services to the Towne."2 The following minute of the Visitors of the College serves to point out the respective duties of the Principal and two Professors of Divinity, and may be compared with his own account in a letter to Spang, 2d June 1643 :—
" Sessio 2*1. September 17, 1642.
" The Profession of Divinitie, latelie established by the Universitie, was found most necessar; and Mr. Robert Baylie, who was receaved to be a Professor, is ordained to have eight hundred pounds of stipend per annum, with a convenient lodging, or a hundreth merkes yearlie to pro-vyde one; together also with augmentation of stipend equall to the Prin-cipall and Mr. David Dickson; his entrie to his stipend, with the augmentation thereof, and ane hundreth merkes for his house, from the first of July 1642.
" Anent the teaching of the course of Theologie by the Principall, and the other two Professors, it is ordained, That the Principall expone the hard places of Scripture; goe through the commoune places of Theologie, as he was accustomed to do other yeares; and preside to the disputis;— that Mr. David Dicksoune goe through the text of Scripture, and lykewyse handle Casuall Divinitie, as he may overtak it; and that he order the students their homilizing ;—that Mr. Robert Baylie teach the contraversies; and lykwyse the Oriental Tongues, and Chronologie, as he may overtak. The course is to be ended in the space of four years, and the Facultie to see to the way of going about it.
" The Principall earnestly desyred that he might be disburdened of the greatness of the weight of the affaires of the Colledge, that lay for the present upon him; whereby he professed he was hindered exceedingly in per-
1	Thi9 discourse was afterwards printed at the end of his Opus Historicum et Chronologicum.,1663, fol.
2	On the 10th December 1642, (Memorabilia of Glasgow, p. 122) ; and in the Compteris Discharge, 17th November 1643, is this entry, " Item, for transporting of Mr. Robert Baillie his household geir, from Kilwinning to this Burghe, £66 : 13 : 4." (Ib. p. 127.) It is to be observed that these sums are Scotish money, of which Twelve Pounds were only equivalent to one Pound Sterling.xlvi
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forming the duties of his calling and professione.—The consideratione of this motione was remitted to a Committee, which was to be nominate for this and uther weightie businesses: And, in the meintyme, the Principall is desyred to go on in his part of the Profession, as his leasure may permitt, considering his present burdene ; quhilk burden the Visitors intreats him to continue under, till a way be found to disburden him, without the prejudice of the Oolledge affaires/11
It has been stated that Baillie at this time must have taken the degree of D. D.2 In one place of the College Records, he indeed has signed his name R. Baillie, Doctor et Professor SS. Theologice; which Dickson did in similar terms, while the other professors or regents also affixed the designation of their several offices; but this designation, although in nearly synonymous terms, signified nothing more than Teacher and Professor ; the term Doctor in this sense being still employed to designate an office, not an academical degree. Had such a degree been conferred on either Baillie or his colleague, they would unquestionably have made use of it; for although, at this period the Presbyterians did not confer such degrees, the title of Dr. was uniformly given to those who received it either at some foreign University, or during the times of Episcopacy, (as in the case of Howie, Strang, Panter, Forbes, and others) ; while Melville, Rollock, Boyd of Trochrig, John Cameron, Adamson, Ramsay, and other Principals or Professors of Divinity at that time, neither assumed the name, or were so designated.3 Thus the " Act concerning Mr. David Dicksone's admission to the Profession of Theologie," 27th February 1640,4 expressly states, that " the said Mr. David Dicksone promeises to undergo
1	Parliamentary Reports on the Universities of Scotland : Evidence, &c. App. p. 259, vol. ii, Glasgow, 1837, fol.
2	In some copies of the first edition of his Letters and Journals, he is described as Robert Baillie, D.D.
3	The Doctor, or Interpreter of Scripture, was recognised as a distinct office in the Church, by the General Assembly, August 1574; and a petition was presented to the Regent to appoint competent salaries to such learned men as were willing to teach in Universities. It was also the title given to the Assistant masters in Grammar Schools, the Head Master being simply called the Master, or Rector. The nature of the office in the Church was discussed by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in 1643, (see vol. ii. p. 110) ; and it was allowed to fall into disuse. A graduation of Doctors of Divinity having taken place at St. Andrews, after King James's visit, on the 29th of July 1617, Robert Howie, Peter Bruce, James Martine, Principals of the Three Colleges of St. Andrews; and also Mr. John Strang, and three other persons, " were inaugurat Doctors. Thi* noyelly, (say9 Calderwood) was brought in among us, without advice or consent of the Kirk."— (Hist. p. 656.)
4	Records of (he University of Glasgow.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
xlvii
the Office and charge of ane Professor and Doctor of Theologie within the said Colledge and the synonymous terras Professor and Teacher of Theology, occur likewise in the following minute of the College, respecting Baillie's own appointment and emoluments :
" At the Colledge of Glasgow, the thretteine day of Apryll the zere of God, Jm VJ° fourtie-thrie zeirs; fforsamekill as Mr. Robert Baillie, lait Minister at Kilvynning, being called be the Governours, Professours and Maisters of the Universitie of Glasgow, to the professione of Theologie, hes accepted the said calling, and vndertakine the Office and charge of a Professor and Teacher of Theologie within the said Colledge ; and be thir presentis obleidges him to teache weiklie publick lectors of Theologie within the said Colledge, and to attend diligentlie vpone the studentis thairof for their instructione; Thairfor, it is aggried and condiscendit be Doctor Johnne Strang, Principall of the said Colledge, Mr. Dauid Dick-sone, Professor of Theologie ther and Deane of Facultie, Mr. Robert Mayne, Professor of Medecine ther, Masters Dauid Monro, Johne Dick-sone, Dauid Forsyth, James Dalrymple, and William Semple, Regentis ther, with the speciall adwyse and consent of Mr. Archibald Flemyng of Catgill, Rector of the said Universitie; That the said Mr. Robert Baillie shal be payed zeirlie furth of the frie rentis of the Bisschoprick of Galloway, laitlie mortified and annexed to the said Colledge, ffor his zerelie stipend, frome his entrie, q1* is reckoned to be the first of July in the zeir of God Jm V Jc ffourtie-twa zeirs, during his service of the said cuire, the soume of aucht hundrethe punds money of Scotland, togidder w* one hun-drethe merks money zeirlie, for his house maill in Glasgow, and that at twa termes in the zeir, Candlemas and Lambes, or within fyftene dayes thairefter, be equall portionnes; begynnand the first termes payment thairof at Candlemes last by past, in this instant zeir of God Jm- VJC-ffourtie-thrie zeiris, and so therefter to be continowed in thankfull payment from his entrie foirsaid, during his serving of the cure within the said Colledge, furth of the said frie rentis of the Bischoprick of Galloway ; and lykwayes it is expresslie provydit, in caise the said Mr. Robert shal continow to preach within the said burgh of Glasgow, that quhatso-evir benefit or stipend he sail receave or obtaine thereby, sail be allowed be him in pairt of payment of his said stipend of aucht hundrethe punds money, and that the Colledge be releived of the payment of the sums pro tanto. And lykwayes it is aggreed and condiscended, that in caise thexlviii
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Principal!, the remanent Professors and Regentis of the said Colledge, and the Minister of Govan, sail bruike and receive zeirlie the several! augmentations of their stipends, q1* is by and attour the quantitie of the stipends quhairin they wer in possessione befoir the last Parliament, and that con-forme to the report maid to his Majestie the tyme of the said last Parliament, of the necessar charges for mantenances of the said Colledge, be the Commissioners appoynted be his Matie for that effect, and his Matie'& gift ratified in the Parliament following thereon, then, and in that caice, and in no otherwayes, the said Mr. Robert Baillie sail have also ane augmentatione of his stipend zeirlie, from his entrie, during the tyme of his seruice of the cuire, off twa hundreth punds money to be payed out of the Tentis of the said Bischoprick of Galloway. In witnes quherof, thir presents be Mr. John Harbertsone, writer, and scryb to the said Uni-versitie, ar sub4 as followis :—
R. Baillie. M. A. Fleming, Rector. John Strang, Principal. Jo. Dalrymple.	David Dickson.
Da. Forsythe.	Ro. Mayne.
W. Semple.	Da. Monro.
Jo. Dickson
But the course of Baillie's academical instructions was speedily to be interrupted by employment of a more public kind. At the Assembly, held at St. Andrews in July 1642, there was read a letter from a number of ministers at London, " shewing their desire of Presbyterian Church-Government, and a full union with our Church.''1 At the same time, Lord Maitland was appointed to proceed to England, as the bearer of a supplication to his Majesty, with authority to treat with the English Parliament for peace, agreeably to a request contained in their declaration, presented to the Assembly. After his return from this negotiation, a meeting of the Commission was held, to receive his Lordship's report; and Baillie says, " he delyvered to us the Parliament of England's returne, granting all our desyres, in abolishing of Bishops, and requiring some of our ministers to assist at their Synod against the 5th of November, or when it might be called. Of this we were verie glad, and blessed God." In compliance with this request, the meeting made choice of Henderson, Douglas, Rutherford, Gillespie, and Baillie, as commissioners to the proposed Assembly of Divines ; and upon a suggestion of Baillie's, at first disregarded,OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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but afterwards unanimously adopted, the meeting resolved upon joining in commission with these ministers three ruling elders; and accordingly appointed the Earl of Cassillis, John Lord Maitland, and Johnston of Warriston. Each and all of the commissioners expressed their disinclination for the employment; yet, as Baillie observes, " no man was gotten excused j"1 but he adds, " the miserable condition of the English affaires have yet keeped us all at home."
The great object contemplated, of settling the form of Church-Government to be established in the room of Prelacy, although delayed by the course of political events, was not forgotten. An Assembly of Divines was summoned to meet at Westminster on the 1st of July 1643, in order to consult on the settlement of the affairs of the (Church, not in the usual form of Convocation, or of a free Synod, but by an ordinance of Parliament, to which certain of their own members were joined, and commissioners from Scotland were invited. Little was however done till after the meeting of the General Assembly at Edinburgh in the ensuing month of August. Sir Henry Vane younger, and other commissioners from the Parliament of England, accompanied with two ministers, Marshall and Nye, having arrived in Edinburgh, they presented letters to the same purpose with a declaration of both Houses of Parliament, " shewing their care of reforming religion," and renewing " their desire of some from our Assembly to join with their Divines for that end ; and withall, our Assemblies dealing, according to their place, for help from our State to them." These solicitations, and the speeches of the Commissioners, suggested the expediency of framing some bond of union between the two nations, for mutual reformation and defence. The English commissioners at first were for a Civil League, the Scotish members for a religious Bond. A draught ; was submitted by Henderson of what is now known as The Solemn League and Covenant, which embraced both objects ; which being read, was formally adopted, with great satisfaction, by the Convention of Estates, as well as by the General Assembly, on the 17th of August; and it was ordered to be transmitted to the Parliament of England for their approbation. The Assembly then renewed their Commission to the members who should assist the Assembly of English Divines. Baillie was under great apprehension of being one of the three, as a quorum, who were ordered without
l Robert Douglas was an exception, as his constant employment at home, or his attendance on the army, prevented his going to London.1
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delay to proceed to London, to procure the ratification of the Covenant. The Commissioners set sail from Leith on the 30th of August; and by an ordinance of the House of Commons, on the 14th, and of the House of Lords on the 16th of September, Lord Maitland, Henderson, and Gillespie, and also Robert Meldrum, were admitted to the Assembly of Divines " to be present there, and to debate upon occasion." These Commissioners were accordingly introduced, and welcomed by the Prolocutor and others, to which Henderson made a suitable reply ; and the same day, says Dr. Lightfoot, " after all was done, Mr. Prolocutor, at the desire of the Assembly, gave thanks to God for the sweet concurrence of us in the Covenant.11 The Covenant likewise passed both Houses with singular unanimity, and was solemnly sworn and subscribed on the 25th of September. When the Assembly were permitted to consider the question of the form of Church Government to be recommended, no very sanguine hopes were entertained, according to Baillie, " of their conformitie to us, before our armie be in England. However, (he continues) they have called earnest-lie once and againe for Mr. Rutherfoord and me. The Commission hes convenit and sent for us. We are thus far in our way to goe aboord, God willing, one of those days. The weather is uncertaine, the way dangerous, pirates and shoals not scant; yet trusting on God, we must not stand on any hazard to serve God and our countrey." Having reached London in safety, on the 18th of November, the usual warrant was passed ; it being " Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, that Mr. Robert Baily and Mr. Samuel Rutherford shall' be admitted into the Assembly [of Divines], to be present there, and to debate upon occasion.11 ' Accordingly, we learn from Lightfootfs Journal, that on Monday the 20th of November, " There was read a Commission from Scotland that sent Mr. Robert Baily and Mr. Samuel Rutherford, and an order from the Houses that gave them access to our Assembly; after which, they were fetched in, and Mr. Prolocutor made a speech for their welcome.11 Baillie himself gives a similar account, and remarks, that without such an order in writing, " no mortal man may enter to see or hear, let be to sitt; and when we were brought in, Dr. Twisse had ane long harangue for our welcome, after so long and hazardous a voyage, by sea and land, in so unseasonable tyme of the year. When he ended, we satt doun in these places which since we have keeped.11
l Journals of the House of Lords, vol. vi. p. 306 ; and the Journals of Commons, vol. iii. p. 3 J 4.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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According to his usual custom, Baillie describes the appearance of the place of meeting of this memorable Assembly, with the forms of proceeding, and gives occasional notices of the chief speakers. The discussions on the various points of ecclesiastical polity submitted to their consideration, were long and tedious, however important; and have been more fully reported by other writers.1 At this time, as well as during their former mission to London, the Scotish Commissioners resided in Worcester House,8 in the City, and St. Antholin's Church3 was set apart for their use, the ministers preaching in their turn, for a time, at least, to very crowded audiences. " The people throngs to our sermon (he says in January 1641), as ever you saw any to Irwin [Irvine] communion; their crowd daylie encreases.11 Lord Clarendon also refers to their great popularity at that time. The Treaty being now adjourned to London, the Scotish Commissioners, he states, " came thither in great state, and were received by the King with that countenance, which he could not choose but shew to them ; and were then lodged in the heart of the city, near London-Stone, in a house which used to be inhabited by the Lord Mayor or one of the Sheriffs, and was situated so near to the church of St. Antholins, that there was a way out of it into a gallery of the church. This benefit was well foreseen on all sides in the accommodation, and this church assigned to them for their own devotions, where one of their own chaplains still preached, (amongst which Alexander Henderson was the chief, who was likewise joined with them in the treaty in all matters which had reference to religion;) and to hear those sermons there was so great a conflux and
resort ____ that from the first appearance of day in the morning on every
Sunday, to the shutting in the light, the church was never empty."
1	An interesting and valuable Journal of the Assembly of Divines, from 1st January 1643 to 31st December 1644, by Dr. John Lightfoot, is contained in the last volume of his Works, published at London 1824, 13 vols. 8vo. A similar Journal by George Gillespie, from September 1643 to October 1644, is still unpublished. See Vol. ii. p. 49$, and vol. iii. p. 449 [469] of the present work. Another MS. Journal, in 3 vols, is preserved in Williams's Library, Red-Cross Street London, and has been attributed, upon satisfactory grounds, to Dr. Thomas Goodwin. (Orme's Life of Owen, p. 400.)
2	This was not the house of the Earls of Worcester, which Lord Clarendon afterwards inhabited,
on the site of the present Beaufort-buildings in the Strand; but Worcester Place, the house of John
Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, Lord High Treasurer of England, also on the banks of the Thames, but
nearer the Tower.
9 The Church of St. Antholin or St. Anthony, which had been repaired in 1616, at considerable
expense, was destroyed in the great fire in 1666, but it was afterwards rebuilt.
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After stating that some attended out of humour or faction; others out of curiosity, or to discover grounds for the contempt " already felt," he adds, that their exercise or style of preaching, " except to palates and appetites ridiculously corrupted, was the most insipid and flat that could be delivered upon any deliberation."1 But such an opinion is equally prejudiced and unfounded ; as the sermons which they preached before the Houses of Parliament, and which were printed at the time, need fear no comparison with those of the most learned English divines of that age; and, as Mr. Brodie has observed, " if we may form an estimate of their pulpit-oratory from their works, we may safely pronounce that the English did not discredit themselves by flocking to hear such preachers."2
After more than twelve months unremitting diligence in prosecuting the objects for which they had been commissioned, it was thought proper that some of their number should attend the next General Assembly to report the progress that had been already made. Baillie and George Gillespie were deputed for this purpose. They set out from London on horseback on the 6th of January 1645, and reached Newcastle on the 18th of that month " verie wearie, and fashed with a long evill way," and " the excursions of the enemy from Newark, hazardous." On Sunday the 19th, after preaching in St. Nicholas's Church, they rested that day; and next morning having resumed their journey, they arrived at Edinburgh on Wednesday evening. On Thursday, being the second day of the Assembly, Baillie made a speech, shewing with what unanimity the Parliament of England had not only abolished the Ceremonies and the Service Book which were the first grounds of complaint, but had plucked up the " root and all the branches of Episcopacie in all the King's dominions;" and were in a fair way to have Presbytery established, according to the forms of the Directory that had been prepared and approved of, as suited for both Kingdoms. " Such stories lately told," he remarked, " would have been counted fancies, dreams, meer impossibilities; yet this day we tell them as deeds done, for the great honour of God, and, we are persuaded, the joy of many a godlie soul. If any will not believe our report, let them trust their own eyes; for behold here are the warrant of our words, written and subscryved by the hands of the Clerks of the Parliament of England, and the scribes of the Assemblie there." A similar statement
1	History of the Rebellion, vol. i. p. 331. Oxford. 1826, 8 vols. 8vo.
2	History of the British Empire, vol. iii. p. 41. Edinb. 1822, 4 vols. 8vo.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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being made by Gillespie, each of them was heard " with great applause and contentment of all."
Baillie took advantage of this opportunity to visit his family at Glasgow, and after an absence of sixteen months, to his great joy he found " all in health and welfare.11 He had requested some of his friends in the Assembly " to deal for his abiding at home : but there was no remeid; both of us were ordained with diligence to goe back.11 They accordingly returned by sea before the end of March. Their voyage must have been stormy, as the vessel was driven to the coast of Holland, and having taken shelter in the Maese, this interruption enabled them to land, and to spend some days at Middleburg and Rotterdam, enjoying the company of Spang, and other friends.1 In his first letter to his cousin after reaching London, Baillie says, " you know how graciouslie the Lord brought me throw the seas. The storme, a little before, had been so extraordinarie, that many here thought we had been cast away.11
He was soon after appointed to preach on a day of public humiliation before the House of Lords in the Abbey Church, Westminster, 30th of July; and he took for his subject, as he entitled his sermon, " Errours and Induration are the great Sins and the great Judgements of the Time.11 It was printed by order of the House, accompanied with the usual thanks " to Master Baylie for the great pains he took in his sermon.11 The previous year, 28th of February 1643-4, he preached on a similar occasion before the House of Commons, and his sermon, " Satan the Leader in Chief of all who resist the Reparation of Sion,11 was also printed, and, as might be inferred from the title, has special reference to the affairs of the Church. In the preface, he asserts that the first care of the State should be the settling of the Church; and glancing at the bitter fruits of anarchy, he enlarges on the slow progress made in the Assembly's consultations, and says, " if these points of Government, of Worship, of Doctrine, which yet are before us, be handled as these that are behind us ... this course ... cannot but hold us in hewing of our stones, more than a week of years, before we can begin to lay so much as the founda-
1 It appears that Baillie and Gillespie were at Rotterdam on the 5th of April, the day appointed for fasting and solemn prayer, as recommended by the " Seasonable Warning'' of the General Assembly ; and being invited to attend a meeting of Consistory, they aided, along with John Durie and Lord Forbes, in adjusting some disputes that had arisen in the Scotish congregation, of which Alexander Petrie, the ecclesiastical historian, was minister. See Dr. Steven's History of the Scotish Church in Rotterdam, p. 15. Edinb. 1632, 8vo.liv
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tion of our building."" About this time, Baillie produced his " Dissuasive from the Errors of the Time." In his dedication to the Earl of Lauderdale, he speaks of his studies on this head as interrupted, " being called away from my present station by those who set me therein, upon the occasion your Lordship knows.11 This was to return to Scotland, along with Henderson and others, to assist in healing the dissensions which prevailed among the nobility and persons of rank, in conducting the affairs of State. But when ready to set out, their journey was postponed in consequence of Henderson's indisposition, joined with the request of the London ministers, as his presence was considered indispensable for carrying through and completing the proposed measures of uniformity in Church-government and Discipline.
But while the Assembly of Divines continued to discuss such points, the contests betwixt the Royalists and the Parliament's forces, were carried on with varying fortunes. Scotland at this time was in a very miserable condition, occasioned partly by the devastations of Montrose's followers, partly by famine and a desolating pestilence ; and the consequent inability of recruiting their army in England with fresh troops and money, was attended with the most unhappy results. Baillie in one place, referring to some controverted point, " with which, we propose not to meddle in haste, untill (he adds, with quaint simplicity,) it please God to advance our Armie, which we expect will much assist our arguments and again at a later date, " had our Armie been bot one 15,000 men in England, our ad-vyce would have been followed quicJclie in all things; but our lamentable posture at home, and our weakness here, makes our desyres contemptible.1'' This delay in settling the form of Church-government was in the first instance mainly owing to the pertinacious and argumentative spirit of the Independents, who were members of Assembly and supported the principle of congregational churches ; but their opposition would have been ineffectual, had not increasing numbers in the army and the House of Commons espoused similar sentiments. It is usual to assert that the first correct notions of toleration or religious liberty originated with the Independents. The Presbyterians in both kingdoms were indeed strongly opposed to allowing toleration of any sects; and it must be admitted, that the Ecclesiastical Courts, Presbyterian as well as Prelatic, when they had the power, displayed no unequivocal symptoms of inquisitorial judicatures. Had Church-government been established in both Kingdoms, in the formOF ROBERT BAILLIE,
lv
proposed, doubtless in such an event, the rules of discipline would have been strictly enforced, and their proceedings might, in some measure, have justified the ordinary accusations of intolerance and persecution. But when we look into the history of that period, and consider the effects of such license, in the rapid growth of heresies of all kinds, and the bitter spirit that was engendered among the various sects, it would be unjust to accuse Baillie and his friends as alone chargeable with intolerance; and he himself strives to vindicate the Presbyterians from whatever could be said to evince a persecuting spirit. The Independents, it is true, asserted the right of liberty to themselves in matters of religion, and also urged the plea of toleration of all sects however erroneous ; but it is not less certain, that when the full power was in their own hands, they manifested no particular inclination to extend such liberty to their opponents; and more especially by no means to tolerate any Preacher who shall oppose that their liberty}
Neither were the Malignants or Prelatists inclined to allow such measures to pass without opposition. Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, having published some calumnious attacks on his Presbyterian brethren, Henderson had been requested to write a reply to these calumnies; but before he could commence it, owing to his increasing labours and infirmities, he was called away to Newcastle, from whence, after his well-known conferences with the King, he returned to Edinburgh, and died within eight days of his arrival, on the 18th of August 1646, to the irreparable loss of the Church and country. The task having been previously devolved on Baillie, he published " An Historicall Vindication of the Church of Scotland," which he dedicated to his old friend and preceptor Robert Blair. This was shortly afterwards followed, by a " Second part of his Dissuasive," also addressed to the Earl of Lauderdale, containing a further exposure of the new generation of Sectaries that had sprung up, in those days of universal toleration. In his former dedication, he exclaims, " would to God I that our controversies were brought to a happy period. ... Your Lordship is conscious to the first designs of the noble patriots of that your Nation, it was never their mind to have trifled so much time in jangling with their Brethren of this Isle, about new and needlesse questions; but expecting a facility of settling truth and peace within these seas, their hearts were
1 See Baillie's Anabaplism the true Fountaine of Independency, &c. Lond. 1647, 4to, and Dr. M'Crie's Miscellaneous Works, (Review of Orme's Life of Owen,) pp. 507, 509. Edin. 1641, 8vo.Ivi
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farther abroad, their thoughts were large for the propagation, not of their own, but of Chrisfs kingdom, and that not so much in the light as in the heat and life thereof? In the second dedication he laments the " wofull spectacles of our times,11 by pointing at " the danger wherein not only families, but the whole fabrick of our Churches and Kingdomes doe for the present stand ; while the Episcopall and Sectarian factions are doing their utmost endeavours to have all our former sufferings to be but short prologues to new very prolix, if not endless, tragedies C the one party, he asserts, being " demented with a frantick passion towards the government and services of the Church of Romethe other, claiming " liberty to overthrow our Parliaments, all Kings, all Lords, and this House of Commons ; to set up the individuals (as they love to speak) of the whole multitude, in the thrones of absolute sovereignty. . . . This yoak, much worse than a Turkish slavery, must be put upon our body, but a worse upon our soul,11 &c.; being " the reward which the Sectaries plead for, as due to their labours in the war against the common enemy.11 But Baillie indignantly disclaims " their great deservings,11 and asks " where did the most of them lurk when the heat of the day did scorch the valiant labourers of both Nations; when Ruthven, Newcastle, Rupert, Hopton, did keep the field with armies of any number or vigour; when noble Essex, at Keinton, had the King, in the prime vigour of his strength, upon his army ; when Leslie, about Bawdoun, was compassed for some weeks, in the bare fields with frost and snow, with wants of all kinds, with the very gallant army of Newcastle, double in number, and much better provided than any thing that Prince Rupert could bring to Naisby V Sec. And he further asks, when trumpeting their own praises, " what if such a piece of soldiery had fallen in their hands as Massie's defence, and Essex rescue of Gloucester ; as Essex and the Londoners fought at Newbury; as David Leslie^ march and medly at Philiphaugh; as Pointz enterprize near Chester?11 &c. —But to look after the " swarm of heresies and sects that darkens the sun of truth, fills the air with noxious vapours, and is ready, upon a little more encrease, to fall down on the earth, for the overwhelming of the State as well as the Church,11 was Baillie's peculiar province rather than to settle the comparative merits of military exploits; or to expose the vauntings of the Sectarian forces at their successes, when they had no longer to contend with the full strength and vigour of the Royalists, already discomfited by other arms-OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
Ivii
In December 1646, the three Commissioners who still remained in London, were each of them anxious to turn their steps homewards after such a protracted absence. Permission for one of their number, to be fixed by themselves, having been given, Baillie obtained his wish, as he could urge the sickness of his wife and three of his children, for the necessity of a speedy return to his charge in the College; while both Gillespie and Rutherford, having their wives and families with them in London, " in the dead of winter, could not easily get them transported.11 He travelled in company with the Lord Chancellor and Lord Lauderdale; and at the meeting of the Commission of Assembly held at Edinburgh, in January 1647, he presented the Confession of Faith, and the new metrical version of the Psalms.1 He also attended the General Assembly in August that year, and Gillespie having then returned, their speeches on that occasion will be found in the present work. After briefly stating, " to the great satisfaction of all,11 the progress that had been made in the several things entrusted to their management in London, and laying before the Assembly copies of the Confession, Directory, Catechisms, and Psalms, Baillie passed a deserved encomium on his two colleagues,2 Gillespie and Rutherford, and spoke in most affectionate terms of Henderson, who, having " spent his strength, and worn out his days in the service of God, and of this Church,11 " in his inmost sense,11 he esteemed, " ought to be accounted by us, and the posteritie, the fairest ornament, after John Knox, of incomparable memory, that ever the Church of Scotland did enjoy.11 Of his own labours, he spoke with becoming modesty, confessing, that in the Assembly of Divines he had remained silent, following the example of others better qualified than himself for such debates. But if merely a spectator, he was not idle ; he never " had too little adoe any dayand among other occupations he made it his business to give such information to their friends both at home and abroad, as might be required. This communicative disposition sometimes indeed involved himself and others in trouble ;3 but
1	See the Notices of our present Metrical Version of the Psalms, in which Baillie so much interested himself, in the Appendix to vol. iii. p. 525.
2	Some line3 in the form of a dialogue between the author and Eccho, in praise of Henderson, Gillespie, Rutherford, and Baillie, as " four Fathers in Divinity,'' are to be found in a scarce volume of poems entitled " Anglise Speculum, or England's Looking Glasse, by Captain William Mercer," sig. M. 2. Lond. 1646, 4to.
3	See Papers relating to Lord Digby's intercepted letter, in the Lord Savile's business, vol. ii. pp. 281-285, 487, &c. ; and his Information to Cranford, il>. p. 279, &c. ; also his letter supposed to have been addressed to Christopher Love, in December 1650, vol. iii. p 185.Iviii
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so much were his conduct and labours approved of by the English Parliament, that when he took leave of the Assembly, he received from them a public testimonial of their favour. This appears to have been a silver cup, bearing a suitable inscription, which was then voted to him, and which remained in the possession of his descendants till a recent period, if it be not still preserved.1
But while the Assembly rejoiced in the progress made in their Covenanted Uniformity they had also cause of serious alarm. The increasing power and success of Cromwell, the successive defeats of the Royalists, and the inconsiderable number of the Scotish forces remaining in England, placed the balance in the hands of the Independents, and at length put an end to the hope so long and ardently cherished of seeing Presbytery established in that Kingdom, at the very time when it seemed to be on the eve of its accomplishment. That it might have been otherwise had Scotland been able to have sent proper reinforcements instead of a small number of raw and inexperienced recruits, has already been stated ; nor was Baillie far wrong in his conjectures that in this way the discussions both in the Assembly and Parliament would have been brought to a speedier termination. When we consider the policy of the leading persons in Parliament, and how that the Assembly itself possessed scarcely the semblance of power,2 and when to all this we add the encreasing dislike that was entertained of the Scotish nation, it can be matter of no surprise that the great object of Uniformity was defeated. But although frustrated in the object itself, happily the unwearied labours, the prayers, and the keen and searching discussions of this Assembly of Divines, during a period of four long years, were thereby rendered neither unavailing nor of little importance ; and the fruits of all their anxious deliberations are enjoyed and acknowledged at the present day. It was a pertinent remark by one of the most respected divines of our Church at that time, when, speaking in commendation of " the noble friends of Sion who have put their shoulders to the work of settling Religion and the kingdome of Christ among us," he adds, " whose labours, albeit they should have no other fruit in our time than the right stateing of the question between us and all adversaries of the true doctrine, worship and discipline of Chrisfs house, as it is set down in the Confes-
1	In the possession, it is believed, of Madame Racchia, (daughter of General Baillie,) who resides in Turin.
2	See remarks in Dr. Price's History of Protestant Non-conformity, vol. ii, p. 246, &c.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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sion of Faith, in the Directory for Public Worship, and in the Rules of Government of Christ's Church drawn from Scripture warrant; yet even that much is worth all the expense of whatsoever is bestowed, by any, or all the Lord's worthies, upon religion.''''1 This country at least has now for two centuries benefited by the labours of perhaps the most learned and pious Divines ever assembled.2 The shorter Catechism contains a very brief compendium of Christian doctrine, digested with admirable skill; and to their early familiarity with this Catechism, we are disposed to ascribe much of that superiority of intellectual culture which so honourably distinguishes the peasantry of Scotland. The Confession of Faith, as well as the Catechisms, with the Forms of Discipline, and of Church-government, which were completed, and ratified at the time by the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical authorities, as the public Formularies to be adopted in the religious Union of the three Kingdoms, are still the standards of our Church; and, under the blessing of Divine Providence, we believe that these have proved the chief means of preserving in purity of faith, and close adherence to revealed truth, not only the Established Church of Scotland, but the great body of Presbyterian Dissenters throughout Great Britain and Ireland, as well as in the United States, and in the British Colonies.
From this period, except on one occasion, Baillie's pursuits and employments were limited either to his duties in the University, or to the proceedings of the ecclesiastical courts. Before his appointment as a professor, he had been one of the stated Visitors of the College of Glasgow; and in August 1643, he refers to a subsequent Visitation which had been of service " in getting all matters settled as we could have desyred." The minutes of these several Visitations contain a variety of particulars concerning the course of education, and the proposals made for its improvement.3 On resuming his duties in 1647, after the long interruption by his residence in England, Baillie was one of the chief movers in carrying into effect the Act of the Assembly, 7th of February 1645, which contained " Overtures for advancement of Learning and good Order in Grammar
1	Dickson's Brief Explication of the Book of Psalm9, 3d part. London, 1655. 8vo.
2	There is a work less known than it deserves, although the materials are unskilfully digested, entitled " Memoirs of the Lives and Writings of those eminent Divines, who convened in the famous Assembly at Westminster, in the seventeenth century. By James Reid, minister of the gospel. Paisley, 1811-5, 2 vols. 8vo.
3	See Parliamentary Reports on Universities, vol. ii, Glasgow, pp. 258, 2G1, App.
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Schools and Colledges,11 and by which it was provided that Commissioners from all the Universities of the Kingdom " should meet and consult together for the establishment and advancement of piety, learning, and good order in the schools and Universities, and so farre as is possible, an uni-formitie in doctrine and good order.11 The plan of introducing a uniform and systematic course of study to be pursued in all the Colleges, seems to have been long cherished by Baillie. Several meetings of the Commissioners took place at Edinburgh, in August 1674 and July 1648, at which he attended, as we learn from the minutes of their proceedings;1 but the scheme itself was never completed.
But to revert briefly to public affairs. " The Engagement11 as it is called, was a secret treaty between the Royalists of the two nations to assist in delivering the King from the thraldom of the English army and Parliament; and the proposal to send an army to succour Charles the First, in June 1648, was carried by a small majority in the Estates of Parliament. Such an enterprize placed this country in a false position. Hitherto the cause for which Scotland had been contending was to secure the purity and freedom of religious worship ; but by such interference the contest assumed a different character, and was in direct opposition to the spirit and tenor of the Solemn League. The expedition was strongly opposed by Argyle and others of the nobility and a great part of the nation, upon the ground either that it was a violation of the treaties with England, or that the King having refused to give an absolute assent to the Covenant, or to agree to the continuance of Presbytery in England for a longer period than three years, they could not support him on such terms. David Leslie and the most experienced officers likewise refused to act unless the Church were satisfied. The result of this unadvised and ill-conducted expedition into England2 in furtherance of this plan, was not only most calamitous in itself, but was followed by still more disastrous consequences. Instead of being of service to the royal cause, it may be said to have hastened the fate of the infatuated Monarch, who, in the policy which he so unhappily pursued, for supporting the ambition of the Prelates, and maintaining his own kingly supremacy, persevered in a course that deluged the country with blood, brought ruin upon the most
1	Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh, vol. i. pp. 218-246. See also Baillie, vol. ii. p. 464, vol. iii. p. 56.
2	See General Baillie's Vindication of his conduct at Preston, in vol. iii. p. 455. App.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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ancient and noble families in the land, and recklessly sacrificed the flower and gallant chivalry of England. The Scotish Presbyterians have most unjustly been accused as accessory to the death of Charles the First. Only one sentiment prevailed amongst them in abhorrence of his execution ; while the spirited remonstrances to the English Parliament by the Earl of Lothian, Cheislie, and Glendining, the Scotish commissioners then at London, ought to be a sufficient vindication from such an unfounded charge. It was in fact the inalienable attachment of the Presbyterians to a monarchical government, notwithstanding the hostile attitude which they were so long compelled to maintain, that proved so ruinous to the country.
At the time of his father's execution, Prince Charles was in Holland. The Estates of Parliament, immediately upon hearing of this event, passed an Act on the 5th of February proclaiming him King; while in England, on the following day, the House of Commons declared the Monarchy and the House of Lords abolished, and a Council of State was appointed to assume the government of the nation. In pursuance of their act proclaiming him King, the Estates, on the 7th of that month, resolved to send a deputation to Holland to invite Charles to take possession of the throne of his ancestors ; but the Nation being still jealously watchful of their Covenants, it was likewise concluded, that full satisfaction should previously be demanded of him for the security of religion. The persons selected as commissioners were the Earl of Cassilis, George Wynram of Liberton, and Alexander Brodie of Brodie, (both of whom were soon afterwards raised to the bench as judges in the Supreme Court), accompanied by two ministers, Robert Baillie, and James Wood of St. Andrews. On their arrival at the Hague, having obtained an audience on the 27th of March, the Earl made a speech in the name of the Parliament and Kingdom of Scotland, and Baillie one in the name of the Church. As Bailee's letters from Holland, and his speech to the King, with the detailed report by the Commissioners of their proceedings, are all included in the present work, it is here only necessary to observe, that the satisfaction required was not given; and that they returned, commending indeed " the sweet and courteous disposition11 of their youthful monarch, but lamenting his being surrounded by " a very evill generation, both of English and Scots here, who vomite out all their evill humour against all our proceedings.11 Spang's letters to Baillie in Mareh 1649, which describe his interview withIxii
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William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, previously to the arrival of the Commissioners, are possessed of peculiar interest, and may excite regret that more of his correspondence has not been preserved. A pamphlet by Bishop Bramhall, called " A fair Warning to take heed of the Scotish Discipline," contributed so much to excite prejudice against the Presbyterians, that Baillie thought himself called upon while in Holland, to devote some leisure hours to prepare an answer. This he did at considerable length; and his work was printed at Delft, with a dedication to the Earl of Cassilis, a nobleman, as the author says, second to none in " sincere zeal to the truth of God, and affection to the liberties of the Church and Kingdoms of Scotland." It speedily drew from Richard Watson, an English chaplain at the Hague, a most bitter personal invective ; but this, we learn, was, for a time at least, " carefully suppressed, by the prudence and wisdom of a most noble Prince," evidently referring to William Prince of Orange; but after whose death, at the early age of 24, in November 1650, the copies that remained in the printer's hand were brought to light and partially circulated.
The Commissioners having returned to Edinburgh in July 1649, and made reports of their proceedings both to Parliament and to the Assembly, " their carriage" was approved of, and hearty thanks given them " for their great pains and travells in that employment." Baillie declined being again employed as one of the deputation sent to treat with the King at Breda; and it would have been fortunate for this country had no further overtures been made, to induce him to visit Scotland in the following year. The subsequent public events, however, are well known, and need not be enlarged upon;—the arrival of Charles in Scotland in June 1650 ;—the victory of Cromwell at Dunbar on the 3d of September;—the coronation of Charles the Second, at Scone, on the 1st of January 1651;—the total rout of his forces at Worcester, in September following, which put an end to all his hopes, and forced him into an inactive and inglorious exile. About the same time, the surprise and capture of the leading nobles and members of the Committee of Estates, at Alyth, under General Monk's direction, while besieging Dundee,1 who shipped them off in a body to London, left Scotland defenceless, and in a short space led to such a complete change in
l Monk's letter to Cromwell, 28th August 1651, and Col. Lidcott's to the Speaker, on the 30th of that month, describing their surprise, are printed in Cary's Memorials of the Civil War in England, vol. ii. pp. 345, 350. See also Nicol's Diary, pp. 56, 108, and Baillie, vol. iii. pp. 176, 179.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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its affairs, that proclamation was made on the 6th of February 1652, that Scotland was henceforth to be governed according to the laws of England ; a strict military discipline being in fact established.
During all these events Baillie was no unconcerned spectator; and on Cromwell's advance to Glasgow on the 13th of October 1650, when the magistrates and ministers had fled, and fearing that his share in inducing Charles to come to Scotland might be visited on him as an aggravated offence, he tells us, " I got to the Isle of Comray, with my Lady Montgo-merie, bot left all my family and goods to Cromwell's courtesie, which indeed was great; for he took such a course with his sojours that they did lesse displeasure at Glasgow nor if they had been at London, though Mr. Zacharie Boyd railled on them all to their very face in the High Church." Several changes took place about this time in the College, to which it is necessary to advert. Principal Strang, " by great stuilie and violence," had been forced to resign his office; and David Dickson, in February 1650, was translated to the University of Edinburgh, as Professor of Divinity. It was then proposed to elect Patrick Gillespie as Principal, and James Durham as Professor of Divinity, but whether in the place of Dickson or Baillie, is somewhat doubtful; Durham having actually received a call to a professorship before he was appointed by the Assembly, in July 1650, to attend Charles II. as his domestic chaplain, and Baillie apparently was not promoted to be first Professor of Divinity till the 17th of January 1651,1 the date of the following minute :—
1 In the Town-Council records, we find this entry, under the date 23d January 1651. " The said day, it being reported to the Provost that the Colledge hes tane course to declare Mr James Durhame's place in this Toune and Colledge vacant, and gone about to supplie his roume with ane other, without evin awneing the Toune therin; quhilk was verie havilie takine, and a lettre ordainit to be wryttin to Mr. James recenting it; and the Magistrates kc. to speik with the Colledge theranent." Looking at the dates, this might seem to have reference to Baillie's own appointment. We accidently learn, however, from a MS. note by him, on the 26th of January, that after his own promotion, Robert Ramsay had been chosen his colleague; which fact is further confirmed by his letter to Durham, (vol. iii. p. 150.) But this opposition of the Town Council no doubt prevented Ramsay's acceptance of the office at the time, and of course it was superseded, in the month of June that year, by his higher promotion as Principal of the University.
Soon after Ramsay's appointment to the Principality, the following resolution was agreed to by the governors of the University, in order to relieve the Principal and Professors of Divinity henceforth from having any parochial charge, or exercising their ministerial functions further " than preaching of the Word, and administering of the Sacraments :"—
" 27th Julij 1651.
" The quhilk day, after incalling upone the name of God, the Moderators of the Universitie taking to their serious consideralionc, that, quhairas the office of Principall and Professours of Divinitie inIxiv
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" At the Oolledge of Glasgow, the seventeen day of Januarij 1651 zeirs. For so much as Mr. David Dicksone, late Professour of Theologie, is transported to the Oolledge of Edinburghe to exercise the said profession thair, it is aggreed and condescendit be G-eorge Lockhart, Rector of the Univer-sitie of Glasgow, Mr. Zacharie Boyd, Yice-Chancellour, Mr. Robert Ramsay,] Deane of Facultie, Maisters John Younge, William Strang, Richard Robertsone, and James Yeitch, Regents of the said Oolledge, with the speciall advice of the remanent assessours of the said Rector and Deane of Facultie, that Mr. Robert Baillie, Professour of Theologie in the said Oolledge, shall succeid to the place, stipend, and whole casualties quhilk the said Mr. David Dicksone had in the said Oolledge, be the aggreement maid with the said Mr. David at his entrie, and be the ordinance of the Yisitours of the said Oolledge appointed be the Parliament and Generall Assemblie; and namelie, that he shall have payed to him yearlie for his stipend, during his service of the said cuire in the said Oolledge, foure chalders victuall, and four hundreth pounds money of Scotland, furth of the parsonage tithes of the parochine of Kilbryde, and two hundreth pounds money foirsaid, furth of the rents of the Bishopricke of
this Universitie is of so great weight, that the greatest pairts and most diligent labours of the ablest men ar hardlie sufficient thairfoire; and in bygane tymes, at the verie earnist desyre of some of the most able, pious, and wyse Principalis, of the Moderators, after much and long deliberatione, wer moved to liberat, for all tyme coming, the Principalis from the charge of the Ministerie, quhair-unto the necessities of the Colledge, for a long tyme had tyed thame: and that none of the Pro-fessours of Divinitie hitherto haue medled farther with the Ministerie then once a -week, quhen they were disposed to preach, without intangling thameselves at all with Visitationes or Discipline. Also if Principalis and Professors sould engage in the full ministrie, it might give to the Toune and their Paroches a hand in the electione and disposeing of the labours of the chiefe Maisters of the Colledge, which the good and priviledges of the Universitie doe not admitt: For these and other grave Reasons, they did unanimouslie agree that no Principall nor Professour sail engage in the Minis-trie, nor meddle with any pairt of the Ministeriall chairg, except in preaching of the Word, and administrating of the Sacraments, and that so far onlie as the Moderators, efter due consideratione, sail find consistent with the discharge of all their dueties in the Colledge, and, by particulare concession, sail allow to thame; which they declair sail not be refuised to any quho sail crave it, so far as hes bein granted to thair Professours hitherto Mr. David Dicksone and Mr. Ro. Baillie. It was also agreed, that it is free for the Colledge to choose any for the Principall and Professours of Divinities place quho is qualified, tho they be not ministers or preachers at all: And it is agreed lykewayis, that this Act suld be insert in the Universities Register, and subscryvet, to the end it ay be communicat and aggried unto by everie Principall and Professour of Divinitie heirefter, befoir their admissione.
Geo : Lockhart, Rector.	R. Baillie.
Robert Ramsay, Principall.
Hugo Blarus, Rect. Assess.	George Young, Assess. Rect.
Rich. Robertson.	Jo. Young."OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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Galloway, and benefices annexed thairto, quhilk are mortified to the said Colledge; and that at two termes in the yeare,—viz. the one equall half thairof at Candlemas, and the other equall half upone the first day of Julie nixt theirefter. Beginnand the first termes payment at Candlemes nixt in this instant yeare of God, Jm.vj°. and ffiftie one; and the nixt termes payment upon the first day of Julie nixt to cum in the said yeare, and that for his stipend in the said Colledge from the first day of Julie the yeare of God Jm- vj°- and fiftie, untill the first day of Julie the year of God Jm- vj°-fiftie one. In respect that his entrie to his Professione of Theologie in the said Colledge, was upon the first day of Julie in the yeare of God Jm.vj° and fourtie two, quhairin he has continued since syne ; and such like that he shall have for his dwelling dureing his said cuire the house belonging to the said Colledge, quhilk the said Mr. Dauid Dicksone laitlie possessed : But prejudice allwayes to the said Mr. Robert Baillie of anie farder augmentation of his stipend, granted or to be granted be the Commissioners of the Parliament or Generall Assemblie, hauing thair power to that effect. In witnes quhairof thir presents written be Mr. Thomas Smeton, pedell of the said Colledge, ar subscriuet as ffollowis :—
R. Ramsay, Dean of Facultie.	Geo. Lockhart, Rector.
In a letter to Dickson, the 8th of March 1651, Baillie gives the following account of his occupations :—" On Monday I dyte [dictate] Theses of the Errors of the Time; on Tuesday and Friday I dyte long lessons in Chronologie ; on Thursday I have a long Hebrew lesson; Thursday before noon I wait on the Homilies, and will goe through the Directorie for preaching, prayer, sacraments, &c. Saturday is [for preparing my discourse] for Sunday. I have many letters for the publick to write every other day. I hardly enough hold up with all thir in so calamitous a time.11 The prelections on Hebrew which he delivered during the session of 1650, were printed three years later in a small volume for the use of his students; and in the view of urging a more diligent and accurate knowledge of that language, he refers to the success with which it was taught at Edinburgh by Dr. Conrad Otto, a learned Jew, who had been
Geo. Young, Assessor. Hugo Blarus, Assessor. J. Vetche.
Zachary Boyd, Vice-Chancellor. Jno. Young. Will. Strang. Rich. Robertson.11Ixvi
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invited to that University as teacher of the Oriental languages. He also commends the great erudition of Dr. Alexander Colville of St. Andrews, and the acquirements and zeal of their late principal Dr. Strang. In this enumeration it is singular he should have omitted the name of John Row, Principal of King's College Aberdeen, whose Hebrew Grammar was the earliest work of the kind that had appeared in Scotland; and who in 1651, had drawn up a Praxis of the rules or precepts of the Hebrew, which he inscribed in a joint dedication to Dickson and Baillie.1
On Durham's return to Glasgow, about March 1651, he urged his claims to be admitted to the place in the College to which he had been appointed during the previous year. Baillie opposed his admission, and, as he afterwards had occasion to regret, exerted himself but too successfully to induce him to relinquish the office ; " as we fear his deserting of the King will hurt his Majestie, and his coming hither increase our divisions.11 Durham finally accepted a call to be minister of the Inner High Church, vacated by Robert Ramsay, on his election as Principal, chiefly by Baillie's influence, on finding that his old master, Robert Blair, would not accept an invitation to that office. In his letter to Spang, 19th of July 1654, Baillie says, " I wes, both before and after [Ramsay's appointment], much dealt with by these whom it concerned, to accept that place; but I ever peremp-torilie refuised: I knew it belonged to Dr. Strang. . . I loved no changes, especially to a place of civile action ; however God guided my mind to be resolute not to meddle with it.11 But Ramsay died on the 4th of September 1651, within little more than two months of his admission ; and the office remaining vacant till 1653, the subsequent appointments by the English party, of Patrick Gillespie as Principal, and John Young as second Professor of Divinity, were sources to Baillie of much vexation and trouble. When we reflect on his long connexion with tho University, his great zeal
1 This little work was probably never printed. I lately procured a MS. copy of it, carefully transcribed by the Author himself in the year 1668, "in usum M. G. M." The following is the dedication referred to:—
" Mr0. Davidi Dicksono et Mro. Roberto Ballio, viris plurimum colendis, Edinburgi et Glasguae respective SS® Theologise Professoribus, Mr. Joan. Row S. P. D.
" Vos, Fratres Reverendi in D[omino] dilectissimi, ad hoc me seriis in[cita]stis Uteris; effla-gitationi vestrae cessi. Siquid penes me sit quo OPUS DEI promoveatur, vobis viris tantis et talibus mihi religio erit denegare. " Quare Praxin hanc Praeceptorum Hebraeae Grammaticse, munusculum levidense, crasso filo, quale quale est, vobis mihi charissirnis D. D. Q. Si hinc sit Deo gloria, si Theologiae studiosis proventus, ut ad arcana Sacrse paginae adyta facilior pateat aditus, quod in votis habui, habeo. Valete. Datum Abredaea, an. Christogonias 1651."OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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for the improvement of education, his own peculiar qualifications by his learning and acquirements, with his unwearied attention to the interests of the College, and the esteem and respect in which he was so generally held, it is matter of regret that his election to the Principality had not taken place at this time, instead of being deferred to the closing period of his life. He had also often " a weary heart these tymes bygone, for many a crosse accident both private and public.11 " After a long decaying and sickness, my most gracious and virtuous companion was removed, June 7th 1653. . . . Since, the Lord hes guided my family and six children weel as I could have expected or wished.11 About the same time he published two or three small treatises; and was employed in enlarging his work on Scripture Chronology.
But jt is again necessary to revert to political events, in order to point out the origin of those unhappy disputes which prevailed in the Church, and which occupy such a conspicuous place in the later portion of Baillie's correspondence. When Parliament met in January 1649, in order to manifest their renewed adherance to their covenanted principles, an act was passed on the 23d, called " The Act of Classes,11 from its dividing into four separate classes, according to their degrees of malignancy, the persons connected with the " late unlawfull Engagement,11 and opposed to the Covenant, who should not be entrusted with power. When Charles the Second found no other means left for attaining possession of the throne, he at length gave an insincere consent to the several demands of the Scotish Commissioners at Breda; and he arrived in this country, in June 1650, to occasion still greater dissensions. His personal conduct and manners were but little suited to the strict and severe habits of the people with whom he had to associate ; but being desirous to satisfy the Church, for the bfetter advancing of his own ends, he came under the most solemn engagements and formally renounced popery and prelacy, and declared he " would have no enemies but the enemies of the Covenant.11 Similar oaths and protestations were again taken at his Coronation in his public and solemn renewal of the Covenant. After the defeat at Dunbar, and Cromwell's continued successes, the state of the country had suggested the necessity of reinforcing the army by the admission on certain terms of persons who had been incapacitated by the Act of Classes. Such a proposal, however, was strongly opposed, and gave rise to the " Western Remonstrance,11 which condemned any approach to a junction with the Malignant VOL. I.	kIxviii
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party. When the Commission of the Assembly met at Perth, on the 14th December 1650, the following Query by the Parliament as to the admission of Malignants into the army was propounded, viz.:—" What persons are to be admitted to ryse in armes, and joyne with the forces of the kingdome, and in what capacitie, for defence thereof, against the armie of Sectaries, who (contrary to the Solemn League and Covenant, and Treaties,) have most unjustly invaded, and are destroying the king-dome V The answer was favourable, for the employment of those persons who had been incapacitated by the Act of Classes, but were able to aid in defence of the country, with the exception of such as were excommunicated and forfeited, or professed enemies to the Covenant and cause of God. This was the first Resolution. It was followed by a second Query, relating to admission to offices of the State and Judicatories, g,s proposed by the King to the Parliament, and transmitted to the Commission on the 19th of March 1651, viz. " Whether or not it be sinfull and unlawfull, for the more effectuall prosecution of the Publick Resolutions, for the defence of the cause, of the King, and Kingdome, to admit such persons to be members of the Committee of Estates, who are now debarred from the publick trust, they being such as have satisfied the Kirk for the offences for which they were excluded, and are since admitted to enter into Covenant with us V The obvious import of this question was to obtain an answer, however qualified, that should serve as an excuse for rescinding the Act of Classes, and thus secure, by their outward formal professions of repentance, the admission of such a number of the malignant party into power as might be sufficient to control the management of public affairs. The answer given to this Query formed the second Resolution, and was of an undecided and compromising character. Douglas, Baillie, and their friends, although opposed to the Engagement", were of opinion, that the laws in regard to such persons were too stringent, and ought to be relaxed; and the Estates of Parliament, acting upon their advice, on the 2d of June repealed the Act of Classes, having previously, as it was declared, by their act on the last of May, " provyded for the security of religion, work of reformation, and persons who have been sted-fast in the Covenant.1' But these Resolutions were vehemently opposed by an encreasing party, of whom the most active were James Guthrie and Patrick Gillespie in the Church, and Argyle, Warriston, and Cheisly, in the State. In July 1651, a meeting of Assembly took place at St. An-OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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drews, whence it was transferred to Dundee; and it was intimated that all who were not satisfied with these Public Resolutions should be cited, as liable to censure. This, it is alleged, was virtually prejudging the questions in dispute; and it gave occasion for those who were opposed to the Resolutions, to protest not only against inflicting such censure, but boldly to deny the lawfulness, constitution, and proceedings of the Assembly itself. The Assembly however disregarded such protestations, and passed a sentence of deposition against Guthrie and other two of the leading protesters.
Such was the origin of those disputes that rent the Church by a spirit of division during so many years, and hence the names of the two contending parties ; Douglas, Baillie, Dickson, and the more moderate of the Clergy being known as Resolutioners; the others, or the minority, as Remonstrants or Protesters. Even at this distance of time, it is not easy to form a dispassionate judgment of the matters in dispute, or at least few persons will be found to give an unqualified approbation of the conduct of either party. That in the first instance the Resolutioners acted too much on the false principle of expediency, is so very evident, that it cannot be denied. They were so greatly alarmed with the dangers threatened by the sectarian forces that had invaded their country, and they were so blinded in their attachment to the King, that they failed to perceive the still greater evils and dangers that would result either from disunion among themselves, or from co-operation with persons who were opposed to the religious principles for which they were contending. On the other hand, the Protesters must be considered as having originated this disunion by their proceedings after the defeat at Dunbar, in forming a party and raising forces in the West, and by their refusing to act along with David Leslie against the common enemy, while their Remonstrance only increased the necessity of having recourse to an alliance with those known as malig-nants. If therefore they can be said to have adhered more rigidly to the letter of their Covenant-engagements, they evinced an uncalled for degree of puritanical strictness, under circumstances of very peculiar exigency, and manifested a strong desire to usurp a tyrannical authority over their brethren. It was now that the loss of such a man as Alexander Henderson was felt,—one who by signal prudence, judgment, and decision, might have healed such divisions. Durham and Blair were solicitous to accomplish this, but without effect, notwithstanding their personal influence.Ixx
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From what Baillie states cf his own conduct at this time, it is impossible to vindicate him, in his anxious endeavours to defeat the overtures proposed for reconciling the two parties, by preventing the proposed conference for that purpose. But all his anxieties and managing interference might have been spared, as from the overbearing tone and manner assumed by the Protesters, it was clear that no kind of agreement was practicable, unless accompanied with the abject humiliation of one party. Had the Protesters displayed any thing approaching to a mild and conciliatory spirit, opportunities would not have been wanting to have accomplished such a union. The original cause of contention had been removed by the utter extinction of a malignant party in the State, under the strict military discipline exercised by the English Sectaries; and men who professed the same doctrines, and who were actuated by the same fidelity and zeal in the discharge of their ministerial duties, ought to have exhibited greater Christian forbearance towards each other. But the assumption of political power by the Church, was doubtless the actual cause of all their contentions ; and the same desires still remaining in force, were the true obstacles to their reunion. This was the more to be lamented, as the Church had then attained the position and influence for which her best friends had so faithfully and nobly contended. Unfettered by patronage or the interference of civil authority in ecclesiastical matters, supported and encouraged by the State, which had passed such acts as might contribute to the advancement of religion, freed from error and heretical doctrines, the parishes in general filled with zealous and faithful ministers, parochial schools established in all parts, under the superintendance of presbyteries, combining religious instruction with useful learning, and the very name of schism or dissent being unknown, all ranks professing their sincere attachment to the presbyterian forms of worship; it might have been expected that the Church, with enlarged views, would have pursued her career in a sphere of increasing usefulness, and proved still more eminently, than under persecutions and manifold difficulties, that she has ever been a blessing to the land.
It was the evident policy of Cromwell, while every thing else underwent a change, to leave the Church very much to its own guidance. The General Assembly which met at Edinburgh on the 20th of July 1653, was indee4 peremptorily dismissed at the time of meeting by a military force ; and no subsequent permission was granted for holding any other Assembly.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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In other respects, the ordinary meetings of Presbyteries and Synods were allowed to be held unmolested. The College of Justice had been superseded, and the administration of Justice in Civil affairs entrusted to Commissioners, who presided weekly in rotation. To some of their number others were added as a Committee for the Visitation of Universities, and for filling up vacancies in parishes. The several places of strength throughout the country were garrisoned with English troops; and the whole kingdom was laid prostrate at the feet of Cromwell. Baillie pathetically laments the state to which the country had been reduced ; most of the nobility dead, imprisoned, or in exile; their estates forfeited or overburdened with debt; the civil judicatories in the hands of English soldiers ; the garrisons filled with their troops; the clergy divided among themselves to the manifest prejudice of the interests of religion; and the people groaning under a heavy taxation. Notwithstanding all this, it must be admitted that affairs in general were then conducted with great impartiality and success; that a stop was put to lawless depredations; and that the country itself began to prosper under its new rulers.
There are few events in Baillie's life, at this period, that call for special notice. It has already been stated that Patrick Gillespie was promoted to the office of Principal of the University of Glasgow. To his admission Baillie was decidedly opposed, and protested against it, not only because his appointment had been informal, but likewise because he was a person who lay under the censure of the Church, and who in point of learning was not possessed of the qualifications necessary for the office. In other matters connected with the internal administration of the College he was also far from being satisfied; and in order to secure his own tranquillity, he purposely avoided taking any share in their proceedings. He also tells us, that by absenting himself for three years from the meetings of Presbytery or Synod, he had enjoyed more peace than he was wont to have. On the 1st of October 1656, he consulted his own domestic happiness in his marriage with Helen Strang,1 widow of Robert Wilkie, one of the ministers of Glasgow, and daughter of Principal Strang. His eldest daughter, by his first marriage, Lilias—whom he mentions in his earlier letters, as his " little Lillie11—was married about the same time " to a very good young man," William Eccles, younger of Kildonan, who entered
1 The Town-Council of Glasgow, on the 10th of March 1658, " appoynts ane seat to be macle in the Laich Kirk, for Mr. Robert Baillie and his wyfe."lxxii
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the ministry, and became minister of Ayr. JBut he had occasion to lament the bereavement of his eldest son, Robert, when about 22 years of age, and after he completed his education at the University. He is described as a youth of very sweet and amiable disposition. " The rest of my children (he says) thrive, and are well; and these are spurs in my side to mind God's service.11
Although Scotland remained during the Commonwealth in a state of comparative tranquillity, the contest of the two great parties in the Church still continued, widening more and more, and extending to all inferior ecclesiastical judicatories. It was now a struggle which party, by undermining the other, should obtain the mastery, and secure the greatest share of political influence and power. The Protesters were more especially favoured by Cromwell, as several of them had accepted the Tender acknowledging his authority and that of the Commonwealth, while many of their opponents, including Baillie, still continued publicly to pray for the King. The more effectually to secure this superiority, Patrick Gillespie and two of his friends resolved to proceed to London, and exert their personal influence with the Protector, to obtain power for an equal number on both sides to erect themselves into a Committee for visiting, purging, and planting Churches throughout the land. The Resolutioners adopted a similar course, and in August 1656, they employed James Sharp, minister of Crail, who now appears more conspicuously on the stage, as the confidential agent and representative of the Church. His Instructions, printed in the Appendix to this work, are worthy of attention. It is admitted on all hands that he displayed no common sagacity and skill in thwarting the views of the Protesters ; against whom he afterwards manifested the most implacable hatred. The letters of this period, preserved by Baillie, are sufficient to explain the course pursued by both parties, and to shew the deep interest he felt individually in supporting the Resolutioners, and encouraging such of his friends as took a more active share in these disputes. It is however always to be kept in view that he displays very strong prejudices, and that in all his statements he is too much disposed to represent the sentiments and conduct of the Protesters in the least favourable point of view. It is indeed painful to reflect how completely these unhappy dissen-
2 See conclusion of letter to Spang, in June 1658, vol. iii, p. 372__At page 286, Baillie takes
notice of his son's desire to be appointed " Bibliothecar" to the College in 1655 ; and the unfair methods taken to intrude another person in his stead, after he had received the presentation.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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sions estranged the oldest and most intimate friends. In their incessant desires for obtaining from the English the power " to purge and plant11 the " corrupt11 Church at their own discretion, as the godly party, Baillie accuses his opponents of a readiness to yield too much to the civil power, and thus to introduce a kind of Erastianism. But the indifference of the English themselves, joined to their avowed sentiments of toleration, saved the Protesters from any such gross dereliction of their professed principles ; while their party continued to receive fresh accessions in most of the young men who entered into the office of the ministry at this time.1
The Restoration of Charles the Second, 30th May 1660, was the event hailed by Baillie and his friends as promising to rescue their beloved Church from its thraldom. In such expectations they were misled by various causes. By the representations of Sharp, who accompanied Monk to London, and from thence to Holland, to invite Charles to the British^throne, they were artfully persuaded that it was as unnecessary to insist for any guarantee or stipulations from his Majesty for their security, as it would be useless to trouble him with petitions or addresses. The King's known aversion to the Protesting party had no little influence in strengthening such persuasions ; they had also Monk's professions that " Scotland hath been always dear to me,11 and " as for Presbytery, what I declare to the world, (which was both my conscience and reason,) I adjudge it to be the best expedient to heal the bleeding divisions of these poore nations and agaiD " that the welfare of your Church shall be a great part of my care? They likewise relied on the hearty concurrence of Lauderdale, Glencairne, and other courtiers. But above all, on receiving the letter addressed by Charles to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, to be communicated to other Presbyteries, dated the 10th of August, they trusted to his Majesty's pro-mise that a free General Assembly would be called, and the Church secured in its former privileges; as it was accompanied with this express assurance, We doe also resolve to protect and preserve the Government of the Church op Scotland, as it is settled by law, [viz. in 1649,] without violation. No wonder such assurances completely deceived them, and made the Presbyterians continue in their false
1 On the subject of these disputes, from 1649 to 1660, the reader will find much valuable information in a little work recently published by the Rev. James Beattie, the " History of the Church of Scotland during the Commonwealth." Edinb. 1842, 12mo.lxxiv	MEMOIR OF THE LIFE
security. In a letter to James Wood, dated from London the 29th of May 1660, Sharp mentions his gracious reception at Breda, where he " came very seasonably,11 and his having " an opportunity to give a full account of all the late transactions, and of the condition of our church and nation. He was pleased to admit me five or six times to private conferences, in which he did express a great affection to Scotland, and a resolution to restore us to our former liberties. I wondered to hear him speak of all the passages as to persons and things while he was in Scotland, with as full a remembrance and exact knowledge as if they had been recently acted, and he had lately come thence. . . . However he may be influenced as to the settling of Religion in England, (which I fear, through the prejudice of this people against that uniformity which was Covenanted for, will not be such as we wish,) yet what the Lord hath wrought in Scotland will be 'preserved and not altered by his Majestie? In writing to Lauderdale, on the 12th of September, Sharp says, among other effects produced by the King's letter, " the pulpits (were) sounding with thanksgivings and rejoycings to find our lawful King declaring his Resolution to preserve and countenance the government of this Church.'1'' He then alludes " to that calumnie spread by Mrs. Grillespy, upon her returne, of your Lordship, and believed in the West, and by Mr. Blair in Fife, that you had turned a fixed friend to the EpisGopale party in England, and they had all assurances from you, and confidence in you, that you would set up Prelacy in this Kirl. I have asserted, it was a malicious lye : and, as Mr. Blair is now turned to be a great royalist, so he doth disbelieve the report.111 The clergy in Scotland were well aware of the aversion to Presbytery entertained by the chief advisers at Court, but they* knew little of the King's true character, nurtured and brought up in the arts of dissimulation, and solicitous only for enjoying his own absolute authority, and the indulgence of his selfish and licentious inclinations. When Sharp set out for London at the end of April 1661, he had assured Baillie it was not " in order to a change in the Church? So reluctant indeed was he to listen to the reports which began to prevail in regard to Sharp's deceitful conduct, that so late as the 29th of August, he says to him, you shall deceive us notablie, and doe us a very evident evill turne before I believe it,11 But he deceived others much less credulous than " worthy Mr. Baily,11 in
1 Letters from Archbishop Sharp to the Duke of Lauderdale, transcribed from originals in the possession of Dawson Turner, Esq. for the Bannatyne Club.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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a most notable manner, at a period which exhibited, in so many lamentable instances, the fruits of political subserviency and insincere professions. Had the Church not been rent asunder by two contending parties, it is more than probable that any plan for overturning the whole platform of Presbytery would have never been adopted. It appears evident that Charles entertained no such design for several months after the Restoration ; and we may conclude that Lauderdale, as Secretary of State for Scotland, yielded with great reluctance to the proposed change ; although, to his indelible shame, he was at length brought to sacrifice all his old principles and solemn professions at the shrine of worldly ambition.1 In a letter to Robert Douglas, dated at Whitehall on the 23d of October 1660, he writes as follows: " As to the concerns of our Mother Kirk, I can onely promise my faithfull indeavours in what may be for her good ; and indeed it is no small comfort to me, in serving my master, to finde That his Majestie is so fixt in his resolution, not to alter any thing in the Government of that Church ; of this you may be confident, though I date not answer, but some would be willing enough to have it otherwise: I dare not doubt of the honest Ministers continuing in giving constant testimonies of their duety to the King, (and your letter eonfirmes me in these hopes,) and they doing their duety, i dare answer for the King, having of late had full contentment in discoursing with his Majestie on that subject. His Majestie hath told me that he intends to call a Generall Assembly, and I have drawen a proclamation for that purpose, but the day is not yet resolved on. The proclamation shall, I thinke, come down with my Lord Treasurer, who sayes he will take
1 Baillie dedicated to the Earl of Lauderdale, in 1645 and 1647, the two parts of his Dissuasive; and in a letter addressed to his Lordship, under an assumed name, (vol. iii. p. 23), he says, in a jocular manner, " When I come to paint you the third time, I shall put a ray on your brow longer than any of Moyses horns." In the same letter he speaks of sending him a small Hebrew Bible, and refers to a bargain for a copy of the works of St. Chrysostom. It may therefore not be out of place to remark, that his Lordship appears to have been possessed of more than ordinary learning. In 1677, David Fergusson published an " Analysis critico-practica Cantici Canticorum," with the Hebrew text, and explanations of every word, which he dedicated to John then Duke of Lauderdale, and adds to his several titles, " In 'EyzvxXazraiVtia, pracipve vero in Lingua Hebrcea versatissimo." During his long confinement in England, Lauderdale employed some of his leisure hours in literary pursuits, and translated into English a work by Moyses Amyraud, a celebrated French divine, which is entitled " A Treatise concerning Religion, in refutation of the opinion which accounts all indiffer* ent." Lond. 1660, 12mo, pp. [xxiv] and 539. No indication of the translator is given in the book itself, his Lordship having more important secular matters to look after; but it is ascribcd to him in a work called " Account of Scots Divines," by Laurence Charteris, Professor of Divinity at Edinburgh, who died in the year 1701.
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journey this week." With all his faults, Lauderdale can never be accuscd of hypocritical duplicity1; and, it is but charitable to believe, that till this period, at least, he was quite sincere in his professions of attachment to the Church. Whether the change that took place might not in a great measure be attributed to the designing conduct of Sharp, it would be out of place here to inquire: but Baillie's letters of remonstrance, addressed to Lauderdale and Sharp, in the year 1660 and 1661, at the very time he was acknowledging obligations to them for his advancement in the College, will always vindicate his memory from any charge of timidity or of a time-serving and wavering disposition, by bearing witness to his open, manly and pointed reproofs and warnings against their apprehended apostacy.
This brings us to the closing period of Baillie's life. Patrick Gillespie was deprived of his office as Principal of the University, for having unjustly intruded himself, in the' times of the late Usurpation; and Baillie was promoted to it on the 23d of January 1661.2 For this preferment he was indebted chiefly to the friendship of Lauderdale. Although not anxious for this office, which he tells us, he might have had many years before, he distinctly says to Sharp, " that since Dr. Strang's death, the first place in our House is no lesse than my due and just deserving, and whoever meddles with it, without my consent, is injurious."11 He then refers to the exertions made to procure the place to his colleague John Young, and adds, " I could ever have lived rather with Mr. Gillespie than with him; and if he should be the man, I think I would leave the House, and go to a country church. From time to time I have had ingratitudes and displeasures from him that hardlie I can bear long.1' In Sharp's unpublished correspondence, occur one or two passages relating to this appointment. On the 17th of September 1660, in a letter to Lauderdale, he says,—" Mr. Baily, I hear, hath wreat to your Lordship, he cannot be induced to embrace that Principal's place. The most even of his friends, and those in Glasgow, think it would requyr a man of a more active and
1	The subject has been carefully investigated by the industrious historian Wodrow, in the introduction to his History, where it is elucidated by a series of extracts from Sharp's own letters. The additional letters that hava been discovered since Wodrow's time, tend only to confirm the fact that Sharp all along had been acting most treacherously towards those by whom he was confidentially employed.
2	This is the date of the Royal Warrant for his presentation, (vol. iii, p. 422,) a delay of four months having occurred from his actual nomination to the office, (ib. p. 411.) The usual Oath, which Baillie must have taken at his admission as Principal, is not contained in the Records of the University.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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resolut temper, by whose authority the ministry of the West, for the most part corrupted, might be reduced and kept in order." On the 12th of the following month, also from Edinburgh, he writes,—" This other inclosit is from honest Mr. Baily, who I sent for to give me a meeting heer: it will give your Lordship the account of his own mind and desires. I find he is not unpersuadable ; but some are of the opinion that the West-countrey requyres a person of more acrimony and weight than they suppose to be in him : they speak of Mr. Will. Colvin ; but Mr. Douglas and I think it were hard to give occasion of grief to so good a man; and therefor, if the presentation wer sent down with a blank for the person, Mr. Baily might be induced to have it filled up with his own name, or, without any grudging, he might consent to Mr. William Colvin: but this I leave intirely to your Lordship's disposall." And again, on the 5th of February 1661, he adds,—" I shall immediatly send an express to Mr. Baily, who must own an infinit obligation to this speciall act of favour to himself1 which speaks also to others, that your noble friendship, wher it is once given, is worthy to be trusted to and dependit upon. You have redeemed that honest worthy man [from] the height of injustice and contempt designed against him." If these passages are compared with those addressed to Baillie himself, it may possibly be thought the gratitude expressed for Sharp's services in this matter, ^Vas fully commensurate to the obligations conferred.
Baillie was not privileged to enjoy much peace or satisfaction in this new office. His predecessor had involved the College funds to a considerable extent, by " his vain gloriositie" in enlarging the building, by his encreasing the number of bursers, and also by claiming large sums as due to himself. Being of a restless, active, persevering spirit, it was not lively he would patiently suffer the affront of being ejected; and in various ways, he occasioned Baillie no small annoyance, insomuch that it " does oft take my meat and sleep from me." It has been alleged that Gillespie, to secure his place and emoluments, had expressed his willingness to lend his aid in establishing Episcopacy. In the mean while Baillie set himself very industriously to bring the affairs of the University to a better state, and solicited Lauderdale, with much pertinacity, to assist in relieving the College from its manifold burdens, by obtaining a grant from the King for that purpose. But although the buildings were left unfinished,—the place burdened with debt,—with scarcely sufficient available
1 The words in italics 3r6 underlined in the original.Jxxviii
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means to support the establishment, these might in time have been remedied ; but he himself had fallen into a feeble and declining state of health, from which he never recovered. Much of this bodily weakness he attributes to the changes that seemed inevitable. All that he and his friends had been contending for during a period of twenty-four years, was threatened to be overturned : this prospect pressed heavily on his mind, and affected him in a similar manner with Henderson, at the close of his life ; for, he repeatedly says, these changes were " hastening him, to his grave;" and in the last letter he wrote, he is forced reluctantly to confess that Sharp, in his character of agent for the Church, " piece by piece, in so cunning a way, has trepanned usT Parliament assembled on the 1st of January 1661. On the 9th of February, the whole Parliamentary proceedings in the year 1649, by which Presbytery had been established on its surest foundation, were declared illegal; and still more effectually to accomplish the proposed revolution in the Church, a few weeks later, the Act Rescissory was passed, repealing in a similar manner the whole acts and proceedings of the preceding Parliaments from 1640 to 1648, thus, by one resolution, " pulling downe all our Laws at once, which concerned our Church since 1633." " My Lord," says Baillie to Lauderdale, shortly after the passing of this extreme measure, " My Lord, ye are the Nobleman of the world I esteem most and love best: I think I may say and write to you what I like. If you have gone with your heart to forsake your Covenant, to countenance the introduction of Bishops and Books, and strengthening the King by your advyce in these things, i think you a prime transgressor, and lyable among the first to answer to God for that great sin, and opening a door, which in haste will not be closed, for persecution of a multitude of the best persons and most loyall subjects that are in all the three Dominions ... I will continue to pray for you, doe what you will."
In the new state of affairs, the first step was to gratify Sharp's ambition, by his promotion to the Archiepiscopal See of St. Andrews. At the same time, Andrew Fairfoull, minister of Dunse, was preferred tq^ the See of Glasgow; Robert Leighton, Principal of the University of Edinburgh, became Bishop of Dunkeld, and James Hamilton, minister of Cambus-nethan, Bishop of Galloway. These four were consecrated at London on the 15th of December; but previous to this solemnity they slavishly submitted to be re-ordained presbyters, although, under similar circum-OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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stances, iri the year 1610, the validity of presbyterian ordination was sustained and acknowledged by the English prelates, at the consecration of Spottiswood and two other ministers from Scotland. On the 19th of April 1662, Fairfoull made his public entry into Glasgow,1 accompanied by the Earl of Glenoairne, Lord Chancellor, and by several of the nobility, and a great number of gentlemen from the neighbouring country. He was received with all due solemnity by the citizens and magistrates; and Baillie says " he preached on the Sunday soberly and well.'" He further tells us that " some of my neighbours were earnest that the Chancellor and he should have a collation in the Colledge on Monday morning. Against this I reasoned much; but was over-voted, to our great and needlesse charge: two hundred pound payed not our charge." Baillie, who was confined by indisposition, likewise informs us that John Young, Professor of Divinity, "made to the Bishop a speech of welcome, beside my knowledge. The Chancellor, my noble kind schollar, brought all in to see me in my chamber, where I gave them sack and ale the best of the town. The Bishop was very courteous to me : I excused my not using of his styles, and professed my utter difference from his way." According to one authority,2 Baillie at a former period of his life had received an offer of a Bishopric, which he absolutelyirefused, and when he was visited, during his last sickness, by the new Archbishop, is reported to have spoken as follows:—" Mr. Andrew, I will not call you my Lord; King Charles would have made me one of these Lords ; but I do not find in the New Testament, that Christ has any Lords in his house.11 If any proof however were required of his consistent opposition to prelacy, it is furnished by Wodrow the historian. His father, James Wodrow, a man of great modesty and learning, and Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow, after the Revolution, had been educated under Baillie, from whom he received much encouragement and kindness, and he " retained to his dying day the highest value for his memory.11 When leaving the College for the summer vacation, Wodrow being desirous to study the controversy between the Resolutioners and
1	In the Kingdom's Intelligencer, No. 18, may be seen a full account of the Archbishop's progress from Edinburgh on the 18th of April 1662, of his entry into Glasgow on the 19th, and the proceedings of the two following days. (Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 630.) But the Archbishop did not long enjoy his dignified situation, having died at Edinburgh, in November following.
2	Notice of Baillie's Life, prefixed to the transcript of his Letters and Journals belonging to the Church of Scotland, and inserted in the printed copy, Edinb. 1775, vol. i. p. vi.Ixxx
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Protesters, requested his master's advice what books he should read on that subject. Baillie said to him, " Jacobe, I am too much engaged personally in that debate to give you either my judgement on the whole, or to direct you to particular authors on the one side and the other.11 But taking him into his closet, he gave him the whole pamphlets that had passed on both sides, in print and manuscript, arranged in their proper order, and said, " There is the whole that 1 know in that affair ; take these home to the country with you, and read them carefully ; and look to the Lord for his guiding you to determine yourself aright upon the whole.1' On a later occasion, Wodrow visiting the Principal about a month or six weeks before his death, after some other conversation, said, " Now, Sir, Prelacy seems to be hastening upon us in this Church, and I do not know what changes may be before I see you againand therefore begged his opinion and advice in that matter; (and it was the last time ever he saw him.) Mr. Baillie answered, " Jacobe, I will not deal with you in this as I remember I did in the debate 'twixt Resolutioners and Protesters, but will tell you my opinion most sincerely in that matter. I have now for upwards of twenty years observed affairs in the Church of Scotland narrowly. I have had occasion particularly to dip into that controversy, and consider it exactly, and to know the spring of affairs since the last change in Church and State; and after my utmost pondering and trial, I am persuaded that Prelacy is disagreeable to the word of- God, contrary to the practice of the primitive and purest times of Christianity, and contrary to the real interests of these Nations; and though it be coming in, it will be but like a land-flood.11 My father added, when he told me this, " Yet it was a flood of twenty-eight years continuance.111
In Baillie's latest letter, which was addressed to Spang in May 1662, or within three months of his death, he describes his general weakness, and the nature of the complaints that had confined him to his chamber for six weeks; and it forms an appropriate termination of his correspondence. One of his special desires, he says, was to see completed a work in Latin, being his lectures on Scripture History and Chronology, delivered in the College during the year 1650 and subsequent sessions, which he had greatly enlarged, and sent over to Holland to be printed, under Spang's superintendence ; and he entreats his cousin to hasten its publication, that it
l Life of James Wodrow, A. M. Professor of Divinity, written by his Son, Robert Wodrow, A. M. pp. 29, 31, Edinb. 1828, 12mo—Wodrow's History, vol. i. p. 128, fol. edit.; vol. i. p. 288, 6vo. edit.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
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might not be a posthumous work.1 He purposed to have dedicated it to the Earl of Lauderdale, as a renewed mark of friendship and gratitude ; but no notice being taken of his request, he was forced to conclude, that such an address at that peculiar time would not prove acceptable. In the same letter he has briefly alluded to the posture of public affairs, and the state of the Church.
By the Rescissory Act, which was passed on the 28th of March 1661, it was declared, that the settling of church-government belonged to his Majesty. As his previous declaration, in August 1660, contained an express assurance, that the Church should be preserved as by law established, recourse was had .to this miserable evasion, that the laws by which Presbytery had been established were now annulled ; and that his Majesty was pleased, by an Act of Privy Council, on the 6th of September 1661, to interpose " his Royal authority for restoring of this Church to its right government by Bishops, as it was by law before the late troubles, and as it now stands settled by law.11 Baillie alluding to this change, says, " The guyse now is, the Bishops will trouble no man, but the State will punish seditious ministers. We are in the most hard talcing we have seen at any timer The State indeed began to interpose its authority, by imposing fines, by imprisonments, and by ejecting from office many of those who had been most active and zealous, both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs, under the Protector. But examples of severer punishment were also required, in order to satisfy the thirst for revenge for all the hardships, restrictions, and sufferings the- Royalists had undergone. The Earl of Middleton, Lord Commissioner, had not forgotten his excommunication, and James Guthrie, minister of Stirling, by whom it was intimated, became his victim. The blood and disgraceful execution of Montrose seemed to demand expiation, and no other would serve this purpose than his great and able rival the Marquis of Argyle, although not chargeable with half the compliances under the Commonwealth, with General Monk, who was created Duke of Albemarle, and who with peculiar baseness transmitted some of Argyle's private letters to insure his condemnation. Not satisfied with the forfeiture of Johnstone of Warriston, who might well have been suffered to drag out in exile a few years, in a state of mind and body greatly enfeebled, he was
1 Wodrow relates that. *• Mr. John Young had compendized his Chronology, (I think before it was printed), and was designing to have published it, till Mr. Bailey threatened to disgrace him."—. (Analecta, vol. i. p. 16G.)lxxxii
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hunted out, and brought back to Edinburgh to undergo an ignominious death. The monument erected to Henderson's memory in the Greyfriars Churchyard, was ordered by Parliament to be defaced, but, as the inscription on it truly affirms, Ipse sibi monwmentum in animis bonorum r&-liquit. The Solemn League and Covenants were abjured, and treated with ignominy in both kingdoms, being publicly burnt by the hangman ; and the oaths by which they were imposed, declared to be unlawful, as if such acts of indignity or any public ordinance could supersede their continued obligation with persons who had solemnly and conscientiously sworn to their observance. Lay-patronage was again restored, and it was enacted, that no minister, admitted subsequently to the year 1649, should possess any legal right to his stipend, unless he applied for, and obtained a new presentation from the lawful patron, and collation from the Bishop of the Diocese. Few persons however came forward to make such a degrading application; and recourse being had to the Privy Council to enforce the rule, an order was passed at Glasgow on the 1st of October 1662, declaring every such parish vacant, and enjoining all recusant ministers, with their families, to remove beyond the bounds of their respective presbyteries, before the 1st day of November next, who refused compliance with the terms of the Act. This iniquitous proceeding was concluded at the instance of the Archbishop of Glasgow, who assured Middleton there would not be ten in his Diocese, (the great stronghold of the Protesters), who, under the dread of such a penalty, would hesitate to comply. The result was indeed little anticipated. It was imagined that most of the leading Protesters having been silenced or removed, no serious opposition would be made, either by the clergy or people generally, to the new modelling of the Church. But it has been computed, that nearly four hundred ministers, or about one-half of all the incumbents in Scotland at that time, voluntarily sacrificed every worldly prospect and comfort, subjecting themselves and their families to unexpected want, by resigning their benefices rather than forsake their covenanted principles, by any act acknowledging and submitting to the usurpation of Bishops.1
1 Of the ministers who thus manifested the sincerity of their professions, it must be acknowledged that by far the greater number belonged to the party of Protesters, most of whom were young men, and had, within a few years, entered upon the work of the Ministry. But it should also be considered, that the Act was purposely framed not to include such men as Robert Douglas and the leading Resolutioners, who had received ordination previously to the time fixed, and they thus enjoyed at least a temporary respite or indulgence, in the hope of their ultimate conformity.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
lxxxiii
But it is not necessary to enter upon that dark and calamitous period; for, as " the righteous is taken away from the evil to come," so it was with Baillie and other eminent friends of the Church. He died at Glasgow towards the end of August 1662, in the 61st year of his age. No notice can be discovered of the place of his interment, or of any monument or inscription to his memory. Neither is any portrait of him known.1 He has however left behind him, in this Collection of Letters and Jour-nals, an enduring memorial. From a passage in a letter to the Earl of Glencairne, Lord Chancellor, in 1661, he refers to an intention he had of writing a detailed history of that period. " Since God hes put your Lordship, for the present, in the chief place of authoritie in our land and credit with his Majesty, be not content to lye by, but, as you would be faithfull to your Prince, Countrey, and Mother-Church, to which three after God ye are most oblidged, lend us now a lift; that, in the true account I may readilie give to the world and posteritie of what is past among us these thirty-six years, your Lordship's just character may be with the fairest of all, as I wish and hope it shall.'" Had Baillie accomplished this purpose, he might indeed have presented a fuller and more connected narrative, but divested probably of the very circumstances which now contribute to enhance the value of his Letters and Journals. Of the information which these Letters furnish, copious use has been made by writers of very opposite sentiments, who all concur, even while charging the author with narrow-minded bigotry and sectarian exclusiveness, in acknowledging their importance and value, as throwing much light on the spirit and policy of the Presbyterians, and as illustrating the history of that most memorable period.
In regard to Baillie's qualifications for sustaining the literary reputation of his country, it is not necessary to enlarge. It will be seen that he maintained a friendly intercourse with several eminent scholars and divines on the continent; that he took a lively interest in promoting works of learning, more especially of biblical and oriental literature, both at home and abroad; and that he enjoyed the personal friendship not only of the leading men of his own country, but also of England. An Episcopal writer near his own time, thus mentions him among the " learned men and writers1' belonging to Glasgow : " Robert Baillie, Professor of Divinity,
1 There is no portrait of Baillie belonging to the University. It is highly probable that one was at Cambroe, the property of his last male descendant, General Matthew Baillie; but after his death, the various family reliques were unfortunately dispersed, and cannot now be traced.
VOL. I.	711lxxxiv
MEMOIR OF THE LIFE
and afterwards Principal, a learned and modest man: though he published some very violent writings, yet those flowed rather from the instigation of other persons, than his own inclinations. He has left a great evidence of his diligence and learning in his Opus ChronologicumT1 The industrious historian Wodrow, who attributes his death to grief at the introduction of Prelacy, in his estimate of his literary character, says : " Mr. Robert Baillie may most justly be reckoned among the great men of this time, and was an honour to his country, for his profound and universal learning, his exact and solid judgment, that vast variety of languages he understood, to the number of twelve or thirteen, and his writing a Latin style which might become the Augustan age; but I need not enlarge on his character, his works do praise him in the gates.112 His knowledge of languages is probably overrated. In like manner Dr. Irving, who styles Baillie " one of the most learned men among the Scotish Presbyterians of the seventeenth century,'" has remarked, " This commendation of his Latinity, may admit of some abatement; for although he evidently possessed a very familiar knowledge of the language, his Latin style cannot safely be said to reach the standard of ancient purity and elegance.1'3 Mr. Brodie thus honourably associates the name of Baillie, with that of his party. " The clergy, on whom they greatly depended, were profound scholars, and no despicable politicians. Nothing can be more misplaced than the ridicule which has been so profusely levelled at that body. They proved themselves ambitious ; but, to be satisfied of their talents, and to admire their knowledge, it is only necessary to peruse their works. The writings of Baillie, even his familiar letters, breathe a manliness of spirit, and evince intelligence and erudition, that must for ever rescue from contempt, a class of which he did not conceive himself entitled to rank as the head.114
But it is unnecessary to quote the words of the various writers who have incidentally mentioned Baillie in terms of commendation.5 Of his
1	Appendix to the History of the Church of Scotland, (hy Thomas Middleton,) p. 36, Lond. 1677, 4to. The same words are repeated in more than one work. See Moodie's Scotiae Indiculum, &c. p. 214, Lond. 1682, 12mo. M'Ure's History of Glasgow, p. 227, Glasgow, 1736, 8vo.
2	History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland, vol. i. p. 128, fol. edit. ; vol. i. p. 288, 8vo edit, by Rev. Dr. Burns of Paisley, Glasgow, 1838, 4 vols.
3	Lives of Scotish Writers, vol. ii. p. 55.	4 History of the British Empire, vol. ii. p. 506.
5 In the second edition of the Biographia Britannica, Dr. Kippis has inserted an account of
Baillie's life; and similar notices are contained in other biographical works, in Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, in Chambers's Scottish Biography, in the last edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and in Dr. Irving's Lives of Scotish Writers.OF ROBERT BAILLIE.
Ixxxv
own writings, he seems to have formed a very modest estimate.1 Of these, whether printed or manuscript, a full and minute list is subjoined to this Memoir, accompanied with a copy of his Last Will and Testament. This Appendix also contains Notices of his Family and Descendants, and an account of his cousin William Spang, to whom so many of his letters were addressed.
In conclusion, it may be observed, that this series of Letters furnishes ample materials for judging of Baillie's personal character and dispositions. If from several of his private communications, he appears to have, been somewhat credulous, and of a sensitive disposition, cherishing aristocratic notions, and actuated by strong party-feelings and prejudices, inseparable from ordinary humanity, his Letters at the same time abound with the most convincing proofs of his warm attachment to his personal friends, his unwillingness to injure any of his opponents, and his readiness on all occasions to avow errors in judgment; while they bear witness to his innate modesty, his fervent piety, his firm adherence to covenanted religion, and his ardent love of learning, and above all, to his own unimpeachable integrity. Such a man could not fail to be esteemed in all the private relations of life. His native City and its University, with which he was so long and intimately associated, may well boast of him, as one of their chief ornaments during the seventeenth century. And, as the Church of Scotland should ever cherish the memory of those faithful and devoted ministers belonging to her Communion who have, in times of peril or difficulty, asserted her inalienable rights as a Christian Church, so, among the number of those kindred spirits, who have " obtained a good report, through faith,11 in bearing their testimony to the truth, an honourable place ought unquestionably to be assigned to ROBERT BAILLIE.
D.L.
Edinburgh, August 1842.
l See vol. iii. pp. 478, 479.—In Baillie's Animadversions on a pamphlet by Tombes, the English Anabaptist, he says, " I think you much mistaken, while you suppose that the pamphlets of this unhappy time, and among the rest your's and mine, will ever be looked upon by after ages ; Dream not that such papers as ours will so long escape the teeth of the blatts and mothes, the chops of pottin-gars, and baser uses : such high conceits of our writings beseem not ourselves, unless with crowes
and apes, our own brood be too beautiful in our eyes, most because our owne."APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
No. I.
THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF MR. ROBERT BAILLIE. August MDCLXII.
The testament testamentar and inventar of the goodis, geir, debtis, and soums of money quhilkis perteinit to vmquhile Master Robert Baillie, Principall of the Colledge of Glasgow, within the City therof, the tyme of his deceis, wha deceist in the moneth of August last bypast Jm. VI0. thriescoir twa zeiris, ffaithfully maid and givin vp be his awin mouth, in swa far as concerns the vpgiveing of the first artickle of the debtis awand, in nominatione of his executouris, tutouris testamentaris to his bairns, and legacies underwryttin; and partly maid and givin vp be Mr. Hendry Bayllie, only lawfull sone to the defunct, and Helen Strang, relict of the defunct, only conjunct executouris testamentaris nominat be him, in swa far as concerns the vpgyveing of the inventar of the defunctis goodis and geir remanent debtis awand in, and debtis awand out; as the Defunctis Testament and Letter-will of the dait eftir specifiet, in the self at mair lenth maks mentione.
Inventar.—Item, the Defunct had the tyme of his deceis forsaid, per-teining and belonging to him as his awin proper the goodis and geir vnderwryttin of the pryces followeing, viz. in the first the defunctis haill bookis estimat worth IIm. lib. Item, of ready lyand money, Ic. xx. lib. Item, the insicht and plenisching of the defunctis hous, in vtencillis and domicillis, with the abulziementis of the defunctis body, estimat (by and attour the air-schip) worth ij°. lib.
Summa of the Inventar, .	. . Ijm.iijc.xx. lib.
Debtis awand in.—Item, ther was awand to the Defunct the. tyme of his deceis forsaid, the soums of money followeing, be the persons vnder-wrytten, viz. In the first, be the executouris of vmquhile Doctor John Strang, Principall of the College of Glasgow, his father in law, be his Testament, iij°.xxxiij lib. vi s. viij d. Item, be the Laird of Luss and his cautioners, be ther band, half ane zeiris annuelrent, of sevin thousand merkis preceiding the term of Whitsonday, 1662 zeiris instant, ic.xl. lib. Item, be the Laird of Corshill and his cawtioners, be band, for half a zeiris annuelrent of twa thousand merkis, preceiding the said term of Whitsonday last bypast, xl. lib. Item, be the Laird of Coninghameheid, for a zeir and ane half zeiris annuelrent, of tfie principall soume of twelf thousandlxxxviii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. I.
and fyve hundreth merkis, preceicling the said term of Whitsonday term last bypast, vij°.l. lib. Item, be the Lord Cochran and Sir Adam Blair of Lochwood, for ane zeiris annuelrent, preceiding the said term of Whitsonday last bypast, of twa thousand merkis principall soume, lxxx. lib. Item, be the aforsaid Laird of Luss, for half ane zeiris annuelrent, of ffyve thousand merkis principall soume preceiding the said term, quhilk soume was contractit and assignit be the said Helen Strang to the defunct, i°. lib, Item, be the Laird of Blaire, for half ane zeiris annualrent, preceiding the said term, of wther fyve thousand merkis principall soume, i°. lib. Item, mair be him restand of preceiding zeiris annuelrents of the said soume, attour the said half zeiris annuelrent, lxvi. lib. xiij s. iv d. Item, be the Colledge of Glasgow, of stipend four chalders of meell, pryce of the boll therof vij lib. vi s. viij d. inde iiij0. lxix. lib. vi s. viij d.; with twa chalders of beir, pryce of the boll therof viij lib. inde ij°. lvi. lib. and vii°. xxxiij lib. vi°. viij d. of silver. Item, mair be the said Colledge for ilk quarter of four quarters boording of the defunct, quhilk the said Colledge was in vse to pay to the defunct for his table, at xlviij lib. the quarter, inde ic.lxxxxij lib.
Summa of the Debtis in,	.	Iijm.ijc.lx. lib. xiij s. iv d.
Summa of the Inventar and Debtis, Vmvc.lxxx. lib. xiij s. iv d.
Debtis aw and out.—Item, ther was awand be the Defunct, the tyme of his deceis, the soumes of money efter specifeit, to the persons efter mentionat, viz.—In the first, to Margaret Porter, of fie and bounteth the said zeir, xxviij. lib. Item, to Catherin Scott for half a zeiris fie, the said zeir, viij. lib. Item, to Agnes Clerk, for half a zeiris fie, the said zeir, viij. lib. x s; and to Jonet Buchannen, of fie, the said zeir, vij. lib.
Summa of the Debtis out. .	lij. lib.
Restis frie geir debtis deduceit,	. Vm. vic. xxviij. lib. xiij. iv d.
To be divydit in thrie partis. Deidis part is, im. vc. ix. lib. xis. i d. ob.
Quota be compositioun, xxxvij lib. xvs. vid.
Followis the Deidis Letter-will and Legacies.
At Glasgow, the aughtein day of August 1662 zeiris.—The quhilk day Mr. Robert Bayllie, Principall of the Colledge of Glasgow, being seikly and infirm of body, but off perfyt memory, knowing nothing mor certan then death, and nothing mor vncertan then the tym and hour of caus, he maks his Testament and Letter-will as followes Quhairin he recommendis his soull to God, trusting only to be saved throw the merits of Jesus Chryst, his Redeimer and Saviour, and earnestly desyreing God to par-doune his many sins from his bairn age, and in Chrystis blood to mack him cleane and acceptable in his sight. And as for his worldly affairis, he, be thir presentis, nominats, macks, and constitutis Master Hendry Bayllie, his only sone, and Helen Strang, his beloved spous, his only exe-cutouris and vniversall intromittouris with his haill goodis, geir, debtis, and soums of money quhatsumevir belonging to him, with full power to them to give vp inventar therof, debtis awand in and out. Item, he leives in legacie to the said Helen Strang, his spous, ffyve hundreth merkis Scottis that is zit resting to him by vmqle Doctor Strang's Testament, and the second silver tanker; Togidder with all the insycht plennisching and houshold stuff schoe brought with hir at hir mariage, conform to ane inventar therof, subscrivit with his hand, of the dait the aughtein day of Junij 1662 zeiris instant; Togiclder also with the haill rest of the insychtNo. II.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
lxxxix
and plenisching of his hous by the airschip, onyways made or bought, since hir coming to his house, that shoe pleisis to tack. Item, he leives in legacie to Helen Bayllie, his dochter, the silver pottinger; and to Elspeth Bayllie, his other dochter, the leist silver tass. Item, he lieves in legacie to the persons following the particular soums followeing, viz. to Agnes Clerk, nyne pundis Scotis; to Catherin Scott, aught pund ; to Margaret Porter, vij lib ; to Bessie M'Alpin, viij lib ; to Jo11 Graham, ten pund; to Jo11 Dinn, ten pundis ; to Jonet Donald, ten markis; to Christen Herriot, ten merkis; to Jo4. Wallace, fyve merkis; to Richard Bayllie, twenty merkis ; and to [a blank in the MS.] fyve merkis. Item, he leivs to the Colledge the bookis followeing, viz. Aristotle's workis in Greik and Latin, twa volums; Item, Buxtouris [BuxtorfFs] Dictionary; Item, Lucian's workis in Greik and Latin, in folio, ane volum. Item, he leivs to the said Helen Strang, his spouse, Mr. James Durham's twa volums; Item, all Mr. James Fergusson and Mr. Alexander Nisbitis workis; togidder with als many of his awin English bookis as schoe de-syris. Item, his debtis and legacies being payit, he leivs the haill rest of his third part of his haill goodis, geir, and debtis to the said Master Henry Bayllie, his sone, with his haill remanent bookis, except ane quarter therof, quhilk he leivs to Mr. Wm Eckles, his sone-in-law. Item, in caice the said Master Hendry, his sone, depart this mortall lyff before his law-full mariage, then and in that cais he leivs and ordains his portion naturall and legacie to fall and belong to his four sisters, viz. to Lillias Baillie, his eldest sister, ane thousand merkis Scottis, and to Helen, Elspeth, and Mary Bayllies, his wther sisters, to ilk ane of them two thousand merkis. Item, if any of the saidis Helen, Elspeth, or Mary Baillies depart this lyfe befor ther lawfull mariage, then and in that cais, he leivs and ordains ther haill portiouns quhatsumevir to fall and belong to the said Mr. Hendry Bayllie, if he be on lyf. And in cais Mar* Bayllie, his yongest dochter, depart this lyf befor hir mariage, or at leist befor schoe be of the age of twelf zeiris complet, then and in that cais, he leivs and ordains hir haill portioun quhatsumevir of ten thousand merkis, provydit be him to her in his contract of mariage with hir mother, the ane half therof to fall and belong to the said Mr. Hendry, his sone, and the other half therof to hir four sisters, Lillias, Helen, Elspeth, and Mary Bayllies, proportionally amangst them. Item, he nominatis and constitutis the said Master Hendry, his sone, tutor-testamentar to the said Mary Bayllie, his yongest sister, during hir pupillarity, and als nominatis and constitutis the said Helen Strang, his spous, tutrix-testamentar to the said Margaret Bayllie, hir dochter, dureing hir pupillarity. And last, he ordains and appointis all his children to honour and reverence his said Spous as ther mother, and in nothing to give hir offens; desyreing them all to obey and fulfill this his letter-will, as they wold desyre his speciall blessing; quhilk he accordingly lives them, and prays the Lord to bliss them all in lyf and death. In witnes quherof, thir presentis, wryttin by Mr. Jo11 Herbertson, notar in Glasgow, and subscrivit with his hand as followes. Att day, yeir, and place forsaid, befor thir witnessis, James Cuthbert, porter to the said Colledge, and the said Mr. Jon Herbertson, wryter heirof.
Sic subscribitur, R. Baillie.
James Curbett, witnes. Mr. J. Herbertson, witnes.
I, Mr. Wm Fleming of Ferm, Commissr of Glasgow, be the tenour
heirof, ratify, approve, and confirm this present Testament and Inventar,xc
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
in swa far as the samin is leillily and treuly maid and givin vp, nothing omittit furth therof, nor sett within the just availl therm conteinit; and give and committ full power of intromission with the goodis, geir, and debtis abovewryttin, to the saidis executouris testamentaris above nominat allenerly, with power to them to call and persew therfor, if neid beis, becaus they have maid faith, as vse is, and fund cation as law wall, as an act maid thervpon at lenth beiris. Att Glasgow, the sextin day of Decr 1662 zeiris.
The quhilk day compeirit personally Mr. Wm Ecldes, minister at Air, and of his awin consent actit and obleist himself as cawtioner and soverty for Mr. Hary Bayllie, and Helen Strang, executouris confirmit to vmqhile Mr. Robert Bayllie, that the goodis, geir, debtis, and soums of money conteinit in the defunctis confirmit Testament, sal be furthcomand to all parties haveand entres as law will; and the saidis executouris oblis them-selv, conjunctly and seuerally, to releive ther said cawtioner of his ca17 above-specifeit, and of all danger theranent, as also to releive otheris executouris. Quhervpon they askit actis. Befor thir witnessis, Wm Selkrig, wryter in Glasgow, James Cuthbert, porter in the Colledge, and James Lees, mer\
Sic subscribitur, Will. Eccles, Helen Strang, Mr. Henry Bayllie.
W. Selkrig, witnes. Ja. Lees, witnes.
No. II.
LIST OF BAILLIE'S PRINTED WORKS.
I.—The Oanterburians Self-Conviction. 1640.
1.	" Ladensivm "attokatakpixis, The Oanterburians Self-Conviction: or, An evident demonstration of the avowed Arminianisme, Poperie, and tyrannie of that faction, by their owne confessions; with a postscript to the Personat Jesuite Lysimachus Nicanor, a prime Canterburian. Written in March, and printed [at Edinburgh] in Aprile, 1640." 4to. Collation, title, 10 leaves not paged of " Summa Capitum," and the Preface ; pp. 128, (page 115-122 being erroneously repeated as 107-114,) with a leaf " Escapes of the Printerand " A Postscript for the personat Iesuit Lysimachus Nicanorpp. 28.
2.	" Ladensivm 'attokatakpixis, The Oanterburians Self-Conviction, &c." 1640-41. Reprinted under the above title, at Amsterdam, as appears from the subsequent edition. It contains the same number of leaves as the previous edition, (except the leaf of Errata, which is omitted, although these corrections were not attended to,) but printed with a smaller type, and in a more illegible form ; and the preface, which in the original copy is Italic type, in this reprint is in Roman character.
3.	" Ladensivm attokatakpisis, The Oanterburians Self-Conviction, &c. (as above.) The third Edition augmented by the Author, with a large Supplement. And corrected in Typographicke faults, not these onely which in a huge number did escape through negligence and ignorance that Printer at Amsterdam, but these also, which in the very first EditionNo. II.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
xci
were but too many. Helped also in sundry materiall Passages, wherein the Author hath received better information. [London,] printed for Nathaniel Butter, 1641. 4to." Collation, title, ten leaves, and pp. 131, followed by a separate title, " A Large Supplement of the Canterburian Self-conviction. Opening to the World, yet more of the wicked Mysteries of that Faction from their own Writs. Imprinted, 1641.11 This portion contains pp. 80, (erroneously marked 70, while there are no pages 39-40, 49-50,) besides the title, and a leaf of Errata ; with " A Postscript for the personate Iesuite Lysimachus Nicanorpp. 37, separately numbered.
4. In some copies of this edition the preceding title was cancelled, and the following substituted :—" The Life of William now Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Examined. Wherein his principall Actions, or Deviations in matters of Doctrine and Discipline (since he came to that Sea of Canturbury) are traced, and set downe, as they were taken from good hands, by Mr. Robert Bayley, a Learned Pastor of the Kirk of Scotland, and one of the late Commissioners sent from that Nation. Very fitting for all judicious men to reade, and examine, that they may be the better able to censure him for those things wherein he hath done amisse. Reade and Judge. London, printed for N. B. in the Yeare of Grace 1643." No other alteration was made, the above title to the " Large Supplement,11 dated 1641, being still retained.
2.—Parallel of the Liturgy and Mass-Book. 1641.
1.	" A Parallel or Briefe Comparison of the Liturgie with the Masse-Book, the Breviarie, the Ceremoniall, and other Romish Ritualls. Wherein is clearly and shortly demonstrated, not onely that the Liturgie is taken for the most part word by word out of these Antichristian Writts ; but also that not one of the most abominable passages of the Masse can in reason be refused by any who cordially imbrace the Liturgie as now it stands, and is commented by the Prime of our Clergie. All made good from the Testimonies of the most famous and learned Liturgick Writers, both Romish and English,—By R. B. K. [Robert Baillie, Kilwinning.] Seene and allowed. London, printed by Thomas Paine, and are to be sold at the Castle, in Cornhill, 1641.
Other copies instead of this imprint, have simply, " Printed in the Yeare 16414to. Collation, title, 5 leaves of preface, and pp. 95. At page 85 is " A Compend of the preceding Treatise, in a Speech at the Generall Assembly of Glasgow, 1638.'"
2.	This treatise was republished after the Restoration, without the
author's permission or knowledge : See his letter to Lord Lauderdale, 9th
September 1661, (vol. iii. p. 478). In one thing, however, he was mistaken,
in asserting that nothing was reprinted " but the title-page alone, by some
cheating printer there, to make some old copies of the first and only impression sell. However, believe me, I know no more of that cheater's
deed than the child unborn; nor know I at all who is the man.11 Baillie
was probably misled in this assertion by seeing a copy with the altered title
of 1641; but the edition that was complained of, bears this title :—" A
Parallel of the Liturgy with the Mass-Book, the Breviary, the Ceremonial, and other Romish Rituals. Wherein is clearly and shortly demon-
vol. i.	nxcii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
strated, not onely that the Liturgy is taken for the most part word for word out of these Antichristian Writs; but also that not one of the most Abominable passages of the Mass can in reason be refused by any who cordially imbrace the Liturgy, as now it stands, and is commented by the Prime of our Clergy. All made good from the Testimonies of the most famous and learned .Liturgick Writers, both Romish and English. By that Reverend and faithful Preacher of God's Word, Robert Bayly, late of G-lasco in Scotland. Printed in the year, 1661." 4to. Collation, title, 4 leaves, and pp. 80. At p. 73 is " A Compend of the preceding Treatise, in a speech at the Generall Assembly of Glasgow, 1638."
Some' remarks on Baillie's Parallel are subjoined to a tract entitled, " Beaten Oyle for the Lamps of the Sanctuarie; or the Great Controversy concerning Set Prayers, and our Liturgy examined." By Laurence Womock, afterwards Bishop of St. Davids. Lond. 1641, 4to.
3.—Antidote against Arminianism. 1641.
1.	" An Antidote against Arminianisme ; or a plain and brief discourse wherein the state of the Question in all the five infamous Articles of Ar-minius is set downe, and the Orthodox Tenets confirmed by cleere scriptu-rall grounds. Framed of purpose for the capacity of the more simple sort of People. By R. B. K. [Robert Baillie, Kilwinning.] London, printed for Sa. Gellibrand, m.dc.xli." 12°. Collation, title, 7 leaves " To the sequitable Reader,11 and pp. 114. This little volume was intended to serve as a short and simple manual of such controversies.—The author says, " In its first birth it was a Speech delivered upon a short warning in the Generall Assembly of Glasgow, 1638, and there not mislikt. Since that time, it hath not increased much in stature.11
2.	A number of copies of this little volume remaining unsold in the publisher's hands, it was brought out with a new title in 1652 as follows :— " A Scotch Antidote against the English Infection of Arminianism. Which little Book may be (through God's blessing) very useful to preserve those that are yet sound in the faith, from the Infection of Mr. John Goodwin's great Book. By Robert Bailie, Minister of the Gospel at Glasgow. London, printed for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Ball in Paul's Church-yard, 1652.11 The changes made, consist in six leaves at the beginning being reprinted, in order to omit the first three leaves of the text. The address " To the ./Equitable Reader11 is preserved unchanged; but the Antidote itself, instead of commencing on page 1, with " The Coherence of this Antidote with the former Self-conviction" [of the Canter-burians], begins on page 7, with " Who Arminius was;" and ending, like the original copies, on page 114.
4.—Unlawfulness of Limited Episcopacy. 1641.
While the Scotish Commissioners were in London, at Strafford's Trial, there was published anonymously,—" The Vnlavvfullnes and Danger of Limited Prelacie, or Perpetuall Presidensie in the. Church, briefly discovered. (3 John 9, &c.) Printed in the yeare, 1641." 4to, 12 leaves.No. II.]	APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR. ' xciii
From what Baillie states (vol. ii. p. 40,) the author of this tract appears to have been Alexander Henderson. Soon after a reply to it appeared as " A Modest Advertisement concerning the present Controversie about Church-Government; wherein the maine Grounds of that Booke, intituled, The Unlawfulnesse and Danger of Limited Prelacie, are calmly examined. London, printed for Robert Bostock, Anno 1641." 4to, 11 leaves. A MS. note on the title of a copy in the British Museum, ascribes this tract to Dr. Morley, who became Bishop of Winchester; but Baillie, who was no doubt well informed on this head, has ascribed it to Dr. Eglionby or Aglionby, (vol. ii. p. 40.)
To this pamphlet Baillie speedily published a rejoinder, under this title :— " The Vnlawfvlnesse and Danger of Limited Episcopacie. Whereunto is subioyned a short reply to the Modest advertiser and calme examinator of that Treatise. As also The Question of Episcopacie discussed from Scripture and Fathers. By Robert Bailly, Pastor of Killwunning in Scotland. London, printed for Thomas Vnderhill, at the Bible in Wood-street : 1641.'''' 4to. Collation, title, and pp. 47.
Baillie's tract seems originally to have appeared anonymously : at least in some copies his name is omitted. One of these in the Glasgow University Library, (A. H. 13, 6,) has on the title-page written in Baillie1 s hand, " For his much belovit Brother, M. G. Yong." The leaf after the title contains the following address :—
" To the equitable Reader.—Some moneths ago there came out, from a learned and very judicious hand, a small treatise to prove the unlawfulnesse and danger of limited Prelacy. Shortly thereafter, there appeared in answer to this, a modest Advertisement, and calme Examination, which was sent enclosed in a letter, from a Bishop of prime place, to a Stationer for the press, written whether by the Bishop himself, or a friend of his acquaintance, a Doctor of good esteeme, I do not know. Some very few days after the first appearance of this answer, the reply following was readie, albeit till now it could not get the benefit of a presse. I confess the Reply is not suitable to the great worth of the first Treatise, but if it do sufficiently retund with cleere reason, all that the Answerer has opposed, it attains its end. of this performance be thou the judge, unto thy discretion I freely permit the pronouncing of the sentence. I could wish from thy hands but one not very unreasonable favour, that thou mightest be pleased to call for, & compare all the three Writs which are al but short, that thou wouldst lay together in every passage, first, what the Authour did say, Secondly, what the Bishop or Doctor does answer, and thirdly, what is here replied. This little labour will enable thee from due consideration to make they equitable decree in the court of thy conscience, according to which thou mayst cheerfully proceed, first, to thy hearty desires, and thereafter, as thy calling permits, to thy best endeavours, either for the holding up or pulling down this much agitate estate of Bishops. Farewell
On the last page is this notice:—" The Stationer to the buying Reader. —Loving Reader, bee pleased to take notice that the question of Episcopacie discussed from Scripture and Fathers, promised upon the title of this Book, was intended by the Reverend Author to be joyned to this Reply, but some weighty cause having brought this to publike view first, and by itselfe, I thought good (after the printing of the said title, in service both to him and thee) to give notice of it. I rest,	Yours, T. V.nxciv
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
It appears that Baillie, on leaving London, had left various papers in the Printer's hands, (vol. i. p. 357) ; but he himself for some time was ignorant whether or not they had been published, and it seems almost certain, that " The Question of Episcopacy discussed from Scripture and Fathers," never was printed. There are one or two English tracts of the time under nearly a similar title ; but no copy of Baillie's treatise can be discovered in any collection.
In the Bodleian Library there is a volume of Baillie's collected tracts, presented by the Author to Selden in 1644; and no doubt had this " Question of Episcopacy" been actually printed, it would not have been omitted. The volume contains his Sermon 1644, the Canterburians Self Conviction, 1641, the Large Supplement, 1641, the Parallel, 1641, and the Unlawfullness of Limited Episcopacy, with the following inscription,—" For the most lernd, his noble friend, Mr. Selden, in testimony of his high respect.	R. Baillie."
This Greek motto, " The future (is) unseen," also occurs on a copy of his Sermon 1644, in the Editor's possession, but the first line of the inscription has been cut off by the binder, which contained the name of the person to whom it was presented " in testimony of my grit affection and
5.—Sermon before the House of Commons. 1644.
" Satan, the Leader in chief to all who resist the Reparation of Sion. As it was cleared in a Sermon [on Zech. 3. 1, 2,] to the Honourable House of Commons, at their late solemn Fast, Febr. 28, 1643. By Robert Baylie, Minister at Glasgow. Published by order of the House of Commons. (Micah 6. 9, and 7. 8, 9.) London, printed for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Brasen Serpent in Pauls Church-yard, 1643." 4to, pp. [xii.] and 54.
The Epistle Dedicatory, signed Robert Bayly, is thus addressed, " For the Right Worshipfull, his much honoured friend, M. Rous, one of the Members of the Honourable House of Commons." Prefixed is the order, " That Mr. Rous does from this House give thanks unto Master Robert Baylie, for the great paines he took in the Sermon, .... and to desire him to print his Sermon." It is dated 1643, according to the English mode of reckoning at the time, but the year was 1643-4.
6.—Sermon before the House of Lords. 1645.
„ Errours and Induration, are the Great Sins and the Great Judgements of the Time. Preached in a Sermon [on Isaiah 63. 17,] before the Right Honourable House of Peers, in the Abbey-Church at Westminster, July 30,1645, the day of the Monethly Fast: By Robert Baylie, Minister at Glasgow. (1, Thess. 12. 10, 11, 12.—Math. 7. 15.—Math. 15. 14.) London, printed by R. Raworth, for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Brasen-Serpent in Pauls Church-yard, 1645." 4to. Collation, pp. [ix.], 44, and leaf not paged, containing this notice :
" Die Jovis, 31 Julij 1645.—Ordered by the Lords in Parliament, That Master Baylie, who preached yesterday before the Lords of Parliament
Apr. 18, 1644.
respect,
R. Baillie.'No. II.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
xcv
in the Abbey-Church Westminster, it being the day of the Publike Fast, is hereby thanked for the great pains he took in his Sermon, and desired to print and publish the same; which is to be printed by none but such as shall be authorised by the said Master Baylie.
J oh. Brown, Cler. Parliamentorum.
" I do appoint Samuel Gellibrand to print my Sermon.
Robert Baylie.11
7.—Dissuasive from the Errors of the Time. 1645.
1.	" A Dissvasive from the Errours of the Time : Wherein the Tenets of the principall Sects, especially of the Independents, are drawn together in one Map, for the most part, in the words of their own Authours, and their maine principles are examined by the Touch-stone of the Holy Scriptures. By Robert Baylie Minister at Glasgow. (Jer. 3; Jude v. 3.) Published by Authority. London, printed for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Brasen Serpent in Pauls Church-yard, 1645.11 4to. Collation, pp. [xxiv.] 1 to 96, and 101 to 252.
This work has a dedication, " For the Right Honourable the Earle of Lauderdaile, Lord Metelane,"1 dated " Londone, Novemb. 19, 1645.11
2.	The work was so well received, that on the 15th January following, the Author writes, " I thank God my Dissuasive hes done no evill here ...The whole first impression is sold; the second I expect to-morrow." There is no difference however between the two impressions except that the date is changed from 1645 to 1646.
In 1648, a large volume was published as " A Survey of the Summe of Church-Discipline, &c." by Mr. Thomas Hooker and Mr. John Cotton. The; latter entitles his portion, " The Way of Congregational Churches cleared : In two Treatises ; in the former, from the Historical Aspersions of Mr. Robert Baylie, in his book, called A Disswasive from the Errors of the Time : In the latter, &c. By Mr. John Cotton . . now Teacher of the Church at Boston, in New England.1' Lond. 1648, 4to.
8.—Historical Vindication. 1646.
" An Historicall Vindication of the Government of the Church of Scotland, from the manifold base calumnies which the most Malignant of the Prelats did invent of old, and now lately have been published with great industry in two Pamphlets at London. The one intituled Issachars burden, &c. written and published at Oxford by John Maxwell, a Scottish Prelate, excommunicate by the Church of Scotland, and declared an unpardonable Incendiary by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms. The other falsely intituled A Declaration made by King James in Scotland, concerning Church-Government and Presbyteries; but indeed written by Patrick Adamson, pretended Archbishop of St. Andrews, contrary to his own conscience, as himselfe on his Death-bed did confesse and subscribe before many Witnesses in a write hereunto annexed. By Robert Baylie Minister at Glasgow. Published according to Order. London, printedxcvi
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Brasen-Serpent in Pauls-Churchyard, 1646.11 4to, Collation pp. [xvi.], 79, and 56.
The Epistle Dedicatory, " For his Reverend and welbeloved Brother, Mr. Robert Blaire, Minister of St. Andrewes," is dated " Worcester-House, July 29th, 1646. This work is divided into two parts; the first with the title " The Unloading of Issachar's Burthen,1' contains pp. 79 ; the second, or " An Answer to the Declaration," pp. 56.
9.—Second Part of the Dissuasive. 1647.
" Anabaptisme, the True Fountaine of Independency, Brownisme, Antinomy, Familisme, and the most of the other Errours, which for the time doe trouble the Church of England, Unsealed. Also the Questions of Psedobaptisme and Dipping handled from Scripture. In a Second Part of The Dissuasive from the Errors of the time. By Robert Baillie, Minister at Glasgow. (Zach. 13 2; 2 Pet. 2, 1, 2.) London, printed by M. F. for Samuel G-ellibrand, at the Brazen Serpent in Pauls Churchyard, 1647." 4to. Collation, pp. [xxxii.] and 191, the last 10 pages (of Contents, &c.) not being numbered.
It has an Epistle prefixed, " For the Right Honourable the Earl of Lauderdail, Viscount Metellan, Lord Thirleston and Bolton," dated " Worcester House, the 28th Decemb. 1646."
10.—Answer to Bishop Bramhall's Warning. 1649.
1.	"A Review of Doctor Bramble, late Bishop of Londenderry, his Faire Warning against the Scotes Discipline. By R. B. G-. [Robert Baillie, Glasgow]. Printed at Delf, by Michiel Stael, dwelling at the Turf-Market, 1649.11 4to, pp. [viii] and 91.
This treatise was in reply to " A Faire Warning to take heed of" the Scotish Discipline, as being of all others most Injurious to the Civil Magistrate, most Oppressive to the Subject, most Pernicious to both. By Dr. John Bromwell, Lord Bishop of London-Derrie, in Ireland. Printed in the year 1649." 4to, pp. 36. Some copies of this edition omit the author's name (Bramhall, vulgarly pronounced Bramble) in the title-page ; and it afterwards reprinted. It was this tract to which Baillie refers in his letters from the Hague, as so much calculated to prejudice the King against the Presbyterians.
Prefixed to Baillie's Review, is a letter " For the Right Honourable the noble and potent Lord John Earle of Cassils, Lord Kennedy, &c. one of his Majestie's privie counsel, and Lord Iustice generall of Scotland ;" dated from the " Hague this	1649." A note at the end contains
a list of Errata, stating that these and many others were occasioned by " the Author's absence from the presse the whole time of the impression, and the Printer's unacquaintance with the English language."
2.	Baillie's treatise was republished, with greater typographical correctness, (probably at London, although bearing Delph on the title-page,) as follows :—
" A Review of the seditious pamphlet lately published in Holland by Dr. Bramhell, pretended Bishop of London-Derry ; entitled, His faireNo. II.J
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
xcvii
Warning against the Scots Discipline. In which, His malicious and most lying Reports, to the great scandall of that Government, are fully and clearly refuted. As also, The Solemne League and Covenant of the three Nations justified and maintained. By Robert Baylie, Minister at Glasgow, and one of the Commissioners from the Church of Scotland, attending the King at the Hague. Printed at Delph, by Mich. Stait, dwelling at the Turf-Market, 1649." 4to. Collation, pp. [viii.] and 71, erroneously marked 64.
Baillie's Review of BramhalFs pamphlet drew forth a very long and bitter reply, entitled " akoaotgos or a Second Faire Warning to take heed of the Scotish Discipline, in vindication of the First, (which the R* Reverend Father in God, the Ld Bishop of London-Derrie, published A0 1649,) against a schismatical and seditious Reviewer, R. B. G. one of the bold Commissioners from the Rebellious Kirke in Scotland, to his Sacred Ma-jestie K. Charles the Second, when at the Hage, By Ri. Watson, Chap-lane to the R4 Hoble the Lord Hopton. Hagh, printed by Samuel Broun, English Bookeseller. 1651.'" 4to. Collation, pp. [xx.], 204, and 4 leaves of the table. Prefixed is a very scurrilous letter against Baillie, addressed to Watson from his " unfained, affectionate friend, brother, fellow sufferer, and servant, Rob. Creighton," dated from " Utrecht, in the very Ides of December 1650.""
3. After the Restoration, some copies of these tracts remaining unsold in the publisher's hands, they were bound together, with a new title-page, as—" Three Treatises concerning the Scotish Discipline. 1. A Fair Warning to take heed of the same : By the Right Reverend Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Derrie. 2. A Review of Dr. Bramble, late Bishop of London-Derry, his Fair Warning, &c. By R. B. G. 3. A Second Fair Warning, in Vindication of the First, against the Seditious Reviewer: By Ri. Watson, Chaplain to the Right Honourable the Lord Hopton. To which [third treatise] is prefixed, A Letter written by the Reverend Dean of St. Burien, Dr. Creyghton. Hagh: printed by Samuel Broun, English Book-seller, 1661."
11.—Praxis Grammatics HebrjEs. 1653.
" Appendix Practica ad Ioannis Buxtorfii Epitomen Grammaticae Hebraeae. In gratiam Tyronum qui in sacri textus penetralia, absque longis ambagibus, & profundiori scrutinio manuduci desiderant.. Una cum Quaestionibus aliquot Hebraicis Grammaticae usum demonstrantibus, in collatione cum Originali, Versionum Chaldaicae, Graecae, Latinae cum vul-gatae turn Tremellii ac interlinearis Montani; etiam Gallicae Bezae, Italicae Deodati, Belgicae Dordracenorum, & Anglicanae tam veteris quam novae, in textibus aliquot illustribus ; ubi Interpretes cum longissime a seinvicem, Saepe tamen parum aut nihil ab Hebraeo descedere videntur. Praelecta Studiosis Linguae Sanctae in Academia Glasguensi. Anno 1650, hora locoque solitis. Edinburgi, excudebat Andreas Anderson, 1653." Small 8vo. Collation, pp. [xvi.] and 112, followed by the " Qusestiones Hebraicae, pp. 48."xcviii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
12.—Cateci-iesis Elenctica Errorum. 1654.
" Cateciiesis Elenctica Errorum qui hodie vexant Ecclesiam, ex nudis sacrae Scripturse testimoniis, in brevibus ac claris Quaestionibus ac Re-sponsionibus proposita. In gratiam studiosse Juventutis Academiae Glasguensis. Imprimatur, Edw. Calamy. Londini, excudebat Thomas Maxey, impensis Sa. Gellibrand, Bibliopolae Londinensis, 1654." Small 12mo, pp. [xvi.] 175.
This Catechism is dedicated, " Reverendo clarissimoque viro D. Davidi Dicksono, Sacrae Theologiee in Academia Edinburgena Professori, Salutem.
(Signed) Tuus in Ohristo Frater, R. Bailie.11
Grlasguse, 4 Oal. Sextilis 1653.
In the dedication, he says, " Ista autem tibi (Reverende Frater) in-scribo, non tantum ut meorum studiorum tibi rationem redderem, prout a puero semper consuevi, sed ut cum gaudio perciperes eandem in Academia Glasguana orthodoxiam ad hunc diem perseverare, ringente licet et contra nitente magna cum arte, turn vi Satanee quam tu nobis discedens commis-sisti, et ut perpetuo frueremur (pro tuo virili) egregie sategisti.11
13.—The Dissuasive Vindicated. 1655.
" The Disswasive from the Errors of the Time, Vindicated from the Exceptions of Mr. Cotton and Mr. Tombes. By Robert Baily, Minister at Glasgow. London, printed by Evan Tyler for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Golden Ball in Pauls Churchyard, 1655." 4to. Collation, pp. 88, (pages 32-34 being omitted), besides 2 leaves of Errata and " The Preface, Apologizing for the Authours long silence.11
The work by Cotton to which this Vindication refers, " The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared," 1648, has already been noticed. Baillie in the Second part of his Disswasive, pp. 91-2, having made some observations on Tombes1 s Exercitation and Apology for his Two Treatises concerning Infant Baptism, Tombes, whom Baillie calls " a learned and very bold man,11 felt aggrieved by these remarks, and failing to receive any private redress, to what Baillie calls " a long and very bitter letter,11 he presented a complaint to the Synod or Assembly, or as Baillie describes it, "a printed process of false accusations before the Provincial Synod of Glasgow, and the Generall Assembly of Scotland, my true Superiors and very proper Judges,11 which constrained Baillie to break " the bonds of his resolved silence" to all his opponents. Before this answer appeared, some reference to Baillie1 s former Treatise, occurs in the 19th, 20th, and 31st chapters of Tombes's " Antipsedobaptisme, the Second Part," 1654, 4to, at the end of which, among his other publications, he includes, " An Addition to the Apology, in a Letter to Mr. Robert Baillee of Scotland." This is not mentioned in the enumeration of his works, given in Wood^ Athenae Oxon. (vol. iii. p. 1063,)—but a copy of it is preserved in the Bodleian Library, and to the kindness of the Rev. Dr. Bliss, I am indebted for the following notice of this very curious tract. The title is :—
" An Addition to the Apology for the two Treatises concerning Infant-Baptisme, published December 15, 1645. In which the Author is Vindicated from 21 unjust Criminations in the 92 page of the Book of Mr. RobertNo. II.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
xci.x
<( That in pursuance of the Solemne Covenant taken by me, to endeavour reformation in God's worship, according to the word of God ; I published Two Treatises about Infant-Baptisme at London, December 15,1645, and an Apology for them in August 1646, and that in the year 1647, a book intituled Anabaptisme was published at London, by Robert Bayly, Minister of Glasgow; wherein I was wronged by many grievous false accusations : concerning which I have (as near as I could) followed the rule of Christ, Mat. 18. 15, 16, 17, as maybe perceived by the close of the letter to Mr. Bayly himself. For after 1 had advertised him by Mr. Henry Scudder, of the injury he had done me, I wrote to him July 22, 1647, which letter was delivered to Mr. Samuel Rutherford Sept. 17, 1647, with Directions how to send back. And in the year 1649, I wrote a letter to Mr. Rutherford, to certify me what became of my writing delivered to him ? with desire to know what Mr. Bayly would do to right me; yet after so long waiting, I find no remorse or righting of me made by the said Mr. Robert Bayly: And therefore I do devolve the matter into your hands, being taken for the Church, to which such complaints should be made, according to the rule, Mat. 18.17. and do expect to have right done by you to him and me, as to a Fellow-Christian—Presbyter—and Covenanter with you, as is meet in such a cause concerning the truth of God, and inno-cency of your Brother. And forasmuch as the charge against him and proof may be evidently seen in this letter to him, and his and my writings, (which [if you please to take notice of,] you may easily come by;) I presume you will not expect my personal appearance before you to pursue this Complaint; but of yourselves examine the matter, as 1 conceive the rule of Christ binds you ; besides the engagements towards a Fellow-Covenanter in the sixth article of the Solemne League'and Covenant, and permit your fellow-servant to attend the work of Christ, in the place where he is seated; who shall pray for your welfare; and continue
Your Brother and Fellow-Servant in Christ,
London, Sept. 24, 1650.	John Tombes."
" The conclusion requiring reparation of the wrong done to me by Mr. Baillie.
" Now Sir, I referre it to your self to judge whether any Author, Papist or Protestant, have in so small a compasse as one page of a leafe in 4[t0], and some few lines in another so wronged his adversary, as you have done me in so many false accusations, tending to beget prejudice against my writing, and hatred against my person. Which I take the worse from you as being done not onely to a fellow-Christian, and a fellow-Protestant, but also to a fellow-Minister of the Gospel, whose life and labours are not very obscure; yea to a fellow-Covenanter, and one with whom you ate bread at his and others invitation, out of the desire I had to hold amity with you, and the Churches from whence you came.
w Bewdley in Worcestershire, July 22, 1647"
15.—Opus Historicum et Chronologicum. 1668.
1. " Operis Historici et Chronologici Libri Duo ; In quibus Historia Sacra et Profana compendiose deducitur ex ipsis fontibus, a creatione Mundi ad Constantinum Magnum, et quaestiones ac dubia Chronologica, quae ex utroque Testamento moveri solent, breviter & perspicue explicantur & vindicantur. Sacrae Theologise Studiosis dictati in Academia Glasguenis vol. i.	0c
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
Anno clo Ioc l. & aliquot sequentibus. Per D. Robertum Baillium, SS. Theologize ibidem Professorem primarium. Una, cum tribus Diatribis ibidem dictatis, quarum prima est de Hsereticorum autocatacrisi; Secunda, An quicquid in Deo est, Deus sit; Tertia de Praedestinatione. Amstelo-dami, apud Joannem Janssonium. Anno clo Ioc lxiii.-" Folio, Collation, pp. [xx.] 307 & 155.
The dedication by the publisher, " Sereniss. &c. Principi, Frederico Guilielmo, Dei gratia Marchioni Branclenburgico, &c." is dated " Amstel. xvi Novembris 1662. Sereniss. Oelsitudinis tuse cultor humillimus Joannes Janssonius." This is followed by " Judicia Virorum clariss. de Auctore et ejus Opere Historico-Ohronologica,—11 1st, by Gisbertus Voetius, S. T. P.; 2d, Joannes Hoornbeeck, T. P., addressed to William Spang; and 3d, by Georgius Hornius.
2.	The copies remaining unsold were republished with new title pages, and the addition of an Index. An engraved title bears, " Roberti Baillii opus Historicum et Chronologicum. Amstelodami, apud Johannem a Someren. Anno 1668. W. Jansen Binneman sculp.'" This is followed by a printed title, " Operis Historici et Ohronologici Libri Duo ; In qui-bus, &c. (as above, the words " ex utroque Testamento,11 being changed to " ex V. & N. Testamento and the two lines u Sacrze Theologiae Studiosis, &c." omitted). Una, cum tribus Diatribis, quarum &c. (as above). Per D. Robertum Ba[i]llium, SS. Theologize ibidem Professorem primarium in Academia Glasguensi. Accedit nunc primum Index Generalis turn locorum S. Scripturse quam Rerum & Verborum locupletis-simus. Amstelodami, apud Joannem a Sommeren, Anno clo Ioc lxvin." This new Index occupies six leaves.
3.	Another edition of the work was published at Basel, in 1669, folio ; and in Watfs Bibliotheca Britannica, an edition of the Three Dissertations subjoined to the work, is said to have been printed at Amsterdam, 1664, 8vo.
16.—Letters and Journals. 1775.
1.	" Letters and Journals, written by the deceased Mr. Robert Baillie, Principal of the University of Glasgow. Carefully transcribed by Robert Aiken. Containing an impartial account of public transactions, Civil, Ecclesiastic, and Military, both in England and Scotland, from 1637 to 1662 ; a period, perhaps, the most remarkable that is to be met with in the British History. With an account of the Authors Life prefixed : and a Glossary, annexed. Vol. I. (and II.) Edinburgh : printed for W. Gray, Edinburgh ; and J. Buckland, and G. Keith, London, mdcclxxv.11
2.	The above title, in many of the copies, was cancelled, and the following substituted:—
" Letters and Journals : containing an impartial account of Public Transactions, Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Military, in England and Scotland, from the beginning of the Civil Wars, in 1637, to the year 1662 : a period, perhaps, the most remarkable and interesting in the British History. Now first published from the MSS. of Robert Baillie, D. D. Principal of the University of Glasgow, who was actively concerned in those transactions. With the Life of the Author, and a Glossary. In Two Volumes.No. II.J
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR,
ci
Vol. I. (and II.) Edinburgh: printed for William Creech and William Gray. Sold, in London, by J. Buckland, G. Keith, and Messrs. Dillies. mdcclxxv." 2 vols. 8vo, Collation, pp. viii. 456 and 466. See page ix. of the preface, for some notice of this edition.
In addition to the above works, various tracts have been ascribed to Baillie, either under erroneous titles, or such as were circulated only in manuscript. Among these are " Queries anent the Service Book," in 1638 ; " The Question of Episcopacy discussed from Scripture and the Fathers," in 1641; and a " Reply to the Modest Enquirer,11 1651, this last being evidently his " Unlawfulness of Limited Episcopacy," 1641, quoted under a different title, and a mistaken date.
But Baillie assisted in the publication of the writings of others, more especially of two of his predecessors.
1.	He appears to have had some concern in completing the posthumous work by Robert Boyd of Trochrig, Principal of the University of Glasgow, and, for a short time, of Edinburgh, entitled " Roberti Bodii a Trochoregia Scoti, S S. Theologise in Academiis Salmuriana, Glascuana, et Edinburgena Professoris eximii, in Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad Ephesios Prselectiones supra CC." &c. Londini, 1652, folio. Prefixed to. the work is a preface or dedication by the authors son, John Boyd of Trochrig; this is followed by Dr. Andrew Rivet's " Epistola de Vita, Scriptis, Moribus, et foelici exitu Roberti Bodii," &c. addressed to William Spang, and " Ad Lectorem Epistola," signed R. B. and dated " Glasguse, Idibus Sextilis, 1651." This last, containing some recollections of Boyd, was written by Baillie ; and the Author's son refers to these communications in the following terms :— " De Auctore ad aliorum provoco judicia. Doctissimo Riveto, cujus nomen in Ecclesiis usque adeo eelebre est, ut intime cognitus, ita arctissimo amoris nexu conjunctissimus. Robertum Balliolum, virum doctum pariter, et modestum, discipulum habuit, qui multa et ipse observare, et ab aliis ob-servata ab ipsismet haurire poterat, utpote qui jam in Academia Giascuensi Theologiae Professoris munere fungitur. Horum Epistolas legat qui scire volet Quis et Qualis fuerit Robertus Bodius."
2.	To the posthumous Commentary on the Book of the Revelations, by James Durham, Lond. 1658, folio, Baillie furnished a short commendatory Epistle. This will be found reprinted in the present work, vol. iii. p. 583.
3.	Baillie acted as literary executor to Dr. Strang, in the publication of his posthumous writings. Of this learned divine, the best account is contained in Chambers's Biographical Dictionary ; but a brief outline of his life may be here given.
John Strang, born in 1584, was a native of Irvine, of which parish his father was minister. In early life he was brought up by his stepfather, Robert Wilkie, then minister of Kilmarnock ; and when 12 years of age, was sent to St. Leonards College, St. Andrews, where he was placed under the care of his kinsman, Principal Wilkie. In due time (in 1613), he became minister of Errol; in 1617, he had the degree of D.D. conferred on him at St. Andrews, at the time of King James's visit to Scotland ; and,cii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. II.
in 1626, he was translated to Glasgow as Principal of the College. His conduct at the General Assembly in 1638, exposed him to the suspicion of the Presbyterian party; but through the influence of his friends, both on that and subsequent occasions, he escaped censure, when his orthodoxy, in some points, was unjustly called in question. He was induced, however, to resign his office as Principal, (retaining his salary), on the 19th April 1650, and devoted the latter period of his life to revising his works for the press. He died at Edinburgh, on the 20th June 1654, in the 78th year of his age, (vide vol. iii. p. 251.)
His Testament is dated 21st March 1654 ; and he names " Mr. Robert Baillie, Professor of Theologie in the College of Glasgow,11 as one of the advisers to his executors ; and adds, " I recommend to the said Mr. Baillie the caire of revising and printing my treatises, De Judice Controversiarim et Perfectione Scripturce; Item, De Providmtia seu Voluntate Dei circa Peccatwm; and for that effect I lieve to him the soume of one thousand pundis to advance the printing thereof and should this sum be insufficient, his executors were enjoyned to supply the deficiency.
Of these works the first published was entitled " De Voluntate et Ac-tionibus Dei circa Peccatum, libri IV.11 Amstelodami, 1657, 4to. The MS. was sent by Baillie to Spang, and was edited by Alexander Morus. A considerable delay occurred in the publication of his other work, which contained a Life of the Author, written by Baillie hi 1657, but not published till twelve months after his death: viz. " Tractatus de Interpretation et Perfectione Scripturae, cum Autoris Vita, et Opusculis Varus" Roterodami, 1663, 4to.
It will be observed, from Baillie's own Testament (p. lxxxviii.) that 500 merits of the money that had been left to him by Dr. Strang was still unpaid; and in the interim, having married one of his daughters, for his second wife, Baillie leaves this sum to her as a special bequest.
No. III.
LIST OF BAILLIE'S MANUSCRIPTS.
I.—Letters and Journals. 1637-1662.
1.	As stated in the Preface, the Original MS. forms 3 vols. 4to., in the possession of the Church of Scotland, having been purchased by order of the General Assembly in 1737. The six leaves at the beginning of the First Volume are lost, and cannot be supplied from any of the transcripts. Fol. 7 commences with the fragment of a letter, dated August 1636, and the volume ends on fol. 380, with the letter dated 26th July 1643. The Second Volume contains 280 leaves, and ends with October 1647. The Third Volume contains 303 leaves, and ends with May 1662. There are at the end of this volume a number of blank leaves, some of which are occupied by various detached notices gleaned from the MS. itself, (but with references to the pages of the transcript in 1701,) in the handwriting of the Author's grandson.
2.	The first complete transcript of this MS. was apparently the copy that was made, under the direction of the Author's grandson, in the year 1701, and which, as has been elsewhere stated, remained for more than a centuryNo. III.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
oiii
in the possession of the family. It is now the property of the Rev. Thomas M'Orie, Edinburgh. This copy is in 4 volumes folio, the first vol. being bound in two parts ; and is slightly injured with damp.
3.	From this transcript in 1701, a similar copy in 4 volumes folio, was made between 1720 and 1730 for the Rev. Robert Wodrow; and was purchased for the sum of i?10 from his executors, for the Library of the Church, by authority of the General Assembly, 17th May 1740.
4.	From the same transcript, another copy in 3 vols, folio, was made for the Library of the University of Glasgow. From the College Records, 19th April 1768, and 17th of May 1769, various sums were ordered to be paid to Robert Aitken for transcribing it; and he evidently was the same person whose name appears on the title-page of some copies of the printed edition of the Letters in 1775.
5.	The copy of the first volume, in folio, in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland was probably also made from the transcript
6.	According to a description of the Harl. MS. No. 6004, folio, pp. 212, obligingly communicated by Sir Frederick Madden, it appears that the volume contains only partial selections or extracts, rather than copies of entire letters ; and was no doubt made from the 1st volume of the 4to MS. previous to the complete transcript in 1701.
The Original MS., as already stated, is unfortunately imperfect at the beginning, wanting the first six leaves. On the last page, the author's grandson has commenced a partial index as follows :—
" To Mr. Spang, 1636, [fol.] 1.—To Mr. A. Cunningham, 2.—To Robert Liviston, ibid.—[To] Mr. Jo. Bell, 3.—Mr. Spang,	ib. 5.
—Elizabeth,	ib.—Sr. Ja.	—Mr. W.	, 7.
—Mr. Spang, ib.—The Archbishop of Glasgow, 11, Sec.""
The difficulty of decyphering Baillie's own hand, in which the earlier letters probably were copied, no doubt occasioned these blanks in th& names, and prevented the earlier leaves from being copied by the transcriber in 1701. The following is a fragment of the letter marked as to " Sir Ja. (blank.)1' The references it contains to a work by Archbishop Usher, entitled " Gotteschalci et Prsedestinationae Controversise ab eo motae, Historia," &c. Dublinii, 1631, 4to, suggest the probability that this letter was addressed to Sir James Fullerton, at Dublin. The next letter to " Mr. W.11 is that to Mr. William Wilkie, of which a facsimile is given at page 1 of this edition.
Fragment of a Letter in Baillie's MS. fol. 7-
he speks so much to his honoure and comendation of his story as does greatlie further the fore of insinuation which that book hes without so great a testimonie from so divin a mouth, this autoritie is laid first in our dish by our adversares when we would but mute against Vossius. It's treu his " Goddescalcus" does evinc the errour of Vossius in his manifold calumnies of that poor man and all the race of the imaginarie predesti-narians. Also that heer and ther Vossius other aberrationes ar pointit atciv
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. III.
in that treatis, but shall it be aneugh when you have putt in our hand ane intoxicat cup with great comendatione of the win[e] therein, to point at a stern or tuo of black venome souming heer and ther, at the syds and in the mids. I verily think that the mor then ordinarie favour and honor which that grit Divin did sheu to that man, sine it hes not movit him to retreit to this hour any passage of his book, which yit by his own seld promise I heir he was oblidget to doe, but contrariwayes hes confirmit greatly these louers of his errours. Thir favours and honours, I say, being so abusit ar treu obligations to move if not to inforce that primat of our worthyes to imploy in Causa Dei, as some hunder yeirs sine it is rightly stilit, thes singular endeuments which God hes putt within, with ane great store of outward most fitt materialls, which much labour hes laid to his hand without. Reddily his late retyretnes from state affaires mor then one could be permittit to his place, is a benefit sent to him by God through the handes of his small freinds, for this intention that the houres of his laser being increasit, they mey be imployit in this or the lik task. If he could not be movit to resume the hole historie of Pelagius, nor yit to oppose expressily in any severall booke the whole errours of Vossius, yit glad would I be if in some of his neu treatises by occasion he would cleir the mind of antiquitie in thir tuo points at leist, the regeneration of baptisit infants, and the perseveranc of the regene-rat, if antiquitie be clearly against us in thes points, as in my small lecture, it is not yit if it be as Vossius would have it, without doubt it were our good to knou it certainly, that we might heer, as in some other quaestiones, leave antiquitie in a Catholick corruption, and stand by sole scripture our best ground. This was the passage of our conference which I intreatit you to remember, and you were willing by my lettre to be holden in mynd of. If you could be pleasit to remonstrat this matter in your own language and rasunes, which ar of a farr other strain and persuasive efficacie then any thing I can say, I would be hopfull of your successe, and upon it I could weel assur you had done a servic which would tend to the glory of God, to the good of his Church, to the honour and farder reputation (if farder mey be then alreddie is purchasit) of that most eminent and great man, and also, which I hope to you is not a simple nothing, to my verie great joy and contentment.
This is your humble and verie much obligit servant, Kilwinnin, Ag. 29, 1636.	R. Baillie.
II.—Adversaria and Miscellaneous Papers.
I.	A volume, small 8vo. pp. 309, in the possession of the Rev. Thomas M'Crie, Edinburgh. From the dates in several parts of the volume, it appears to have been written while Baillie was a student at Glasgow, in the years 1620, 1621, and 1622. A great portion of it consists of Latin extracts, Notes of lectures and sermons, written very neatly indeed, but in a hand not easily legible; while the words are so contracted, and miscellaneous notices are introduced without any break, and in such an uncouth orthography, as often to be quite unintelligible.
II.	A thick volume in folio, also in Mr. M'Orie's possession, neatly written, and containing the following articles, several of which, it will be observed, are transcribed into Baillie's collection of Letters and Journals : (See vol. ii, pp. 427f, 428).No. III.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cv
1.	" A Conference by Letters with a Canterburian Minister anent the Arminian tenet of the Saints Apostasies—The First letter is dated Glasgow, 28th May 1634. The Second letter, Kilwinning, 10th of Julie 1634.—Another Second letter, Kilwinning, 1st of Januar 1635, p. 15.— The Third letter, Kilwinning, 9th of June 1635, p. 33.—" My Fourt letter was marginall nots on the reply to my thrid letter," p. 53.—" The Fift letter, continuing and ordering the Conference,11 is dated Kilwinning, 22d Sept. 1635, p. 56.—" The Sixt letter, concerning the nature of Heresie and self-condemnation,11 has no date, p. 58.—" The Seventh letter, per-sewing the former purpose of Hseresie and self-condemnation,1'' p. 62. It has no date, and begins with " Ane Apologie for my prolixitie,11—" my ordinar fault,11 and ends on page 67.
2.	" Diatriba prooemialis in publicis Academise comitiis recitata, cum Theologice professionem auspicares, de Hsereticorum Autocatacrisi.11 In the MS. Baillie has altered the two words in italics to Theologicas Prelectiones, and added the date, Anno 1642. Jul. 6. p. 68.—
3.	" The mater, and the verie words of the Eighth letter, almost without change, were turnit into " Diatriba de Dei simplicitate, num quic-quid in Deo est, Deus sit, contra Vorstium et Socinianos.11 p. 76.—" This nixt letter is anent the head of Predestination.11 p. 96, and ends on p. 135. " So I rest your loving freind, R. Baylie.11
Kilwinnin, Jul. 4,1637.
4.	These two dissertations are printed along with his " Opus His-toricum et Chronologicum,11 1663, as " Diatriba Prima11 and " Secunda.11
5.	" Duorum studiosorum de Geniculatione, quam vocant, per literas Collatio.11 p. 137.
" A Peaceable Consideration of a Paper against Kneeling;11 p. 152. and at p. 157. " The Reasons of the Paper Ansuered.11—" A Freindlie Conference betuixt two Ministers, D. and B. anent the posture of Communicants in the act of receiving the holie Elements of the Lord's Supper.1' p. 158.—" The Second Reply for the former Five Reasouns.11 p. 185.— " The first letter of B. to D.11 [in regard to Kneeling,] is dated Nov. 24, 1634. p. 202.—" The second letter of B. to D.11 has no date. p. 204. " The third letter of B: to D.11 dated 12th Deer. p. 205.—" The fourt letter of B. to D.1? is signed " The Lord be with you, most loving Brother, your Brother, R. Baillie.11 Jan. 2, [1635.] p. 206.—" The fift letter of B. to D.11 also signed R. Baillie. p. 209.
6.	" An Ansuer to ten Arguments for the necessitie of Table Gesture in the act of Receiving.11 p. 210.—These Arguments, Replies, Answers to the Replies, &c. are continued to page 373. The last 3 pages, containing " A Consideration of your Ansuer to my last replie for my fyve Arguments,11 is signed " Your Brother, R. Baillie.
Kilw. Feb. 8, 1636.11
7.	" Letter to Mr. John Rae.11 June 14, 1643; but at the end p. 375, dated Glasgow, June 9, 1643.	Your loving Cousin, R. Baylie. Another letter, " For Mr. John Rae,11 without date. p. 379. and letters " For Mr. James Forsyth.11 March 8, 1643. p. 381. and—" For the same.11 April 11. p. 382.
8.	" The summe of my Conference yesterday with three or four yeomen of my flock who refused to sing the Conclusion.11 p. 385.
9.	" Commentariolus de prsecipuis Pontificiorum Erroribus."1 Praefatio, et cap. 1, ad cap. 17. p. 389.
10.	" Parergeticorum Diatriba secunda, de Congregationum Independ-entia, seu de Presbyteriorum et Synodorum auctoritate.11 p. 431.cvi
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. III.
11.	" Theses a Sacrae Theologiae studiosis diebus lunse hora locoque solitis discutiendse. De primariis Sectariorum erroribus, Independentia, Brounismo, Anabaptismo, Chiliasmo, Antinomia, Socinianismo, Erastian-ismo, Familiastis, Quserentibus, Anti-scripturariis, Atheis, &c." p. 445. No year is specified. These Theses are classed under 19 heads.
12.	" Tractatus de formali causa Justificationis, seu potius de Justitia Ohristi imputata et Hominis inhserente. Lib. 1. Contra Pontificios.11 p. 459. This Treatise breaks off at page 497, at the end of chapter 7. The catch-word of that page being " cap. 8.11
At the other end of the volume, on reversing it, are :—
13.	" Oratio in Academise Glasguensis Comitiis habita, a R. B. anno 1627. cum in Regentium numerum solenniter cooptaretur.—De Mente Agente." p. 1.
14.	" Ex primariis Philosophise partibus Thesium Sylloge, de quibus cum bono Deo respondere conabimur, dignissimis viris Dominis Academise moderatoribus, quando et ubi ipsorum dignitatibus convenire videbitur.— Theses Logics,—Theses Metaphysicae, &c.11 p. 10.
15.	" Oratio in Laudem Linguse Hebrseae, in Academise Comitiis dum promoverentur Ordines, anno cio ioc xxix, Recitata." p. 23, and ends on p. 30.
On some of the blank leaves are inserted—" At Carnbrue, July 22, 1708, A list of R. B's books,11 consisting of 76 numbers in folio, 93 in 4to, 100 in 8vo., and 138 in 8vo. and infra. Also a List of Books lent, dated at Carnbrue, August 26, 1710.
III. A similar Volume is preserved in the University Library of Glasgow. It is in quarto, and contains :—
1.	" Oratio in Academise Glasguensis comitiis habita, a R. B. anno 1627, cum in Regentium numerum solenniter cooptaretur.—De Mente Agente,11 pp. 22.
2.	" Opusculi Historici et Chronologici Libri Duo, In quibus His-toria Sacra et Profana compendiose deducitur ex ipsis fontibus, a Crea-tione ad mortem Joannis Evangelistae, et Questiones ac Dubia Chrono-logica, quae ex utroque Testamento moveri solent, breviter et perspicue explicantur, Prselecti Sacrae Theologiae studiosis in Academia Glasguensi, Anno 1650, et aliquot sequentibus,11 pp. 23 to 695.
It will be apparent from the title that this portion of the volume is the same with Baillie's posthumous work, " Opus Historicum et Chronologi-cum r11 See p. xcix.
3.	" Theses a Sacrae Theologise studiosis diebus lunae hora locoque solitis discutiendse. De primariis Sectariorum erroribus, Independentia, Brounismo, Anabaptismo, Chiliasmo, Antinomia, Socinianismo, Erastian-ismo, Familiastis, Quaerentibus, Anti-Scripturariis, Atheis,11 &c.
4.	" Ex Primariis Philosophise partibus Thesium Sylloge de quibus cum bono Deo respondere conabimur dignissimis viris Dominis Academise moderatoribus, quando et ubi ipsorum dignitatibus convenire videbitur.11
On reversing the volume, we find—
5.	" Parergeticorum Diatriba Tertia: Contra Vorstium et Sccinianos, Dei Simplicitatem, Divinorum Attributorum primum, evertentes.11 pp. 1-56. This is printed at the end of the " Opus Chronologicum,11 as " Diatriba Secunda, De Dei Simplicitate.11
6.	" Parergeticorum Diatriba Quarta : De Episcopatu.11 pp. 57-171.No. II.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cvii
IV.	" Commentariolus de praecipuis Pontificiorum Erroribus, (cap. i—xv)—Parergeticorum Diatriba.11 4to. pp. 82, in the University Library of Edinburgh,. AO. a. 6. This treatise is contained in the preceding No. II. of Adversaria.
V.	" A Discourse anent Episcopacie, intended for the late Generall Assemblie, proving from Scripture and Antiquitie this Office as hitherto it hath been taken and used in the Kirk of Scotland, and yet is required, to be unlavvfull; and answering the chiefe Scriptures and passages of Fathers that commonly are produced to the contrair; shewing also that Episcopacie, howsoever limitate, is so inconvenient for us, that by no meanes we ought to give our assent to the Reduction thereof.11
This paper is perhaps the same with " The Question of Episcopacy discussed,11 which Baillie left for publication- at London, in 1641. See pp. xcii.-xciii. It is preserved in the Advocates Library, Wodr. MSS. 4to, vol. xxxi. No. 5, and consists of 30 pages neatly written, (in the hand, I believe, of Charles Lumisden, son of the minister of Duddingston) with a few slight corrections in Bailee's own hand. It begins,—" Among all the Questions to be determined in the present Synode, there is none of greater consequence in the estimation of all men, than that of Episcopacie ; in all other articles there is some hope of mutuall condescending for the satisfaction of all,11 &c. Various passages in Greek and Latin are cited from the Fathers.
III.—Lectures and Sermons. 1637-1652.
There are two volumes in 4to, closely written, and wholly in Baillie^ own hand, in the Rev. Mr. M'Crie's possession. Both volumes are much injured by damp. They consist of Notes of Sermons and Discourses. The First volume, dated between August 1637 and June 1639, contains 166 leaves at the one end, and 118 leaves at the other end of the book, as numbered by Baillie. The Second volume extends from January 1648 to June 1652, on 475 leaves, an intermediate volume being lost. In the latter volume, while marking the date of delivering each Discourse after the text, he has occasionally made incidental allusions to passing events, or to matters in reference to himself. These notes, however, are so brief, and his own wretched orthography and handwriting are so peculiar, as often to be scarcely intelligible; Mr. Meek, however, with equal patience and ingenuity, succeeded in decyphering them ; and from his transcript the following notices are selected, as being those that refer to matters of public importance, or that furnish dates in regard to some local or personal events.
1648.
4. b. Heb. xi. 9.—March 26, 1648.—Eftir my 7 weeks absenc in Edinburgh at the Commission and Parlament. 8. b. Heb. xi. 11.—Glasgou, Apr. 16.—I preachit not the Sunday befor, being much distemperit befor & eftir my Sinod sermon with cold & weekness, & greif for the publict jarrings.
76 Fast, May 28, generall, for the danger of religion and countrie: Also the sojurs cam to Glasgou to force us to put out men. Notes on Ps. 80 ; repfeated] in Glasgou 1650, Sept. 27.
VOL. I.	pCYlll
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. H I
82 Joel 2, 17. Fast, July 1, Sunday; rep[eated at] Edr., [in Mr. Robert] Douglas1 church, at the Assembly.
118 b. Hos. 5. Fast befor the reneuing of the Covenant, Thursday, Dec. 14, 1648.
1649.
89 b. Thanksgiving for deliveranc of Glasgou from suord and pest, Thursday, Feb. 1, 1649, Ps. 107 notit on.
126	Hos. 12. Apr. 1, 1649, Hag. [at the Hague], in our hous, first Sunday.
127	Hos. 13. Hag. Ap. 8, 1649-
128	Hos. 14. Hag. Wednesday, Apr. 11.
102 b. Ps. 85, notit on. Saturday, 23 June, preparation to the Communion last [day] Glasgou, eftir my return from Holland; also befor the Parlam.
213 Amos 9, 5. Dec. 30, 1649, that day I preachit not for a fortnight, being unweel with cold and other distempers.
1650.
213 b. Obadia. Feb. 24, eftir my return from Edinburg, when Mr. David [Dickson] removit, and I fred, by my brethreen, from Holland.
192-221 Jona 3. Apr. 7. [March 31.] Fast for the treatie at Breda.
195 [At the end.] The lectour was on Jona 3, p. 221, being utterly on-able to speek for horsnes, all remedies usit, I venturt on God, and he helpit me through all my matter gratiously, blissit be his name ! On Saterday, a sermon only against a declining: little or nothing to the purpose in hand. Fornoon I stayit in, no sermon heir in Black-friers. I gott my personall sins confessit at large, especially my preid and grace to intreat for and belive pardone, all the publict sins as I concevit them. The King hertily prayit for, and the Treatie, the College, Principall, myself and familie ; the Lord good, blissit be his name!
197 b. Communion last day, Laigh Church. The first day, my Wyf de-liverit of Mary, May 5, I preachit all day in Blackfriars.
256 Heb. 12 19- May 27, 1650, eftir Ja. Graham's hangeing.
316 b. Ps. 79, 8. Sunday Sept. 8. Our army defeat at Dunbar, Sept. 3. Tuysday.
295	Ps. 102. notit on v. 19- Sunday, Sept. 8. After the defait of our
army on Tuysday morning at Broksmuth, Sept. 3, sad weeping in my chalmer and familie; prayers divers tymes, yit herdnes and stupi-ditie much recurring. Feirs for neu divisions by the Association, excluding D[avid] Lesly, and all who be for, and going on for the ruining of the Army gathering again at Stirling. Mr. David [Dickson] for taking in all, but would not apeir; went to Inerary no Stirling; thought Lesly onfit, but no tratour.
318 Ps. 79, 8. Sept. 15. Sunday, General Fast eftir the defait of our Army; Cromweell being reddy to merch from Edinburgh to Glasgou or Stirling, to hinder our levies.
296	Notit Ps. 83. Sunday Sept. 15, 1650. Crumweel reddy to merch
from Edinburgh to Glasgou, to stay the levies.
320 Ps. 79, 8. Sept. 22, 1650. Crumweel gone from Stirling, hovering at Lithgou, wither to go to Glasgou.No. III.]
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297 b Ps. 83. 9- Sept. 23. Crumweel risen from Stirling; hovering at Lithgou ; we in feir of cuming to Glasgou.
322 Jer. 10, 23. Sept 29. Crumweel said to be resolvit for Glasgou. Our Stat & Kirk advysing in Stirling wither to admit of Ingagers, & to join the West's Association with the forces at Stirling.
325 Jer. 10, 24. Sunday Oct. 6,1650. Crumweel recrutit at Edinburgh ; we yit sparit.
327. Jer. 10, 25. Oct. 27. Returnit from Cumrey, to & from which I & my sone gratiously convoy it. I fand all myn in peic. The English in Glasgou. No considerable hurt; extraordinarily civill by God's mercie. Strachan in a hands with a treatie; Mr. Patrick with a remonstranc from the Army. Middleton fell on Sr> J0- Broun and excommunicat: Crafurd & Lauderdaill acceptit the Act of Indemnity. Wlially to meet Stanford's forces at Carlil: amasit at the Remonstrance, and feirit knaverie of the most.
338 b. Jer. 14, 19. Nov. 10, 1650. Strachan laid doun. Middleton acceptit indemnity. Remonstranc not subscrivit. Randevous at Par-tik, for Stirling, callit by Car to Douglas. Argil doutit if for the Rem[onstrance].
333 b. Jer. 14, 19. Nov. 17, 1650. Strachan laid doun. Remonstranc at Stirling. I sent for by A. Ker. Parlament at Perth on the 20.
1651.
335 b. Jer. 14, 19.—Jan. 19, [1651.]—Remonstranc condemnit by Church and State. Strachan excommunicat, King crounit, Comission allouit a generall receving to the Army. Gutrie from Stirling, Gilespy from Glasgou, Cant from Aberdeen, sent dissents. Castle of Edinburgh betrayit. Eftir 8 weeks silenc I returnit from S. Johnston.
338	Jer. 14, 19.—Jan. 26, [1651.]—All in quietnes befor a storme, but
eftir grit din for our election of Mr. R. Ramsey Professor; Comissar [LockhartJ, slidery; M. Zach. [Boyd] a reid [bending] with any wind ; [George] Yong, oak.
339	b. Jer. 14,21. Feb 2, 1651. Eftir conferenc at Dumbartan with
Argil, Dik [Dickson], &c.
341 b. Jer. 14, 21.—Dumbartan jurney had given such a cold and flux, that all the former week I keepit in; also busy on my Chronologie, and the enemie in toun, in their way to Stirling, till Saterday, so I preachit non on Sunday. This week vexit with Mr. Patrik about Mr. J. Duram's busines and his papers against the Comission, yit helpit in all by God, thought ill lookit on by the faction for my protestation.
345 Jer. 14, 22. Mart. 2, 1651. The King at Aberdeen to help the ministers retardment. A motion among people in the West feirit, through the papers & preachings & action of som[e] Highlands lying still.
347 b. Jer. 17, 12, Mart. 9. King going on with his Northern levies : and we in grit peic expecting shortly a grit storme.
370 Jer. 17. 12, 1651, Mart. 16. King bak at Perth, army gathering but slouly. A word of Crumweel's death, Sabath, March 9, when I within praying for the King, and against him.
370 b Jer. 17, 13, Mart. 23, 1651. King in Parliament. Rumours of Crumweers miserabill dath continuing. Gentilmen on Clid taken.cx	APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.	[No. I]J.
372 b. Jer. 17, 13. Mart. 30, 1651. All my letters aunsuerit from Perth. Kirk warnings against dividers of Kirk and State ample. Midleton ready on a march. Parliament jangling. Crumweel yet hangit himself as Judas in Lon[don (]
Jer. 17, 13, Apr. 6, 1651. Eglintoun taken at Dumbarton. Sinod rent by Mr. P[atrik]. Argil protestit against the councell. Duram violent for his place. Mr. Zacharie [Boyd] diing. We threatenit to be taken.
Jer. 17, 14, Apr. 13, 1651. King bak from Stirling to Perth, on the discovery of his desing on Hamiltoun. Argil did not sitt in the comittie, non of his men sturring ; grit feir of treachery. Apr. 20, 1651. Crumweel at Hamiltoun, on his way to Glasgou. A good aunsuer from Douglas. Argil su*pectit: divisions yit grouing, and feires. Jer. 17, 13.
Eph. 2. 20. Apr. 27. The former Sunday I preachit no. Crumweel in Glasgou ; herd befor no[o]n, Mr. R[obert] R[amsay] ; eftirnoon, Mr. J. Carsters and Mr. Ja. Duram. Conferenc on Wedensday. Armies both making reddy.
Jer. 17. 17. May 4,1651. Crumweel away from Glasgou towards Edinburgh, by Carnwath. Tumult betuix Councel and Commonalitie on Wednesday.
301 b. Jer. 17. 17. May 11, 1651. Foot coming to a leger at Stirling. On the agreement of our Counsell with the Commonalitie to my power; speks with M. Ja. Duram, Jo. Gram, and Jo. Bell.
228 b: Ps. 32, notit, June 8, 1651. Leaguer at Stirling; Classit men in Parliament. Fast indictit for tuo Sundayes follouing. Ramsey callit to be Principall.
232 Jer. 13, 16, 17. Being sent to Perth for Mr. R. Ramsay's call [to be Principal], at my going, the table fell on my legs, and my wyfes, to our pain but no grit hurt. Befor my return Rob. fell in a dangerous fever. I settled to Mr. Ja. Duram 200 p[ound]. I was no evill instrument in our Remonstranc of dissatisfaction for the Comittie of Estates, and desires for deiling tenderly with the Westerne Remon-strantes: delt in both with Laderdaill and the Duke, and yit with Mr. Blair and Douglas, that they sould not be injurious. Was grivit with the King's jurney to Dumferling. Whill within a myl of Glasgou, I am thinking of the difficultie of taking up God, a Infinit Spirit, and the goodnes of God, who had given us the Sun and Moon, to fessen our week scatterit thoughts on him ; whil I am thinking on the man Christ in his thron of glory in Heaven, among angels and saintes, my hors falles and bruisis my arme and legg sore, so that I could not preach as I purposit; this, with Rob's danger, and the Army's hazard, being shortly to march, humblit my spirit. Chancelorfs] vyle scandall with Major Jo[hnston's] wyfe, on Wedensday befor fast. Jun. 29. 1651.
236 Jer. 13, 16, 17. Jul. 6. After the armies had skirmisit at Lerber bridg. Mr. Wil. Strang died on Sat. morning painles.
239 Ez. 9- 6. Jul. 13. Crumweel having liftit from Torewood, came on Saterday to Lithgou, at night to Shots, on Sunday at eleven to Shet[l]stoun ; all our Kirks brak up. Mr. R. R. and his being hardly escapit: I stayit, but keepit in. Mr. Pat. preachit efter noon, and on Monunday, ill and off'ensivly. Crumweel put his tents round about our toun ; ludgit in Minto's, distroyit barbarously cornea
374
376 378 366.
380No. III.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxi
and yeardes; oversau plunder. No man troublit me. The King came to Kilsyth, so Crumweel merchit bak on Saterday, to our joy.
261 b. Heb. 12. 22. 23. Agust 1651. I a herd jurney home from Dundy, Amos 7. 5. Generall Assembly deposit M. P. Gillespy. King in Ingland, Inglish in Stirling, S. Johnston, Bruntiland; Crafurd, Glencarn, Balcarras, Mershell, intrustit; Argil, Chanceler, Lothian, Calender, Lithgou, lying by ; Kintal, Ogilbie, Athol, reddy. Hudge feires and dangers.
267 b. Agust 81, 1651. No more word from the King. Munk befor Dun-die. M. R[obert] Ramsey diing gratiously. Fast for the King. Ps. 40. 11.
271. Sept. 7, 1651. M. R[amsay] deid on the Thursday at night. Generall [Leslie, Earl of Leven] Mershell, Ogilby, Crafurd, M. R. Douglas, Smith, Hamiltoun, Lae ^Law], Sharp, Pitillo. And. Ker, prisoners. King at London; Strang mixtur. M. P. Gilfespie's] wyf diing. Ps. 40. 12.
274 b, Sept. 14, 1651. Dundy taken by storme ; levies in the South scat-terit. Mr. P. Scarp [Scharp] buried ? A grit word of the King's totall rout at Worster. M. Ja. Duram callit to Ramsey's place.
276 b. Jhon. 14. 1. September 21, 1651. King defait, Duk [Hamilton], Laderdaill, etc. taken.
279 Jo. 14. 2. Sept. 28. King lurking ; Duk Ham. deid. Sequestrators cuming. Pat. Gil. and Rutherford in Glasgou, about the calling of ane Assembly. Our greives and dangers grit, and to men disperat.
418 Jo. 14 17. Nov. 2, 1651. Buckingham, and we hope the King, in Holland. Frequent meetings in Glasgou, and Fasts, for agreing with the Inglish.
473 b. Dec. 9, 1651. Needles[s] to conferr, sine no good at S. Andros, & Mr. Dik no come ; yit willing to heir what shall be offerit, & eftir a 14 night tell our mynd : To knou if they will stand to ther Commission, and will hinder, wher they have pouer, opposits to be chosen ministers, elders, magistrates ? If they will alou ingaging & actin onder the Inglish ? Give over praying for the King, and against our oppression I Advyse with Bell & Fergushill, what about Principal & Professour? what about the Inglish If silent; if they will keep a Commission I if they will separat { if keep a Synod { whou to keep Irwin & Air Presbitery right ■ what about admissions.
At meeting agre to trouble so feu as may be; & non without a formall process, to be agreit on in the nixt Assembly. No jurisdiction for hurt in Comittee for visitation, if controversie about the King, first & last, might be laid asid. If baptisme and prayers, why not communions to Magistrats & to Elderships. The shamfull abus of base elders to be helpit. If a feu will not be reulit, brek off' with them in tyme and ther adherents : the longer the worse. Sie whou other, Colin, Ramsey, Drummond, can be accommodat. If D. Strang's put in.
428 Jo. 14, 20. Dec. 14,1651. In our conferenc I grauntit to[o] much, and almost intanglit to lay all asid, but all farder conferenc, referrit to Mr. J. Wood.cxii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. IV.
No. IV.
Account of Mr. William Spang, Minister of ti-ie Scotish Church
at campvere, and afterwards of the english congregation at
Middleburg, in Zealand.
The name of Spang is so intimately connected with that of his cousin, Robert Baillie, that some account of his life may be deemed a suitable addition to this work. The name itself is very uncommon, and deserves some consideration, from the connection with the noble family of Knox, Earls of Ranfurly. But Baillie's cousin was himself a man eminent as a scholar and divine, and merits a much fuller notice than I am able to present.
The family of Spang towards the close of the sixteenth century were burgesses and citizens in Glasgow of some distinction. King James the Sixth, by a charter under the Privy Seal, dated at Holyroodhouse, 30th November 1599, erected the Physicians and Surgeons into a Faculty or Corporation, and by the 5th regulation, William Spang, Apothecary in Glasgow, was appointed one of the Visitors ; it being enacted, " That no maner of person sell any druggs, in the city of Glasgow, except the same be sighted by the saids Visitors, and by Wiiliam Spang, apothecary, under the pain of confiscation of the druggs.1'' (Charter printed in M'Ure's Hist, of Glasgow, p. 289, edit. 1737, 8vo. Gibson's Hist, of Glasgow, p. 301. Glasg. 1777, 8vo.) In 1605 and 1606, William Spang was Deacon and Visitor of the Incorporation of Surgeons and Barbers in Glasgow. (Cle-lands Annals, vol. i. p. 454); and he probably died about 1608.
In George Crawford's MS. Genealogical Collections, it is stated that " this Mr. William Spang married Christian Hamilton, of the house of Silvertonhill, then an ancient family of the name of Hamilton, and Barons of a good estate in the shyre of Lanark, and in the royalty of Glasgow : they were Lords of the barony of Provend : they were come of an immediate son of the noble and illustrious house of Hamilton. His son was Andrew Spang, who was bred to trade, and thereby acquired a great stock and estate in money. His wife was Mary Buchanan.1'1 (vol. ii. pp. 137, 138.) From two passages in Baillie's Letters, it appears that Andrew Spang was alive in January 1637 (vol. i. p. 10), but was dead in October 1638 : for he says, " The last tyme I was in Glasgow, as my custom alwayes is, I went and saw your Mother, when I fand your Father was flitted; and not only by her, but sundrie of my friends, I was assured of his most christian and comfortable carriage and discourse to his very last, to the great contentment and joy of all: yea, and I could not wish to die with more faith. Your Mother also had good courage and health.11 (vol. i. p. 109.) Mrs. Spang was alive in March 1648. (vol. iii. p. 32.)
In what manner the Spangs and Baillies were related I have not been able to ascertain ; but I am inclined to think that a mistake has been committed in naming Andrew Spang1 s wife, Mary Buchanan instead of Gibson. If so, it is most probable, she was a daughter of Henry Gibson, consequently she would be Baillie's aunt, and William Spang, his cousin-german. That Baillie was related to Spang, on the mother's side, may be inferred, not only from the visits he paid to Spang1 s mother, who resided in Glasgow, but from the mention he makes of the death of Nanny Gibson, whom he styles " our cousine,11 (vol. iii. p. 436.)No. IV.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxiii
The family of Andrew Spang consisted of at least two sons and two daughters. The elder son, Andrew, was in the array. According to Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, by Archdall, the father of Colonel Spang was " Monsieur Spang, a Danish gentleman, who came to England in the suit of Queen Anne, consort to King James VI." (vol. vii. p. 198.) " He and his sons, (it is added, but with equal inaccuracy,) returned to Denmark; the elder served in Sweden as a Colonel of horse, and died Governor of Elbing; and the second, who was a divine at Delph in Holland, was eminent in the commonwealth of learning, and wrote a history of the Civil Wars in Britain.11 What is here stated respecting Colonel Spang1s service .abroad, may be quite correct; but his brother William was never settled at Delph or Delft, and it is doubtful if he ever visited Denmark. That Baillie's cousin was brother of the Colonel, appears from the fact that, on the 25th of May 1655, " Mr. William Spang, Minister at Middleburgh in Zeland, obtained a service as nearest agnett, that is, kinsman on the father's svd, to Hannibal Spang, son to Collonell Andrew Spang. (Inquis. Retorn. de Tutela, no. 121.) And on the same day, Hannibal Spang was served heir of Andrew Spang, merchant burgess of Glasgow, his guidsir [or grandfather.]—(Inquis. Generates, no. 4021.)
Of the daughters of Andrew Spang, Margaret was married to Robert Caldwell, and her sons William and John, are no doubt the nephews of William Spang, who are mentioned by Baillie, vol. iii. p. 382; and some of the family appear in the lists of the magistrates of Glasgow. An eik or addition to her Testament occurs in the Glasgow Commissariot Records, 11th August 1655.
The other daughter, Elizabeth Spang, was married to Thomas Knox, merchant in Glasgow, son of Mark Knox of Ranfurly, by Isobel Lyon, and became mother of Thomas Knox of Dungannon, in Ireland, who died at an advanced age, after the year 1728. This " Bessie or Elizabeth Spang, daughter of Andrew Spang, a merchant of reputation, and a man of great wealth in the city of Glasgow : ifs reported (adds Crawfurd) to the honour of her memory, that she was a woman of consummate prudence, industry, and virtue.11 The succession of the family to the honours of an Irish Peerage may be found in Lodge (vol. vii. 198), under the title Knox, Lord Welles.
William Spang, second son of Andrew Spang, was born at Glasgow, about the year 1607- He received the chief part of his education in his native city, having entered the College as a student of Philosophy in May 1622. In 1625, on completing his course, he took the degree of A. M.; and with the view no doubt of prosecuting his studies in divinity, he came to Edinburgh, where he appears to have had some relations settled as medical practitioners. There was a John Spang put in nomination as deacon of chirurgions, in 1633 ; and from the Kirk-session Records of St. Cuthberts, we find that a Mr. William Spang and Catherine Baillie had a son baptised James, on the 30th January 1620. This William Spang was probably the younger Spang1 s uncle; and the connexion may have had some influence in procuring for him an appointment (the date of which is not recorded) as a Doctor or Teacher in the High School. This office he held till the beginning of 1630 ; as on the 19th of February that year, the town-council admitted " Mr. Archibald Newton to be Doctor of the Hie School, in place of Mr. William Spang, now elected minister of Campheir,11 (Records, vol. xiv. p. 152.) Mr. John Forret, minister of theexiv
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. IV.
Scotish Church at Campvere, who had recently returned from a visit to Scotland, died in September 1G29. A petition from the resident Scotish inhabitants " at their Staple Port in the town of Campheir,11 regretting the want of a pastor, and intreating to have " their Kirk plantit,11 was addressed to the Convention of Royal Boroughs ; and the Commissioners at a meeting on the 27th of January 1G30, u understanding of the literature, qualificatioun, and abilitie of Mr. William Spang, student in Divinitie,11 gave him the presentation, with a stipend of 800 guildings (about £67 sterling) with a free house, and " twenty pundis Flemish for making of his chairgis in transportation."" (Register of the Conventions, vol. v. f. 236.) At a general meeting of the Convention, 8th July 1G30, the proceedings regarding Spang were approved of; and a further sum of thirty pounds Flemish for his expenses, was granted, (ib. f. 248, 249.) On the 12th of February, the town-council of Edinburgh appointed two of their number to act with other commissioners from the Boroughs, who were " to deale with the richt reverend Father in God the Archebishope of Sanctandroes,11 —" for ressaiveing of Mr. William Spang in Sanctandroes to be minister at Campveir.11 (Council Records, vol. xiv. f. 152. See also 16th April and 5th May 1630, fol. 160 Si 162.)
Spang, after his settlement in Holland, kept up his intercourse with his friends in this country; but very few of his letters are known to be preserved. In September 1638, he addressed a long letter to Mr. Henry Rol-lock, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, vindicating himself from the calumnies to which Baillie alludes, that had been circulated against his cousin as " a favourer of the unhappy novations obtrudet upon our Church, yea, and inclinable to Poperie in gross.''1 The original forms No. 55 in Wodrow's MSS. vol. lxvi, folio. I regret, however, that owing to its great length, this letter cannot be here inserted. It is signed,
It was chiefly from Baillie1 s communications that Spang wrote an account of the affairs in Scotland, in 1637 and 1638, which was printed under the following title :—
" Brevis et fidelis NarratioMotuum in Regno et Ecclesia Scotica, excerpta ex scriptis utriusque partis scitu dignissimis. Per Irinseum Philalethen.— Dantisci, Anno 1640." 4to. 35 leaves, not paged.
The narrative in this treatise ends with October 1638. It was republished, as " Historia Motuum in Regno Scotle," with a Continuation to near the close of the year 1640. It has the following title :—
" Rerum nuper in Regno Scotise Gestarum Historia, seu verius Com-mentarius, causas, occasiones, progressus horum motuum breviter et per-spicue proponens, simul cum synopsi concordue, quantum hactenus inita est. Excerptus ex scriptis utriusque partis scitu dignissimis, quorum primaria in Latinum sermonem nunc primum fideliter translata inseruntur. Per Irinseum Philalethen, Eleutherium.—Dantisci, Anno Domini 1641,11 small 8vo. pp. 576.
On the 30th March 1640, Baillie refers to the first of these publications, which he calls " a storie in Latine,11 and says to Warriston,—" In my mynd, you would do well to cause Mr. H. Rollock, at least thank the Young man for his paines, and encourage him to put it to the presse: it will doe us good over sea.11 In October 1641, the General Assembly passed anNo. IV.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxv
act, " ordaining Mr. Robert Baillie to write to Mr. William Spang, minister at Campvere, and Kirk-session thereof, willing them to send their minister and a ruleing elder, instructed with a commission to the next General Assembly to be holden at St. Andrews the last Wednesday of July 164£."" A letter to the same effect, addressed to Spang by Johnstone of Warriston, Clerk of the Assembly, is inserted in Yair's " Account of the Scotch Trade in the Netherlands," p. 231. Lond. 1776, 8vo.
Spang appears to have been married after his settlement in Holland. Baillie, in a letter to him, in January 1637, says, he had sent him " half-a-gallon of our Glasgow water ; I will intreat you drink my service to your wife, assureing her that I did wish her all prosperities and " that she may have confidence of a long and vigorous life to her husband, who was born and brought up in so happie a citie where such livelie waters runnes in everie street." His wife died in the summer of 1647, (vol. iii. p. 16.) In 1652, a vacancy having occurred in the English congregation at Middle-burg, in Zealand, among those nominated, 29th September, to supply the place, we find the names of Mr. Baily in Scotland, Mr. Colvin residing at Utrecht, Mr. Patrick Forbes a minister to a regiment, with nine others; and that of Spang was afterwards added. On the 2d of October, Robert Paget, minister at Dort, and William Spang at Campvere, were alone put in nomination when the latter was unanimously chosen ; and on the 10th November, " This being the Lord's day, Mr. Max. Teeling, [Teelinck, minister of the Dutch Church at Middleburg,] after preaching from Hebr. xiii. 17, established Mr. William Spang as pastor, whose subject in the afternoon, was Romans xv. 20." (MS. Records.) Having again married, before September 1649, (vol. iii. p. 101,) he had several children ; mention being made of three daughters in September 1656 (vol. iii. p. 325,) while the names of three of his children occur in the Register of Baptisms, which also furnishes his wife's name, Anna Meese. The children were Buscardina, baptized the 4th of April 1655 ; William, in November 1657; and Andrew, 29th of March 1660. During Spangs incumbency, the English Church at Middleburg, was placed on the same footing as the Dutch Reformed Church in Zealand, by having the minister's stipend paid out of the public purse. He died on the 17th, and was buried on the 25th of June 1664. There is no monument erected to his memory.
Spang rendered various services to polite literature. In particular, he acted as the editor of Dr. Arthur Johnstone's Latin Poems, printed in a small volume at Middleburg in 1642. The General Assembly on more than one occasion acknowledged the obligations under which the Church lay to him for his valuable services. He is commended for his learning by Dr. Andrew Rivet, in the life of Boyd of Trochrig, prefixed to his Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, 1652; and by Hoornbeek, Professor of Theology at Leyden, in Baillie's posthumous work on Scripture Chronology. In an unpublished biographical work by John Quick, author of " Synodicon in Gallia Reformata," &c. 1692, who for a short time was minister of the same congregation at Middleburg, he refers to Spang, and says of his " Historia Motuum," &c. " It is a piece of good and clean Latine ; but he discovers himself in it, a most zealous champion of presbytery."
It may be added, that his son, William Spang, who was born in 1657, studied at the University of Utrecht, for the ministry. Two Latin theological dissertations by him, in 1681, (in which, in reference to Middleburg, the place of his birth, he is styled Mediob. Zelandus,) were printed at the vol. i.	qcxvi
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. IV.
time ; the latter being dedicated to John Caldwell one of the magistrates and a merchant in Glasgow, and to Thomas Knox, merchant in Belfast, " consanguineis suis intimis.'''
William Spang was elected minister of the English Church at Middle-burg, in 1682, but he did not long survive, as appears from th^ following notices; for which, as well as for many of the preceding particulars, I am indebted to the Rev. William Steven, D. D., late of Rotterdam, now of George Heriofs Hospital, and author of " The History of the Scottish Church, Rotterdam : To which are subjoined, Notices of the other British Churches in the Netherlands." Edinb. 1833, 8vo.
1682 July 12. Mr. Wm. Spang proponent (probationer), presently travelling in Holland, was unanimously elected Minister at Middleburg, nemine contradicente.
- July 16. Approved of by Classis—and will pitch upon a day for the
needfull proposition and examination
1682	August 23. This Lord's day, Mr. Snipe of Campvere, £tfter sermon, published 3d proclamation of the elected minister. " The minister came doun from the pulpit, and Mr. Spang kneeling before him, he laid his hands upon his head, ordaining him to be a minister of the Gospel, and confirming him in the pastoral charge of this congregation.'" In the afternoon Mr. Spang preached from 2 Cor. v. 20.
1683	May 6th. Mr. Spang died this day, and was buried on the 13th of May. Dr. John Gribius, an elder, and also his brother-in-law, was requested to arrange Mr. Spang1 s papers.
No. V.
NOTICES OF PRINCIPAL BAILLIE'S FAMILY.
The accompanying Genealogical Table will exhibit the relationship of Robert Baillie, with several of the persons or families whom he mentions in the course of his correspondence. But a more detailed notice of his own descendents may be expected in this work.
From the preceding Memoir, it will appear that Baillie was twice married. His first wife was Lilias Fleming, of the family of Fleming of Cardar-roch, in Lanarkshire. She died on the 7th of June 1653. Their children were two sons and five daughters, one of whom died in infancy.
I. Robert Baillie was probably the eldest of the family; and if so, may have been born in the year 1633. When Baillie was in England, in 1640, he writes to his wife,—" put Rob to the School; teach him and Harie both some little beginnings of God's feare ; have a care of my little Lillie." He was educated at the College of Glasgow, having entered the 5th class in 1648; and having taken the degree of A. M., he continued to pursue his studies for the ministry. In 1654 he was anxious to obtain the appointment as Librarian in the College : " Our Bibliothecarie's place was but an honorarie attendence, without more charge; the bene-fite of it is, the dyet with the Regents, a good chamber, and some twelve pieces a-year," (vol. iii. p. 286) ; but through the influence ofPEDIGREE OF MR. ROBERT BAILLIE, PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW.
HENRY GIBSON, Town-Clerk of Glasgow 1580, and Commissary 1592, D.
HENRY GIBSON, Writer in Glasgow, Died in August 1649.
ABIGAIL FORSYTH, Died in October 1649.
ANNABELLA FORSYTH, Daughter of David Forsyth of Blackhill.
ROBERT BAILLIE
of Jerviston. B. 15 . . D. 16 . .
GIBSON,
ELIZABETH GIBSON, Married to Mr. John Baillie, Minister of Cambuslang.
— GIBL
ARCHIBALD FLEMING, of Ferine, Commissary of Glasgow.
HELEN GIBSON,
c
THOMAS BAILLIE, Merchant, Burgess in
ELIZABETH BAILLIE,
SON, married to Mr. William Wilkie, minister of Govan.
SIR WILLIAM FLEMING of Ferme, Commissary of Glasgow.
LILIAS FLEMING, of Cardarroch,
B. 16 . . D. 1653.
IS MR. ROBERT BAILLIE, ^
Principal of the College of Glasgow. B. 1603. D. 1662.
CHRISTIAN BAILLIE, B. 16 . . D. 16 . .
and Relict of Dr. James Elliot.
HENRY GLEN, Merchant-Buigess
in Glasgow. B. D. 1655.
ARCHIBALD ROBERTOUN, Third son of John Robertoun of Earnock.
JAMES ROBERTOUN of Bedlay, Advocate, and a Senator of the College of Justice. B. D.1664.
JOHN GLEN, See vol. iii. pp. 240, 242, 285.
ROBERT BAILLIE, B. 1633 P D. 1658. S. P.
See p. cxvi of MEMOIR.
LILLIAS BAILLIE. B. 1634 P D.
WILLIAM ECCLES of Kildonan, Minister of Ayr.
D. 1690.
HENRY BAILLIE of Cardarroch, Preacher. B. 1636. D. 1696.
ROBERT ECCLES of Kildonan.
See p. cxvii.
HELEN BAILLIE. B. 1643. D. 16
See
JAMES COLQUHOUN, ELIZABFJTH ftAILLIE. Merchant in Glasgow.	B. 1648.
— HAMILTON MARY BAILLIE. of Strathbane. B. 1650. D.
2e p. cxix.
See p. cxix.
WALTER BUCHANAN MARGARET BAILLIE. of Orchard, Lanarkshire. B. 1657. D.
JOHN WALKINSHAW of Barrowfield. B. D.
See p. cxxii of MEMOIR.
See p. cxix.
ftOBERT BAILLIE-
of Carnbrue. B. 16 . . D. 1710.
MARY BRISBANE, daughter of Dr. Matthew Brisbane.
See p. cxviii.No. V.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxvii
Gillespie, then Principal of the College, his desires were frustrated. Robert died unmarried, in the prime of life, on th? 25th of May 1658, to his father s " very sore and just grief: All who knew him (he adds) bore witness of his pietie, wisdom, and learning, above many his fellows."" (ib. p. 374.)
II.	Lilias Baillie was probably the second child, and born in 1634 or 1635. She is occasionally mentioned in these Letters ; and was married in the year 1656 or the beginning of 1657, to " a very good young man,'1 Mr. William Eccles, younger of Kildonan, who soon after became minister of Ayr. After the Restoration he was ejected from his charge by the Act of Glasgow, in October 1662. In 1669 he took the Indulgence, and we find his name mentioned as minister of the second charge in Paisley that year; but with the other Indulged ministers he was deprived of his license by the Privy Council, on the 30th January 1684. On the 20th February 1668, he was served heir of his father, John Eccles of Kildonan, Ayrshire; and obtained charters under the Great Seal, of the lands, 3d August 1669, and 2d December 1671. Having survived the Revolution 1688, when Presbytery was finally re-established, and the Episcopal minister of Ayr, Mr. Alexander Gregorie having been ejected, Eccles was restored to his former charge, after an interval of 26 years. He died in 1694, leaving an only son, Robert Eccles of Kildonan, who had a similar grant of the lands, 8th March 1695. He married Agnes, sister of Hugh Cathcart of Carleton; but dying without issue, he was succeeded by his cousin-german, Dr. William Eccles, a physician of some eminence in Edinburgh ; who died in October 1723.
The subsequent history of the family of Eccles of Kildonan may be found in Douglas's Baronage, pp. 436-438.
III.	Henry Baillie, was born in the year 1636, as he is mentioned in November 1638, as then two years of age, (vol. i. p. 110.) Like his brother, he was educated at the College of Glasgow, being also intended by his father for the ministry. But in 1653, he changed his views, and resolved to adopt some mercantile employment, (vol. iii. p. 252; and for this purpose his father sent him to Holland where he remained for upwards of twelve months. He returned in December 1655, (ib. p. 294,) and reverting to his original purpose, he resumed his attendance at College, and took his degree of A. M. in the year 1656. Before passing his trials as a preacher, in order " to see some more of the world, and to fitt him to speak in publick," he accepted an appointment to reside as chaplain in the family of Sir James Dundas of Arniston, in 1659, (ib. pp. 382, 392) ; and in 1661, Baillie informs Spang, (with whom his son had been boarded, while in Holland,)—" My boy Harrie is now a preacher: God hes given him a good and sweet gift; I hope he shall doe well.'" (ib. p. 472). The changes in the Church that took place after the Restoration of Charles the Second, may have been the means of preventing Baillie from obtaining any permanent living; and it is supposed he spent some time in the North of Ireland, where one of his sisters was settled. In right of his mother he must have succeeded to the property of Cardarroch, from his being so designated in one of the deeds, to be noticed in briefly stating the succession of his family.
Henry Baillie was married about the year 1672, and died before September 1696; but I am unable to state the name of his wife, and whether he left any family besides one son ;—cxviii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. V
(I.) Robert Baillie, was served heir, as only surviving son of his father, who is styled," quondam Magister Hendricus Baillie, Studens Divinitatis in Academia Glasguensi." This service took place on the 4th September 1696, in the presence of some of his relations, including Archibald Robertoun of Bedlay, William Walkinshaw of Scotstoun, Mr. Matthew Brisbane, Doctor of Medicine in Glasgow, James Col-quhoun and William Knox, merchants in Glasgow. In 1699, Robert Baillie married Mary daughter of Dr. Matthew Brisbane. In the Contract of Marriage dated 8th April that year, he is styled " Robert Baylie, only lawful son to umquhill Mr. Harey Baylie, preacher of the Gospel," and it bears to be with " the special advyce and consent of Mr. Francis Montgomerie of Giffen, William Baillie of Lamentone, John Crawford of Milntone, Mr. John Tran, one of the Regents of the College of Glasgow, and James Colquhoun, late balzie ther, his lawfull curators." One of the witnesses was John Walkinshaw of Barrow-field. In 1706, Baillie purchased the lands of Carnbrue, in the parish of Bothwell, which had given the designation to a family of the same name for at least upwards of two centuries, as appears from the title-deeds, (which were most obligingly put into my hands by Andrew Clason, Esq. Writer to the Signet.) It was by purchase therefore, .and not inheritance, that this property came into the possession of Principal Baillie's grandson; and on the 19th December 1706, was executed a Disposition by Alexander Baillie pf Carnbrue, with consent of Margaret Baillie his daughter, and Alexander Baillie, younger of Castlecarry her husband, in favour of Robert Baillie, lawfull son to the deceast Mr. Harry Baillie of Carrdarroch.1'' This Robert died at an early period of life, leaving one son;—
(II.) Matthew Baillie, Esq. On the 12th February 1711, Mrs. Mary Brisbane or Baillie was appointed Tutrix Dative to her son Matthew Baillie, " filium legitimum quondam Roberti Baillie de Carnbrue." He died at Carnbrue on the 1st October 1752, (Scots Magazine,) and was succeeded by his son ;—
(III.) Henry Baillie, Esq. who married Anne Munro ; by whom he had one son, and a daughter Mary Baillie. He died at Carnbrue on the 2d September 1771, and Mrs. Baillie, at Edinburgh, on the 22d March 1786, (Scots Magazine.) His son,—
(IV.) Matthew Baillie, attained the rank of Lieutenant-General in the army. He was twice married. The contract of marriage with his first wife Agnes Ramsay, second daughter of William Ramsay of Barnton, Esq. was dated 26th December 1792 ; but a separation took place sometime before January 1803. His second wife was Elizabeth Boyes ; by whom he had four daughters who survived him. He died at Nice in Piedmont, on the 3d of May 1825, having sold the estate of Carnbrue a short time before his death. The eldest daughter, Anne Baillie, married Paul Racchia, now Lieutenant-Colonel of Engineers in the service of the King of Sardinia, and they reside at Turin. The second daughter is also married. The youngest died a few months after her father.
IV. Baillie's next child was a daughter, born on the 20th of May 1641,No. Y.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxix
the news of whose birth was communicated to him, on his return from England, (vol. i, p. 353.) There is no reason to doubt that it was this " very pretty child," whom he mentions as his youngest daughter, who died about June or July 1642. (vol. ii. p. 38.)
V.	Helen Baillie, was born in September 1643, as we may infer, from what he mentioned in vol. ii. p. 97, compared with what he says, in 1650, vol. iii. p. 436. After her fathers death, she was married to James Colqu-houn, a merchant burgess, and one of the magistrates of Glasgow. His name occurs as treasurer in 1658, and one of the baillies in 1659, 1662, 1663, 1670, 1674, and 1679. The name also appears in some of the deeds relating to Baillie's grandson in 1696 and 1699; but he might have been a son of that name ; as no attempt has been made to trace the descent of the family.
VI.	Elspeth or Elizabeth Baillie, the next daughter, was born before March 1648, (vol. iii. p. 41.) After her father's death, she is said to have married a Mr. Hamilton of Strathbane, in the North of Ireland; but nothing is known respecting the family.
VII.	Mary Baillie, the youngest daughter, was born in May 1650 {supra, p. cvii.) She was married, some years after her father's death, to Walter Buchanan of Orchard, in the parish of Hamilton. But I have not succeeded in obtaining any information respecting them.
It may however be noticed, that one of Baillie's grand-daughters must have been married to a person of the name of Chalmers, as appears from the following entry in the Faculty Minutes of the College of Glasgow:— " Deer. 29, 1714. Upon a representation of the necessitous circumstances of Mr. John Chalmers, great-grandson to the late Mr. Baillie, sometime Principal here, the Faculty allows twelve pounds Scots to be given him.'" We are not called upon to commend the liberality of the Faculty, in holding a special meeting to consider the case of this poor man, and voting him the sum equal to twenty shillings sterling; but the vote itself is sufficient at least to shew that the young man's personal character was not disreputable.
We now come to the second branch of Baillie's family. His first wife, Lilias Fleming, as elsewhere stated, died, after a lingering illness, on the 7th of June 1653. His cousin Spang having recommended him to marry again, he writes to him towards the end of 1655, as follows:.—" For marriage, I dare not yet meddle with it, till I see what the Lord will do, with my great hazard . . . praying for the King. If in this I were secure, it's like I would follow your example in a second marriage, albeit I know not yet the partie; but I trust in this the Lord will be mercifull to me." (vol. iii. p. 287.)
On the 1st October 1656, Baillie married Helen Strang, one of the daughters of Dr. John Strang, Principal of the College of Glasgow, (supra pp. c, ci.) It has hitherto been stated, (and I have fallen into the same error, at p. lxxi of the Memoir, and in a foot-note to vol. iii. p. 368,) that she was the widow of Mr. Robert Wilkie, one of the ministers of Glasgow. On examining Dr. Strang's Testament, dated 21st March 1654, we find that his surviving family consisted of four daughters, namely (1) Helen, relict of Dr. James Eliot. (2.) Elizabeth, wife of Mr. David Fletcher,cxx
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. V.
at that time minister of Melrose ; who conformed to Episcopacy, and was advanced to the Bishoprick of Argyle 1662 ; but who still continued to officiate as minister of Melrose till his death, in 1665. (3.) Margaret, wife of Mr. William Fergusson, younger of Ketloch, in Dumfriesshire, whose name appears in Wodrow among the sufferers under Episcopacy ; and (4.) Nicolas, who appears from her Testament, recorded 7th September 1676, to have died unmarried. Dr. Strang had a son William Strang, who was a regent in the College of Glasgow, but he predeceased his father, in July 1651. (supra, p. cix.)
Dr. James Eliot was admitted colleague to Robert Wilkie, as minister of the Blackfriars Church, Glasgow, in 1633. His name occurs in the list of members of the High Commission, October 1634, (vol. i. p. 426;) and he was elected Dean of Faculty in the University of Glasgow, 23d April
1635.	In December that year he was translated to be second minister of the North-east parish of Edinburgh; and the Council on the 6'th January
1636,	directed 500 merks to pay the said Doctor for his translation. (Council Records, vol. xiv. pp. 36*2, 363.) But his compliance with the Bishops in using the Service-Book, and in joining with some of his brethren in declining the authority of the General Assembly 1638, rendered him very unpopular. The Assembly not being able to take up his case, he and these other ministers of the city were referred to a special commission, by an act on the 3cl December; and Baillie alludes to his own endeavours in his behalf. " The love I had to poore Dr. Eliot, who had not indeed declyned the Asseinblie, made me both plead myself and stir up Mr. R. Mel-drum and Eliezer Borthwick, his friends, to deal with Rothes and others, that the committee of Edinburgh should have power at farthest but to suspend and transport him, without deposition." (vol. i. p. 150.) This Commission had suspended him ; but at the Assembly 1639, when the reports were given in of their proceedings, 26th August, 41 Mr. John Row, and Mr. John Ker, who were appoynted to take notice of Doctor Eliot's case, reported, that they thought him to be a humble and modest man, penitent for any thing he has done, and submissive to the constitutions of the Kirk. The Assembly declares him to be capable of the ministrie, and to be provydit at the first occasion." (Peterkin's Records, p. 261.) On the 27th September 1639, the Town Council ordained the Kirk Treasurer " to pay Dr. Eliot his bygone stipends to Beltan last.1" (Council Records, vol. xv. p. 103.) He appears to have gone to England, and to have obtained some living there ; being evidently the person to whom Baillie refers, in a letter from London, to George Young at Glasgow 1st December 1646, when he says, " Commend me to the Principal: his daughter and her children are at their Church in the countrie. The extreme foulnesse of the weather has kept her Husband yet here: all are in good health." (vol. ii. p. 412.) He probably died about 1652.
By Dr. Eliot, her first husband, Helen Strang had at least one son and two daughters: (I.) A son mentioned in Dr. Strang's testament, as he bequeaths one-sixth part of his books " to John Eliot, my oye" (grandson) ; and again, " I leave to the said John Eliot, my golden ringe, quher-in my stampe is engraven in with the first letters of my name and armes."
(2.) The eldest daughter was married in 1656 to-Blair, minister
near Linlithgow. He was son of Hew Blair, minister of Glasgow, (vol. iii. p. 368.) Another daughter, Christian Eliott, towards the end of 1660, married Mr. Robert Watson younger, minister of Cardross, (ib. p. 436.)No. V.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxxi
Robert Watson, minister of Cardross, was dead in 1671, his Testament being recorded 31st October 1671, in the Commissary Records of Hamilton and Campsie. His relict was " Cirstane Eliott,11 and his executors-dative David and Margaret Watson.
By Robert Baillie, her se^nd husband, Helen Strang had an only child ;—
VIII. Margaret Baillie, born the 15th of July 1657, (vol. iii. p. 368.) From her father's testament it appears that she inherited a much larger portion than any of the children of the first marriage. This young lady must have married at an early period, probably about 1676. Her husband was John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield, Renfrewshire, descended from a younger brother of Walkinshaw of that ilk, in the reign of James the Sixth. There were, however, so many persons of the name during the 17th and early part of the following century, and so many intermarriages took place in the families of Walkinshaw and Barrowfield, that it is not easy to point out precisely the relative connections ; but after many inquiries, I imagine, the following may be considered as indicating the branch of the family with which Baillie's daughter was allied.
John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield seems to have been the person who was one of the magistrates of Glasgow for several years, between 1655 and 1673, being one of the baillies in 1655, 1658, 1660, 1665, 1668, and 1673 ; and dean of guild in 1666, 1667, 1771, and 1672; and he appears to have had at least three sons;—
(1.) John, the eldest son, the husband, as I suppose, of Margaret Baillie ; and it was no doubt this John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield who was served heir of John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield, his father, the 10th March 1693. (Inquis. Retorn. Lanark. 422.)
The son or grandson of John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield, is said to have involved himself by his Jacobite principles; and to have been the person who, being taken prisoner, and confined in the Castle of Stirling, after the Rebellion in 1745, made his escape by his wife exchanging clothes with him. Miss Catharine Walkinshaw, who obtained so much notoriety as the mistress of Prince Charles Edward, has been described as one of his daughters. But, as already mentioned, there is great difficulty in identifying the different branches of the Walkinshaws, at this period. It is certain, however, that Catherine Walkinshaw, who lived abroad from the year 1754 to the time of her death, had a daughter to Prince Charles, and that he left the bulk of his property in the French funds to this daughter, who was legitimated in 1787, and whom he created Duchess of Albany; but she died at Bologna, 18th November 1789, when about 23 years of age, and her property was inherited by the Cardinal of York. The names of other daughters of John Walkinshaw, who formed alliances in this country, are mentioned in the Appendix to a volume entitled " The Cochrane Correspondence,11 pp. Ill, 145. Glasg, 1836. 4to.
(2.) James, second son of John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield, and merchant in Glasgow. In 1683, Gavin Walkinshaw of that ilk alienated his lands to this James Walkinshaw, who died in 1708. His son and heir assumed the title of John Walkinshaw of Walkinshaw, and married Elizabeth Boyd. Their son John Walkinshaw of that Ilk, married Margaret
Walkinshaw, daughter of- Walkinshaw of Barrowfield; while a
second son William, married another daughter; and their grandson James alienated the property of Walkinshaw to William Millar in 1769. (Crawford's Renfrewshire, by Semple.)cxxii
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
[No. V.
(3.) William Walkinshaw of Scotstoun, is also styled a son of John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield. He married Marion, daughter of Thomas Crawfurd of Cartsburn; and acquired, in 1691, the lands of Scotstoun, in the county and parish of Renfrew, although situated on the North side of the Clyde. George Crawfurd, in his Description of Renfrewshire, 1710, in mentioning the proprietor of Scotstoun, says, " by whom this place is so much improven, by a very handsome house, well furnished, and adorned with curious orchards and gardens, stately avenues, and large enclosures, sheltered with a great deal of beautiful planting: So that it has become one of the sweetest seats upon the river of Clyde in this shire." William Walkinshaw was a merchant in Glasgow, and a partner with Crawfurd and Corbet, " in the trade of manufacturing hemp into cordage, ropes, Sec." He died in June 1715, leaving an only son and heir, John Walkinshaw ; who, having engaged in the Rebellion that year, before he was seized in possession of the lands of Scotstoun, escaped abroad, but still continuing to draw money from the business of Crawfurd and Corbet, as his father's successor in that concern, although he had been specially included in the act of attainder. At a subsequent date some questions having arisen, both as to the money he had drawn from that business, and his right to the lands of Scotstoun, occasioned a protracted litigation, which was finally decided upon appeal to the House of Lords, 9th June 1737; the decision being in favour of his creditors, and the property came into the possession of the family of Oswald.
It seems however to be certain, that Margaret Baillie, by her husband, John Walkinshaw of Barrowfield, had two daughters; some of whose descendants during the last century attained the highest distinction at the Scotish Bar.
(I.) One of the daughters married George Home of Kames, in Berwickshire, who was served heir of his father, Henry Home of Kames, 6th October 1692. Their son, was Henry Home, born in 1696, so well known by his philosophical and juridical writings, and a Senator of the College of Justice, under the title of Lord Kames. The family is now represented by his Lordship^ grandson, Henry Home Drummond of Blair-Drummond, Esq. Member of Parliament for the County of Perth.
(II.) The other daughter married Campbell of Succoth. John Campbell, Writer (Scriba) in Edinburgh, was served heir of William Campbell of Sockoth, his father, 7th April 1665. It was probably his son who married Miss Walkinshaw; unless Archibald Campbell, who passed Writer to the Signet in 1728, might have been the son, not grandson of John. Archibald Campbell, who became one of the Principal Clerks of Session, and died at an advanced age in 1790, was the father of Sir Ilay Campbell, Lord President of the Court of Session, who died 28th March 1823, in the 89th year of his age. The family is now represented by Sir Archibald Campbell of Succoth, Baronet, who also had a seat on the Bench from 1809 to 1825, when he retired.
It only remains to add, that the Baillies of Jerviston (a small property in the neighbourhood of Hamilton), from whom Principal Baillie was descended, are not to be confounded with the Baillies of Jervis-wood, in Roxburghshire,—a family so distinguished, before the Revolu-No. V.]
APPENDIX TO THE MEMOIR.
cxxiii
tion, by their sufferings for the cause of civil liberty, and their attachment to Presbytery. But among the persons who have claimed kindred with Principal Baillie, may be mentioned Dr. James Baillie, minister of the Kirk of Shotts, and Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow, who died 28th April 1778. By his wife, the sister of the two celebrated anatomists, Dr. William, and John Hunter, he left a son, Dr. Matthew Baillie, the eminent physician in London, who died 23d September 1823; and two daughters, one of whom is the present distinguished authoress of the " Plays on the Passions," and " Metrical Legends," Mrs. Joanna Baillie.
ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS.
MEMOIR.
Page xxvii.—Among other typographical errors, overlooked in the list at the end of Vol. Ill may be noticed in note 1, Academia, for Academics, and cumni for cum, in.
Ib. p. xxix, note 1.—Robert Fleming appears as a benefactor to the College of Edinburgh, by contributing to the building of two chambers in 1644. (Crawford's Hist, of the University, p. 152.)—It may be added that in the " Inventorie of the voluntar contributions," for the advancement of the Library and fabric of the College of Glasgow, in 1630, " Mr. Robert Baillie, Regent," subscribed 100 merks.
Ib. p. xlvi.—It is, I believe, a mistake to have said that either Baillie or Dickson ever actually signed their names in the manner alleged; as the Records of the College have been examined by a learned friend, and no such instance can be discovered. The assertion of their having done so, seems to have proceeded upon Principal Dunlop's MS. List of Masters, Principals, &c. in which they are so designated, the term Doctor having been taken from the minutes of their several appointments, as already noticed in the Memoir, in a sense unquestionably synonymous with Teacher.
Ib. p. li, note 2.—It is a mistake to assert that Worcester House, in the Strand, had not been occupied by the Scotish Commissioners during their long residence in London, from the end of 1643 to 1647. The passage where Lord Clarendon speaks of crowds resorting to their public sermons, ought in all probability to be applicable only to the year 1640 and 1641, when the Commissioners resided in the City. The anonymous author of " Motus Britannici," (p. 60. Rotterdam, 1647, 8vo.) says, it was for the mutual convenience of themselves and their friends, with whom they had vol. i.	rcxxiv ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS.
frequent and familiar intercourse, that the Scotish Commissioners changed their place of residence, (about 1645) :—" Hac de causa migrarunt Scoti ex Urbe, ubi antea sedem tenebant, ad Worcestrise sedes, ubi pro tempore hospitantur;" although other motives for this change were assigned at the time.
Ib. p. lix.—On his return to Glasgow, Baillie was elected Dean of Faculty in the University of Glasgow, for three successive years, in July 1647, 1648, and 1649. The Church in Glasgow in which he had officiated previous to his being appointed a Commissioner to the Westminster Assembly, was the Tron Church. Having resigned the charge, Hugh Blair and George Young were admitted ministers of that church in 1644.
Ib. p. lxvi.—The date of Gillespie's admission as Principal of the College of Glasgow, was the 14th February 1653. On the 12th October 1652, the election to supply the vacant places of Principal and second Professor of Theology was postponed till the 15th of that month, by the Moderators of the College ; and on that day Mr. John Young, first Regent, was elected by the Faculty " to the vacand profession of Theologies Baillie, as he tells Spang, (vol. iii. p. 238) was purposely absent, but he thus subscribes his colleague's appointment in the College registers,—" R. Bailly consents to this election." Young's admission, however, did not actually take place till the 20th January 1653. He was the son of George Young, one of the ministers of the Tron Church; and was the person of whom Baillie afterwards complained so bitterly for ingratitude. Upon the changes after the Restoration, Young conformed to Episcopacy. According to Keith, he " was elected Bishop of Argyle, but died before he was consecrated in 1661 ;" and was succeeded by David Fletcher, who held that See from the 18th January 1662 till his death in 1665. This is a mistake, as Young survived Fletcher* and was designed to be his successor; as we learn from some passages in letters from Archbishop Sharp to the Earl of Lauderdale. On the 29th March 1665, he says, " I find that the Bishop of Argyll is dead some dayes gone." On the 15th May, in reference to this vacancy, he adds, " that till I had spoke with the Archbishop of Glasgow and my Lord of Argyll, I could not determine upon a person for Argyll; and now, we having conferred about it, have pitched upon Mr. John Young, Professor of Divinity in Glasgow, as the fittest person on many accounts for succeeding to the See of Argyll." But on the 17th of June, that same year, he writes from Edinburgh as follows;—" Since I came to this place, I am told, by my Lord of Argyll, that Mr. Young is dead, to our great disappointment, through the loss of an able and usefull man."
Ib. p. lxx.—All the previous accounts of Baillie's Life concur in stating that his second wife, Helen Strang, was the widow of Robert Wilkie, minister of the Blackfriars Church, Glasgow; and I have fallen into the same error, both in this place and at page 368 of Vol. III. She was the widow of Dr. James Elliott, who was admitted as Wilkie's colleague or successor in that church. He was translated to Edinburgh, in December 1635 : See p. cxviii.ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS. cxxv
LETTERS:—VOLUME FIRST
Page 235. The person to whom this letter evidently was addressed, was William Home. Baillie thus mentions him, in 1657, " Eglintone writes to William Home, his servant, our baillie," &c. (vol. iii. p. 139.)
Ib. p. 279. Letter from London, 12th December 1640. It may be noticed, that a contemporary copy of this letter, commencing with the words in line 2d, " Our first Demand," &c. is contained in a MS. volume, entitled " Historical Miscellanies," p. 321. (Advocates Library. MSS. 34, 2, 9, folio.) The doubtful word veyit, at the middle of page 281, in this copy reads willed; which makes the passage intelligible.
Ib. p. 388, note 3. The date of this letter may be determined, by the mention at page 396, that 5000 men from Scotland were then in Ireland • these troops reached that county in April 1642.
VOLUME SECOND.
Page 105. This letter should have been dated earlier in November than the 17th, as Baillie seems (p. 107) to have reached London that day. The letter itself (foot of p. 104) professes to have been written before the vessel sailed, and the voyage must obviously have occupied several days.
Ib. p. 217. In speaking of Colkittoch, at this time, the anonymous author of the " Motus Britannici," says, " Eligitur homo nequam Alexander Macdonald, vulgo dictus ColeMttoch nomine patronymico (quasi dicas, vafer Colenus) quod patris esset simillimus inter omnes alios liberos;" (p. 96.)—In the foot-note to the same page, Ardnamurchan is, by an oversight, said to be in Ayrshire, for Argyllshire. By a similar oversight, Jerviswood, the property of the distinguished patriot, Robert Baillie, is said at p. cxxii. to be in Roxburghshire, instead of the parish and -shire of Lanark.
Ib. p. 340. The persons who are here mentioned, chiefly by their christian names, appear to have been Matthew, David, and James Forsyths, brothers of William Wilkie's mother-in-law, Abigail Forsyth, (the wife of Henry Gibson, " writer in Edinburgh, and indweller in Glasgow," who died within a few months of each other, he in August, and she in October, 1649;)—John Crichton, minister of Paisley, deposed by the Assembly in 1638;—Alexander Gibson ; Archibald Fleming of Peil, afterwards knighted by Charles II, and restored to his office of Commissary of Glasgow; Gavin Forsyth; and John Hay, minister of Renfrew. Wilkie's wife died in June 1655, and he agreed to pay to the Town Council a sum of £20 (Scotish,) for permission for her interment in the High Kirk of Glasgow.
VOLUME THIRD.
Page 224, note 4. The account of " The Life and Death of Mr. Robert Boyd, who died An. Chr. 1627,11 to which Baillie refers, is included incxxvi ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS.
" The Lives of sundry Eminent Persons in this Later Age. In Two Parts. I. Of Divines. II. Of Nobility and Gentry of both Sexes. By Samuel Clark, sometime pastor of Bennet Fink, London: printed and revised by himself just before his Death." p. 9. Lond. 1683, folio.
Ib. p. 234, note. John Earl of Lauderdale was detained as a prisoner in England till the Restoration; but he was removed from the Tower to Windsor probably about 1654, where he may have enjoyed a greater degree of liberty, and employed his time in the literary occupations alluded to at p. lxxv. of the Memoir.
Ib. p. 278. " Before his [Ramsay's] entry," &c. This is an oversight on the part of Baillie, as Ramsay was actually inducted, although he enjoyed the office of Principal for a very short time : See note to vol. iii.
p. 207.
Ib. p. 285. A copy of Baillie's dedicatory Epistle to Calamy, intended to accompany his Answer to Cotton and Tombes, (see p. xcviii) was contained in Vol. XXIII. of Wodrow's MSS. 4to. Unfortunately that volume, which might have supplied some additions to the present work, is supposed to be lost. The titles of such articles as it contained, either written by or addressed to Baillie, may be added from Wodrow's MS. Catalogue of his Collection of Manuscripts.
"23. A short Consideration of the Reasons brought first in the Protestation, and then in another paper for the Nullity of the late Assemblie at St. Andrews. By Mr. Robert Bailay.
" 27. Mr. Robert Bailay's Letter to Mr. Dickson, Sept. 10, 1655.
" 47. Mr. R. B"s Letter to My L. (President, I suppose,) anent a meeting (I suppose of the College of Glasgow.) about an answer to Mr. James Durham's Letter, April 7, 1651.
" 70. Mr. Robert Bailay's Dedicatory [Epistle] to his Vindication to Mr. Edmund Calamy. Glasgow, No. 1653.
" 77. A letter to Mr. D. Dickson, (I suppose from R. B.) May 4, 1655, anent a meeting with Remonstrators.
" 79. 80. Mr. R. B's Letter to Mr. Ash, Apr. 10, 1655, with Mr. Ash's answer."LETTERS AND JOURNALS
OF
MR. ROBERT BAILLIE.
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VW HI t\vLETTERS AND JOURNALS
of
MR. ROBERT BAILLIE.
To M. W[illiam] Wilkie.(1)
The Proclamation of our Liturgie(2) is the matter of my greateft affli6lion. I pray you, if you can comand any copie, by your money or moyen, let me have on[e], and it were but for tuo or thre dayes, with this bearer. I am myndit to call my ftudies for dif-pofing of my mind to fuch a courfe as I mey be aunfuerable to God for my cariage. Whouever, I am greatly affrayit that this aple of contention have banifhit peic,[e] from our poor Church heireftir for ever. In Ingland, to this hour, as fun[d]ry Epifcopall books latly printit does teftifie, this fyre is yet reikand, and reddie upon occafion to brek out for the trouble of that Church farder then ever. Ar we fo modeft fpirits, and fo towardly handlit in this matter, that ther is apeirance we will imbrace in a clap fuch a maffe of novelties. I find Andreus himfelf, the femigod of the neu fa&ion, preaching befor King James, in a wreit dedicat to
(1)	Wilkie, who afterwards became Minister of Govan, at this time was a Regent or Professor in the College of Glasgow. " Certain remarkable passages" from his letters to Dr. Balcanqual were printed by Lord Hailes, " Memorials, &c. in the reign of Charles I.1' (p. 47,) who calls him, by mistake, William Willie; and he says, " This Willie appears to have been a sort of ecclesiastical spy, employed by Balcanquhal, the great confident of Charles I., in every thing relating to Scotland." The allusion at the close of this letter to Wilkie's hope of preferment, was, no doubt, occasioned by a knowledge of his interest in that quarter. Several of his letters to Balcanqual are preserved, and will be inserted in the Appendix to this volume.
(2)	The Act of Privy Council enjoining the use of the Book of Common Prayer, is dated the 20th December 1636, and was next day proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh : but the book itself was not completed till May 1637-
vol. i.	a2
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
King Charles by this fam Canterburie,(3) ftieuing that all Church Laues, that all Canones Ecclefiafticall, have allwayes been made in Church Affemblies, and not elfwher. In Ingland it wes fo ever ; the leift ceremonie never appointit but in the Convocation ; though Andreus wer filent, the conftant pra6life of the Church, both univerfall and particular, does evinc this. It is to me a matter above mervell, whou any hes mintit to move our fueit Prince, to begin a new pra6life fo late on our poor Church. Had [we] been truly, as onc[e] we wer falfly aleagit, but a pendicle of the dioces of York, yit more then a miffive lettre would have been ufit to have movit us imbrace a hole book of neu Canons, and mor then ane A6t of Councell to have mad[e] us recev a neu Forme in the whol worfhip of God, prayer, facraments, mariag, buriall, preaching and all. For myfelf, I am refolvit, what I can digeft as any wayes tolerable with peic[e] of confcience, not only in deu tyme to receve myfelf, but to difpofe others alfo, fo farr as I can by word and writ, to receve quietly the fame; but what ever be my mind, yit I am affrayit fore that there is a ftorme raifit which will not calme in my dayes. It's a pitie that we ftiould have none to give our gratious Princ[e] deu information. They ar dear coft honour, which ar the pryce of our poor Countrie and Church peic[e] and liberties, betrayit to the luft, and fett onder the feit, of fome feu forrein Prelats, if not on[e] alone. I mey vent this much of my grevit mynd in thy bofome.
I think reddily the tuo vacant Bilhopriks Ihall be occafion of thy provilion; but God mak the[e] a better on[e] than to[o] many among us ar. Bifhopes I love ; but pride, greid, luxurie, oppreffion, immerfion in faicular affaires, was the bane of the Romifti Prelats, and can not have long good fucces in the Reformit.
Thy Brother,
Kilw[inning] Jan. 2, 1637.	R- Baillie.
[To Mr. William Spang.]
Dear and Loving Coosing,
Efter long expe6tatione, and marvelling of your lilence, at
(5) The English prelates here alluded to were Dr. Lancelot Andrews, successively Bishop of Ely, Chichester, and Winchester; and Dr. William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury.1637. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
3
laft this 20 of Januarie, I receaved your lift two together, and your Currents to the 53. I mull entreat yow to continew, not fo much your old kindneffe to me in wryting, for of this I do not complaine, as your old prudence in dire6ling them ; it wes above, I think, fix weeks after the coming home of our Glafgow merchants, that your letters promifed with them come to my hands. It is mervellous that in all our countrey we Ihould have no word from over fea, more nor we were in America. Will yow be pleafed to fend it; poffiblie ye let us whiles want, of purpofe, that we may know the better to whom we are indebted. For my felf I am fo evill a payer, that yow may refuife to furnifh me any longer in this ware, as a defperate bankrupt; alwayes, to give yow fome hope, I minde to pay the principall, even a whole Olympiad of Gazets. I have fent yow for annuallrent, half a gallon of our Glafgow water ; I will intreat yow drink my fervice to your wife, afTureing her that I did wifh her all pro-fperitie, and could be moft glad to doe her pleafure if ever fhe came to Kill winning: tell her that fhe may have confidence of a long and vigorous life to her hufband, who wes born and brought up in fo happie a citie, where fuch livelie waters runnes in everie flreit.
Your Currents and letters make my heart both forie and glad ; glad I am to fee the help of God with the poor Langrave, by the vi6tory of the Swedds ; glad I am to fee the wickednefs of that foolifh prince of Saxone punifhed; glad I am that both the Cardinall was forced to retire from Picardie, and Galace from Burgundie, without any gaine of all their fearfull enterprizes ; I am alfo glad that the Swedds hes forced Lunenburgh to a neuterallitie, and Brandeburge (as it feems) either to a confederate or contribution; also that the diet of Ratifbone is broken up without a conclufion for a King of the Romans, and with a plain refufall (if we will hear it at lafl after fo many hunder repetitions of the fame reall anfwer) to reflore the Palatinate. Bot moft glad I am that the meeting of Culen is like to evanifh; for I wes and yet am greatly afraid of the French their levitie that they fitt down, being evill breathed men and foon out of wind, and leave their good friends, both Witinberge, and Trier [Treves], and Parme, and your Eftates, to fee to themfelves, let be to conjoyne with our King in any league how neceflare foever at this time to both. Bot if it be true that they yet have courage and meanes to renew the warr on that fyde, and the Swedds continue on the other, if the Turk would truely come downe4
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1637.
on the fouth, I hope that the Auftrians, albeit they once againe gatt the Croone, and Bavar alfo, for all his fone and heir, might be moved to fuffer our banifhed men after fo many yeares, come home and live in peace. I wes forie to fee fo much Chriflian blood monethlv fhed, and fo great appearance of more to be fhed, thefe warrs being yet, as it were, bot in the beginning.
Eor our eflate at home, I doe not underfland it; neither does any I meit with underfland it better. After we were beginning to forget the Book of our Canons, before Zuile vacants, a Proclamatione wes made by ane Act of Councill, at the King's directione, brought home with the Bifhope of Roffe, (who the lad year alfo brought us down our Canons,) to receave the Service Book. This all the Churches in Scotland are commanded to doe againft Pafche nixt, under the paine of horning ; yit to this day we cannot gett ane fight of that Book. The reafone, fome fayes, is becaufe our Scottifh editione is not yit compleatlie printed. I would rather think that fome of our Bifhops makes delay, as not being at a full point themfelves what they would have in, and what out. I know much of it wes printed in Edinburgh before Zuill was a year. We heard then that the Bifhop of Edinburgh chiefly had obtained that we fhould be quyte of the Surplice, Croffe, Apocrypha, Saints dayes, and fome other traflie of the Inglifh Liturgie; bot fince that tyme, they fay that Canterburie fent down to our Chancellor a long wreit of additions, which, nill he, will he, behooved to be putt in. However it be, my Lord Treafurer brought home a copie of our Scottifh Service printed at Londone; which fundrie lies perufed, and fayes, they find no difference betwixt it and the Inglifhe Service, fave in one ; to witt, in additione of fundrie moe Popifh rites, which the Inglifh wants : We mufl crofle in Baptifme, have ring in marriage etc. bot befyde, we mufl confecrate at fett tymes, with fett prayers, holy water to ftand in the font; at the delyverie of the elements there is ane other, and that a very ambiguous prayer, as they fay, looking much to Tranfubflantia-tion; the Deacone, on his knees, mufl, in ane offertorie, prefent the devotions of the people to the Lord upon his altar or table. Eor myfelf, I fufpend my judgement till I fee the Booke, only I fear the event be to the hurt of our poor Church. Thefe which are averfe from the ceremonies, whereof there is great numbers, yea, almoft all our nobilitie and gentrie of both fexes, counts that Booke little better then the Mafle, and are farr on a way to fe-parate from all who will imbrace it. I think verilie, if they knew1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
5
[themfelves] to be in no greater danger then Papifts among us are, they would not faill to abftaine from the publick affemblies, as weill as they doe ; and their number and qualitie is fuch, that readilie it may procure from the Prince that libertie which the Papifts hes ; and of this, without farder for the prefent, I think they will be glad ; yea, upon all hazards, though the law fhould take away all they have from them, it is like, when all minifters hes obeyed, they will never countenance a conforme Affemblie. God grant I may prove a falfe prognofticator; I look for the moft pitiful fchifm that ever poor Kirk has felt. The affections of both fydes dayly funders more and more, and both gives to other new occafions of mifinterpretations; the one puts poperie, idolatrie, fuperftition, in fundrie things which are innocent of thefe faults ; they fpeak of the perfones and a6liones of men otherways then it becomes ; they give appearance that for the changes already made, albeit no farder were, of their mind to feperate. The other feemes wilfullie to add fewell to their flame; to command upon fole authoritie, without ever craving the advyce of any, (fo farr as we can hear,) if fuch things be expedient ; yea, if they be lawfull: bot Prefbytries, Seffiones, Affemblies, mull down; the Bilhop and his officiall, the Warden and the clerk, and the Prieft of the pariihe muft up ; the new formes of Baptifme, Eucharill, Marriage, Buriell, Prayers, Pfalmes, Preaching, muft be received under the paines of de-pofitione, excommunicatione and horning; who will not yeild, he is a feditious, factious rebell, not only againft the Kirk and King, bot God and his fyfte command : Sundrie of them, in their preaching, difcourfes, and printed books, declareing their mindes for many tenets of Poperie and Arminianifme; none of them fhewing any appearance of zeall for reprefling of Papifts or Arminians at home, for redreffmg the afflicted ftate of Pro-teftants abroad ; the moft of them openlie hunting for advancement, ftate offices, penfions ; calling the modeftie, painfull lecture, preaching, and fuch other ecclefiaftick vertues underfoot.
Allace ! We make our felf more and more unfavorie daylie ; when we have gottin our augmentationes, we are fo fevere in exacting, that we are a common talking. The 34 year of God wes a fore year to our labourers ; bot the 35 yeir wes the worft that in this laft age wes feen. The Commiffar feirs wes ten pound for meill and bear ; bot fundrie of our brethren are charging, to the lhame of us all, for twelve and above. Others of us are breaking out in vylc adulteries; mutterings of many; two6	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
under publick cenfure ; Mr. Archibald Grahame depofed by the High Commiilione. He wes thought ane eunuch, and fo gives it yit out with the greateft oaths ; bot I chanced to be at one of his tryells in Glafgow, where fo fowll practices were deponed againlt him, that had he bein my father, I would have fubfcribed to his depolitione. Mr. David Henderfone of Kill-maurs is fufpended, and, as I think, fhall Ihortlie be depofed for this fame cryme ; never a papift preift accufed of moe foule tricks than are deponed againlt him. We are like to become verie vile. The Bifhope of Argyle wes no fooner dead, then a number lope to their friends for recommendations to Court; yet three only could get themfelves leitit. Mr. Henrie Rol-lock,(4) for whom the Chancellour(5) dealls, and many courtiers : he is your good friend, but hes loft all his reputatione, as it feemes, moft defervedlie; it were good he wer a Bifhope, for then he needed preach none ; he might eat, wear, play, and look as ftatelie as now he does, without challenging. • The next is the Deane, for whom Roffe dealls. The third is Dr. Monroe, who for that place is thought meeteft, but hes no hope, be-caufe few friends at Court. The Thefaurer,(ti) who now guides our Scotts affairs with the moft abfolute fovereigntie that any fubje6t among us this fourtie yeares did kyth, is for his old mafter, Mr. James Fairley; and he is moft redoubted (though not upon the leits) for the greatnefs of his friend. This in-creafes his colleage, Mr. Andrew Ramfayes malcontentment, who now is clean mifregarded by our gi?eat cleargie; fo he hes been preaching to the people's contentment againlt the Anti-chrift, and is fpeaking of dimitting his miniftrie, and retireing to his own lairdlhipe; yet they are few years paft lince moft bafelie he wes begging the Subdeanrie of the Chappell, which yet I think he brooks.
The laft year, our Bilhops guided all our eftate, and became verie terrible to our whole countrie : they are now a little lower. The firft rubb they had wes in the matter of the Abbacie of Lindores. They had weill near gottin that through, as a lirlt preparative to have made all the reft follow, that all our Abbacies fhould have been conferred on preachers, that fo many new Lords
(4)	In the MS. this name is usually written, in a contracted form, Rocke. Henry Rollock, the person referred to, was one of the Ministers of Edinburgh.
(5)	John Spottiswoode, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was appointed Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, 14th January 1635.
(G) John Earl of Traquair, Lord High Treasurer for Scotland.1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
7
of Parliament fhould have been ere6ted for the Church. This all the Nobilitie did fo band themfelves againft, that the King's minde was drawn clean off the defigne. The next rubb they gatte wes in the matter of the Thefaurer, fra Canterberrie had gottin the Bifhop of London Thefaurer of Ingland. At the word of Mortoun's dimiffion, Roffe(7) thought himfelf fure of that office, and fo did we all; bot the Duke and the Marqueifs, fett out by a number of our Noblemen, did concurr to ftirr up Traquair (as he letts out fore againlt his heart) to make meins for that place, that he might, by his great partes, be a barr to hinder the inundatione of our impetuous Clergie, which wes like to overflow all. This place he obtained in defpyte of them; and fince hes ever been a thorn in their fide. Rofie being disappointed of his hope, went to Court to follift the breaking up of the Commiffion, as a thing moft prejudicial! to the Clergie; for indeed it is an annihilatione of the teinds for all tyme coming, except that fmall portion of them which is alloted to the Minifters. This Rofie obtains, and the King's will difchargeing the Commiffione is given to Traquair to carry to the Councill in a clofed letter ; bot being informed, I think by the Secretar, what he caried unawares in his bofome, he makes fuch remonftrances to the King, that he is content to give him a new direction, to be pre-fented to the Councill after the firft, willing the Commiffion to be continued, if fo be after advyfement they fand it expedient for the weill of the countrie. Traquair and Rofs came home together; bot Traquair having the King's pofterior warrand for the Commiffion's continuance, and haveing moved the moft part of the Lords of Councill, even of the Bilhops themfelves, to fubfcryve the expedience of that continuatione, he hes obtained from the King a new warrand for the dounfitting of that Commiffione, the 8 of January, which wes up fince the 24 of July : This is thought the greateft affront that ever Rofie gatt, and hes cooled much his courage. Befyde the whole nobilitie, both here and at Court, which backs Traquair, he has made a part of the Biftiops themfelves to be for him ; Brechin, Murray, and whereof moft I marvell, Galloway, evidently are his men ; the Chancellor is fo terrified by him, for fear of fome his own practices, what I know not, that he is not, nor dare not be much oppofed. Glafgow he abufes pitifullie at his pleafure, after, with very much adoe, Brechin had obtained to him the
(7) Dr. John Maxwell, Bishop of Ross.8
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
King's hand for the annuities in his Dioceffe, till he was fullie payed of his fyve thoufand pound fterling. Traquair, after long delayes, at laft gave him way, hot, to this day, doe what he can, he fruftrates him, and receives himfelf thofe annuities, to Glafgowes infinite malcontentment: yit he hes plaid him a worfe hurt fince. After the Bifhop had made incredible dinn and bulinefs with our honeft Toun, when by no mean'es he would be contented, except he were relieved of their Miniflers' ftipends, and receaved acknowledgement of everie particular holder in the town as the matter of their ground ; Patrick, (8) by Traquair, obtains the King's hand to a lignature, wherein their holding of the Crowne immediately their patronage of the Blackfriers and Laigh Church, and many moe of their rights, challenged by the Bifhop, are confirmed; this Patrick getts through all the Sealls, and home to Glafgow, by their deir friend the Thefaurer, in fpite of all that oppofition which the Bifhops conjoyned could make. If he doe a third like thir two to poor Glafgow, I think he will kill him with difpleafure. There is a God. We hear the Bifhops are confident that Traquair fhall be their arme to force the country, by horrible fynes, to obey all their injunctions : they fay he gave Canterberrie this afTurance at his firfl advancement ; but others doe hope that he will be moved to remon-flrate to the King the countrie's grievances at the Bifhops proceedings : it is evident that he fetts himfelf to croffe their generall defignes, and almofl profeffes to doe particular defpite to his antagonifl RofTe, alfo to Glafgow and St. Andrewes.
Mr. Rutherfoord, of whom you write, was filenced and confined to Aberdeen, for preaching againfl the Articles of Perth and fuch things. It is true he refufed to give the Chancellour or ony of the Bifhops their flyles ; they were animat alfo againfl him for taxing Camerone in his book, and moft for his indilcreet railing at Jackfone ; alfo it is long fince the Regifler, dealing to have Mr. Henry Rollocke coadjutor to the blind Bifhop of Galloway, did put in the King's hands a treatife written by Rutherfoord upon Conventicles, or the extent of private men's libertie in publick praying and exponing of Scripture, to be ane argument of that Bifhops negligence. All thir things and fome moe did provoke them, bot the alleadged caufe of their cenfure wes onlie Conformity. The man is godly and a prettie
(s) This person was evidently Patrick Bell, who had been Provost of Glasgow in 1634, and again in 1638.1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
9
fcholar; however I like not weill his obfcuritie in that book, and I miflike alfo his conclulions and reafonings in a pamphlet of his, goeing athort our people, A Relation of a Conference of his with Sincerfe of Galloway,(n) wherein he will have our kneilling black idolatrie. One of his grounds is a tenet which he imputts to the Bilhop, that the Act of Perth does injoyne to kneill, for reverence, to the myfterious elements; this kneilling I think a Papift would not maintain, fo I take it for a calumnie ; alwayes I take the man to be among the moft learned and befl ingynes of our natione. I think he were verie able for fome profeffione in your Colledges of Utreck, Groninge or Rotter-dame ; for our King's dominions, there is no appearance he will ever gett living into them (]) : if yow could quietlie procure him a calling, I think it were a good fervice to God to relieve one of his troubled minifters; a good to the place he came to, for he is both godlie and learned ; yea, I think by time he might be ane ornament to our natione.
Concerning Durseis (2) bufinefs, when ever I hear of the advancement of it, I am refrefhed; yow neid put no queftione on our fide, for we did ever earneftlie fute it. I marvell of your Hollanders that does oppofe it now. The befl of them, Voetius, I am fure, and, as I remember, Rivet and Valle, hes declared in print their judgement for that Unione. I fear the Saxon divines fhall now retract their Leipfick Conference. I wifh Durae would turn his Hypomnemata into a full ftorie, like that of Hofpinian, in Re Sacramentaria. His anfwers that he hes gotten from Divines and Princes, if they were in print, would be much for edificatione. I was much bettered by the wreit of the thrie Inglifh Bifhopes. I wifh yow fent to the Colledge fome wrytes of that kinde, fuch as Parsei Irenicon, and Crocii AfTertio Auguftana, with Menzeri Anticrocius, and one Chriflophorus MafTenus, or fome other, who writes weill on that fubject. However, it be now two years fince Dureae wreit to St. Andrewes of that purpofe, yet never did I hear of any fuch purpofe, no, not to this day, bot from yow, albeit, in fuch purpofes, I am curious
(9) Thomas Sydserff, Bishop of Galloway.
Q) Mr. Samuel Rutherford had been deprived of his living as Minister of Anwoth, in 1636, by Bishop Sydserff:—he was restored in 1638.
(2) Mr. John Dury, (in Latin Duraeus,) a learned Divine, who laboured assiduously, both at home and abroad, to bring about a Unicn betwixt the Lutheran and Calvinistic Churches.10
LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1637.
of intelligence. I approve weill the Bilhop's wifdome in con-cealling that from our people, for they would not faill to tak it for a policie of theirs, to bring us on that farr, to yeild firft to the Lutherans and then to the Papifts; fo if they faw any fuch matter in hand, they would, by that means, be the more confirmed in /landing ftill where they are. I have a mind to have fome books from London, if yow had any acquaintance there that would tak paines to buy and fend them to yow. I think I might have them fo als foon and als fafe? as any other way. Yow will wreit to me if yow think this courfe expedient, alfo what way I fhall fend yow the moneys. If yow had any tiling to be anfwered here, it wer my greateft eafe to give money to your Father. For the prefent, I defyre from Amfterdam fome little things ; if it might be, I wifh they were bound, and that in leather, for I love not your whyte parchment. I defyre then, Acta Remonftrantium, and Amefii Antifynodalia, Voffii Hiftoria Pelagiana, Ufferii Godefchalcus, Doflat's Letters compleat; thir books I hope to fee, and wifhes them of my owne, alfo Apologia Remonftrantium, and Vorftius de Deo, cum notis completis. I have many other of Vorftius' wreits. I have fein that of the Colledge, bot the notes were not full, being ane evill editione. I wifli yow [would] fend to the Colledge fome who refutes his Reafons, and alfo that yow fend to them a Mercurius. I mull be in your debt till yow wreit to me the beft way of fending yow money. Hereafter I ftiall have money at yow; God willing ere I wryte for books. If I wryte feldome, yow feie I am fo long that I fafch yow ; bot what iliall I doe, we muft meafure our neighbour by our own foot, the longer your letters to me are, they were ever the more pleafant. I fend yow heir inclofed one of my letters to my cooling, Mr. Creichton; yow will fend it back to me, for I have not ane other copie. Shew me your opinion of the trueth of my arguments, and if yow advyfe me to goe on in fuch Conferences; for the prefent he has fent me his judgement of Predeftination, wherein he is fully with Armi-nius. I am upon my anfwer, which if yow pleafe yow fhall fee.
We are in good hopes, that Arundell's return to Court lhall doe us much good. It appears that all the King's fubje6ls are moft willing to give of their goods and perfons what can be craved for the Palatin's reftitutione. Only the queftion will be to give the Parliament-men way to complaine of fome pretended abufes in Church and State. We hope that no Churchman nor Statefman will be fo divelifh as to marr that fweit1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
11
harmonie betwixt the King and the Parliament, which now is altogether neceflar for the removeing of that greivous infamie under the quhilke our dominion long hes lyen, to the infinite greif of our fweit Prince. It's our heartie prayer there might be a Parliament in Ingland which might obtain all miforders there redrefled: this would be fome hope for us alfo to be heard in our like greivances; except this, we have no other worldlie hope ; if the Palatine be longer negle6led, if any wicked fpirit hinder the calling of a Parliament, or a juft hearing when it is called, we are feared for worfe evills then yit we have felt. Our Thefaurer, they fay, is written for to Court; his freinds gives out it is to perfuade the Duke,(3) with whom he hes great credit, to that match with Pembroke's fonnes widow, Buckingham's daughter, whereto the King cannot get his minde, how facile foever, yet fully wrought, for all her infinite portion. We had hopes he might have obtained one of the Palatine's lifters, but now, if he would look thereaway, frae the King hes ftiewed his will of his matching otherwayes, it might prove his hurt: Poor Prince, God helpe him ! Buckinghame his friends hes drawen him down from high hopes, (if it be as the report is ;) however, our Thefaurer is a great courteour, bot I feare he cannot Hand long ; he caries all down that is in his way, with fuch a violent fpaite, oft of needlefs paffion. They fay he brake up the Coun-cill the other weeke in fpleene, without conclufion; Glafgow and Galloway, and the Advocate, againlt his minde, ft an ding to the diffolution of a late Border marriage, wherein an heretrix was feduced to confent to ane youth of my Lord Hume his friends, and thereafter was brought by her own freinds to repent and crave the annulling of her pretended marriage. It is mar-vailled that Galloway would have croffed him ; alwayes he fell upon the poore Advocate pitiefully with his tongue, and hes affrayed him with Sir Lewis Stewart's fucceffion to his place. I pray God fo guide our Statefmen, that they may agree to feek the weell of our fighing land and our Church, more affrayed for a ftorme then it was this long tyme. I mull clofe at laft, remembring my fervice and my maftres to yow and your maftres, whom I am very defirous to fie in Scotland. The Lord be with yow, and fend yow matter abroad, and me at home wherewith
(3) James Fourth Duke of Lennox. He married Lady Mary Villiers, only daughter of George first Duke of Buckingham, and relict of Charles Lord Herbert, who died in 1635.12
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
your nixt letters may refrefli me, and myne yow, more then tliir our laft can doe. So I remain your loving coufine,
[R. Baillie.]
Send me alfo, if ye can have it, Latii Hiftoria Pelagiana, and fome good Treatifes of Brounifme. I hear Anfwerth hes written for their feparation, and Paget or fome other againft it, which I gladly would have, for I feare to have too much ufe of fuch peeces. Yow have here alfo my Conference with Mr. Creichton anent the matter of herefie; if yow keep all clofe to yourfelf, as I know ye will, and fend all tliir 7 flieets back, yow fliall have any other you require. Jan. 29, 1637.
To My Lord Archbishop of Glasgow.^1)
Pleafe your Lordfliip, your Lordlhip's letter of the 7th of this inft. I receavedthe 13th late, wherein I am defired to preach the lafl Wedenfday of this inftant before the Aflembly, and to frame my fermon to incite my hearers to the obedience and practice of the Canons of our Church and Service-Book, publifhed and eftabliflied by authoritie. I am much oblidged to your Lordfhip's eftimation of my poor giftes, and does humbly thank your Lordfliip for intending to honour me with fo great a fer-vice; but, withall, am forry that my prefent difpolitione ne-cefitats me to decline the charge. I will confefle myfelf to your Lordfliip freely, for I have found ever fuch sequitie in your Lordfliip, and fo favourable a refpect towards me in all my affaires, that I am imboldened, without all diffimulation, to fpeak what is in my minde ; the truth is, that as yit I have not ftudied the matters contained in the bookes of our Canons and Common Prayer ; only I have taken a flight view of them, whereby, for the prefent, my minde is no wayes fatiffied; yea, the little plea-fure I have in thefe bookes, and the great difpleafure I find the molt part, both of paftours and people wherever I come, to have conceaved againft, them, hes filled my minde with fuch a mea-fure of grief, that I am fcarce able to preach to my own flock ; bot to fpeak in another congregation, let be in fo famous a meet-
(4) Patriek Lindsay, of the Family of Edzell, in Angus-shire, Bishop of Ross, was translated to the See of Glasgow in April 1633.1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	13
ing, and that upon thefe matters, I am at this tyme alluterlie unable. Your Lordlhip, I put no queftion, is fo aequitable as to take in good part this my ingenuous confefiion of the true caufe why I am unable to accept that honourable imployment which your Lordfiiip's more then ordinar refpe6l would have laid upon me; fo for this and many moe favours receaved, farr above my deferving, I pray God to bliffe your Lordfhip, and to continue yow many yeares to be our overfeer; for be perfuaded that mony thoufands here where I live are gritly afrayit, that whenever your Lordfhip ftiall goe, their peace and quietnefs fhall goe away with yow. This is
Your Lordlhip's very loving Friend, and obedient Servant,
R. Baylie.
Kilwinning, August 14, 1637.
to .... e>
Reverend and Beloved Brother,
As I promifed to yow, fo I have performed. Yefterday morning I ftiew to my Lord, that I intended on Sunday to have a Sefiion for to fend a Commifiioner to fupplicat the Councell, as I trufted mony of my neighbours would doe. After he had for a little diflyked my purpofe, and propofed fome impofiible wayes of his own, at laft he was weill content to approve our Supplicatione, and, if he had health, to back it, or elfe to write to his freinds. At my departure my Lord Montgomerie lighted; he allured me, that whether his father went or no, he would not faile to goe to Edinburgh for this eirand. Thence I went to Stevenltoune. Mr. John Bell, I left him willing not onlie to caufe his Sefiion fupplicat, but to goe to Dairy and acquaint Mr. Robert Bell with the purpofe, and to wreit to Mr. James Fullertoun, Mr. William Rufiell, Mr. Hew Eglintoun, to fencl the cheif gentlemen of their paroches with the Supplication. Thence I went to Ardrofiane. Mr. Alexander hes promifed to fend a Supplication, and to intreat himfelf, James Mitchell to carry it. Alfo to go to Kilbryde this day, and to requeift Mr. George to move his Sefiion on Sonday to fend Hunterfloune or
(5) In the MS. this Letter has no address- It probably, however, was directed to one of the Ministers of Glasgow, either to Robert Wilkie or John Maxwell: Vide infra, p. 19.14
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1637.
Waterftoune with their Supplication ; he lies promifed to write thence to Mr. Thomas Craig, that it was our defyre he fould be earneft with old Skelmurlie to carrie their Supplicatione. In my return, I came be the Kirilaw, where I left Cunninghameheid refolved to carie the Supplication of Stevenftoune, and to tak Mr. John Bell with him to Edinburgh. He promeifed alfo to goe this day to requeift old Blair to accept the Supplication of Dairy, for I thought it expedient that he wer in Edinburgh, efpecially to move his goodfone Blakhall, to informe my Lord Duke of Lennox. I have written to Mr. Michael in fuch a fafloun as yow would laugh at. I have told him how I under-ftood of the Supplication to be prefented; bot of your dealing or mine, I have told him nought. I have defyred him to fend me a double of his paroche Supplication, that I may conforme mine to it, and intreats him for this courtefie as a great favour ; alfo I defyre him to fhaw if they will give their Commiflion to young Rowallane, or to whom elfe. This I think be all that yow re-queifted of me at parting. Every thing lies fucceeded according to our minde. It refts that we pray for a happie event to God, that he would avert the poprie of the one fide, and the fchifme of the uther, and the bloodie fword of both. It were good that Hefilheid were in Beith on Sonday to accept the Commiflione of his paroche. Cunninghamehead promifed to write to Cap-ringtoune to accept the Commiflione of Dundonald. We ad-verteifed Mr. John Eergufhill that was in Dairy to adverteife his neighbours at his returne. Yow have negle6ted Kyle and Carrick ill: yow have tyme to adverteife Kyle yet, that out of mony paroches there may go a gentleman. When yow come to Edinburghe, yow will doe weill to imploy Mr. Archbald John-Itoune rather then they yow named to me, to mak that Toun fupplicat. Negle6t not to caufe Angous and Rothus at leaft, if no mo, to fpeik plaine Scottilh to my Lord Duke of Lennox and the Thefaurer ; what may coft them readilie their life and their lands, fall they not ufe means diligentlie to avert it. Wherever yow goe, imploy the Supplicationes of thefe yow know ufes to pray in earneft; however I differ far fra yow in judgement about many things, and ever the longer the more, yet the troubles of our poore Church and State I would redeem with the lofle of my right hand, yea, of my head, and all that I have, bot my foule alone and my confcience. The Lord be with yow, as happie as yow have been, to procure this good and wife courfe of fupplicating, both now and before. I truft1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	15
God lhall make yow als happie hereafter, if this meane prevaill not to be his inftrument to withdraw people from inraged, flefhlie, unchriftian, and divelifhe courfes, whereupon nature does fett too many, and the divell fpurres them under the falfe pretext of religion.	Your Brother,
[R. Baillie.]
All that I have done is with fo little dinn as was poffible. The double of your Supplication will be given to all the Minifters I have named, except to Mr. Michael, for fear to marre him be any kinde of our prefcriptiones. As yow have defired, I have written alfo to Dunbarton.
[To Mr. William Spang.]
Deare and Loving Cusing,
My bell reply to your complaint of the rarity of my letters, is their prolixity, if not fuperfluous tedioufnefs, when they come. I delayed alfo for a while to wryte, till ye had anfwered, as fundry tymes ye promifed, to fome pafTages of my laft, which did requyre anfwer. Ye fhall doe weell hereafter when ye take leafure to wryte to me, to have my laft befyde yow, that when ye take a blenk of it, ye may remember the cheif points wherein I crave your anfwer; bot the cheif caufe of my fo long delay, was my hovering expectation till our prefent commotions had come, if not to fome conclulion, yet to fome crife, that from thence I might have advertifed you with fome certain ground, what was our prefent ftate, and what hopes or fears we had for the future ; bot left this my expectation fhould occalion in yow thoughts of my undutifulnefs, if it continue any longer, I fhall fhew yow the eftate of our affaires as they are, at leaft as I am informed of them ; though as yet, they are hinging without any certaine, fo much as propenfion to fettle in any pofiture, which is knowen to us, or well imaginable to any man; only God knowes what he will doe with us all; for all, King, Court, Church, State, England, Scotland, feemes to be in a very ftag-gering ftate, if God with his hand hinder not men and divells from their humorous inclinationes; for, as yet, I think there be no refolution taken on any hand.
In my laft I fhew yow how that, in the breaking up of the Winter Sefiion, there was a Proclamation, by found of trumpet,16
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1637.
commanding all fubjedts, ecclefiaftick and civil, to conform them-felves to the Liturgie againft the nixt Pafch. Till that term there was no dinn; for the books were not printed till Aprile was pall, and a while thereafter. No diligence could obtaine a light of them ; bot in May, when letters was obtained by diverfe of the Bilhops, commanding, under the paine of horning, every Minifter in their Dioceffe to buy, for the ufe of their paroche, two of thefe books, there began to be much talking of that bulmefs ; which increafed when the Bilhop of Galloway, in his Affembly, had purchafed the confent of the moft part of his minifters to take thefe books, to ufe them ; as the word went, to buy them when they come from the prefle. Well I wote his Lordship alfo held in Galloway an high Commiffion, where, for matters of conformity, he fyned fome gentlemen: he confyned the Magiftrats of Kirkubrie to Wigtoun for a tyme; the Laird of Earlltoun, who, by Lorne, and the reft of my Lord Ken-mure's curators, was intrufted with the moft of that pupill's affairs, for his abfence, he fined in 500 merks, and confined his perfon to Montrofe. No dealing could move the Bilhop to pafs from the execution of this fentence ; yea, at the Coun-cill table, when Lorne was relateing fome circumftances of this bulineffe, he got a reply from the Bilhop, which he called a lie, and fo raife in high paffion, and yet remaines malcontent for that injurie. For myfelf, I think the Bilhop could not be fo impertinent, bot that rather that wife nobleman would make ufe of fome ralh word, which hes fallen from his mouth ; however, he and all the nobles takes it for a very pert affront done to their eftate, even in Councill. The matter, I hear, is before the King, and yet not agreed. It went alfo braid and wyde, and was told to the Bilhop's face, by my Lord Dumfreis, before the The-faurer, that he did wear under his coat, upon his breaft, a Crucifix of gold ; to which challenge his reply was bot faint. A certain gentleman told me, that he did fee, and handle, and conferre concerning that crucifix, with the Bilhop. For all this, I doe not believe it, for I, upon my old refpe6t to the man, made M. R. Hamiltone his familiar pofe him upon the matter; who reported to me his full purgation of this calumnie. However, that Synod and Commiffion in Galloway, that fuppofed lie and crucifix, did give no little occalion to the increafe of the people's murmures. The Bilhop of RolTe himfelf, in his Cathedrall at leaft, did, long before that time, and fo to this day continues to read a Liturgie, whether the Englilh, or ours printed at1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	11
London, I doe not know. The Bilhop of Dunblane, at his! 4 Synod, did read it; and gave all his Minifters Michaelmes terme to advyfe, whether then they would life that Book, or leave their places. The Bilhop of Edinburgh in his Synod, when -Mr. H. Rolloke had preached at length for the obedience to the King and Church, did read the Book. Mr. D. Michell and young Durie were the chief anfuerers. St. Andrewes in his dioceffe did propone the buying and ufeing of the Booke, and thereupon took inltruments. Glafgow was lick in Edinburgh; fo in our Synod was no word of this matter. In the meantime, fome copies of the Book goes from hand to hand; fome of the unconforme pairtie makes it their text daily, to {hew the multitude of the Popish poynts contained in the book ; the groffnefs of it far beyond the English; the way of the impoling of it, not only without any meeting either of Church or State, bot contrare to flanding lawes both of Church and State ; in a word, how that it was nought bot the Mafs in Englifh, brought in by the craft and violence of fome two or three of the Bifhops againft the minde of all the reft, both of Church and Statefmen. Thir things did found from pulpits, were carried from hand to hand in papers, were the table talk and open difcourfe of high and low. So it goes to the mids of July, when the King's letters comes down to diffolve the Commiffion for the Tithes, till farder advyfement, procured, as molt thought, by the Thefaurer, to croffe the Chancellour; who at that tyme was to draw in the Churches of the Abbacie of St. Andrewes, his new cafuality, and to caufe provide each of them a locall ftipend within the pariftie, which would have annihilate the tacks of many noblemen and gentlemen athort all Fyfe, fet by my Lord Duke of Lennox ; for many paroches were all dilapidat, and the Mini-fters, whiles two or three, provided out of the tithes of other parifhes : fo the Chancellour obtaining a locality to the Minifter, according to the Act of Parliament, within the paroche, would have much augmented his own rent, and diminifhed that of the tackfmen, and hurt the credite of the houfe of Lennox, who had receaved moneys for thefe tacks, which they could not warrand till expedients could be found. To remead this evill, the Thefaurer getts the Commiffion diffblved. St. Andrewes, whether to preveene this plot, or for what other defigne, re-folves to Court, and to Winter there. He thought to have ufed meanes to have been fent for; or, if thefe failed, to have pretended a voyage to the Bathes. Glafgow alfo did proteft,
VOL. i.	B18	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637:
off: tymes, that he would goe and complaine of the Thefaurer; who did continue, notwithftanding of all his contrare promifes, to fruftrate him of his gift of fyve thoufand pound fterling, out of the annuities of his Diocefe : for this voyage he had coft his horfe. So then, my Lord Arch-Bifhopes being refolved for Court, they thought meet, ere they went, to doe a peeee of acceptable fervice to the King, that when they came, they might be the more welcome : they will have the Liturgie praftiled m all the Churches of Edinburgh, without farder delay. A letter comes down from the King for this effect: The Bifhope and Minifters of Edinburgh are fent for : St. Andrews will hear no reafon of Ihifting, bot peremptorily commands them all to intimate, out of a printed paper, the King's command to have the Scotifh Liturgie read the Sabboth following in all their churches. The Commiffion is read out of all the pulpits; only Mr. Andrew Ramfay flights it. The whole body of the Towne murmures and grudges all the week exceedingly; and who can marvell, difcourfes, declamations, pamphlets, every where againfl this courfe; no word of Information, in publick or private, by any to account of, ufed for the clearing of it. So, on Sonday morning, when the Bifhop and his Deane, in the great Church, [and the] Bifhop of Argyle in the Grayfriers, began to officiat, as they fpeak, incontinent the ferving maids began fuch a tumult, as was never heard of fince the Reformation in our nation. However, no wound given to any, yet fuch was the contumelies in words, in clamours, runnings and flinging of ftones in the eyes of the Magiftrates, and Chancellour himfelf, that a little oppofition would have infallibly moved that inraged people to have rent fundry of the Bifhops in pieces. The day thereafter, I had occafion to be in the towne; I fand the people nothing fettled ; bot if that Service had been pre-fented to them againe, refolved to have done fome mifchief. Some fix or feven fervants were put in ward; the Towne put under ane Epifcopall interdict, which yet continues ; no preaching, no prayers on the week dayes, no reading nor prayers on Sunday. The Chancellour wrote up prefently the ftory to the King, with fome wype to the Thefaurer; who that foule day was from the towne. The Thefaurer and Counfellors being highly offended, that the Chancellour fhould wryte in fuch a bufinefs without their privity, delayed to write or fend their pofl till the Fryday. It was thought the Councill's letter did extenuate the matter fo much, as it might be laid on the rafcall mul-1637-	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
19
titude, with fome reflexion on the Bifhops imprudent precipitation. In the mean tyme, there was great fear for the King's wrath : the towne and countrey did quake till the return of the King's pleafure. Our gracious Prince was glad that the Towne, and all of any note, had been free of that tumult; as for the rafcall multitude, he committed the tryall and the cenfure of the fa6l to the Councill, only did command the ufe of the Service book with all poffible diligence. Before this tyme, the molt of the Biftiopes had raifed letters of horning, to charge all the Minifters in their Dioceffe to buy two books for the ufe of their parifhes within fiftein dayes. Glafgow was very diligent in chargeing all his Prefbyteries ; and by no in-treatie, would delay fo much as to his Affembly in Auguit, bot would have us all to the home prefently who would not buy. St. Andrewes moved many to buy the books without chargeing ; only two or three unconforme men were charged in his Dioceffe. Their wes ane overture made to us in Irvine, to fupplicat the Councill for a fufpenfion of this unreafonable charge ; after much advifement and doubts, we concluded to fend Mr. William Cas-tellaw to the Councill, with a Commiflion to fupplicat in the name of us all, for a fufpenlion. We fend over to Aire, to require them to conjoyne; but Mr. William Annan, their moderator, pro imperio, did difcharge all fuch motion ; only Mr. James Bonar went to Edinburgh for himfelf, and two or three others of his brethren. I having occafion, within two dayes thereafter, to be in Glafgow, did motion the matter to their Minifters, who had gotten prefently letters to be ready againft the Sonday nixt, to read the Service in all their churches. I had not much adoe to caufe them call their Prefbytrie, and fubfcryve all of them a pithie Supplication, penned by Mr. John Maxwell, carried by Mr. Robert Wilkie, on Wednesday, to the Council. Upon that Supplication mainly, for there was no more bot ours in Irvine ; Mr. James Bonar, for two of Aire; Mr. Alexander Henderfon, for himfelf, and two of St. Andrews, (whofe fupplication, becaufe much efteemed by the people, I have fett down;) I fay, Glas-gowes fupplication, and Mr. Robert Wilkie's diligence, to his infinite praife, did obtain from the Councill that ftrange letter to the King, which here ye have, and ane Act from the Councill, declaring that their minde in their letters, of chargeing the Ministers, was alone to buy the Books for their own information, bot not for any prefent ufe in their pariflies. Many noblemen by letters, many gentlemen in perfon, did folift the Counfellors,20
LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1637.
one by one, and gave them all thefe Informations, which here ye have alfo. All the Councill was moll earneft to fatilfy the countrey in holding off the yoke of that black book; only at the Bifhops vehement foliftations, for the refounding of the printer's expences, for which they flood obliedged, there was no fufpenfion given for the buying of two books. Whill ane anfwer fhould be returned from the King to this letter, all the farder profecuting of the matter was delayed to the 20 of September. Our Synod in Glafgow was indi6led on the laft Wedenfday of Augufl. The Bifhop wrote to me from Edinburgh, to preach thereat; and, withall, to incite all my hearers to obey the Church Canons, and to pra6tife the Service. I wrote back a flate refufall, fhewing the irrefolution of my own minde. For all this, in the Fryday before the Synod I receave new letters, commanding me, upon my canonicall obedience, to preach on Wednefday before the Synod, committing the matter of my Sermon to my own discretion. However I had bot two free dayes, yet I clioofed rather to obey then to have caft my felf in needlefs contefts with a troublefome man, and made my felf ready as I might, on that 2 of Timothy : "I charge thee before God, to preach in feafon, and out of feafon," &c. The Bifhop, as I was informed, had written to Mr. William Annan to preach on the Thurfday; bot coming to the town on the Monday, whileas I could not winn till the Tuefday late, the Bifhop agrees with him to take the Wedenfday, and thinks to keep me for the Thurfday, (as he faid idley to me) being the chief day of the Synod, when yet he might know that then the Synod would be diffolved. Glad was I that Mr. William Annan took that burden off me; for indeed I was not prepared as the tyme required. I would have fpoken no fyllable of any conformity, bot prefTed thefe paflorall duties, which would not have pleafed all. So I took it : and the event proved it to be a good providence for me, that I was freed ; for Thurfday I peremptorily refufed. Mr. William Annan, on the 1. of Timothy, " I command that prayers be made for all men," in thelafl half of his fermon, from the making of prayers, ran out upon the Liturgie, and fpake for the defence of it in whole, and fundry mofl plaufible parts of it, as well, in my poor judgment, as any in the Ifle of Brittain could have done, confidering all circumflances ; howfoever, he did maintain, to the diflyk of all in ane unfit tyme, that which was hinging in fus-penfe betwixt the King and the countrey. Of his fermon among us in the Synod, not a word; bot in the towne among the women,1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
21
a great dinne. To-morrow, Mr. John Lindfay, at the Bilhop's command, did preach; he is the new Moderator of Lanrick. At the ingoing of the pulpit, it is faid, that fome of the women in his ear affured him, that if he fhould twitch the Service Book in his fermon, he fhould be rent out of the pulpit; he took the advyce, and lett that matter alone. At the outgoing of the church, about 30 or 40 of our honefteft women, in one voyce, before the Bifhope and Magiftrats, did fall in rayling, curling, fcolding with clamours on Mr. William Annan : fome two of the meanefl was taken to the Tolbooth. All the day over, up and down the ftreets where he went, he got threats of fundry in words and looks ; bot after fupper, whill needleflie he will goe to vifit the Bifhop, who had taken his leave with him, he is not fooner on the caufey, at nine o'clok, in a mirk night, with three or four Minifters with him, bot fome hundredths of inraged women, of all qualities, are about him, with neaves, and ftaves, and peats, [but] no ftones : they beat him fore; his cloake, ruffe, hatt, were rent: however, upon his cryes, and candles fet out from many windows, he efcaped all bloody wounds ; yet he was in great danger, even of killing. This tumult was fo great, that it was not thought meet to fearch, either in plotters or a6tors of it, for numbers of the belt qualitie would have been found guiltie. To-morrow, poor Mr. William was convoyed with the Baillies and fundry Minifters to his horfe ; for many women were waiting to affront him more. Always at his onlouping, his horfe un-hapiely did fall above him, in a very foule myre, in prefence of all the company; of which accident was more fpeech then of any other. I think that Town's commotion does proceed mod from Mr. John Bell's vehement dillyke of the Booke, whereto I take him much to be furthered by his good fone, Mr. James, fo fhamefully abufed by the Bifhope, as I wrote to yow before. Alwayes, I fufpe6t, thefe tumults will hinder the Bifhop, for all his ftoutnefs, in hafte to caufe read Service in his Cathedrall. Great was the longing of the whole countrey for the 20 of September ; againfl it, all did expe6t this bufinefs Ihould take fome crife. The moll of the parifhes in the Sheriffdom of Aire, Fyfe, Louthian, Cliddesdaill, Stirlingfliire, Stratherne, did fend in Supplications with their chief gentlemen, to befeek the Councill to deprecat the King, that he would not urge the heavie burden of the Liturgie. A number of Earles and Lords, whofe names ye have, a great number of Barons, fundry burghes Commif-fioners, (Glafgow I moved, and by God's help, overcam many22	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637-
difficulties,) went to keep the dyet. My Lord Duke of Lennox coming down poft for his mother's buriall, who had died of a feavor, and wes buried the 17 of September in the night without ceremonie ; for her hufband, mainely by her princely carriage, is more then four hundreth thoufand merks in debt; my Lord Duke, I fay, had the carrying of the King's letter to the Coun-fell. A copie of it I have fent yow. For all the harlhnefs of it, the Commiffioners prefented their feverall Supplications. There was one common one prefented by my Lord Sutherland, the firft Earle of thefe who were prefent, in name of the Nobilitie, Barrones, Minifters, Brughes, there prefent. Ye have the copie, both as it was prefented, and as it was thereafter corre6led and mended to be fent up to the King. My Lord Duke was carefully follifted to agent this weighty bufinefs, and hes promifed to doe his endeavour. In his paffage, he was magnificently inter-tained in the Town Houfe of Glafgow,—he hes fubfcryved, in the Bifhop's prefence, an ancient band of his houfe, to maintain that good towne under the King, againft all whomsoever to his power. His Grace did avow, that the King was mifinformed much about the nature of the buiinefs. It is thought, that two yeares fince, the Bifhop of Roffe and Deane of Edinburgh being at Court, did give affurance, that the nobilitie and body of the land did much long for this Liturgie, and would give the King great thanks to give it; alfo, that with this laft letter of the Councill, which all who were prefent, even the Bilhops them-felves, whofe names ye have here, did fubfcryve, there went up privie informationes from the Bilhop of Dumblane to Canter-burie, (for the reft promifed to wryte nothing diffonant from the publick letter,) fhewing that if the King would goe on, he fliould finde little difficultie, though fome few puritanes in the Councill would make it feem otherways. However, the Councill made that A 61 which here ye have; and all, with molt earneft affection commended the affair to the Duke's Grace. The Thefaurer, his guider, layes it much to heart; and albeit it was greatly feared that he ftiould have been the violent executer of the King's commands, yet he hes given the Noblemen full affureance, that he will venture all he hes before our Reverend fathers get our fweet Prince fo farr abufed, as to loffe needlefly the hearts of all his fubje6ts. By the King's peremptory command, the town of Edinburge wes forced to receave, the 18 of September, Sir John Hay, Clerk-Regifter, for their Provoft. When they would have joyned with the reft of the burroughs to fupplicat, he did hinder.1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	23
After the Councill raife, a committee, as ye fee in the A 61, was ordained to fitt ftill, for to finde means how the Book fhould be quietly receaved in Edinburgh without farder delay. The people hearing of it on the Saturday, publickly, before the Bifhop, railes on their new Provost. On Monday he calls in the Tolbooth a Councill; the body of the towne keeps the dyett; men, women, and all rufhes in : All the threats of the imperious Proveft could not make any of them move. The Book, all of them cryed, they wold never have. At laft, they were moved to goe forth, by the Baillies requeft, till the Councill had advyfed ; bot with affure-ance, they would not goe from the doore till they had concluded to fupplicat for the towne to the Committee. The Provoft, after he hed drunken all thefe contumelies, was glad to promiffe a Supplication, and to affure they fhould as little and as late be troubled with that Book as any Burgh in the kingdome. Againft the nixt Councill day, the 1 of November, it is expe6led, that the mod of all the Nobility, Gentry, Burrows, fhall be prefent, to fend up their Commiffioners to Court. What fhall be the event, God knows: there was in our Land ever fuch ane appearance of a flurr; the whole people thinks Poperie at the doores ; the fcandalous pamphlets which comes daily new from England, adde oyl to this flame ; no man may fpeak any thing in publick for the King's part, except he would have himfelf marked for a facrifice to be killed one day. I think our people pofTefTed with a bloody devill, farr above any thing that ever I could have imagined, though the maffe in Latine had been pre-fented. The Miniflers who has the command of their mind, does difavow their unchriftian humour, but are noways fo zealous againft the devill of their furie, as they are againft the feduceing fpirit of the Bifhops. For myfelf, I think, God, to revenge the crying finns of all eftates and profeffions, (which no example of our neighbour's calamities would move us to repent,) is going to execute his long denunced threatnings, and to give us over unto madnefs, that we may every one fhoot our fwords in our neighbours hearts : our dreggs is like to be more bitter then was the brimme of God's cup either to the French or to the Dutch; ye and all your neighbours had much need to pray for us, as we have oft done for yow in your dangers. The barricads of Paris, the Catholick league of France, is much before my eyes ; but I hope the devill fhall never finde a Duke of Guife to lead the bands.
The Miniflers being mett at dinner together, in a great num-24	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
ber, at the Councill-day, Mr. Andrew Ramfay, Mr. H. Rolloke, Mr. David Dick, Mr. Alexander Henderfone, Mr. J. Ker, and many moe did advyfe of overtures to calme this ftorme. Ane of them drew them up in this forme, which here I fend you: the updrawer is averfe from all conformitie, yet modeft here as could have been expected. I defiderat one overture, namely, a clear demonftration of their madnefs, who in this or any caufe will goe loffe their foule in refilling authority. The moft of thir things I think ye knew before ; yet, that ye may fee it is neither unkindnefs nor lazinefs that makes my letters to yow fo rare, I thought good ye lhould hear them altogether from me alfo. Weele is you, whom the ocean divides from thir evills, but yet grace and nature will not let yow be feparate from the near fenfe of them. Your Father this half year hes keeped the houfe ; it were good ye came, and bade him once fareweell, and viewed your mother countrie before it be defolate : the hearts of all doe tremble for feare.
I wrote to yow for fome books, as ye will fee in my laft letter ; fome of them ye have fent, the reft it is no marvell ye have not fent, I am fo great a dyvour : But God willing, if we be all living about Candlemas, I fhall have moneyes at yow for all I wrote for, and for my four yeares Currants. Send me no books unbound : I wtfh all in leather ; bot frae it cannot be, it's better to have them in your parchement, then to be fafched and extortioned with James Sanders in Glafgow. Dear and loving Coufine take all this in good part; commend me heartily to your wife. My heart is for the prefent full fore for that poor Land wherein we were borne, and Church wherein we were regenerat; if it were not a God who permitted a powerful devill to blinde and inrage men againll the common principle of cleare naturall reafon, let be equity or religion, I think both our Bifhops and their oppofers might be eafily withdrawn from deftroying themfelves and all their neighbors ; bot God and devills are too ftrong for us : The Lord fave my poor foul! for as moderate as I have been, and refolves in the fpite of the devill and the world, by God's grace to remaine to death. For as well as I have been beloved hitherto by all who has known me, yet, I think I may be killed, and my houfe burnt upon my head; for I think it wicked and bafe to be moved or carried down with the impetuous fpait of a multitude ; my judgement cannot be altered by their motion, and fo my perfon and ftate may be1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	25
drowned in their violence : I wifti my fears may be difappointed. The Lord be with you.
[R. Baillie.]
October 4, 1637.
My fears in my former went no farther then to ane ecclelialtik feparation, but now I am more affrayit for a bloudie Civill warr. My feven lheits of wreits with Mr. Chrichtoune(1) yow will fend with your particular cenfur weill clofit. I have written another fmce on Predeftination : if you pleas I fhall fend it you. I wilh that fome of your letters wer far more particular and large then this long tyme they have been : yow continually forget to fend to the College a Mercurius.
Ther cam a comand to the Counfell, and from thence to all our Borrowes, that no Magiltrat ftiould be chofen but of men conforme. If that Act wer urgit, we could have in all our Tounes no Magiftrates at all, or verie contemptible ones. But impollibilitie here will crave a difpenfation ; yet it fhows our Bifhopes intention to be heavie urgers of thir traditions oij^att^ publick officers as weell as on poor minifters.
V	~ " "'
'■• -f V
A Note of Proceidings since the 5th of December. ^^
The Commilfioners came to Edinburgh on Tuefday the 5th December, and were dealt with by the Counfellers, that upon Wednefday, the 6th thereof, we fhould not go to Linlithgow on the 7th, there to prefent our fupplications to the Counfell there to be holden, upon promife that nothing ftiould be done there to our prejudice; and that within 48 houres after their returne from Linlithgow, a day fhould be appointed for receaveing our greivances and fupplicationes.
Upon Thurfday the 7th in Linlithgow, and in Edinburgh on Saturday the 9th, Proclamation was made, declaring the King's abhorring of all fuperftition of Popery, and freedome from intention to allow any thing contrary to the religion prefently profefled, and laudable lawes of this kingdome.
Upon Monday the 11th, Proclamation for fitting of the Counfell and Seffion at Stirling the 2d of February, and untill that tyme, of the Counfells fitting at Dalkeith, Tuefday and Thurf-
0) John Crichton, Minister of Paisley, was deposed for erroneous doctrine, by the General Assembly, in November 1638.26	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
day weekly. Upon the felf fame day the Commiffioners were dealt with be the Thefaurer and Privie Seall, to goe to Dalkeith the morne ; thereafter to attend the Counfell in a fmall number, not exceeding twelve in whole; and to divide their fupplications, every rank and Shireffdome coming with their fupplica-tions apairt: which, becaufe it tended to divifion, was refufed.
Upon Tuefday the 12th, the Commiffioners coming forth as they were appointed, were affayed, If they would divide their numbers ? If they would fend in their fupplications by a maiffer or clerke, and not come in themfelves ? If they were come as The Three Eftates, or as fupplicants of all ranks ? Whereunto was anfwered, That they would not divide, nor fend in their petitions by the clerke nor maiffer, nor call themfelves otherwayes than fupplicants of all ranks. At length, the heads of their fupplications being underftood, they were delayed till the morne.
Upon Wednefday the 13th, the Commiffioners coming againe, as they were appointed, were dealt with to alter their :fubfcryved fupplication, in the poynt thereof that concerned the Prselates as their parties ; which being found by the whole Commiffioners de-ftru6live of the fubfcryved fupplication, and without the bounds of their commiffion, was refufed; whereupon the Counfell refufed to receave it on thefe termes; and while the Commiffioners were about to take inflruments of their diligence, and the Coun-fells refufall, the Counfell brake up abruptlie.
The brethren mett daylie, and likewife the reft of the Commiffioners, and by conference, by reafons of fubfcriptions, by rea-fons of not altering any thing in the fubfcryved fupplication, by reafons of union, and to conform themfelves in unity in the good caufe more and more unanimouflie, and to infift for anfwer to their fupplication ; whereof, when they faw no apeirance of anfwer, they refolved upon a proteftation before the Counfell, and a fupplication to his Majeftie; and faw a neceffity of humbling themfelves and their flocks, in refpect of the prefent diftrefs of our Kirk ; bot would not take upon them to indyte a fett uni-verfall publick faft, bot thought it fitt that every man be himfelf, in his own tyme, fo conveniently as he could within their own charge, with confent of their feffions, fhould humble themfelves publicklie, and acquaint their people with this obtruded Liturgie, how farre contrarie it is to the Confeffion of Faith, fworne and fubfcryved be all ranks in this kingdom.
They refolved alfo, that the Colledges fhould be brotherly admonifhed to beware of the Service Book, and of fuffering1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	27
any corrupt do6trine to be taught amongft them, left parents fhould be forced to remove their children.
Upon Tuefday the 19th of December, we went to Dalkeith to attend the Counfells anfwer to our petitions formerly given in, and prefented this Bill, the copie whereof followeth. (2)
For Mr. R. Wilkie.(3)
16th of January 1638.
Right Reverend,
I am longer your debtor then I promifed: your long ftay in Edinburgh made me flacker in my performance. Alwayes for this delay of tyme, I have fent yow ane large ufury, my papers much inlarged beyond that they were before. I hope ye fhall be comforted by them, and incouraged to goe on in your difpofi-tion, by the ftrength of God, to [oppofe] thefe who now, in their publick avowed wryts, condemnes almoft all the moft fundamental! truths of our profeffion, of manifeft error, if not hereiie. I think they are verie few who will be pleafed to take paines to try the wreits which the Canterburians hes published thir laft nyne years, bot they will be forced to juftify thefe who are moft forward among us to oppofe, with all their might, what innovations comes from their facred hands. If ye be incouraged, I have all I wifh by performance of my promife, which ye did draw from me by your requeift at your laft parting; fo I reft your loving and much obleidged.
For Mr. Alexander Cuninghame.(4)
January 16, [1638.]
Alexander,
Thefe are thanks for this dayes letter; the larger it was I
(2)	The Bill here referred to, and the various other Papers which Baillie mentions as transmitting copies of to Mr. Spang, are transcribed in his MS. Register of Letters. It was thought advisable, however, to keep his own Letters and Journals distinct from such documents, most of which are easily accessible in a printed form.
(3)	Mr. Robert Wilkie was appointed one of the Ministers of Glasgow in J 621, and was frequently connected with the University. He was Dean of Faculty in 1621 and 1625.. Rector in 1629, and Vice-Chancellor in 1637.
(4)	It is probable that this person was the same who was proprietor of the28	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
lyked it much the better, yet ye mull not lyke this the worfe that it is fhort, for it is now paft eleven at night. I marvell upon what ground the report of my fcrapings is rifen ; the truth is, at my going to Edinburgh, forefeeing I would be fpeared at my reafons of my diflyke of our book, I caft my thoughts on the new falfe doctrines, which I had read of late in fome Englilh treatifes, whereto our book in fundry palTages was applicable. Of thir I fpake in the meeting when I was pofed ; my difcourfe I was intreated to putt in write, by fome of the hearers, as alfo by fome of the brethren of Glafgow, who feemed to lyke the purpofe. At my returne I made a little collection for their fatiffaction; this I did fhew to fome very few, who to my knowledge hes no copie of it at all, and did keep it fo fure and clofe as I could wilhe, having their faithfull promife to that end; for my Lord Montgomerie, he knew not of it by me lefle or more. Alwayes lince ye are defyreous to fee thefe fcriblings, I have written to Mr. William Wilkie, to whom I communicat all I have, to fliow yow them. I know ye will be fecret, for wrytes of that kinde are very dangerous. For matters of ceremonies, I know no reafon of changeing my minde ; yea a late book, which others admire as a peece unanfwerable, hes made me more averfe then I was from thefe mens doctrines and practifes; bot withall J am glad to joyne with them in oppoling a common enemie; lince no other way is left, bot either to fwallow down all that the Canterburians can invent, or elfe to oppofe them plainly in their lawlefs practifes. I pray yow Itudy much, and pray much, that ye may be a good man and a fchollar, which are not too oft together.
If ye have befyde yow my letter, written the 6th of March 1636 to yow, at the firft publilhing of the Book of Canons, the double whereof this day I finde, ye will fee that what now I doe is no change of my minde, bot the performance of that [which] then I refolved; yea, if ye will read a leiffe in Latine, which about this fame day four year I penned, and about that tyme lhew to Mr. William Wilkie, who now hes it, ye will finde me altogether the fame man this day which then I was. I moll in-dure by fome ignaries to be counted a penitent, as retracting of confcience my differences which, in preaching and wryting, I had with fome men ; bot it is not fo.
small Estate of Hyndhope, in Selkirkshire, and afterwards became Minister of Ettrick. Alexander Cunningham the Historian was his younger son.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	29
Eor the Principall.(5)
Reverend and Weel-Beloved Brother,
I have been, I fufpe6l, too long in your debt: receave now from my boy feventeen dollers, two (hillings, and a lixpence, which in my counting is fourty-eight punds; this is eight pound for each of your fix volumes, if any man more bidd, at my coming I fhall either make it out, or reftore the books. I have fent yow alfo my little colledtion from the late Englifh treatifes I have feen. I wifh indeed ye did conlider the paffages : I did draw it up mainely for yow ; for befyde your defyre that I fhould doe fo, my earnefl defyre that ye fhould be acquaint with all I knew, made me take that paines to the end, that finding thefe men who now rules all, fo corrupt in the maine poynts of our do6lrine, ye might be moved to help the Church of God at this fo needfull a tyme. Your great place and great abilities does call yow to it before any man I know in the weft of Scotland. Your firfl concurrence did a great deall of good to further that univerfall re-fufeall of the Book which followed. Your withholding of your hand from the lafl complaint, I hear much fpoken of, and heavily taken; bot what I can I juflifie it, at leafl excufes it to my power. However ye continue to joyne in that complaint or not; yet I wifh earneflly that ye may try the way of our Court Clergy, and if ye finde them to be in a courfe of undermyning our religion, that ye would not faile to bear witnefs of it, as none can doe better. The hazard of fo doing will not be fo great, as the con-fcience of fo good a turne will be comfortable, come what may. Bot I have clean forgot myfelfe by my idle prefumption to ad-vyfe the like of yow in fuch a matter. I have fent yow my lafl tuo conferences with Mr. Creichtone. When ye get leafure, ye will cafl them over, and at meeting give me your cenfure. Mr. John Maxwell was earnefl with me for a fight of thefe papers ; if ye thinke it expedient when ye have read them, let him fee them; ye may fee what I wreit to him: if ye think it not expedient, burne the letter to him ; as for my conferences with Mr. Creichtone, keep them for your felf alone. We are all well, praifed be God, and defyres to hear the lyke of yow all. Our commendations remembred. I reft,
Your Brother,
Kilwinning, January 16 1638.	R. B[aillie.]
(5) Dr. John Strang, Principal of the University of Glasgow.30
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
Stafford and Coofins, and what other books I left with you, I pray yow give to my boy : I am much craved for them. Ye will clofe Mr. John's letter if ye think meet to delyver it.
For Mr. John Maxwell.(6)
Reverend and Weel-beloved Brother,
Ye refrelhed me at our laft two or three meetings, and flill I am refrefhed when I remember your full confent with me in all the points now in queftion, and your hote zeale againft the new doctrines of the Englifh faction. Ye defyred me to draw up thefe things in write, whereof I did fpeak to you, and fend them to you, that ye might in your fermons, in that eminent place before the fcholars, fett yourfelf againft thefe new errors as manfullie as the yeares bygone ye had done. In the matter of Antichrift, I have done as ye defyred ; receave therefore thefe my papers : if there be any paffage whereof ye doubt, I hope to make it good, for fince that wreit, I have fallen on other their treatifes wherein they vent the fame errors which are there, and fome moe and worfe, if moe or worfe can be. Thir are times that every one of us mull help others, and ftrengt.hen others to maintaine the truth of God committed to our cuftody. When they troubled us bot with ceremonies, the world knowes we went on with them, (whereof we have no caufe to repent,) fo farr as our duty to God or man could require : bot while they will have us, againft ftanding Lawes, to devoire Arminianifme and Popery, and all they pleafe, lhall we not bear them wit.nes of their op-preffion though we fhould die for it, and preach the truth of God, wherein we have been brought up, againft all who will gainfay. Much good may ye doe in this caufe ; your firft Supplication did much help : goe on in the name of God; whatever danger ye can fall in by doing God fervice, it will not be comparable to the great curfe of God upon Meroz, who, when able, and called, wer unwilling, for their own reafons, to help the Lord againft the mighty.—Had I one half dozen fo able and flout as ye to goe before me, I would not be afraid to reafon the equity of our caufe in the face of an OEcumenick Synod, againft all the Canter^ burians in Brittaine, though they had on their fyde all the Bifhops with them, as they have not the halfe. The Lord be with you,
(6) One of the Ministers of Glasgow.1638. JOURNALS AND LETTERS.	31
moll loving Brother, and direct you what you have to doe in your place and at thir times.
Your Brother.
Kilwinning, January 16, 1638.
To Mr. William Spang.
Feb. 27, [1638.]
coosing,
Oft hes your letters been welcome to me, and much wifhed for, bot none ever fo wifhed, fo welcome as the laft. A moneth before, I was in a great perplexity concerning yow, as Mr. William Wilkie can teftifie; for to him only I fent word for fecret tryall of the truth. I apprehended your death : for Mr. Robert Blair told me, that at his laft being in Edinburgh, David Jonkkin, and fundry other merchands of Edinburgh, at diverfs occafions, had dealt with him to fee if he would accept the Miniftrie of Camphire. His averfnefs, after fo manie fea crofles, to accept any charge over fea, made him reje6l the motion without any farder inquirie ; bot I concluded, that thefe men could not be fo impertinent as to fpeak of your charge to another, except they had been allured of the vacancie of it, either by your death or tranfportation: this I thought not poflible, without my privitie. The other therefore I did much feare, and was not fred of manie heavy thoughts till I got your letters; bot thereafter I blefled God that ye were to the fore to the Church, to your Countrey, to your friends, and to me. I am glad alfo that my letters, or any thing from me, does you pleafure. The flate of our affaires, fince ye afTure me of your defyre to know them from me, have it fo farr as I am informed.
What had paft to the 20th of September laft, ye have in my former letter. I fhall fend you now what hes befallen fince, after fome gleanings of the former tyme, whereof fince I have had intelligence. The 20th of December 1636, there come a miflive to the Councell, brought doune by the Bifhope of Rofle, commanding all to conforme themfelves to a Liturgie, which the King had feen in write, and approven. The miflive ye have at the letter (A,) the Act of Councell and Proclamation made there-frae is printed in the frontifpeece of our booke. It was well near May thereafter ere the books were printed: for, as it is now perceaved by the leaves and fheets of that booke, which32	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
was given out athort the Ihoppes of Edinburgh, to cover fpyce and tobacco, one edition at leall was deftroyed: bot for what caufe we cannot learne ; whether becaufe fome grofs faults was to be amended, or fome moe novations was to be eiked to it; both reafons are likelie ; only it is marvellous that fo many being confcious of neceffity to this deed, the fecret of it fhould not yet come out. Bot fhortly after the outcoming of the booke, the Bifhops, upon a narrative not well grounded, as the event fhewes, obtaines ane A6t of horning on all minifters, the 13th of June 1637, who will not buy two of thefe books for the ufe of their pariihes ; this A 61 ye have at the letter (B) : what followed on the firft practife thereof in Edinburgh, I wrote before. From the 24th of July to the 10th of Auguft, the polls rann thick betuixt the Court and the Counfell, which fatt every other day, to finde means for peaceable introduction of the Service. There wanted not good will in the Magiftrates and Minifters of Edinburgh, for to do his Majeftie fervice, as ye may fee in the minut of the Counfell a<Sls at (C;) yet all wes delayed to the 20th of Auguft; at which tyme the foure Supplications (which by the diligence of one man, D.D.(7) upon very fmall, or no hope of fuc-ceffe, was procured from Glafgow, Irwine, Aire, Fyfe,) were presented, and that favourable letter which ye have before, was written by the Counfell to the King; to the which come down that fharp reply, the 20th of September, which ye heard likewife. The Iharpnefs of it I nothing marvell, conlidering, befydes the Bilhops information, that the Magiftrates of Edinburgh, as they fay, in name of the Towne, did wryte to Canterburie, that however fome of the bafe rafcall multitude had made dinn for that fervice, yet that they themfelves, and the greateft and beft part of the city, was molt willing to obey the King in that or any other commandment he would be pleafed to enjoyne ; that they had offered ftipends above their power, to their fecond Minifters for to read the books : I hear indeed that their fecond Minifters were content, upon the offer of fome more then was promifed, to embrace that charge ; and that they would count it ane accumulation of favors, if the King would, by his Grace's meanes, reft affured of their obedience. For this offer of fo heartie obedience, and charges to their fecond Minifters, Canterburie, in his anfwer, returned them both in the King's name, and in his own,
(7) David Dick or Dickson, then Minister of Irvine, and afterwards successively Professor of Divinity at Glasgow and at Edinburgh.1637.
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mod heartie thanks. What marvell then if the King fhould call all that din and tumult, whereof the Councell wrote the 24th of Auguft, a needlefs noife; as we heard it was called alfo before by my Lord Alexander, who went to Court after that Councell day, and yet there remaines, a man very favourable to the Book, and a great reafoner for it.
The matter, as ye heard the 20th of September, grew much hotter, where the four poor Minifters were converted to 24 Noblemen, a number of Barrons, near a hundreth Minifters, many Towns, Commiffioners from 66 parifhes, all together appearing in the ftreet, at the Counfell-houfe doore, and everywhere in the eye of my Lord Duke of Lennox. The fupplica-tions and the Counfell's a6l ye have before ; take now alfo the Counfell's letter to the King, at (D.), wherein they promife to doe their endeavour for the Booke; bot withall profeffed grief for his Majefties hard confirmation of their former diligence. By what meanes the people of Edinburgh did extort from their Proveft, a fupplication to the Committee, which fatt Hill, for finding meanes to have the Booke yet read in their town, ye heard, and fo I clofed my laft.
Wee expe6ted not a Counfell day againe before the firft of November, at fooneft; yet St. Andrews did advertife the towne of Edinburgh to expect the anfwer of their fupplication the 18th of October. We were informed that their fupplication was fup-prefled, and never fent to Court; only the Proveft wrote to Canterburie, that that confluence of innumerable people the two laft Counfell dayes, had fuggefted fuch things to the poor ignorant people, that had razed the good refolutions, which, by their continuall paines, had been before imprinted in their minde; and however they had aflured of their ready obedience and ob-fequioufnefs, upon the confident aflureance which from tyme to tyme they had taken of the greateft and beft part of their citizens, yet they were forced to fupplicat the Counfell, that they might be continued in the fame eftate with the reft of the kingdome ; promifeing, that they would not forbear to do their mafter fervice to their power, and would ftryve to reimprint in their people their former good refolutions, that for the prefent were taken away. To the fame purpofe they wrote to my Lord Stirling. The appointment of the 18th of October, for the towne of Edinburgh, was keeped long fecret; but when it drew near, our neighbour hearing of it, took it for a deepe policie to feparate Edinburgh, who now was joyn'd with the reft of the kingdome ;
vol. i.	c34	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
fo we are all advertifed to keep that 18th day, who otherways were not minded to appear before the firft of November. That dyett I keeped, at my Lord Montgomerie's defy re, and my Lord Rothus intreaty by letter to him. The noblemen, gentlemen, and minifters of the Weft and South, did meet in frequent number ; bot, at the beginning, were verie forrie of their voyage. St. Andrews had not come over ; none of Fyfe to count of were prefent. We expe6ted no Counfell day : we took our advertisement to be a falfe alarme, and our warner, [Mr. Johnftone] befide his cuftome, to have been too rafh : we began to be afhamed, and feared that meeting of ours fhould be mocked by the adverfe partie; bot at once we fand our felf farr miftaken : A Counfell meets; we hear a dumb rumor that hard letters were come from Court; that St. Andrews of purpofe had abfented himfelf to deceave and withdraw Fife from that meeting; or rather, as I thinke, becaufe he defyred to be abfent from the ungracious employments of that day. However, the commiffioners of parifhes, above two hundreth, gives in their fupplications to James Primrofe, the clerk, together with a dollor at leift the peece. This done, all goes to confultation ; the noblemen to one houfe, the gentry to another, we to a third. Mr. Andrew Ramfay is our moderator; he enquires of every man, if he diffented from the Book : all did, both for matter and manner of impofeing it. I was pofed fomewhat more narrowly, becaufe they fufpe6ted my minde in thefe things. I replyed, with fome peice of blufhing in fuch ane auditory, the like whereof I had never fpoken, That albeit I thought myfelf obleidged, in charitie, to conftruct all that caufe from authoritie in the beft fenfe that any veritie would permitt, yet I behooved to difapprove the Book, both for matter and manner; upon thefe reafons, which at more length I had to ftiew. I was not minded to fpeak any more in publick ; yet after I heard tyme fpent by many in their poor and foone anfuered obje6tions, I was the more content to yield to the importunitie of fundrie, who drew me with their hands forward, to fpeak fome of my reafons. I had thought on a way of oppofeing the Book, by God's providence, which had come in the minde of none of that company, fo farr as I yet know, to prove the errors that were apparent, or might be deduced by confequence from the Book, to be the minde and avowed do6trine of the bookmakers, by teftimonies of thefe books which Canterburie of late had printed. A number of thir paffages I had perquire ; fo I was heard with very great applaufe, and ere even was too1637. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	35
famous a man in all the toune, and intreated that what I had faid, or could fay more to that purpofe, I would put it in write ; for that way of proceeding was counted to be verie advantagious to our caufe. This I did; and fince hes, from manie hands, gotten manie thanks, and expe6ts from the Bifhops, if ever they gett up their heads againe, manie ftroakes : readily I fhall fend yow a double of it. It is after the order of Vedelii Arcana, and Fefti Hommii Specimen, et Socini Remonflrantifmus.
While we were thus occupied, fome of our number, who had been abroad, comes in and Ihowes us, that by found of trumpett we were all discharged the toune within 24 houres: the tenor of the Proclamation ye have, and the King's letter, whereupon it was founded, at the letter (E). A little thereafter, the fame day, by another Proclamation, as I remember, the Seffion and Counfell was indi6led at Lithgow, the firft of November, for the firft Seffion, and thereafter at Dundie. All thir things were feared and foretold by fome of the Bifhops. The befl policy that could be ufed to break the combination of the land, was to delay them, that, being wearied with tyme, they might fall off. The Proveift's information, that their people's good refolutions was altered by the confluence of ftrangers to the Counfell, did, as feems, procure their difcharge to remaine longer in toune ; and it was thought that the Counfell and Seffion was that toune's god, fo that the fearing to want thefe, would draw that people any where. To counterpofe this policy, the other party, after ■a little aftonifhment and rage, refolved, in the fhort tyme was given them to flay, to draw up a formal! complaint again ft the Bifhops, as authors of the Book and all the troubles that had and was like to follow on it. This is done very fecretlie; to the gentry and miniftrie is letten fall only a fmall generall. We are all defyred by the nobilitie, to flay till they fent to us to communicat their refolution to-morrow. In the mean tyme, they committ the penning of that complaint to Mr. Alexander Henderfon and my Lord Balmerinoch, on the one hand; to Mr. D. D. and my Lord Loudon on the other: that night thefe four did not fleep much. To-morrow two formes were prefented to the Nobles. Our weftland one was receaved, and incontinent fubfcryved by fome 24 Earles and Lords, fome two three hundred gentlemen of quality : all did flee upon it without much advyfement. It was done very fhortly and fecretly ; for tyme ftraited. About four afternoone it came to the minifters roume. At that tyme I was abroad : when I came in it was going fall36	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
through the hands of breither. I fpeared at one or two what they had fubfcryved, who could not informe. It feems too many went on fide implicita. I defyred the write to be read over to us who new come in. When I heard the piece, I was putt in great doubts what to doe : fome hard paffages were in it; it had neither been reafoned nor voted, but only read, and after all the nobles and gentries fubfcriptions, prefented to our hands. If I had refufed my hand to it, I had been as infamous that day, for marring, by my example, a good caufe, as yefterday I was famous for furthering it with my difcourfe. After a little lilence and advyfement, I got my minde extended to fubfcription, upon thir two grounds : 1. That the words " Seeds of Idolatry and Superftition, and the Maffe," without thrawing, might reach farre ; and indeed, according to my minde in the Book, after the Englifhmen's late commentares, fuch feeds truely were fowen. 2. That who fubfcryved a complaint upon the narrative of many wrongs, it was enough to bide by the conclufion, and fo many of the premifes as truelie did juflifie it. It was declared by the penners and chief hands in that write, that they intended no farder then to obleidge all the fubfcryvers to complaine againlt the Bifhops, who had been the authors of a Booke fo many wayes faultie; but not that every fubfcryver fliould be tyed to believe all the parts of the narrative. Upon thir two grounds I got my hand to that write, which here ye have at the letter (F,) and did never repent of that fubfcription; for after tryal, and much ftudy, I thinke there is no word into it bot I could defend it in reafon. However, I thought then, and yet does thinke, that the penners were much more happie then wife. I thinke they were very imprudent to make that piece fo hard, fo rigorous, fo fharpe, that they minded to prefent to fo many thoufand ftomacks of diverfe temper. Had they been to require the hands of none bot men who were of their faith of Billiops and ceremonies, they had not been ralh ; bot their ftrength coniifting in the union of a multitude, the greateft part whereof was farre otherwayes, and ftill are, of ceremonies and fundry things in that Booke, then they are, they Ihould have attempered their words in more generall termes ; which they might have done, without hurting their maine intention, and ventureing to lofle the hands of the moft, and moft confiderable of all the Cleargy of Scotland. For this their ventorious rafhnefs, I much chyded the authors of that write. They gave contentment by this, among other fpeeches, that hereafter, if the lyke fervice were1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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put upon them, they fhould be loath bot to take more of our advyce, who in fome things were otherways minded then they. However, the goodnefs of God has covered their infirmity, as Hill I take it. Of men who are oppofit to the Book, I know very few at all, yea none of any conflderation, who hes refufed their hands to [this] write, except our brethren in Glafgow ; for they all, except old Mr. John Bell and Mr. Robert Wilkie who are both very forward in all this caufe, have yet refufed to fub-fcryve upon their own reafones ; bot they are not thought of in fo great a number. There are at it now above 38 nobles, gentlemen without number. I heare [ofj none away bot Craigie, and Pol-lok Maxwell, and the Conftable of Dundie. All the townes have fubfcryved, except Aberdeen, whom they fufpe6t.
While this write is in fubfcryveing, the burgefles of Edinburgh are putt in a high rage. They finde their fupplication had never been prefented to the King : they fee the Counfell and Seflion removed, the greateft evill that they did feare execute upon them: they underftand, by the former letters, that promifes were made to work them to the embraceing of the Booke: they feared that the nobles and gentry were put off the towne, that they, being left alone, might, by threats and allurements, be brought by their Proveft whereto he would. Thir reafones make the multitude in a high moode to flock to the Counfell-houfe, where their magiftrates did fitt, and fent in to require that the Provefl and Counfell would appoint Commiflioners for to joyne in fupplications and complaints, with the reft of the countrey; alfo to aflure them of their minifters and readers reftitution to their places ; with denuntiation, reall and intelligible enough, that except all were prefently granted, they needed not to expe6t to come out of that houfe with their lives. Upon thefe fears all was granted. James Cochrane, John Smith, and a third of their old bailiffs, in whom they had moft confidence, were chofen for Commiflioners ; ane Act in write, fubfcryved by all the Magiftrates hands, was given out to them, for their minifters and readers ; fo the moft of the people went away in triumph. While thir things are in doing, the Bifliop of Galloway comes up the ftreets towards the Tolbuith, for the examination of fome witnes, in the caufe of Francis Stewart, Lord Bothwell, and Roxburgh. While he is near the doore, the women, after fome quarrelling of him for his crucifixe and clamours, begins to pluck at him, and fo affrayes him that he cryes to the gentlemen for helpe; who, prefently, with their fwords and good words, holds the peo-38	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
pie off him, and carries him to the Laigh Counfel-houfe. It was not much from ane dangerous uproare ; hot the diligence of the gentry, whom the people did refpe6t, and the obtaining of all their defyres, held all in : yet durft not the Proveift or the Bifhop either flirr out of doores till the Thefaurer and Wigton came to them, and convoyed them through the ftreet. In the afternoon a Proclamation is made, declareing this tumult to be barbarous, infolent, and all the evills you can call it, and commanding that none of the inhabitants fhould, under the higheft paines, be feen on the ftreets, hot for their neceffary affaires : fo it feems they informed his Majeftie of that hour's work, as ye will hear in the fequel. The Pro veil and Bifhop were fo evill feared, (as I thinke indeed they had reafon, for, it feems, a little matter would have made them be pulled in fmall pieces,) that they durft no more compear in the toune. The Bifhop held him about the Thefaurer. The Proveft went off the toun in a rage, as was thought, to poll to Court with his complaints: bot, after fleeping, he ftayed in Leith and about the toune for fome dayes, till the calmeing of the people's mindes.
That afternoone the Nobilitie did ufe all diligence to have a Counfell for prefenting their Magna Charta; which, after great paines, they obtained. My Lord Loudon penned a letter in their names, containing a fmooth complaint of their hard ufeage, and requireing licenfe to ftay in the towne for terme affairs, with-all intreating to receave the Supplication, which was inclofed in a paper by it felfe. The Counfell gave them leave to ftay 24 houres farder; and to all who would come and fhow the ne-ceffity of their particular affairs, they promifed licenfe to ftay longer: bot as for their new Supplication they would not read [it,] becaufe they were ftmplie difcharged to meddle with any thing [that] concerned the Church in that dyett; however af-fureing their willingnefs, when their hands were lowfed, as they trufted they fhould be fhortlie, to receave it, and give it ane convenient anfwer. The Bifliop and Proveft, in this conference with the Noblemen at the Counfell, were fo farr from giving them thanks for refcueing their lyfe that day, that to their faces they imputed the appearance of tumult, and their particular danger to the comeing of the nobilitie and gentry to the toune in fo frequent number, alleadgeing that thefe tumults fell not out bot when they were in toune. The other made much vantage of that calumnie, making this their fpeech a ground of their nixt famous meeting the 15th of November, for to choofe1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	39
Commiflioners to wait in fmall numbers on the Counfell, according to the Bifliop's and Proveft's motion. This was the pretence ; bot the truth was, that night after fupper in Balmer-inoch's lodgeing, where the whole nobilitie, I think, fupped, fome Commiflioners from the gentrie, tounes, and minifters mett, where I was, quoth the dogge, among the reft. There it was refolved to meet again, the 15th of November, in as great a number as poffibly could be had, to wait upon the anfwer of their prior fupplication, and to gett their complaint once tabled and receaved, and to doe farder pro re nata ; for, to this houre, I cannot learne that any plott or defigne hes been laid by one or moe, bot only a refolution taken to make the beft ufe that wifdome and diligence could, of every occafion, as it prefented itfelf, for their maine end to free us of the Bookes. In this meeting, Loudon and Balmerinoch were Moderators; both of them, bot efpecially Balmerinoch, drew me to admiration: I thought them the beft fpoken men that ever I heard open a mouth. The harmony, mutual love among all, zeal and gravity, was greater, in my minde, then was in a meeting of very churchmen this fourty year. With prayer, Mr. Andrew Ramfay began and ended. Mr. Thomas Abernethie fpake exceeding well in the farewell to the Nobles, for the reformation of their perfones, and ufeing the exercife of piety in their families ; which all took weell, and promifed fair.
The fame of that 15th day fpread at once farr and broad, even to the King's eare, and all were in great fufpence what it might produce. To counterpofe all finifter accidents, the Thefaurer indicted a Counfell at Lithgow the 14th of November. We thought all that the King's minde was come doune with my Lord Thefaurer deput, Sir James Carmichael; bot he had nothing, neither in write nor word. Mr. William Livingftone told a number of us, in the meeting, that Sir James had faid to him, he heard the King aflure, he would have the Booke through, on all hazards, and would never have a letter of it altered; yea, Mr. William reported thir news to Traquair; who advertifed Sir James of the inconvenience of this report, whether true or falfe. Sir James, highly commoved with Mr. William's rafh-nefle, affureing the utter falfet of that brute; that he had reported the cleane contrare to fundrie, to witt, that the King, upon the information that our Scotifti fervice was diverfe, and much more near to Popery than that of England, had, with his own hand, noted fome of thefe diverfities, and was difpleafed40
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with them, Ihowing, he had no intention that our Booke fhould be any thing worfe than the Englifh ; alfo, that the King had given ane very late proof of his good affe6lion to religion, who, on my Lord (as I thinke) of Devonfhyre's complaint, that his lady was feduced by the priefls, and made goe to maffe, whence he had pulled [her] almofl by violence, crying to all that were at that maffe to give out his wyfe, or elfe he would burn them all together ; upon this Lord's complaint, the King had made a very flri6l proclamation againft thefe feducing priefls.
At this Counfell day, to gett the numerous meeting of the 15th day following keeped in order and quietnefs, they did it by privie conference. The Thefaurer, Lauderdale, and Lome, as the three wyfefl and moll gracious of the Counfell, wrote to the roume where the Noblemen mett, and fhew the informalitie and danger of that their meeting. After much reafoning, it was agreed, that their meeting was legall and neceffare to expect the King's anfwer to their heavy greevances ; that becaufe this was like to take fome tyme, they had mett, in a good number, to choyfe fome few Commiffioners, fome two gentlemen out of each fhyre, and two or one minifters of a prefbytery, who hereafter ought to attend, without fo great confluence; and, for this time, they had fo divided themfelves in feverall companies, and keeped within doors, that their numbers were not dif-orderly. The Counfellers were content of their choofeing Commiffioners, whom they undertooke, by fome few, who were to wait in the towne, to advertife tymoufly of the King's anfwer, which they trulled fhould come fhortly ; for they heard of a Commiffion, given by the King to the Earl of Roxburgh, who was then in his way. Such matters as thir paffed that night. To-morrow, when the noblemen had advyfed, they went down fome foure of them, with fome others of the gentry, tounes, and miniflery, to the rowme where the Counsellors were mett, fo many as were in the toune ; albeit thefe oft protefted they were not a Councell. Here Rothus fpake for the Supplicants, and Traquare replyed, with great admiration to fome, of his wif-dome and facultie of fpeech. It was required, firft, That they might choyfe their Commiffioners from all fhyres, as well abfent-as prefent, who had, or were to give in their fupplications, to attend his Majeflies anfwer; which, if it was not fatiffactory, they craved, that their meeting again in frequent numbers, might not be millaken. The Advocate, after fome little difpleafure of the Thefaurer at this motion, refolved, that they might meet1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
41
in law to choofe Commiffioners to Parliament, to Conventions of Eftates, or any publick bufinefs. 2. It was required, That order might be taken with fome Eilhops and Minifters, who, in privie difcourfes and fermons, had llandered them as mutinous, fe-ditious, and rebellious. When the Thefaurer had flighted thefe men's paflionate words ; it was thirdly required, That the people of Edinburgh, who in words and clamours had paft bound, bot done no harme, might likewife be paft ; upon which condition, they would pafs from the former farr greater and more coniider-able injury done to them. In this, it was faid, nought could be done in the Proveift of Edinburgh's abfence; for he, of purpofe, with the clerk and fome of his faction, had gone off the towne to behold the event of that meeting. It was fourthly required, That the Minifters of Edinburgh might be reftored to their places. To this the Bifliop protefted his willingnefs; bot behooved to deall with the Chancellor and King, that they might be replaced, fo as might be moll for the content of themfelves and all others. Fifthly, it was required, That the Bifhops and others might furceafe the urgeing or pra6life of the Book till the King's minde were knowne; and that fo much the more, as the Baillie of Brechin did report to the Counfell of their Bifliop D. Walter's importunity to take inftruments in God, the King, and in his own name, being a counsellor, that he discharged their choof-ing a Commiflioner to fupplicat againft that Booke, which now he was minded to read. This the Counsellors promifed they would advife the Billiops ; and, as it is thought, both the Thefaurer and the Chancellor advertifed D. Walter [Whitefurd], that he Ihould forbeare the Book for a tyme :—Bot he being refolved to ferve the King in a tyme when other feeble cowards couched, would not be counselled; bot on the Sunday following went to the pulpit with his piftoles, his Servants, and, as the report goes, his wife, with weapons. He entered ear lie when they were few people, he clofed the doores, and read his Service: bot when he had done, he could Scarce gett to his houfe ; all flocked about him, and had he not fled, he might have been killed: fince, he durft never try that play over againe. The effect of that dayes meeting ye may fee in the Counfell's letter to the King and Secretar, at the letter ( G) ; the fruit of it to our countries caufe, was the conjunction of the Towne of Edinburgh with the reft; for at their commiflioners motion to the noblemen, it was refolved, that their caufe Ihould be defended as common, fo far as law could fuftaine, and then it was thought fuftainable ;42	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
that the matter which the Bifhops called fo barbarous a tumult, was nought bot a very modeft keeping of their poffeffion, when thefe, againft all law, would have intruded the corruption of their Religion; fo whatever lkaith had followed on that intru-lion, the ufurpers, not the defenders, muft be charged with it, according to King James maxime of the Pouder treafon, " That in the danger of the Prince, or of the Religion, every one, without reproof, may run to their defences." Such things are now begun to be more then muttered. The other advantage we gott, was the fettleing of ane advyfed and conflant order by Commiflioners, countenanced by the Counfell ; that we may purfue and defend our caufe againft the Bifhops no more by a tumultuary confluence, but by the flayed refolution of a great number of the choycefl heads in the Kingdome. The Noblemen meets all; of the Miniftry, one from every prefbytrie ; of the Gentry, two from every fhyre; and one or two from every burgh : the forme and tennor of the Commiffion is at the letter (H.) The diligence and policy the -Gentry refolved on for to advertife one another, to the remotefl parts of the Kingdome, that all in a truce might be conveened, fee at the letter (I.)
At this dyett I was prefent againft my mynd; for I love no travell; bot the Prefbytrie was importune with me to goe, on the report of my fervice at the meeting before. When we mett, at the Counsellors defyre we were divided in three companies ; the Bifhoprick of St. Andrewes and Edinburgh together ; of Glafgow, Galloway, and Argyle together; and the reft in a third roume. There was a Committee of all thir, fome eight or nine, by themfelves, the refl had nought to doe bot give our prefence ; for, in effect, all was done by the witt and grace of the two archbifhops, Mr. A. H. and Mr. D. D., joyned with three or foure of the Noblemen. In our roume we could fcarce gett our countenance keeped for lake of purpofe. I was putt oft to fpeak of my colle6tions, which I did with greater contentment, as it feemed, to others then myfelfe, they were fo oft rechanted.
Wee are not well at home, till we hear of my Lord Roxburgh's arryvall, of his letter to the Thefaurer to keep a Counfell at Linlithgow the 7th of December, of the Thefaurer's ad-vertifling hereof our legers at Edinburgh, who prefently, by poft, acquaints all their colleagues in the countrey. All [the] Com-miffioners came to Edinburgh on the 5th of December. They were earneftly dealt with not to goe to Linlithgow, upon aiTure-1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	43
ance nought Ihould be done to their prejudice, and that within four days they fhould have a new meeting of the Counfell. This, after much debate, was granted. At Linlithgow, the Counfell was frequent; the King's letter of truft to Roxburgh was read ; ye have it at (K.) ; alfo his Majefties declaration of his intention to make no change neither in religion nor laws: this was proclaimed by founde of trumpett; ye have the Counfell's Act at (L.) Another Act that fame day, intimating the fitting of the Counfell weekly hereafter in Dalkeith, and of the Ses-fion, after the firft of February, at Stirling. At the firft of November, the Thefaurer and fome of the Lords came, and made a phrafe to fett down the Seffion in the Palace of Linlithgow ; bot finding that houfe out of order, and all the fub-jects grieved to fee Edinburgh deferted for the common caufe, and the Members of the Seffion extreamly unwilling to leave that toune, wherein alone they found themfelves accommodat, they wrote up to the King the incommodities of that place for the Seffion, and obtained the removeall of it to Stirling at the named day, hoping to obtaine, before that tyme, the returne of it to the old feat. The King's declaration was heartily receav-ed, as moft gracious in it felf, and moft advantagious to our caufe ; for if it be not made cleare, that the Bifhops preffing of this Booke is contrare to the declaration of the Prince, the undertakers to prove it in their complaint are moft willing to bear the blame. I have heard fome men very politick, I think, in finding out, or rather imagining policies where readily there is none, thinking, that it is the Bifhops intention, by this declaration, to have flopped for ever all mouths that would have muted againft the Booke or them, as, in the laft Parliament of England, the King's declaration of his minde in Religion was the ftopp of all proceffe againft thefe who were like to be cenfured for innovating therein ; and that our takeing of our felves to accufe the Bifhops as our party, before that declaration, was a preventing and coun-termineing of that plott; but my bluntnefs pierces no thus deep. Roxburgh's Commiffion, ye fee, is generall: it was thought he had many private inftructions, and fome of them hard. The word went, that fome letters he fent back clofed as they were, knowing the impoffibility or inexpediency of their execution. Some fufpected it might be the apprehending of fome of the moft ftearing nobility; for it is alleadged, that fome Minifters about the Bifhops, from [whom] many of our Canterburian af-fertions defcends before they come downe, gave out, that it had44
LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1637.
been good to have pall Balmerinnoch when he was in before the pannel; and that if the heads were removed, this body of petitioners would foon diffolve. Others fayes, that he had war-rand to deal with men as he fand them difpofed, by huge and vaft offers. Whatever of this be true, the event feemes to declare, that his maine dire6lion was to affay all poflible meanes of divideing thefe who were fo ftraitly combined, and that in a way legale, which none could reprove. The Thefaurer at that tyme was much, as is thought, threatened by the King: and it is no marvell; for, befyde other mifinformations, Sir Thomas Thom-fone, [the] Regifter's good-brother, had written to Canterburie of him exceeding malicioufly; which letter he gott, and challenged on his calumnies, bot imputed them mainely to [the] Re-gifter, with whom he bears almoft profeffed enmity. Wigton being taxed in that mifinformation, took occafion, in the Coun-fell-day at Linlithgow, upon fome idle words of the Regifter, to fall on him with molt opprobrious words, as a bafe villain and pultron, whom he threatened to ftick, but was holden off him.
In the Counfell-dayes following at Dalkeith, there was much adoe; the Thefaurer, Roxburgh, and Lome, dealing with all their might to caufe the Petitioners, for efchewing the appearance of multitude, to divide their fupplications, and appear, the nobles, gentry, townes, miniftry, feverally, and that according to fhires and prefby teries; thefe, that they would not deale with the Bifhops as parties, but feek the Books to be away, and their matters helped without taking to any man's perfons ; at leaft not to take them to the Archbifhops and Bifhops without exception, bot to fo many of them as they coulde finde faulty. Thefe poynts were fo preffed, that Rothus and Loudon both was in yielding; bot after advyfeing, all concluded, that they neither could, by vertue of their commiffion, nor would, for many feen reafons ; fee thir at (N.) ; as alfo reafons to fubfcryve the complaint putt abroad and penned by the author of the complaint, efpecially the loffing of the fubfcriptiones and hands which were at the complaint as it flood, and the divifion of the body, which fo would infallibly ruine. For thir and the like caufes they all peremptorly refolved, that one letter of that wreit they would not alter, and in no cafe divide. They were content, at the Counfell's pleafure, that in the moft of their dealings there forth the Counfell, there fhould appear bot twelve chofen from the whole Commifiioners ; Rothus, Loudon, Montrofe, Lindefay, thir four nobles ; Cunninghamhead, Keir, Auldbarr, as I remem-1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
45
ber, from the gentry ; James Cochran, John Smith, and the Pro-veift of Culros ; Mr. James Cuninghame miniller at Cumnock, and Mr. Thomas Ramfay at Dumfreis. The Thefaurer was fo earneft in agenting thefe matters, which they, after advyfement, efteemed the loffe of their caufe, that fundry concluded him to be a mod dangerous peice, and one in whom they might not trull. I thinke indeed that man holds the wolfe by the eares, and hes adoe with all his parts, which truely are not found to be many and great; bot whatever be his intention, my heart hes a great refpect to him. I take him to have been hitherto a very happy inftrument to the Church and Kingdome, and a moft true, and faithfull, and moft happie fervant to the King. St. Andrewes fatt a dyett or two in Dalkeith, and held off the Counfell to receave any of the Petitioners complaint; which when they did finde, they prepared a proteftation; and being fruftrate two or three dyetts, the Counfellors rifeing abruptly, thinking to weary or to fhift them to the rifeing of the Counfell, which drew near, at the Zule vacants, they fett two or three noblemen at the fore doore, with two notars and their proteftation ; [and] as many at the back doore, alyke furnifhed, refolute to proteft without farder delay. The Counfellors feeing there was no better, for feare of this proteftation, which ye have at the letter (O.), did grant them affureance to hear fully what they had to fay. So on Tuefday the 20th of December, the Petitioners gives in their bill, and the Counfell gives out their an-fwer in a written fubfcrived act, for leffe would not content after fo many fhiftings ; the doubles of thir ye have at the letter (P.)
The firft dyett at Dalkeith the Counfellors thought to have eluded the vehement earneftnefs of the Petitioners, as it feemes by their letter to my Lord Secretar, which ye have at (Q.) ; bot that hope failling, and St. Andrewes forefeeing the neceffity to yield to the fupplicants importunity, he gave over any more to come to Counfell, and all the Bifhops with him: for all the Petitioners complaints ran mainely to have the Bifhops declyned, and fo raifed from the Counfell-table ; they thought meet therefore themfelves to praeveene, left if they had been forced to it, it fhould have forestalled their caufe. So then the laft Counfell-day, Thurfday the 22d of December, was a6t[ed] the laft part of our fchene [fcene]. The twelve Petitioners came in name of all the Commiflioners. My Lord Loudon delivered this fpeech, fee the letter (R.) and with it gave in the two old fupplicationes, thefe of the 20th of September and 18th of October, which had46	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637.
lyen in the Clerk's hand, not acknowledged by the Counfell, becaufe difcharged then to medle therein ; albeit privately they were looked on, and fent up alfo to the King underhand : alfo with thefe two old pieces was given in a new bill and a declina-# tor, which ye have at the letter (S.); and upon the delyverie of thefe foure wreits, my Lord took inftruments by a double peece in a notar's hand. Thereafter the two minifters fpake. Mr. James Cunninghame .had this lhort fpeech, at (T.), which moved all the Counfellors, and drew tears from fundry of them : the poftfcript is right quick ; fo much the more as it could not be forethought. To all thir wreits and fpeeches was given, after ane interlocutor, this Act in anfwer, at the letter (U.)
The nixt queftion [was,] How all this Ihould be fignified to his Majeftie? All agreed, it was no way fafe, nor fufficient, to committ the bulinefs to packett; that it was neceffare altogether for fome of the Counfellors to goe up to Court. Both Traquair and Roxburgh feemed willing to accept the charge, if it had been laid on them ; yea, to be semulous of it. Some inclyned to the imploying of the one, fome to the other, moll to both ; at laft> all the Counfell refolved to wryte of the neceffity of his Ma-jeftie's information by fome of his fervants, the choyce of the men they remitted to his own difcretion. With this the vacants came ; all went home, bot fome few Commiffioners, appointed by turne to lye ftill in Edinburgh for all occurrents. When the countrey wes away, the Proveft fell a frelh to his policies, deales mightily to make the towne fupplicate apart to feek the King's favour, and pardon for their tumults ; gives them full affureance, will they bot ufe thefe formalities, the King fhall freely pardon them, fliall quyte them of the Service Book for ever, except the whole Kingdome be moved willingly to take it, which he thought would never be : for in all his difcourfes from the beginning, he enveighed againft the Booke as much as any ; alfo, that Counfell and Seffion fhould prefently be reftored to them, and their privi-ledges much augmented. It feems the man had undertaken to make that towne come in the King's will; and fo, for the effectuating of his promife, did give affureance of many things which neither he could nor would be any wayes carefull to have performed. By this dealling, he had prevailed with a great number of the Counfell; bot the Commiffioners that were in the towne finding it going fo, remonftrated to the Towne Counfell by James Cochrane and John Smith, (very good inftruments in all this matter,) That their fupplicating apart might be the betraying of1637.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	47
the whole Kingdome; their craveing pardone for any thing fome bafe people in the toune, which could not be found, had done againft the innovators of religion, would be a preparative to bring the whole City, and all in the Kingdome who had oppofed the Booke, within the compaffe of law, and the courteours mercy; alfo, that the crafts and commons would be inflamed to violent them all, if they would affay to conclude any fuch things, as it is faid they were indeed ready to doe. Upon thir remonftrances, the Proveft's dealings evanilhed, and all the Counfell refolved to flick by the reft of the Kingdome, to defend their juft caufe by the law, and fuffer all inconveniences ere they, as they had done too oft before, fhould be ane evill preparative to the reft of the Kingdome. In the meantyme, the Prelident flipps to Court. The Counfellors had advyfed, and entreated him not to goe, upon the Nobles defyre, who required, that none fhould be permitted to goe, farr leffe he, who was almoft a profeffed enemie to them, and an agent for the Bifhops, that the King's firft information might be by thefe of the Counfell whom they expe6ted ftiortly the King himfelf would call for. Notwithftanding, he went his way; bot to the great malcontentment of all. His friends gave out, his only eirand was, for his Father's (*) dimif-lion of the Chancellary, and compofition therefore ; for the fet-tleing of the Seffion, which, to the great prejudice of all the members of the houfe, had long vaicked, and was longer like to vaicke. In his way, it is faid, he diverted to York and Dure-hame, and fome other of the Bifhops. When he came to the King, they fay, his information was fo hard, that the King was penlive, and did not eat well; bot that my Lord Haddington hearing of his mifreports, was bold to putt in the King's hand a late miffive which he had got from his good-brother Rothus, having a fhort information of the countrey's proceeding; for the abfolute truth whereof Haddington undertook. The reading of this contented fomewhat the King; whereupon his minde being difpofed towards the Lord Thefaurer, my Duke of Lennox wrote for him to Court, and thereafter the King himfelf, and Marques of Hamilton alfo. With all this, he went to Roxburgh, and fhew it to him, of whom he was jealous. Roxburgh was nothing content that he was not fent for; yet he pretended the ne-cefiity of his flay for his onely fonn's marriage with Arroll's
C1) Sir Robert Spottiswood, the Lord President of the Court of Session, was the second Son of John Spottiswood, Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Lord High Chancellor of Scotland.48
LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1637.
daughter, and in the meantyme, did write with the Thefaurer favourable letters to the King, in the prejudice of any mifmfor-mation the Prefident, or any other, could make.
The Commifiioners were very earneft, that the Thefaurer would take up ane Information, which Balmerinnoch and Mr. Archbald Johnftone (the only advocate who in this caufe is trufted,) had penned, to prefent it, together with their Bills, which elfe would be bot naked peices. This he abfolutely re-fufed to look upon or touch, for he faid he was to purge himfelf by his oath to the King, that he had feen no fuch thing, only he was content it fould goe in his company, and affured it fhould come to the King's hand. So he went away with my Lord Or-biftone,(2) whom he keeps by all meanes to hold the Marques faft. By the way he wes almoft drouned ; he come out of a water, they fay, hinging by his horfe taile. His porter being difmilTed for evill fervice, fett upon his Lady, in the garden of Dalkeith, with a drawn fword ; and had not other two fervants gone be-tuixt, who both are hurt, the villaine had certainly killed her. They fay, that Stirling is like to be difgraced ; that the King being malecontent he was not more tymoufly informed of all thir matters, the Thefaurer Ihew, that though they were difcharged publickly to fend any word of that bufinefs, yet they had acquainted ever privately the Secretar,(3) that he might advertife. This the Secretar granted; bot Ihew that he was hindred by Canterburie to prefent the King fome peices. Canterburie de-nyed this, hopeing to bring Stirling off another way, though in this he fuccumbed: bot all this is bot uncertaine rumors.
So ye have all I know in this matter, whether true or falfe : readily there is not any one from whom ye can gett a more full narration. I have conferred, and had ufe of the wreits of thefe who had chief hand in all the matter, both of the Nobility, and of the Gentry, and Miniftrie : for your fatiffadlion I was the more curious; what will be the end, no living can gueffe. If God be pleafed to bring upon us the year of our vifitation, the devill could never invented fo pregnant a meanes, and have ruined this Ifle, one and all, from the prince to the ploughman : for will the Prince, at the clergies defyre, goe on in violence to preffe their courfe, the mifchieffs are prefent, horrible, in a clap :
(2)	Sir John Hamilton, one of the Lords of Session, under the title of Lord Orbieston.
(3)	Sir William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, was Secretary of State for Scotland.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
49
will he relent, and give way to our Supplications, the danger is not paft: We wot not where to Hand; when the Bookes of Canons and Service are burnt and away, when the High Com-miffion is doune, when the Articles of Perth are made free, when the Bifhops authority is hemmed in with never fo manie laws ; this makes us not fecure from their future danger: fo whatever the Prince grants, I feare we prefle more then he can grant; and when we are fully fatiffied, it is likely England will begin where we have left off, to crave order of the greater and more intolerable abufes of their Clergy; fo that it is not probable our dangers can be foon ealily evited ; to prevent thir, the courfe we ufe is humiliations in privat and publick, which indeed hes gone through oft the mofl of our congregations. If God be pleafed to be gracious, we know he hes wifdome to turne this affaire, which may wracke all, to the redreffing of all, to purge the Church of all that leaven and tyrannie of the Englifh Bifhops whereunder it long hes groaned, to give to our Laws and Parliaments the old and full [authority] and liberty and truth, to joyne the heart , of the King and his fubjedls fafler in love then ever, and remove the jealoufies and griefes whereof the minds of both this tyme byegone has been replenifhed, to enable us to help the Churches abroad, and to contribute all our forces of witt, learning, and armes, againfl the Antichriflian fa6tion. Thir are our prayers and flender hopes in the midfl of our defperat feares.
This farr I had written long agoe, but now many things are fallen out. The Thefaurer came backe from Court the 19th of February. About eight dayes before, his man had come doune with a peremptorie command, by found of trumpett, to caufe the Members of the Seffion to be at Stirling, for their office. The Lords obeyed; bot the Advocates of any note would not goe thither. The Thefaurer, when he mett with the Nobles, affured them, with oathes and great affeverationes, that he had no dire6lion from the King concerning their Supplications. In this Roxburgh did joyne with him ; bot from friends at Court, they were informed of the contrare, and fhortly, by privie intelligence at home, gott a double of the King's injunctions, which was a proclamation to be made at Stirling February 20th ; wherein the King took the Books on himfelf, and discharged the Bifhops of all fault, condemned all the fupplications and fub-fcriptions, commiflions and all meetings hitherto for that end;
VOL. I.	D50	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
bot did pardone bygones, difchargeing all fuch meetings in tyme to come, under higheft paines, and yet was willing to hear fup-plications which did not incroach on his royall prerogative, either in matter or manner, as the former had done. This coming out to light, polls went forth athort the whole countrey, with this information, written by Mr. Archibald Johnftone, for to him the prior informations, both from Court and otherwayes, oft after midnight, are communicat. This information the Bilhops caft on the Thefaurer, and fo it is thought; yet Mr. Archibald affured me it came from none of his.
This alarme being given, all did make hafte. The Thefaurer finding his purpofe revealed, intended to have the proclamation precipitat. He had before perfuaded the Nobility that onlie two ftiould goe to Stirling, where he affured no prejudice Ihould be done to their caufe : bot it was found he intended to keep thefe two, Rothus and Lindefay, prifoners in the Caftle of Stirling; therefor the Nobility refolved to goe together. To prevent this, the Thefaurer and Roxburgh went from Edinburgh a little after midnight. One of their footmen being taking a drinke in a tavern, where a man of Lindefay's, I think, lay, told, that his mafter was that earlie on horfe for Stirling. His companion was not long in advertifing his mafter; who at once wakened others of the nobility: fo Lindefay and Hoome took poft, and outrode the Thefaurer; the reft followed at leafure. The Thefaurer not finding a number for a quorum, without Counfell did make the proclamation early in the morning. Hoome and Lindefay ftood in the croffe with the Lyon herauld, and made a proteftation. The Counfell meeting in the afternoone, did approve the proclamation ; which was much marvelled at, efpe-cially that Angus and Neper ftiould put to their hands to it. It was thought that Lome, Southefk, Lauderdale, and Wigton fhould be put off Counfell; bot we fee it was not fo. Angus and Neper hath ftiowed their repentance for their rafhnefs. The Advocat* comeing the morne, would by no meanes fubfcryve the act of approbation of that proclamation, for this reafon efpeci-ally, that the King's dire6tion in it was tranfgreffed; for the King's warrand bare bot the hieft paine, bot the proclamation did beare the paine of treafon. Thir things hath much alienated the minds of the Nobility from the Thefaurer, both that he ftiould have deceaved them with his oathes, and alfo extended his com-miflion, to the uttermoft bounds, if not beyond, to the ruine of their caufe and perfons. Yet it is faid for him, that at Court he1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	51
was putt in great danger of his place. The King did pofe him upon thirty-eight articles in wryte, furnifhed by the Prefident againft him; wherein he gave the King reafonable anfuers, withal that he gave the King a full information of all the wryts and deeds had paft, that he had brought the King to a tollerable mood, till letters come from the Chancellour, afiureing, that as the Noblemen who were banded for the flaughter of David Rizzio did difband and flee away fo foon as the Queen, his good dame, had proclaimed them traytors ; fo upon the King's condemning of the Nobles proceedings, and difchargeing them hereafter under thefe paines, all this combination would evanifh, and the King would fo come by his intent. Thir letters altered the King's minde, and put him to take the courfe which may prove wonderfull unhappie: peremptorily he commands the Thefaurer to execute it, and for his fidelity and fecrecy put him to his oath. This he undertook, yet leaving under his hand his contrare opinion and advife. Howfoever, the Thefaurer, who indeed hath been an happie inftrument in this bufiinefs, is like to lofie both the King and the Countrey, which will feeme fweetnes to the Bifhops in the midft of their mines. The charge was to remove from the towne within fix houres. The Noblemen who came in frequency againft the afternoone, flayed all that night, and for no requefl would remove; for they alleadged their proteflation did warrand them. Yet when the Chancellor and Thefaurer had yoaked their coatches to depart, profeffing that the Sefiione and Counfell would break up as troubled by them, they were content to goe ; and fo they did, leaving direction to thefe who came there to attend the common bufiinefs, to follow them to Edinburgh ; alfo when the Counfell did meet, or the admiflion of my Lord Doune to their number, Arthure Erfkine and Poomeefe thronging in with the multitude, after the ufhing of the houfe, did prefent the declinator, and tooke in-flruments thereupon. My Lord Doune fubfcryved prefently the fupplication, to the great difcontentment, as they fay, of Murray his father. The Bilhop of Galloway was like to have receaved injury in Stirling; bot the Magiflrates fawto him. In his returne at Falkirk, the wives railed, and fhord him with flones, and were fome of them punifhed; alfo at Dalkeith, upon Sonday, the wives fo railed upon him, that the Thefaurer put two of them in prifon. The Bifhope is in great fear and danger, and fhowes little of his old defyre of martyrdome in this fo good a caufe. When we come to Edinburgh, the 22d of February, we found52	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
that the proclamation had been repeated there, that lixteen Noblemen had gone up to the crofTe with the Lyon herauld, and after their reverend hearing of the King's proclamation, had caufed Mr. Archibald Johnftoune, at the fame tyme and place, to pro-claime their proteftation. In the meane tyme, the countrey gathers fall to the toune. The Noblemen, Gentry, Cities, and Minifters, meets in feverall roomes. The Noblemen, with Mr. Alexander Henderfone and Mr. D. Dpckfon,] refolves the renewing of the old Covenant for religion. A little incling of this is given out at firft to the reft. Mr. D. D. is imployed in the Colledge church to preach, where, in a great congregation before noone, he fhews the expediency of renewing the Covenant. Mr. H. Rollock feconds that motion, with amplification, in the afternoon. In the Grayfriars, Mr. John Aclamfone ftrykes on the fame firing before noone. Mr. Andrew Ramfay, in the afternoon, for fpareing, was miffiked. The two other kirks are not regarded. Mr. Henrie's (4) plainnefs made me fufpe6l their intention, in this new Covenant, to make us for-fwear Bifhops and Ceremonies in our meeting. I had discovered the fame minde in fome, alledging over and over, that the Achan of our land was the breach of our Covenant, in admitting, againft the oath of our nation, the government of Bifhops and Articles of Perth. To this I gave fo fharpe and fo modeft a reply, that excluded thereafter this motion from this meeting. Bot I was filled with fear and great perplexity, left the bond, whilk I found was in conceaving, Ihould containe any fuch claufes; for this I thought would inevitably open a gape, and make a prefent divilion in the Miniftry, which was the earneft defyre and fure victory of the Bifhops. This I caufed remon-ftrate to the Noblemen whilk they took well, and made Loudon lhew me and Mr. George Young, whom I had fent to Loudon to declare my fears, their write, which was fcrolled, profeffing their minde to give us all contentment, and rather to deftroy it, then that thereby any rent fhould be made amongft us. The write had three parts; Firft, the old Covenant, word by word, as ye have it in the Harmony of Confeffions, after our Confeffion of Faith ; the nixt part confifts of A6ts of Parliament, whilk all are for our Confeffion againft Poperie; the Third lies ane application to the prefent cafe: in this was all the difficulty; for there was indeed claufes in it requiring the fufpenfion of our practife,
(4) This evidently refers to Mr. Henry Rollock, one of the Alinisters of Edinburgh, and not, as in the former edition, to fr Mr. Henderson."1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	53
then of our approbation of Bifhops and Ceremonies. After rea-foning, it was yielded to me, to change this claufe, to forbear pra6tice. I fhew it was ever my minde, fince I was a minifter; bot not to approve in judgment, it was impoflible till I was other-wife informed. So they required bot my difallowance of the corruption of the Bifhops government; whereunto I yielded. Some other claufes alfo, whilk might have feemed to import a Defence in armes againft the King, this I could not yield to in any imaginable cafe ; for the grounds I had learned from Mon-fieur Cameron (5) I had not yet leafure to try; fo, for the prefent, I could fubfcryve nothing whilk was againft my minde. Thefe were alfo changed; fo that no word, I hope, remaines in this write, whilk, in any congruitie, can be drawne againft the Prince ; bot many fentences are expreffly to the contrare : fo in thir two poynts of my feares, Loudon, by his wifdome and equity, gave me contentment. This courtefie was due to me ; both becaufe they hoped what would content my fcrupulous minde, might be appearance fatiffie others who were of my judgement, whereof there was a great number; as alfo for the regard to my felfe, to whom they profeffe fome refpe£t for my paines in this caufe, not only in my firft write of Queries, bot alfo of my fecond of the Parallell, whereby they efteemed their caufe fomewhat furthered ; befyde that they expe6ted, that I being fatiffied, would be an inftrument to give others contentment, as fince they have found.
My Lord Caflills had my fcruple anent the Defence with armes. He fent for me; bot I efchewed to confirme him in that whilk he profefled he had from Monfieur Cameron. He gott in a claufe in the write whilk contented his minde. Thus we being contented, they ventured yefterday to prefent it to our meeting. Rothus, Loudon, Aldbarr, and others come downe. They read it firft in private to a number of us who were Commiffioners for Prefbytries, and thereafter to all. The objections which were moved by fome few were foon fatiffied: all being interrogate, man be man, gave their hearty affent; only fome three or four brether of Angus, who had fworne obedience to the Bifhop, could not finde how to difpenfe with their pra6tife and oath. My Lord Rothus finding our great harmony, departed with the
(5) Mr. John Cameron, an eminent Protestant Divine, who resided abroad during the chief part of his life. He was Professor of Divinity at Saumur, previous to the short period that he held the office of Principal of the University of G1 asgow. He died at jMontauban^ in 1625.54	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
profeflion of great joy: for this union was the great pillar of the caufe; and it could never have been obtained, if diftra6tion had been in the miniftry who had fubfcribed the former fupplication, whilk mifchance was much feared ; and, indeed, great occafion had the imprudency and rigidity of the firfl formers of that write given of thefe feares. It is expected that this day the hands of all eftates fhall be put to it, and thereafter a declaration fhall be made of our innocency in this whole proceeding, and of the in-juftice of the Bifhops, with ane earneft defvre to have our Prince informed in the truth of this caufe, be way of the mod humble Supplication. To-morrow, in Stirling, is expe6ted a frequent Counfell, where there is hope that the Counfell will lay the wyte of all thir evills upon the B[ifhops] back. What will be next, the Lord knows! we are to humble our felves in fafting • and prayer. It becomes yow weill there, and all the Reformed churches over fea, to commend our caufe heartily to God, as we have oft done for yow in the like cafe. We have no affurance yet or warrand that any one line of the Booke fhall be remitted, bot hopes are made of withdrawing both Liturgie, and Canons, and Commiffion, and all, if we would let the Bifhops alone ; bot the moft part is peremptory refolved not to endure any longer their lawlefTe tyrannie.
A Narration of the Proceedings from the 21st of December [1637,] to the [24th of february 1638.]
The Lords of Secret Councell having receaved from the Supplicants their petitions, complaints, bill, and declinator of Bifhops, at Dalkeith, the 21st December, promifeing to reprefent thefamen to his Majefties royall confideration, as concerning matters of that confequence wherein they could not determine by them-felves ; their Lordfhips were then preffed earneflly by the Supplicants, not only to recommend thefe, bot to intreat my Lords Theafaurer and Privie Seall to carry the fupplications, &c. and informe his Majeftie in thefe matters ; which did well befitt their places, being the greateft affaires that ever had fallen within the compafs of their confiderations; becaufe a dumb Information, though never fo exa6l, was not capable of replyes, nor could it anticipat fuch doubts as his Majeftie might propone. This de-fyre was often repeated in privat to my Lords Thefaurer and Privie Seall, by diverfe of the Supplicants, with a demonitration1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	55
of thefe evills which might follow from his Majefties want of juft information and knowledge of the true ftate of bufinefs here.
The longing defyre of the Supplicants for their anfwer made them appoint fome of their number to attend at Edinburgh, for getting and giving notice of my Lord Thefaurer his returne from England; and upon advertifement that he was expected about the 12th or 14th of February, many of the Supplicants reforted hither; who being together at his coming to Edinburgh, February 15th, and expe6ling then anfwer to their fupplications, two of their number were fent to enquire for the fame. Being with Privie Seall, his Lordfhip denyed his haying anfwer to them, or that he knew any certaine tyme when they might expe6l the fame, or by whom ; only he believed they fhould have it fhortly. He acknowledged not that the Counfell had recommended to him the carrying, and informing of his Majeflie anent the fupplications; bot that his Majeflie had receaved the fupplications, and confidered them. The Thefaurer and Privie Seall taxing the petitioners for impatience in waiting his Majefties anfwer, were anfvvered, It was now near half ane year fince the firft fupplication was delivered to the Counfell in September, and the matter concerning wrong done to Religion ought to have been fpeedily repaired by his Majeflie as being the Lord's deputy over his people, efpecially for prefervation of that Religion where-unto himfelf is fubject as well as the people, God haveing all-wayes expreft fuch difpleafure at the corruption of his true wor-fhip, or introduceing any feed of fuperflition or idolatry, which was alwayes informed of thefe things they petitioned againft; that they are confident they would have obtained ane fpeedier redrefle from fo good and religious a prince, if his Majeflie had been truely informed, or not prevented by fuch fuggeftions as excufed, or covered the unfoundnefs of thefe Books and wicked-nefs of thefe other novations; and affured, That if the matter had only concerned their own lives and fortunes, they would have patiently endured the longeft delay of his Majefties refo-lution; bot this matter might excufe importunity in them, and required expedition from his Majeflie. They finding my Lord Thefaurer fpare to difcover any thing concerning this bufinefs, parted, to make account of their obfcure anfwer.
On the 16th, fome of the Supplicants got notice of ane proclamation to be made, which contained his Majefties approbation of the Service Book, as only fitt for the ufe of the Holy Church, and taking on himfelf the caufing forme it; a difpenfing with56
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
the nobility and gentry for their bygone meetings; and a difcharge of all the meetings hereafter, under the paine of treafon. Whereupon four or five of the fupplicants were fent from the reft, to my Lords Thefaurer and Privie Seall; who meeting firft with my Lord Privie Seall, and difclofing to him the tennor of the fup-plication, he feemed unwilling to fpeak any thing thereof, pro-feflmg he had no commiffion, and knew nothing of that bufinefs. Going to my Lord Thefaurer, and expreffing their grieff at the faid proclamation, they defyred to know the truth of him; who refufed to make known to any what he was commanded to deliver to the Counfell only; and keeping all very clofe, feemed to preffe the neceffitie of inhibiting meetings, and that by proclamation. It was anfuered, That the obedience of the charge was the way to let all thefe evills come upon them, wherewith the Church and State were threatened; for they mett together to advyfe anent fupplicating and confulting about the beft wayes for preventing evills ; and as the end was lawfull, fo had they never fallen in diforders at their meetings neither in word nor action, bot had alwayes concurred in electing the beft and humbleft motions, reftraining thefe that were rude; which would have appeared and given offence, if ilk fhyre had petitioned apart; and if they Ihould ftay at home, what could they doe, bot every one indure what foever was impofed, and fo the Church and State to fuffer.
Thefe returning to the reft of their number, they all refolved to fend four or five to Stirling, to give information to the Counfel-lors concerning the proclamation, as after follows. Firft, That the Supplicants had been from tyme to tyme put in good hope of a gracious anfwer, efpecially by the Act of Counfell in Auguft laft, declareing, that the buying of the Service Book, and not the ufe-ing of it, was only intended, and by his Majefties declaration in December laft; bot by this proclamation, their former hopes would be turned into feares. Secondly, That the proclaming of a difpenfation to the Supplicants, for that which they were afluered they were doeing in duty both to God and his Majeftie, would either make his mercy mifregarded, or force them to con-demne their own doeings, fo juftifiable before God and the world. Thirdly, That the prohibiting of fuch like peaceable proceedings, under the paine of treafon, would make the Supplicants either incurre the imputation of treafon, or elfe be caften all into the hands of the adverfaries, and call themfelves loofe of religion, liberty and peace, againft the duty which they owe to God,1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	57
the Church, and the Country. Fourthly, That, contrare to the King's Majefties declaration in December laft, this proclamation transferred the guilt of thefe novations from the Prelats upon the King's Majeftie ; not that he can be judged the author thereof, bot that they may efcape cenfure ; whereby it is hard to fay, whether his Majeftie be more di(honoured, or juftice frustrate, or his Majefties good fubje6ts difappointed. Fifthly, That the Supplicants tremble, that after fo many fupplications and declarations, bearing the manifold feeds of herefie, fuperftition and idolatry, to be contained in the Service Book, it fhould be declared, be proclamation, to be the forme of God's publick worftiip, and the meane of maintaining true religion, and holding out of fuperftition; which muft make the fubje6ts either receive what their confciences doe condemne, or directly oppofe themfelves againft his Majefties proclamation. Sixthly, Since that many worthie Counfellers hath regrated the palling of the firft Act in favours of the Service Book, and hath made many excufes for the famen, the Supplicants are confident, that having a new occaiion of more mature deliberation, they would rather give counfell to his Majeftie to choofe a courfe that may give fatiffa6lion to the defire of his good people, than by confirming fo fummar a concluiion, greive many, wound their own hearts, and work further difturbance in the church and countrey.
The Thefaurer and Privie Seall hearing, that fome were to be dire6ted to Stirling, fent for three or foure of the Supplicants ; and underftanding their refolution, preafed to diflwade the famen : bot thefe fhowes the neceffity they conceaved thereof, and that for preventing the inconvenience of the proclamation, which would prove fo hurtfull, falling upon thefe particulars in the Information, and upon the report, that the Burrows were excluded from the difpenfation offered to the Nobility and Gentry by the proclamation, that a criminall purfute might be intended againft Edinburgh, did fhow a refolution in the whole Supplicants, to intend a criminall purfute againft the Bifhops and their followers, as foone as the other Ihould be wakened, and that for fclandering of fo many of the faithfull fubjedls to be mutinous and rebellious for oppofeing innovations brought in religion by them againft the lawes, and their exercifeing of the judicatories not eftablifhed by Parliament, to the heavy oppref-lion of the Hedges ; for the which faults, as in law, their lives could not efcape, fo thefe of Edinburgh did not fall within compafs of law for life or fyne, conlidering how little they did,58	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
how great evills were inforced upon them, and what was their Magiftrats dealing towards them. The Supplicants, upon better advyfement, fand a neceffity of ufeing a declinator at Stirling, left there the Bifhops Ihould fitt in judgement, and give out any Act in that buffineffe, wherein they were declared parties, and ought to be declyned; refolving to propon the faid declinator only by two of their number. They were advertifed upon Son-day in the morning, that fome of the Bifhops followers had faid, that the proclamation would inhibit any of the Supplicants to appear where the Counfell fatt; that if they fhould prefent the declinator, they Ihould be put faft ; which made the Supplicants to determine to goe together to Stirling, and to be prefent in the towne at the proponing thereof; thinking, that being together, they were more able to give the Counfell information and fatif-fa6tion, then by fo few, which might be dazaled with difficulties of new propofitions and a6lions not expe6led. And few houres after this refolution, fome of the Supplicants, by permiffion of the reft, declared the fame to my Lords Thefaurer and Privie Seall for preventing of miftake ; who immediately fent for foure of the Supplicants, wifhing them to change their refolution of going to Stirling, and expoftulating with them for the way of carrying their buffinefs, alleadged, If the Supplicants had followed their advyfe in fupplicating apart, and againft the Book of Common-Prayer, Canons and High Commiftion only, it had fucceeded better with them; they might have petitioned for the reft of their greevances, after once hearing and proveing fully their firft complaints ; that, by appearance, the King would never hear them fo long as they complained upon Bifhops ; and affured, that the Supplicants did now fee their own error in not following their former advyfe. It wes anfwered, That being a publick buffinefs, which concernes the whole kingdome, and the matters of fuch confequence, it could not be carried in fo private a way as your Lordfhips propofed ; the matter being fuch as religion and policy were extremely wronged, the fubje6ts thereat grieved, behooved to have recourfe to their Prince, for commanding redreffe by the ordinar courfe of law, which hath been alwayes cuftomable to fubje6ts in the lyke cafe ; and if the whole Supplicants had been fo truftfull in a matter fo great and univerfall, as if it had been any of their own particulars, their Lordfhips could bot engaged life, fortouns and honour, for a good fuccefTe to follow their advyfe ; and though their fuppli-cations being reftrained, as your Lordfhips defyred, might gett1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	59
audience, yet if, after fupplicating againft thefe other evills which are the root that hath produced fuch fruits, his Majeftie Ihould then refufe to hear any further, would it not grieved them to fee the fubje6ls fuffer by the relying upon unpauned truft, and the whole envy tranfferred from the Bifhops upon their own heads ? They aiking them, What courfe the Supplicants would take? were anfuered,- They would propone their declinator at Stirling for the reafons forfaids. They faying, It will be refufed, were anfuered, The Supplicants would then proteft for ane im-mediat courfe to his Majeftie, upon their deny all of juftice, and prefent their fupplications to his Majefties felf. They doubting his Majeftie will accept the famen, were anfwered, The Supplicants would doe their duty, and committ the event to God Almighty, - who is fufficiently able to prote6l his own caufe, and their juft proceedings.
Thus parting, and returning to the reft of the Supplicants, they appointed foure or five of their number to goe very tymely to Stirling, for preventing the Thefaurer and Privie Seall their accuftomed diligence, in omitting no meanes that might conduce to their ends; and alfo the Counfell-day was appointed to be the following Tuefday at ten o'clock. Yet was the Lord Thefaurer and Privie Seall on horfeback be two o'clock, and in Stirling be eight in the morning on Monday the 19th ; bot were outridden be fome of the Supplicants, whofe being before them made them expe6t the coming of the reft, and fo conveened all the Counsellors prefent in the toune to haften out the proclamation before their coming.
The Counfellors then prefent could not make a quorum ; yet did they proceed with their proclamation at the mercat croffe by ten o'clock, where the Supplicants made proteftation. The reft of the Supplicants coming after noone, and hearing of the proclamation, went to the Thefaurer, Privie Seall, and other Officers of State, requiring a fight of the proclamation, that they might advyfe with the fame ; who denyed any fight thereof till it ftiould be proclaimed in other places; bot by relation, they fmoothing the contents thereof, and differing much from others who heard it read at the croffe, made the Supplicants uncertaine what it contained ; who refolveing to leave no lawfull meanes unaffayed, fent one of their number to the Clerk of Counfell, requireing only a fight of the proclamation for their perufall; upon whofe refufeall, inftruments were taken. The Counfellors grudged to finde fo many to refort there to Stirling, who had come very60
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
frequently from all the neareft adjacent places, and that upon very fmall advertifement. The Thefaurer and Privie Seall fent for fome of the Supplicants ; who being afked, What they were minded to doe ? They fhewed them they would ufe a declinator, and, in cafe that were refufed, a proteftation, as they told them at Edinburgh. They renewing their often repeated motions of divifion without fucceffe, were earneft, that the Supplicants fhould remove all out of the toune, feeing they were to doe no more in that buffinefs. The Supplicants obje6ted the ratifieing of the proclamation in Counfell, which as yet wanted that warrand; they affured them of the contrare very firmely, as alfo gave affureance that no prejudice fhould be offered to thefe who prefented the declinator or proteftation. Whereupon they undertook to deale with the reft of the Supplicants ; who being conveened in the Kirk, filled the fame; and with very great difficultie, obtained their confent to remove after dinner toward Edinburgh, upon the relation of the affureance they had gotten the proclamation fhould not be ratified in Counfell; and having appointed fome few of their number to flay, and propone the declinator and proteftation forfaid. After dinner, as they were going to Edinburgh, two or three of the Supplicants went to the Thefaurer and Privie Seall, having fome other Counsellors with them, and defyred their flay fhould not be interpreted to proceed from contempt, for they could not obtaine fight of the proclamation, neither from their Lordfhips, nor from their clerk ; having afked it, and taken inftruments of his refufall, thereby to be informed what it in-joyned; and although it had no legall ftrength, yet conceaving it to be a declaration of his Majefties minde, which they had been, and would be alwayes moft willing to obtemper, without prejudice of the caufe they had in hand, they were refolved to part. When the noblemen were gone, the Counfellors went to Counfell in the Caftle of Stirling at foure a'clock, where two of the Supplicants gave in the declinator; which being refufed, contrare to the Act of Counfell at Dalkeith, they protefted, and offered to take inftruments in the notar's hand: and being reproached, that they brought in common notars before the Counfell, they offered to take inftruments in the clerk of Counfell's hands, which he refufed; whereupon they took inftruments in their own writers hands. That night the Counfell ratified the proclamation. One who had the informations, and by the fore-mentioned promife was put in fecurity, hearing thereof, caufed delyver fome of them the nixt morning to fome Counfellors1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	61
there that moft relifhed religion, and befl know the Service Book ; who being informed, fand themfelves infnared by their confent, and was heavily grieved.
The proclamation was made at Linlithgow upon Wednesday the 21 ft of February, where proteftation was made, as at Stirling, by three or foure of the Supplicants ; and at Edinburgh on Thurfday the 22d of February, where a great many noblemen, barrons, minifters, and others, fupplicants, ftanding within and about the Crofie, after the proclamation was read, the proteftation was alfo read publickly, and inftruments taken in the hands of notars.
On Fryday the 23d, the number of the noblemen and others being increafed, at their meeting they treafled [traced] the fug-geftion to fundry of the Supplicants labouring divided Supplications, which was generally diflyked, and ane new dealing with the Counfell by way of fupplication, reftrained to the Service Book, Canons and high Commiflion, which was apprehended by very few. This made all confider the particular condition and former proceedings of thefe prime ftatefmen, principall fuggef-tors of fuch motions : and although the Thefaurer and Privie Seall, both for the greatnefs of their fortouns and hereditarie conditions, were confiderable with the chiefeft of this land, as deeply intereft in the good of this ftate, which, with their approved underftanding, might induce the expectation of all need-full care and faithfull carriage befeeming their place, intereft, and knowledge ; and although they feemed extreamly grieved for their prefent evills, and, by frequent information, fully per-ceaved the root whence they flow, yet the prefervation of their places and credit with his Majeftie, by appearance hath made them forbear to doe or informe fully about thefe who they thought was fo acceptable to his Majeftie; and many of the Biihops being the yoke fellows with them in burden of the ftate, and others of that minde watching over their wayes, ready to informe againft them for any thing that appears not conduceable to their end, and obtaining folicitations from perfones of power in their own favours to the faid ftatefmen, hes made them all this while to labour rather the quenching of the paine, then the cureing of the difeafe, and to make a diverfion from the root of evills by a fair addreffe of thefe Supplicants, for the prefent pruneing of the branches. All their proceedings in this bufiinefs being fully confidered, was found to intend this end, fuch complying being fitter for the fervants of a perfon, then of ane ftate. Some of62	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
them, by words and a6tions, fo much laboured amidft right and wrong, as they will, except they mend it, get the like recom-pence to them, who indeavour reconciliation betwixt Proteftants and Papifts, which is neither thanks nor truft from either, as our own late experience proveth. Bifhops had their Commis-faries.
To Mr. William Spang.
April 5th [1638.]
cousine,
Thir are in fuch hafle, that they cannot be fatiffa6tory. I fent yow by William Cuninghame, with one Gibfon of Leith, two double pieces and a five merk piece : before we be miferable, I wifli my debts were paid. Alfo I fent yow two quarts of Rofa Solis, that once yet ere we die ye may drink my good health. Your letters are more unfrequent to me then ordinary ; ye know the caufe. The doubles of the King's proclamation, and the coun-trey's proteftation, with the newly fubfcryved Covenant, I would have fent to yow, according to my promife in my laft, had not Mr. William Wilkie affured me that he would have them at yow before this. The great bufinefs among us fince that tyme hes been, to have that Confeffion fubfcryved be all hands ; and through all hands almoft hes it gone. Of Noblemen at home, who are not counfellors or papifts, unto which it was not offered, I think they be within foure or five who hes not fubfcryved. All the Shyres have fubfcryved, by their Commiffioners; and all the Tounes except Aberdeen, St. Andrews, and Craill; yea, the particular gentlemen, burgefles and minifters have put to their hands; and the parifhes throughout the whole countrey, where the Minifters could be perfuaded, on a Sabbath day, all have publickly, with ane uplifted hand, man and woman, fworn it. Mr. William Anan himfelf hes thus farre proceeded, to all our admiration ; our marvell is increafed, when he is faid to repent it, and to fay, he was conftrained to doe what he did : the man is fo refolute, and the oathes of this wryte are fo frequent, clear, and deep, that who hes taken them, I think, he cannot readily recall them. I hear for truth, that Mr. William is put in a great dumpe, and, after fome trouble both of minde and body, hes gone to Glafgow and Edinburgh ; to what purpofe I cannot yet fay. I fufpect the town of Air's motion to him to confent to receave a helper, which they would name, and1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	63
provide him, without any diminution to his ftipend, hes troubled him more then anything elfe ; for they feem peremptor to have a minifter conjun6t with him, and that, either Mr. Robert Blair or Mr. George Dumbar their old minifter, or fuch a man who will bear down Mr. William, and fo kill him when he hes loft the Bifhops his old freinds. This peremptory and unexpe6l-ed motion, I fear, is the caufe of his perplexity and change, if he doe make any.
The greateft oppolites in the Weft to this fubfcription are our friends in Glafgow: all the Colledge without exception; Mr. John Maxwell, Mr. John Bell younger, and Mr. Zacharie, they are not only withdrawers of their hands, bot all of them pathetick reafoners againft it. How this comes I will not fay, bot I have my own thoughts ; yet old Mr. John Bell and Mr. Robert Wilkie are pafiionately for it, albeit half derided by the other as fimple fooles : it is like to fall out evill among them. The body of the Burgeffes hes fubfcryved. My Lord Boyd, old Blair, Keir, Mr. David Dick, Mr. Michael Wallace, and I, went in, as Commiflioners from the meeting of Edinburgh, to deal with the Colledge and Minifters to joyne with the reft: bot I forefaw it was in vaine ; for no reafoning could move any of them to paffe from the fmalleft of their fcruples, which yet they multiplied. We left them refolved to celebrate the Communion on Pafche day, in the High Church, kneeling ; bot Mr. Robert Wilkie and Mr. John Bell are refolved to pafle that day, and the next Sabbath to celebrate, fitting, in the Laigh Kirke. After our departure with fmall contentment, they did agree to delay all celebration for a tyme, and fo did intimate to the people, from pulpit; bot when it was found that Mr. John Bell and Mr Robert Wilkie would delay only Pafche day, and no longer, Mr. John Maxwell and young Mr. John Bell thinking their credit interefted in ceeding this farr, made intimation to the people at the evening prayers on Saturday, to come the morne to the Communion in the High Church; fome few bafe people did come, and filled fome four or fyve tables, who were ferved by the Principall, and Mr. John Maxwell. The nixt Saturday, Mr. David Dickfone had the preparation fermon in the Laigh Church, and Mr. John Maxwell in the High: to the one's fermon, all flocked who could throng in ; to the other's much fewer. This, I fear, be a proclamation of redde warre among the clergy of that towne; bot the pley I thinke fhall be fhortly reedde.64
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
To Aberdeen the burrows fent Mr. Robert Barclay proveft of Irwine, 'and the Clerk of Dundee, in commiffion ; bot thir people, by the MarquelTe of Huntley's inftigation, and the Northland Bifhops, were fo preoccupied, that willfully, without allegation of reafon, they refufed. Their Doctors for the moft part are favourers of the Books; and how farr our folks of Glafgow, or any non-fubfcryvers, are oppofit to the Books, I cannot fpeak much for the prefent. D[octor] Baron hes given out fomething in write for the Booke, whereof I am forrie ; not for the write it felf, for if the piece I faw be it, it is a very poor one, that will never hurt our caufe, bot becaufe I tender that man's estimation as one who was half deligned to our Theologick pro-feffion in Glafgow, which he can never attain to with any tol-lerable contentment of our country, were he ane angell, if once he have fyled paper in maintainance of the Booke. Edinburgh continues conftant. Mr. Henry [Rollock] and Mr. Andrew [Ramfay,] yea, Mr. Robert Blair, and Mr. James Hamilton, and Mr. John Livingftone, preaches there to the peoples heart. Mr. Matthew Weems in the Canongate, Mr. Forfair in North-Leith, all the Colledge, Principal D. Sharpe, Regentes, [and] all the Schollars, (except Mr. Robert Rankine and Mr. John Broune, with fome few boyes with them,) have fubfcryved and fworae. The Minifters of Stirling, before the Lords of Seffion, are inveighing dayly againft our Bifhops. St. Andrews itfelf, we hear, for the moft part, hes fubfcryved. What fhall be the end, God knows!
The Counfell fent to court my Lord Orbiftone with thir in-ftru6tions, here inclofed. The Noblemen fent Mr. John Livingftone before him, with what inftru6tions I know not; bot it was fore againft my minde that he fhould be imployed at this tyme, being a Book man, a preacher rigide and paflionate, and, which was worft, ftanding under the fentence of excommunication of the Irifh Church. He was not at Court four houres till the King fpoke of his coming, of the way and manner of his voyage : this made him to pofte back, after one day's, at moft, lurking at London. It is thought that Orbiftone, who overtook him by the way and outrode him, behooved to be the informer ; which will impair much of that truft which Orbiftone hitherto did in-joy amongft us. The noblemen drew up a common letter, to be prefented by the Earle of Haddington to the Duke, Marques, and Morton, conjunctly, intreating them, if they thought to undertake the prefentment of their Supplications to the King. The1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	65
letter and fupplication I will ftryve to fend to you with the nixt; thir were not ready when Mr. John Livingfton went away. Orbiftone at his returne filled the countrey with good news ; but we fand thereafter, that all refolved on the King's letters calling up Roxburgh and the Thefaurer, and my Lord of Lome, for to confult before any farder was proceeded in that matter, according to one of the articles of thefe inftru6lions which Orbiftone carryed up, and did nothing pleafe the countrey; for we thought them bot only complements, and inclyning to cenfure our meetings of unlawfullnefs. However, we are informed, that the bell lawers, both Hope, Nicolfone, and Stewart, being con-fulted by the King, does declare all our bypalt proceedings to be legall. The three Counfellors(6) are all to Court; we are full of feares : the Thefaurer hes loft all his truft with us; Privie Seall never had any; we tremble for Lome, that the King either perfuade him to goe his way, or finde him eirands at Court, for a long tyme. Brechin and RolTe are both to Court, the two moft unhappy of all the Bifhops. It is faid, that Roffe, before he went from home, was affrighted with the boyes who burnt the Service Book where he was ; this made him flippe away difaguyfed over the mounts. It feems, according to Orbifton's inftruction, that the King hes called up thefe two of the clergy as his former informers. We are praying to God, and wifhes you to concurr with us, that this affaire now in the balance may have a fair end : Our country is at the poynt of breaking loufe; our lawes this twelve moneth hes been filent; diverfe mifregards their creditors; our Highlands are making ready their armes, and fome begun to murder their neighbours. Dowglafs, Aber-corne, and Semple, are openly arming among us ; readily after their example other Noblemen will provide prefently their houfes with mufquett, picks, powder and lead. We hope, that fince the Palatine is gone to Germany, and the King has fent to Ham-brugh to renew the league with Sweden, fince the prentifes of London, as we heare, does force the delyverance of Canterburie's prifoners, and fundry there intends a legall procefle againft the Bifhops ufurpations, we hope that a peaceable decifion may come from Court; yet we feare God let us not go fo foon out of the fnare, fo fmall hitherto hes been our repentance; the violence alfo, which we fee breathed out of the Bifhops and their fol-
(6) The three Councillors here named, were the Earl of Traquair, Treasurer, the Earl of Roxburghe, Lord Privy Seal, and the Lord Lome, better known by his subsequent title as Marquis of Argyle.
VOL. I.	E66	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
lowers mouths, againft their oppofites, and the countrey's un-diffembled rage againft them, as the only authors and contryv-ers of all this danger, I fear it end not fmoothly. Mr. Robert Hammilton, and Mr. John Lindfay, lies been very ill ufed in Lanerick, by the women, as I doubt not Mr. William Wilkie will informe yow. Mr. Robert Hammilton is fully refolved to be revenged for his wounds ; and for this end, wrote fharply to the Thefaurer and Chancellour, yet all lyes oyer; this fame may further the mifchief.
I have made all the Colledge wryte to yow for a Rituale Ro-manum, Miffale, Breviarium, and Pontificale. I pray yow, be-caufe I have prefent ufe of them, faile not to purchafe them fair and lately printed, for we have old Sarum ; alfo Jofephus Vice-comes de Ritibus Baptifmi, etc.; take my aflureance, that for thefe the Colledge will give yow thanks, and I alfo. The Lord be with yow ; and, pray for us.
[To Dr. Strang, Principal of the University of Glasgow.]
Reverend and Dear Brother,
Your Letter to me was moft acceptable; that ye thought not good to conferr with me by write, I likewayes approve ; for of that kinde of jangling I am over weary. Glad fhould I have been to have come unto yow wherever ye had defired, if fo I had conceaved any hope to doe yow pleafure; but it was another, and not your felfe, who required me to come to Glafgow that day, when I could not well winn ; and the laft voyage I made to that place, for the like end, was allutterly fruitlefs, for there I fand my felf allutterly unable to fatiffie any of thefe brethren, in any the leift of their objections againft our late Confefiion; bot I thank God that ye are come much nearer, by thefe good means ye name of your reading and prayer: I am confident, upon the continuance of the fame, that ye fhall come on that little ftep which remaines; and, if it might be the will of God, from my heart I wifti, fo foon as is poflible, to fee yow come clean over, where fo many of us are who loves yow dearly, and whom ye alike doe love. Our maine feare to have our religion loft, our throats cutted, our poor countrey made ane Englifli province, to be difpofed upon for ever hereafter at the will of a Bifhope of Canterburie; thir our feares are builded mainely1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
67
upon the withdrawing of our brethren's hands and countenances from us, in that courfe which we conceave to be moll neceffare at this tyme. Our hopes, under God, which we have, to croffe the undermyneTs of our whole religion and civill liberties alfo, is in the univerfall harmonie and conjundtion of all brethren. Your hand I took ever to be of efpeciall importance ; I know not only the deferved dependance which many brethren had upon yow, bot your great eftimation and abilities whereby this good caufe might be furthered, if ye had joyned: I think it is one of the greatefl occafions that ever ye had in your life, or lhall have to your death, to doe God, our Church, our Country, a peice of good fervice. The declaration of your minde before all the world, let be thefe yow name, in the poynts ye expreffe, readily will be granted; bot a band in write in the termes ye fett downe, I fear be not yielded: fo farr as I know, the like was not craved of any. The firft part of it, That yow did fubfcryve fo farr as that Confeffionwas not prejudiciall to the King's authority, the office of Epifcopall government it felf, and that power which is given to Bifhops by lawfull Affemblies and Parliaments, and in fo fan-as we are bound to withftand all innovations in the worlhip of God, contrare to his written word, and the Confeffion of Faith of the Church of Scotland, this I think it very needlefs to crave ; for if ye faw any thing into this Covenant, which, either in expreffe termes, or by any good confequence, could inferr the contradi6tion of any of thefe things ye name, ye might not in any termes, on any expofition or limitation, offer to fubfcryve it. I doe not only believe that there is no word into it that makes againft the King's full authority, fo farr as either religion or reafon can extend it, or againft the office of Bifhops, or any power they have by any lawfull Affemblie or Parliament; or that by this write we are oblidged to oppofe any novation, or any thing at all which is not contrare to God's word : not only I believe this, bot hes profeffed fo much before the whole meeting at Edinburgh, oft both in word and write, without the leaft appearance of contradi6lion of any to this houre. Bot for me to have craved this much under any their hands, I thought it needlefs, and very inexpedient for them to have granted; for it had been ane expreffe granting in write, to be regiftrate to the world's end, that they thought there was just occafion given to fufpe6t that, in that write, there was fomething which truely did oppofe the King's authoritie, etc. If any prefently, or hereafter, fhall abufe any claufe of this write, to overthrow the King's authoritie, &c.68
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
as many abufes Scriptures themfelves to their own bad intentions, I think it abundantly contents me, that I can make it evident, not only that at my fubfcription I profeffed, by word and write, that I did believe there could no fuch thing be deduced from that write, of which profeffion I have many famous witnefles; bot the chief ground of my fatiffaction in this cafe is, that I can make it evident before the world, that the write hes no fuch errors, elfe would I never have fubfcribed it. So, Brother, in my poor judgement, the firft part of your defy re is not meet to be fought; as for the other, that requires the admitting of a Pro-teftation to pra6life conformitie, in cafe of deprivation. Though the fear of the Books be not removed, however I think, in that cafe, ye will be very loath to conforme upon any danger that is likely to come, yet, in my minde, it might be eafily obtained, by Duchall or Mr. Matthew, from the prime of the Nobility, to take that your fubfcription, with ane exprefle declaration, albeit, no written proteftation which they fliould fubfcryve, that ye fliould be permitted, in cafe of a danger, which your con-fcience thought reall and true, of prefent deprivation, to doe in Perth Articles as ye thought expedient, without any note of infamy or perjurie. For my own part I was not minded, on any hazard whatfomever, to pra6tife kneeling, fo long as the danger or feare of thir late novations did remaine, whether this late oath had been taken or not; and this feare, I think, cannot be removed without a lawfull AlTembly or Parliament; fo that indeed I take all fubfcryvers to be oblilhed to abftaine from kneeling, &c., on whatfoever hazard, till that terme at leilt be pall, and my felfe I finde obliflied to abftaine poffibily longer, I meane ever, till the feare of thir dangerous innovations be away, whereto I take the Articles of Perth to be now indu6tive and fo fcan-dalous; which juft fear cannot anywayes be removed by the difcharge of the books by proclamation, yea readily not by Affem-blies or Parliaments. However, I take all fubfcryvers, after the allowance of the firft AlTembly and Parliament, to be as free in the matters of Perth as they were before their fubfcription ; and ye who hes obtained to fubfcryve with the refervation ye crave, to be free in your pra6life of thefe Articles even before either AlTembly or Parliament: this freedome, I thinke, your fubfcription takes not away, being taken with that limitation proponed ; for my own part I would concurr to have it freely granted to you, hopeing that ye would not ftand upon the formalitie of a publick write, if ye obtaine the witneffing by word of fo many1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	69
and fo famous men as ye could require : this I take to be the only thing whereon ye ftand, which I think may be obtained to you mofl readily. As for formalities ye wont not to be carefull: I am hopefull, when the pra6life of Conformitie is put in your will, ye will not be flout for it, if ye fee that the urgeing of it is mainely to put away the beft and ablefl oppofites to popery out of the land ; and that their removers are avowing, fo fad as they can, the groffeft poynts of popery, in print, with applaufe and advancement for that only caufe ; if ye fee that, I know ye have a tender heart and will not for your life, let be places, doe any thing which may truely further fo wicked a plott. That it is no lefTe then popery in grofle which the Canterburian faction is now aiming at, I flryve to fhew in thir Quseries which here I fend you ; I doe it farther in another little write of Paralelle of our Service with the Mafie and Breviarie, which I fhall fend yow if ye like this. However, doe what ye will, fubfcryve or not fubfcryve, be affured of my high eftimation of yow, and affection to yow, and confidence of your zeall and orthodoxie; trailing that when the fubfcryvers of this Covenant are made away, either banifhed, or made foulie to recant, which I feare lhortly, (if God avert not,) that ye and fundry other of your brethren fhall begin where we have left, and be ready with your blood to feall the truth of God as fervently as the forwardefl of us. Only let me intreat you moft earneflly, as ye would refrefh my heart Angularly, fubfcryve this write fo fhortly as ye can with any condition ye can obtain from your Commiifioners : there is no hand now in Scotland which I doe fo much defire at it as yours.
Thir in great hafle and confufion as your prefiing bearer can fhew. The Lord be with yow, dear and loving Brother, and help us ; for, except he concurr with his extraordinary mercy, I take the religion, libertie, and peace of our land, houghed and clean overthrown for our dayes. So I reft,
Your loving Brother.
[To Mr. William Spang. ]
Reverend and Well-Beloved Brother,
I writt to you my laft with James Brown of Saltcots ; after a quarter of a yeeres expectation, I receaved your lafl; I was not content of your fo long delay. You fee in fo dangerous a tyme you want not mine of the hiefl purpofes; I feare I muft now70
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
leave off to write, leafl by the King's fhippes my letters be intercepted.
After the departure of Privie Seale and the Thefaurer, Lome alfo went up. He was fent for by a privie miffive, not by a letter to the Counfell, as the other two: his going was againfl the heart of many his friends ; yet he was peremptor to obey. There followed the Chancellour, Prefident, Regifler, Rofle, Brechin, Galloway ; the Marques Ihortly after called up for Qr-befloun. We were all long in fufpence for newes: at lafl we heard of the violent and wicked counfell of Roffe and Chancellour, fhewing, that a partie might eafelie be made within the countrie; that Huntlie, and Aberdein, Seafort, M'Kay, Grant, and the Northland Clanes, which had not fubfcryved, might eafily overfway all the fubfcryvers, with the concurrence of Ham-miltoun, Dowglas, Nidfdale, &c., if fo the King would imploy a little of his force, and lay by Lorne. For the preveening of this, diligence was ufed to fend fome lawers to the uttermofl North, who obteened the hands of all thefe Clanes to the Covenant of the countrie, with the moll of the name of Ham-miltoun, Dowglas, Gordoun, and all the Campbells without exception. No a Burgeffe of St. Andrewes or Dundie refufed; and in Aberdein there will be as few recufants as in Glafgow. This word being fent to Court, made the King miflyke Roffe's advyce. Great hes beene the accufations of our Bifhops againll the Thefaurer, as one who had intelligence in this matter with the countrie; and his recriminations againfl them was great, as thefe who, by their mifcarriages and imprudencies, had mifcooked all the matter. The courfe they refolved upon, after many toe's and froe's, was to fend downe the Marques of Hamiltoun, with a commiffion to treat with Mortoun, Haddingtoun, Thefaurer, Privie Seale as affeffours. The offers they are to make are fecreit: We heare they are fuch as will give no kynde of contentment ; albeit the Bifhops are confident they are fo reasonable, as will give content to many, and fo be able to make a divi-fion among the fubfcryvers, which to them is a win field. For to preveene this, the Noblemen and Commiffioners drew up thefe things which they wer minded to crave, and without the which they could not be content, which they fent athort the countrie, and to Court alfo, for the Marques' fight: for when the Noblemen had returned anfwer to our letters, the Duke to Montrofe, the Marques to Rothes, Mortoun to Lindefay, that the King was to give an anfwer to their defires by proclamation, and thought1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
71
not meet to anfwer or look upon the fupplication, which they fent back clofed as they gott it; our Noblemen hearing that this proclamation was to come downe with the Marques, they wrote up to him earneftly, not to accept any commiffion wherein he had no full power to give the countrie fome reafonable contentment. However it be, the commiffion is put on him : his letters are come to all his friends to meet him at Hadingtoun, the fifth of June. The Thefaurer and Lome are returned, and have holden a counfell at Dalkeith; hes written for all the Counfellors, none of the Bifhops are forgott, to meet at Dalkeith, the fext of June in Counfell, with the Marques of Hammiltoun, the King's Commiffioner. The Commiffioners here at Edinburgh hes advertised all the countrie to be in Edinburgh fome dayes before. What will be the event of this great day, God knowes! We can not heare that the Marques of Hammiltoun is to offer farder than the recalling of the Books, and limitation of the High Commiffion ; and that upon the condition, or rather command, that we furrender all our fubfcryved Covenants, and ly under the old danger of Perth Articles and the Bifhops' unlimited tyrannie. If this be not accepted, as there is no appearance it will ever be, we are threatned with a bloodie onfett by the Navie on the Eaft Coaft, by an Irilh Armie on the Weft, by all the power three MarquefTes in Scotland and the Popifh partie can make, with the help of the North of England. We have indyted a generall Faft the third of June. In God is our great confidence : we fee yet nothing but appearance of mifchiefe. Our people many of them are not humbled, nor in the ftate of penitents ; our Bifhops and their followers are yet in a furie, and have adoe with a people like themfelves.
You write not to me what your people in Holland thinks of our matters. We heare that your Confervatour has written to the King, that fome munition is coming to us from Campheir; be affured, if it be true, he could not do us an office we would take in worfe part. Some are muttering that you are in your church-fervice pra<5tifing fome part of our books. I think you are not mad at thyr tymes needlefly to fyde with the unhappie and unjuft partie; what the matter is, write to mee in your next. If you mint to any fuch thing, expe6t a fhort depofition; and if the Burrowes be overthrowen, that they cannot remove you, be affiired to be removed out of their hearts for ever. We know yet no other but that our religion, liberties, lives, are in extreme danger: the Lord help us.72	LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1638.
Lome hes beene very plaine with the King: and now, when he is returned, is alfe farre our way as ever, God be thanked. The Marques is thought to be changed the King's way; all maks for the ruine of this Ifle, and I fee yet no meane to re-meed it. Canterburie will remitt nought of his benfall ; he will breake ere he bow an inche: he is borne, it feemes, for his own and our definition; yet there is a God. When our Noblemen were on the point of departure from Court, the Bifhop of Rofle prefented fome ftieets of paper, penned by Brechin, againll the Thefaurer; thir flayed their journey fome dayes. Galloway fyded heere with the Thefaurer; but Brechin, with a marvellous ingratitude, became a traitour to him, revealing all his fecrets he had gathered in his companie: much fowle fly ting was among them. The mater is rather delayed than fully componed; however, fome are come home, and the reft expe6ted daylie.
Newes from England the 15th of July [1638.]
Four Commiflioners, Lord Arundell, Lord Newport, Sir Harie Vaine, Secretarie Cooke, are deputed to prepare by fea and land. Pennintoun is to be fent over to the north with the lhips. Many flatt-bottomed boats are to be made. Ane hun-dereth fmiths are conveened for iron work, and carpenters to make carriages for eighty field pieces ; twenty-five thoufand fwords to be prepared ; many picks and mufquets to be put in cafes and fent to the north ; fadlers appointed to make numbers of great fadles. Lord Antrum hes hyred a Scotifh ftiip, loadned and furnilhed with powder and munition of warre for Ireland, Weems, the canon-maker, hes conditione to hyre a ftiipp, and to loaden her with light cannons and powder for Dumbarton. Lord Arundell is to come to fortifie Berwick, Carlile, and fome other places. Sir Harie Bruce hes offered his fervice to the King long agoe. He aiked Sir John Seaton if he would ferve the King: He anfwered, he would, bot not againft his own countrey, where he had his life. Both Kirkcudbright and Loch-ryan are aimed at, befide fome other places upon the Weft fea, for landing of flatt-bottomed boats from Ireland : alfo there are flatt-bottomed boats prepared for landing either in Fyfe or Louthian fyde, or both. Letters are dire6ted to every fhyre to have the trained bands in readinefs the 4th of July. The Com-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	73
miffioners are to relate to the Counfell what number of trained bands, and what number of preparation for warre of all kinde, are appointed, and how foone they can be ready. Lord William Howard hes written to the Lord Arundell, befeeking him to take to heart the buffinefs of Scotland; for if they take arms, the north of England will joyn with them, and therefore it were, bell to ufe a peaceable courfe.
\ -
To Mr. William Spang, July 22, [1638.] :
Reverend and Well-Beloved Coosin,
The longer and more frequent my letters are to yow, it feems ye refolve that yours to me fhall be the Ihorter and more rare; yet the contentment which oftymes before I have felt, and does hereafter certainly expe6t of the length and frequency of your writings, forces me to continue my courfe of fhowing to yow how all goes with us, fo oft as I can have occafion of bearers, and fo fully as I can get information by the writes which comes to my hand, and the reports of the moft intelligent I doe meet with.
After that our gracious Sovereign had taken at length information of thefe he fent for to his Court, and of the Bifhops who come up unfent for, it is thought that for fome days he was perplexed, toffed here and there with diverfitie of resolutions. The bloodie counfell of St. Andrewes and Roffe, upon aiTure-ance of ane fufficient party in the countrey, was paft from, not only by our Noblemen's contrare aflureance of the vanity of that expectation, evidenced by the catalogue of the fubfcry vers, efpe-cially of the Northland men, of whom the chief hopes were made; bot thefe bloody conclulions were left alfo, by the advyfe of the Englifh counfellers, who freely are faid to have fpoken of the injuftice of fuch a courfe, and the danger which it was like to bring to the ftate of England, as things went, their deep mal-contentments lying for many years, bot overplaiftered, without any folide cure. The plainnelTe of Lome is much talked of; nothing he is faid to have diflembled of all he knew of our countrie's greevances, of his own full miflyke of the Books, of the Articles of Perth, of the Bifhops' mifgovernment, of his re-folution to leave the kingdom rather then to confent to the preffing of any other, let be of himfelf or his fervants, with thefe burdens, which were againft confidence. He put in the Mar-74	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
ques' hands a double of the late Englifli proclamation, decyding the famous controverfie of the Epifcopal jurifdi6tion in their own names alone, and not in the King's. When this came to the King, it is thought he was moved with it, as not haying marked before its incroaching upon his prerogative, and did chyde with Canterburie for it before the Marques ; a quarrell which evidently made the Archbifhop look down on Lorne, who did publickly avow, in the write, contempt of his malice.
Thefe counfells of force being laid by for the tyme, with the increafe of deteft of the authors, our Bilhops, little lelTe in England then at home; a conclufion paffes of ane amicable treatie for the countrey's contentment. Long it was ere a perfon could be found of parts requilite for fuch a fervice. Morton, Roxburgh, let be Haddington or Stirling, were not of fufficient Ihoulders. The Thefaurer was once lyke to have been employed ; bot the Bilhops, to preveene the employment of their mortal enemie, did of frefli, when no fuch matter was expelled, give in fome fheets of vehement accufations againft him, of all things they could corrafe,(7) penned by Brechin,(8) bot fub-fcryved by St. Andrewes and Roffe alfo: they did not requyre Galloway's hand to this challenge, knowing his intereft in the accufed. The poynts were thought for the moll part bot light: the King would not take tyme to difcuffe them; fo they were caft by as contemned, or laid up as ane band above the accufed's head, to be applyed in tyme to his fydes. However, the Bilhops' poynt was wone: the Thefaurer miffed the commillion. He made no formal recrimination to his partie ; albeit, it is faid, he fpake either to the King or prime courteours, of horrible crymes, which he could make good, efpecially of St. Andrewes; and indeed their carriage, at this fame tyme, even in England, lies not been ecclefiaftick. Much is fpoken of their wyne and feaft-ing, of their abfence from all divine fervice on the Sunday. When the Thefaurer was decourted, the eyes of all was on the Marqueis (9) for the commifiion. The Iharpnefs of the man ; his late obligation to the King for his very being, by the gift of our taxation; his Father's throughing of Perth Articles, which now was become a maine part of our queftions ; the want of any other made him the only man ; for the Duke [of Lennox] is thought to have no fuch ftuffe as a Commiflioner for fuch bufinefs required; befyde that diverfe does now fpeak of his
(') Corrase, to scrape together. (8) Dr. Walter Whitfoord, Bishop of Brechin.
(9) James Marquis afterwards Duke of Hamilton.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
75
inclination to poperie. The Marqueffe, to the uttermoft of his power, declyned this charge, as a fervice wherein his feare was greater to lofle allutterly at leaft implacably to offend thefe whom leift he would ; either his bountifull and gracious mailer, or his mother-countrie, wherein, after the King, his hopes was juftly greateft, then any expectation to bring this intricat bufinefs to the wiftied end. Yet there was no remeid; yield he mull to his Mailer's peremptor command, who laid upon his back the commiffion, with a ftrange Memento, that he was informed, (as indeed our Clergy, Prelident, and Regifter lets him be ignorant of no whifper which they know among us,) of his countreymen's purpofe to fett the Crowne of Scotland upon his head ; yet fuch was his trufl in his loyaltie, that he would imploy no other to reprefent his perfone, at this fo dangerous a tyme, wherein, If I be the foole, yow mull be the knave.
My Lord Commiffioner his Grace, would not llirr from the King, till he faw all our countreymen, which the Court any way might fpare, fent home before him, to doe for the King's fervice all the good offices they were able, at leaft to doe him no evill offices with his prince, by their milinformations in his abfence. The Thefaurer, Lome, and Galloway, were the firft who came home together in coatch as good friends. This made the people to begin to fpeak better of Galloway : bot it feemes his fear of the people's furie does ftill remaine; for he comes not in publick, fave in the Thefaurer's company : in his family does he live, and that privately enough; he keeps his old wife plain-neffe, for he rownes not that he avowed to the King his neceffity to leave Scotland for feare of his life, for the want of the word, which he could not hear delivered anywhere without fentences of rebellion, and facraments which he could not participate there without profanation. So foone as thir came doune, a Counfell was called at Dalkeith, a commiffion was formed for the Marques by the Advocate, the double ye have at (A.), letters were directed throughout all the kingdome to all the counsellors, none of the Bilhops excepted, ftraitly chargeing all to be prefent at the next Counfell-day in Dalkeith the lixth of June.
Regifter and the Prefident followed the Thefaurer. We hear nought of their dinne at this tyme about Court: it feems both their credit is much impaired there. The Prefident (x) brought with him a prote6lion of a new ftraine, to hinder any execution of law againft himfelf or his cautioners, their perfons, lands,
(') Sir Robert Spottiswood, President of the Court of Session.76	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
goods ; his debts are found farre above his goods. It is thought his father the Chancellor (2) hes brought with him the like targe. It is faid, that himfelf and his children will be in fixteen or feventeen fcore of thoufands merks in burden : the world wonders by what means. His eftate of Bilhoprick, Priorie, Chan-cerie, will be better than fourty thoufand pound a-year. His traine and houfe has been ever naughtie exceedinglie. It is faid the Deane (3) has the like fhield. The parfon of Leith has one, I know, and the parfon of Liberton another, for diverfe thoufand pounds of more debt then they have ever appearance to defray, if they finde not a purfe; for now bifhopricks and abbacies are defperat. It is very fcandalous that clergymen ftiould be avowed dyvors, and troublers of the countrey befide. He of Leith (4) is a malicious railer againft the Covenanters, in pulpit and every where. He of Liberton (5) does us a very ihreue turne; polled lately to Court, informed the King, after he had clofed our bufli-nefs and difmiffed our Statefmen, of continuall outrages of our people againft minifters, for their love to his fervice; amongft the reft, the towne of Edinburgh's onfett on D. Ogfton for his life in the church; the people of Torphichen upon Mr. G. Hanna: this did adde oyl to the King's flame. The trueth is, that Ogfton, minifter at Collingtone, made his people, who would obey him, anfwer his examination before the communion on their knees, as the priefts doe in their Ihryving; this, and other things, (for he was brought from the North (6) to that place by Bilhop Forbes,) made him infamous ; fo, in his addition to the exercife in Edinburgh, fpeaking fomewhat, I fuppofe, of the Virgin Mary, he was conceaved of the people, but Wrongoufly, to fpeake error ; whereupon, after fermon, at the out-coming of the church, a number of women waits on, and did Ihoare him with ftroakes ; but Mr. A. Ramfay, and Mr. H. RoUocke, did get him fafe to the feffion houfe, and thereafter convoyed him to his horfe. Mr. Hanna has ever been in hott watter with his people fince his entrie; fo the Sonday after his people had fubfcryved againft his command, they fett on him in the church, ryves his gowne, gives him dry cuffes, and fo without farther harme difmifies him.
(2)	The Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Lord High Chancellor.
(3)	Dr. James Hanna, Dean of St. Giles, and one of the Ministers of Edinburgh.
(4)	Dr. William Wishart, Minister of Leith.
(5)	Mr. Andrew Learmonth, Minister of Libberton.
(6)	Mr. William Ogston was Professor of Moral Philosophy in Marischal College, Aberdeen.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	77
This is much regrated by us all, and the minifters in Edinburgh inveighs much againft thir finfull uproares; and fince there has been no more of them.
With the Prefident come word of my L. Alexander's (7) death. I have into it a loffe of a near coofin and familiar friend : The King did profeffe his loffe of a fervant of great hopes. Ye know, befide the gallantnes of his perfone, he was both wife, learned, and verie well fpoken; the Countrey makes not much doole for him, for they took him for ane advancer of the epifco-pall caufes to his power. It feares me his death will undo that ryfeing Houfe: their debts are great; his Father is old, and ex-treamly hated of all the countrey for his alledged briberie, urge-ing of the Pfalmes, and the Books for them, overwhelming us with his Black money. His Sonne is bot ane infant (8); his brother Sir Anthonie, and Robert alfo are dead ; Henrie will not be able yet for his place; and if he fhould, what he can gaine muft be for himfelf, and not the Houfe. Many who intended his Father's overthrow, were withholden for refpe6l to him. In a three or four days feaver, befide all mens expectation, he expired. I think, indeed, that God is juft: among a number of his excellent parts, I knew him to have been very licentious in his pleafures before his marriage.
There waited on our Bifhops at Court, one D. Carffe, (9) whom I know not, and Mr. Levifton, who both are bitter againft us ; alfo Mr. Laudian, the Marqueis' chaplane, who hes written fomewhat againft our courfes, at leaft, for kneeling, againft Rutherford. They fay he is dead alfo; I much regrate it: he was an excellent philofophe, found and orthodoxe, oppofite to Canterburie's way, albeit too conforme : I counfelled oft Glaf-gow to have him for their Divinitie Lecturer.
(7)	William Lord Alexander, Viscount of Canada, was the eldest son of Sir William Alexander, first Earl of Stirling. He died at London in March 1638.
(8)	The infant son here alluded to> died in May 1640, about three months after succeeding to the title, by the death of his grandfather, the first Earl of Stirling. The title then devolved on Henry. His brother, Robert's name, is omitted in the genealogical accounts of that family.
(9)	In a letter, in the Editor's possession, written by this Dr. Carse, to Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, dated London, Jan. 10th Q1636], he signs himself " your Lordship's most faithfull servant and cosen, John Carse." He speaks of his " Curate at Brixton;" and in reference to some expected preferment, through Maxwell's influence, he professes his willingness to lay himself " in all duty and service at the feet of our Holy Mother, the Church of Scotland; to be disposed by her as sche schall think fitt."78	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
The multitude of our Scottifti Lords, which were fent doun, Morton, Lithgow, Kellie, Marr, Kinnoull, Haddingtoun, Bel-haven, Amont, and many moe, made us thinke, that the King minded to call fhortlie a Parliament, wherein he might make ufe of their voices; for elfe we faw not to what purpofe their prefence here could ferve. It was given out, that our Bifhops were very loath to come from Court, hot they were forced to goe ; that after their difmiffion, they fought leave to goe to the Bath, to paffe tyme fo till they faw the Commiffioner's fucceffe: yet it was not fo ; for at once St. Andrewes came. Roffe alfo and Brechin came to Berwick ; but to come any farder, for all their boldnefs, they durft not yet venture. It is faid they are there very merry, as our people alfo. St. Andrewes, Edinburgh, Dumblane, makes countenance oft to be in the Dean's houfe.
On Sonday, the third of June, his Grace was in Berwick : that day was a folemne Fall over all our Kingdome, where tymous advertifement could be given. Some of our non-fub-fcryvers refufed to joyne. In Edinburgh^1) Mr. Alexander, D. Elliot, Mr. Mitchell, etc. being required to joyne, took them to be advyfed with their Bifhop. At the firft he was content; bot, thereafter, having written over to Dalkeith to Galloway, who newly was come home, repented, and on the Sonday morning fent a difcharge to the minifters to intimate; which they obeyed: bot Mr. H. and Mr. A. (2) did intimate it in their churches, and I alfo in the Colledge-hall, where that day I did preach. For this long while bygone, fome of the Nobilitie, Shyres, and Borrows, waits on in Edinburgh, every man his fourteen dayes. Some of the Minifters alfo keeps their turne, and preaches to their Commiffioners in the Colledge-hall. On Mononday, the Minifters of Edinburgh would have been at the intimating of the Faft in their week fermons, notwithftanding of the Bilhop's difcharge; bot the Commiffioners, mainely on Mr. Andrew's motion, (for I was witnes to it, and did much reafon againft it,) did fend fome of the Toun Counfell to Mr. Alexander, to difcharge him, and the reft to joyn in the Faft, except they would joyne in the maine caufes, to pray for a bleffing to
(L) The Ministers of Edinburgh at this time, besides the Dean, (see p. 76,) and the three who are here mentioned, viz.—Alexander Thomson, Dr. James Elliot, and David Mitchell, were David Fletcher, Andrew Ramsay, and Henry Rollock.
(2) Mr. H. stands here for Mr. Henry Rollock, and Mr. A. for Mr. Andrew Ramsay, two of the ministers of Edinburgh, whose names are of frequent occurrence in this work.1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	79
the Covenant. So, on the Wedenfday, Mr. Alexander, with many teares, in the midft of his fermon, Ihew his willingnefs to joyne in the Faft, if he had not been difcharged : his teares pur-chafed him little pitie. It is marvellous how much more that our good friend is hated of his people then Mitchell himfelf, or any other there. I was forry for D. Eliot's grief. I had yielded to Mr. Henrie to preach in his church on the fading Son-day, with the Doctor's good lykeing ; they had agreed to put me in the forenoon, Mr. Henrie in the morning, the Doctor afternoon ; for in the failing churches they had three fermons. Yet before Sonday the Doctor is difcharged to preach in that church at all, unlefs he would fubfcryve, left he Ihould marr the devotion of his hearers by his evill example : there was no re-meid; Mr. Samuel Rutherfoord was put in his place ; the congregation was great exceedingly ; many of our Nobles were there ; and indeed that peoples humiliation was greater then I hoped for, God be thanked! Mr. Henrie is a man much more mortified than I thought ever to have feen him, and preaches very patheticklie. Mr. Rutherfoord hes an excellent gift both of preaching and prayer, and, which helps all to the peoples minde, felles all the fourteen Btfhops and hoghes the Ceremonies ; yet in this he goes little beyond Mr. Henrie. As for Bifhops and Ceremonies, I melled not with them; bot of the Service book, I fpak fome more then my hearers had been acquainted with from any other : by this I did pleafe them.
On the Monday great reafoning there was for meeting of the Commiffioner. His Grace had written almoft to the whole nobility, and gentry of note, to meet him on the Tuefday about Haddingtoune. Many would gladly have done him that honour; bot for the Reafons that ye have at (B.), favouring much of Rothes pen, it was decreed, that none of the fubfcryvers, no not of his deareft friends and vaffals fhould goe; only my Lords Loudon and Lindefay, and fome two three Barrons, Ihould go out, and carrie the excufe in name of all. With this dealing his Grace feemed nothing well pleafed, and was like to have returned poft to Court in malcontentment; bot Rothes, haveing communed fome two three houres with him in Dalkeith, did appeafe and remove his miftakings.
Some days before, ane accident fell forth which well near had occafioned great mifintelligence among all. It had been refolved at Court, upon the Bifhops complaint that the King's houfes were unfurnifhed, when the Noblemen had provided fo large80
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1637-
munition for all theirs, that the Thefaurer lhould furnifh the Caftle of Edinburgh with powder and lead, and other neceffars, whereof it flood in great need. The Thefaurer gives this charge to Patrick Wood; who layes in, either out of the Tower of London, or by his moneys, privately into a fhip of Leith, threefcore and odds great barrells of powder, fome hundreds of picks, fome kills full of mufquets and matches. When thir came to the roade, the Thefaurer being advertifed, come into the towne. After fupper, according to his dire6lions, his man Daek and Patrick Wood, that night, caufes in hafte, and all the privacy they could ufe, carry all that munition to Dalkeith. To-morrow the whole towne and countrey is full of no other difcourfe. Patrick Wood is much detefted by all for his readinefs in fuch employment; he is called to the Commiffioners' table ofter then once, and ftri6lly examined: his anfwers at firft were fomewhat proud; bot at once his courage cooled, when his bands began to be polled to the regifters, many in one day; much he did quickly pay; the Covenant without delay he did fubfcryve; many good friends did for him what they could ; yet all had enough adoe to keep him from the hands of the people, and hold off, for a tyme, his numerous creditors. On the Thefaurer lighted more indignation, that he lhould have fecretly caufed convoy, in the night, to the place of meeting, fuch provifion, for what end elfe bot to blow us all up ? He came in, and to Rothes, Lome, and Loudon, purged himfelf of fuch wickednefs; confeffed the ne-ceffity laid upon him to provide for the Caftle of Edinburgh, bot being forewarned by fome noblemen and gentlemen, fub-fcryvers, of their refolution to feafe on that provifion if it were caryed towards the Caftle, he thought it meeter quietly to carry it to Dalkeith, the neareft of the King's houfes, then to tempt them to fall in a ryot, which might make matters defparate of reconciliation. However, it was thought the Marques took not this fervice well of the Thefaurer ; for albeit to Lindefay, who was fent to Berwick, to try, among other things, what was his part in this munition, he confeffed he knew of the ladening of it; and oft fince in his difcourfe he hes ftriven to facilitat his treatie, by threatening us with the readinefs of the King's navie to fett upon us, with ten thoufand land fouldiers well trained. Three dayes after, we forced him to give over comuning; and it is known, that in his way through Northumberland, he gave direction to the Iheriffs to have their trained bands in readinefs; which,: for that end, twyce a week fince have been muftered:1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	81
Alfo he fpake of the readinefs of a Spanifh armie in Weft-Flanders to be employed where the King would diredt. For all this, the conveying of that munition privately to the place appointed for his amicable treaty, it is faid, he took it from the Thefaurer for a diffavour, as done of purpofe to hinder the fuccefs of his Commiflion in his hands. Many thinks, that the Thefaurer and Roxburgh both are not contented, that in this imployment them-felves were neglected; and therefore are not very carefull to further this fervice. Yet for all that is faid in this, I believe the Thefaurer is honeft; and whatever he might be moved to doe for the King's pleafure againft us, yet will I not thinke, that he would be fo madd as in any thing to difoblidge the Marqueis, to whom this twelve moneth he has ftuck fo clofe, and whom, if he fhould irritat at this tyme, when fo many are in his topps, his mine feemed to be inevitable. Alwayes this action of the Thefaurer, as many other fince the beginning of this weightie affair, done by him, whether of purpofe for that end or not, hes much furthered our caufe, hes made all the countrie flock in a trace to the towne, putt all in a greater eagernefs then ever. The inequity to meet with the Marqueis at Dalkeith fo provided, laid a necefiity on the Marqueis to come and treat in the towne, or elfe in the fields ; for this provifion was ane juft reafon of our diftrult; and which was moll, not only a watch of fome hundreth armed citizens was put nightly in the towne, for it was expe6led, that Huntley, Harries, Abercorne, and Winton, were to be in with all the power they could make; bot alfo the gentry began, in armes both night and day, avowedly to watch the Caftle, that none of that provilion might be caryed from Dalkeith thereto, as the Thefaurer faid it would, and much more, which was coming in moe Ihips.
This Caftle-watch was much fpoken of, as the firft of our illegal a6tions. Bot it was replyed, That fince ane innocent defence by armes to the body of a State, in the evident danger of their Religion, Liberties, and Lawes, was granted to be lawfull by the law of God, nature, nations, and chiefly by the laws and frequent pra6tifes of our nation, approven by diverfe ftanding A&s of Parliaments ; this being granted, as few among us now makes queftion, (fome indeed does, whereof I am as yet one,) it cannot be denyed bot all things fimplie neceflary for that innocent defence are alike legall; of the whilk, the keeping of that Caftle in the prefent cafe, and praeveening the putting of it in fuch a ftate, wherein it may ealily, in twelve houres, deftroy that good
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1638.
towne, the head of our nation, the only convenient place of our meeting, the maine finew of our union and defence; our providence about this place, upon this ground, is thought jufli-fiable to all equitable men. If our defigne had been to have made any invafion, nothing more eafie, than by three dayes hunger, or fix houres afiault, to have taken that Caftle and all the others alfo the King has among us; bot our folks are far from fuch acts of hoftilitie, if they be not forced to them. The Commifiioner would not grant to come to the Abbay, unlefs he were folemnly met, and that watch were removed. Of the firft we made no queftion; to the other, after much debate, we agreed, on condition, that Haddington, Southelk, Lorne, the in-tercomuners, fhould ingadge their honour, fo far as was pollible, that in the mean tyme there fhould no munition at all, neither any vidtuales more than for daily ufe, be put in that houfe. This was yielded to by them : fo the watch was difcharged. Bot the Commifiioner would not ftand to that communing, and took it for a diftruft of his honeftie, when any more was craved than his bare word : fo the fame night the watch was fett to againe, and that in a double number. Yet when, at the town of Edinburgh's renewed fuit, the Commifiioner was contented to come in, notwithftanding of that watch, Lorne took it upon him to difcharge it fimply without any condition, and in this was obeyed, for the Commiflioners' contentment: only a privie watch was ordained, and yet is keeped; yea, all wifhes there had been no other from the beginning, for it is thought fufficient for their end.
The Counfell at Dalkeith mett frequently. Huntley was there, bot with a fmall traine; he fpake nought as we hear againfl our caufe: he carried himfelf like a Proteftant. We fent Mr. Andrew Ramfay, Mr. James Boner, Mr. Thomas Aber-nethie, and a fourth, athort the Counsellors, to follift them for their favour, in thefe words ye have at (C.), penned by Mr. David Dick. All gave good anfwers, and Huntley ftiew, that he had found our caufe fince he come South, more equitable then in the North he was informed of it: for the Books, he fhould be glad to be inftru6ted by any they would fend to him, what evill could be found in them. The man is of a good difcourfe, bot neither trufled by king nor countrey ; his power alfo is contemptible in this caufe : many of his name hes fubfcrived ; himfelf and fundry of them are over burdened with debt. Forbefes, Frafers, Grants, M'Kenzies, M'Cayes, Macintofhes, M'Laines,1638.
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M'Donalds, Irwines, Innices, let be all the Campbells to a man, are zealous fubfcryvers; and a fifth part of them were able to make a diljune of all the Gordouns when at their bed ; albeit now the moll of the Gordouns depends on Sutherland, as all in the South on Kenmure.
That day in counfell St. Andrewes fat with the feales, as fome faid, with the Marques commiffion, as others, hung about his neck in a pooke, as the fafhion is for the keeper of England in the King's prefence. Our noblemen fubfcryvers will not fo much as fpeak to him, and fcarce look on him; and that according to a conclufion paft at their Table, that in the dependance of this caufe againil the Biihops our only partie, no fubfcryver fliould any wayes countenance any of them. This, I fear, be bot a preface to their procefie of excommunication, or inditement upon their head of high treafon : diverfe thinks the King will not be much againil this, if fo that in the ruine of thir mens per-fons, he could find a meane to preferve his own honour, and their Epifcopall eft ate. Nothing at all was done in the Counfell : the Commifiioner was not pleafed to this day to acquaint any there with his Majelties minde ; only his folks lets out, that he was confident to leave the countrey in peace, and give them, ere he went, full fatiffa6lion ; bot it feems, that the manie mifiives polled daily to him from Court lince that tyme, hes reftringed his liberty to doe what then he intended.
In his entrie at Leith, I think as much honour was done to him as ever to a King in our countrey. Huge multitudes as ever was gathered on that field, fett themfelves in his way. Nobles, gentry of all Ihyres, women a world, the town of Edinburgh, all at the Water-gate ; bot we were molt confpicuous in our black cloakes, above fyve hundred on a bray-fide in the links, our alone for his fight. We had appointed Mr. William Livingftone, the ftrongeft in voyce and aufterefl in countenance of us all, to make him a fhort welcome ; bot a good friend of yours and myne was ralhly officious to informe D. Balquanquall,(3) (who is come down to wait on his Grace as almoft a chaplaine, upon hopes, if all goe well, quickly to obtaine ane Archbilhopricke, he is for nocht laigher,) that in the harangue were inve6lives againil the Biihops ; which was nothing fo, for ye may read the fpeech at (D.): Upon this information, the Commifiioner excufed himfelf to our Nobles, and, in palling, to Mr. William himfelf, faid that
(3) Dr. Walter Balcanquhal, Dean of Durham. For the f good friend' his informer, Vide supra, note page 1.84	LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1638.
harangues in field were for princes, and above his place ; yet what he had to fay he fhould hear it gladly in private. So our fpokefman, with other two or three of our number, went and delivered to the Commifiioner in his chamber what here ye read without any farder; for we discharged him to enter in any other purpofe, all being refolute to give anfwers to what fhould be proponed in a public way, after advyfement with all the brethren. Our friend, for his rafhness to informe, I did much chyde. The Marques, in the way, was much moved with pitie, even to tears ; he profefied thereafter his defyres to have King Charles prefent at that fight of the whole countrey, fo earneftly and humbly crying for the fafety of their liberties and religion. His Grace's countenance and carriage was fo courteous, and his private fpeeches fo faire, that we were in good hopes for fome days to obtaine all our defyres : yet at laft, when we heard, that all the power he had was to caufe read at the Crofie a proclamation of the King's pleafure, without any farder commiflion, our hopes became well near defperate. What was in the proclamation we could not learn ; only there was much fpeaking of a command to furrender, and give in our fubfcryved Covenants, upon promife to ratifie by Parliament, all or the moft part of the matters contained therein. This was a motion infinitely difpleafing to all; and to put the Commifiioner from all hope of obtaining any fuch proportion, Reafons were given out, I think, by Mr. Alexander Henderfone, which ye have here in print, why upon no termes, it was poflible for us to pafie from any poynt, lefie or more, which we had fworne and fubfcribed. This refolution was firmly keeped by all. Mr. W. Cochran, (4) a fharpe and bufie man, was like to have incurred great difgrace, and public cenfure, at the gentries table, for holding privie conferrence with the The-faurer, and letting fome overtures fall that favoured of altering, upon good conditions, fome claufes of the Covenant. This our Itricknefs flopped the proponing of a furrender, or altering of any thing in the write ; only the Commifiioner fhew, that he was minded to proclaime the King's pleafure. Our commiflioners, fome two three of the Nobles, Barrons, Burrows, and Minifters, fhew their refolution to proteft if it were not fatiffa&ory. This the Commifiioner, and all he could make, laboured to diflwade with might and maine, with many promifes, with great threats ;
(4) Probably Mr. William Cochran of Cowdon, who was afterwards knighted, and raised to the Peerage, first as Lord Cochran, and then as Earl of Dun-donald.1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	85
bot in vaine, for we were peremptor ; being informed, without a proteftation, and that prefently upon the back of the proclamation, our pofterior meetings would be illegal and fubje6l to cen-fure : the Reafons that were given out for the neceflity of proteft-ing, ye have here at (F.) All thefe would not put the Commis-fioner from it; he ftiew in this he would fee the King obeyed ; he would come up to the Crofs, and back the lion-herauld; if they would proteft, he would denunce them all rebels. The Thefaurer comes up the way on the Thurfday before noon, calls for the lion-heraulds, makes foupe the Crofs for the hangings. All our people conveens, fome thoufand gentlemen with their fwords loofe in their armes, about-the Crofs ; a fcaffold is made for Caffills, Durie younger, Mr. William Livingftone, and John Smith, to proteft for the Four Eftates. When this dangerous refolution was perceaved, the lion-heraulds were advertifed to provide horfe, which made us conceave they intended to read the proclamation in other burghs. This made many make their horfes ready to have convoyed the Heraulds where ever they went, and courfe was taken for to have protefters provided in every burgh where the proclamation was like to be fent.
This our firme conftancy made the Commifiioner pafs from motioning any more his proclamation. It feemed to many, that his inftru6lions were of fo many parts, that he had warrand to preffe every piece to the outmoft, and then to paffe from it, if no better might be, to the nixt. This feemed to fome of us the beholders, bot little policie; we thought it had been more expedient for our divifion, their maine end as was thought by fome, to have at the verie firft granted frankly all they could be brought to, than to offer fome few things, whilk could content none, and to enter upon fecond offers after the refolute rejection of the firft. This did bind us all the falter, made us the more bold in prefiing our full defyres, upon hopes, that an am-bulatorie and paffing commilfion was not yet paffed on the halfe of its way, let be to be near the laft end.
On Fryday we did prefent to his Grace a common Supplication, which ye have at (G.) To make way for a ready anfwer thereto, there was fome nine Propofitiones fpread abroad of purpofe, that they might come to the courteours hands, containing articles to be advyfed, upon fuppofition that delayes, crafts or force, fhould be ufed againft us ; ye may read them at (H.) This half boaft did make the Commiffioner receave our fupplication in the better part. On the Saturnday he pro-86
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mifed, after his returne from Kineil on the Tuefday, ane anfwer to it. On that Sonday he heard Mr. Alexander Henderfon preach, and thereafter conferred with him at length in private. Of this we all do much marvell, and cannot fee a reafon why he Ihould have given fuch ane occalion to the Bifhops cenfure, whom he knew to be ready enough, upon every fhadow, to calumniate him to the King as ane inclyner to the puritane fide. He was indeed offended with fome of our preachers : Mr. Andrew Cant, ane fuperexcellent preacher, as all report, Mr. Rutherford, Mr. William Livingftone, Mr. Robert Douglafs, Mr. A. Blackhall, and diverfe other, had preffed the extirpation of Epifcopacie. Every day in that week there was a preaching in four or five diverfe roomes, except the Saturnday: what was faid by any, all incontinent was delate to his Grace in no better termes, be affured, then was delivered. Mr. Alexander Henderfon had been fpareing, and Mr. David Dick much more; fo that he Was cenfured of too much prudence, and behoved to help it by his fcourgeing of the Bifhops in pofterior fermons. Upon re quell of fome counfellers who loved our caufe, the Bifhops, by fome, in fermons, were dealt with more foberly then before; bot nothing at all was remitted by others.
On Tuefday our Commiffioners went to his Grace for ane anfwer to their Supplication according to promife. The anfwer was, That their demands of ane Affemblie and Parliament fhould be granted ; bot firft fome fcruples anent the write behooved to be fatiffied. Thir were to be proponed by the three former intercomuners ; with thefe were appointed to treat for us other three, Rothes, Montrofe, Loudon : they agreed their conference fhould be by write. The fcruple proponed was this; His Majeftie may conceive, that the Confefiion is fo generall in the claufe of mutual defence, that it may not only containe a defence for religion and his Majefties perfon and authority, liberties and lawes of this kingdome, bot alfo a combination for defending of delinquents againft authority and law, even in other claufes than thefe forfaid. Our communers took it to their advyfement with their companie, if therefore it were ne-ceffare to draw up a humble remonftrance, to explaine our dutifull intention concerning the claufe above written. The Tables both of nobles and gentry fand, after long difputt, that fuch remonftrances were dangerous ; likely nought bot delayes and fnares were fought for. Yet it was granted, that in a renewed fupplication, that claufe lhould be fufficiently cleared, if1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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fo that they were not needleffly incombered with more interrogatories. The fupplication is drawn up by the Nobles, bot miflyked by the Gentry and Miniftrie; for what caufe I know not, for yet I have not feen that peece. The Commiffioner alfo would have them agree to a declaration of this claufe of his forming; bot this all did refufe: yet at laft all did agree upon a Supplication, in thir terms, which ye have at (J.) Againft this the Commiffioner did not fay much; only ftiew, that what he had in his Inftru6lions concerning ane Affembly and Parliament would not content them; neither would all yet they had faid content the King: for all that, he would not leave the matter defperate; he would poll to his mafter, and fee if by himfelf he might give better informations than he could by his miffive letters; he trailed ftiortly to returne with fatiffa6lory inftruo tions. This neceffare overture we could not refufe; bot we in-treated his Grace for the earned agenting with the King, thir Six articles which ye have here at (K.) The day of his returne he hes named for the longeft the fifth of Augull.
What we fpeake of the Service-book was occafioned by the Bifhops continued madnefs. However, all does think that the King's proclamation fliall free us for ever of that unhappy book altogether : yet they are fo negle6tful of their gracious mailer's honour, that by their words and deeds they make the world fuf-pe6t that the King hes no intention to keep his word: Un-happie fervants to fo good a mafter! Galloway's man allured Mr. James Blair, that the book might well be corre6led in our affembly, bot it behooved to goe through. The Bifhop of Edinburgh avowed to Mr. James Lang, that in the book there was no evill; that it was much better then that of England ; that for all our prefent uproares, that book would goe through, whoever would fay the contrare. The Bilhop of Dumblane came to the Commiffioner, Ihowing that he was to read fervice in the chappell, and required his Grace's countenance to it. The Commiffioner bade him " Doe fo," bot to be prefent at it, it was no part of his commiffion. Thereafter, when Dumblane was affured of the evident danger he might incurre by fuch ane attempt, he returned and Ihew the Commiffioner, he behooved, for fear of his life, to let alone his reading. His Grace's anfwer was nocht bot as before, " Doe fo." For all this, they go out, St. Andrewes to Roffelin, and in that chappell read the fervice: this conftant report is now queftioned. In this I marvell much of their wifdom. St. Andrewes Hill grows in his rage; he is88
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going back in hafte to Court to worke us what woe he can : it is like he fhall never returne. Our people thinks, by clear law, if they gett any reafon, to have [him] excommunicat, and readily thereafter execut. It feems he is fo defperate, that he would be content to fall in the peoples hands, for the defyre of martyrdome: Would to God he and his brethren could preferre the fafety of the King and kingdome to their own honour, and fatiffa6tion of their wicked paffions.
What we fpeak of the interruption of our trade, is occafioned by that arreiftment of the States of our merchands armes, at the inftance of the King's Agent, (5) and your Confervator(6) alfo, as we hear, upon a moft falfe narrative, that the King has declared us all traitors, and we are in the a6ts of open rebellion. However we were moft unable to revenge fuch injuries, many whereof it is thought we have gotten of late of your good Conservator ; yet he lhould fear, if not God, the avenger of liers and hurters of their countrey, yet the King, to whom he does dangerous wrong through our fides. Who ever fteires the flame betwixt the King and his fubje6ls, at this time, feemes to be moft mortall enemies that the King ever had, either to his per-fon, or crowne, or pofteritie; and that arreiftment will not be a fmall coal to that fire. Ye have oft Ihowed to me of that man's facultie of lying and wicked humors many wayes; if ye, after the knowledge of it, take yow to his fide, your miferie, when he procures it, will not be fo much regreted.
Befyde other things I wrote to yow before, whereof I have receaved no anfwer, I heard of your letters, I think within this twelve moneth, to St. Andrewes, concerning the fpeeches and prayers of your churches there for us, as their perfecute brethren. What are ye doing ? Your letters were fent to the King by the hand of the Prefident. Though I heard this obiter, yet few, I think, among us doe know it, and God forbid they lhould. I pray yow come over, if ye defyre to keep your old eftimation ; but come over refolute to fubfcryve, as now all among us in-clynes to doe. At our townfmen's defyre, Mr. Andrew Cant, and Mr. Samuel Rutherford, were fent by the nobles to preach in the High Kirk, and receave the oaths of that people to the Covenant; my Lord Eglintone was appointed to be a witnefs.
(5)	Sir William Boswell, King's Resident at the States in Holland.
(6)	Patrick Drummond, Conservator of the Scots Privileges, at Campvere. He was knighted previous to October 1640., at which time he was suspended or deposed from his office by the Committee of the Estates of Parliament.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	89
There, with many a figh and teare by all that people, the oath was made ; Proveft, Baillies, Counfell, and all except three men, Patrick, James, and Mr. Archibald, held up their hands ; Mr. Zacharie [Boyd,] and Mr. John Bell younger, hes put to their hands; the Colledge is thought will fubfcryve; Mr. William Wilkie I know will; the Forfuithes [Forfyths] hes fubfcryved, and almoft all who refufed before ; fome they will not have their hands, bot mindes to proceffe them. Mr. Crichton, (7) my coulin, is ordained to be fummoned for his corrupt do6trine and pra6tifes, before their prefbytrie; and two affociates out of the foure next adjacent preflby tries. I think I could move [him] to make a publick recantation for bygones, and give all poffible affureances for tyme to come ; bot it fears me all this keep him not in his place. Mr. James Forfuith hes been fo idle in his written protections read out of his pulpit againll our Covenant, the antichriftianifme, jefuitifme of it, and what not; alfo in fome paffages againft our Noblemen in his fermons, and fome other mifcarriages, that it feares me his cenfure fhall be deep; fo much the more as he is not liklie to carry himfelf with any cannynefs in tyme comeing. Mr. William Anan,(y) pre-fently after his fubfcription, went to Edinburgh, where he hes remained fince' above a quarter of a year: he is in great con-fufion and perplexity. With his own confent, Mr. Robert Blair was admitted his fecond : all his company is with the Deane and Btfhops. The brethren fent out to him commiffioners oft to join with them in their meeting, bot ftill he would not: the towne of Aire dealt much with him; bot in vaine: fo they at laft gave in a complaint of his mifcarriages, with a refolution never more to receave him within their pulpit. I think there is no ten Minifters in the kingdome fo much oblieged to their people's gratuitie, as he alone was, and ftill would have been, if he might have been pleafed to have done any tolerable duty. The prefbytrie is ordained, with the affefiion of fome neighbours, to cite him, and to goe on with him in proceffe for faults to be lybelled: it is lyke he hes no minde to returne. The Bifhop of Dune(9) hes written over to him, and Mr. David
(7)	John Crichton, minister of Paisley, to whom Baillie addressed a series of Letters, which are alluded to at pages 10, 24, &c. These, extending to 82 closely written pages, form part of the Second Volume of the MS. into which Baillie's Letters were " doubled" or transcribed.
(8)	William Annand, Minister of Ayr. Vide supra, p. 62.
(9)	Dr. Henry Lesley, Bishop of Down and Connor, in Ireland. He was a native of Scotland.90	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
Mitchell, that they would come and live with him: likely Mr. David Mitchell will fhortly be proceffed for his do6lrine.
There is a great work of reformation intended among us, and evidently begun ; there is much amendment of common faults; we hope it will fpread to our neighbours of England and Ireland: the opprefiion there of the Bilhops on mens foules, bodies, and goods, is fo pitifull, that it is marvellous if God come not doun to plead the caufe of the poor innocents. The late uproares of the Innes of Court, we hear, lhall be bot the proseme to the infequent tragedie, if Canterburie will be pleafed to remitt nocht of his accuftomed ftiffnefs. It is like, that our vi6tualling of Dunkirk draw France and Holland on our Prince, and the Spaniard on us ; all this, it fears me, marre ftill the Palatine's defignes. Alace! for the pitifull ilaughter of our countrymen at Antwerpe: this muft be your Prince great want of providence, who advanced fuch a handfull fo farr in the enemies bounds, without either fpies before them, or a back armie or fort for retreat: a unhappinefs in a Generall is to be pitied ; bot fuch a negle6t of condu6t is intollerable, and curfed. Alwayes unhappie we, who in fuch interprifes are commonly fure of the ftrokes.
Ye have here alfo fome Reafons againlt the Service in print. Our preffe at Edinburgh is now patent: we hope not to trouble yow fo much there as we were wont. I took the author to be Mr. Henderfon ; bot I am informed fince, that they came from Mr. George Gillefpie, a youth who waited on my Lord Kennedy, and is now admitted to the kirk of Weems, maugre St. Andrewes baird, by the prefbytrie. This fame youth is now given out alfo, by thefe that fhould know, for the author of the Englifh Popifli Ceremonies :(*) whereof we all doe marvell; for though he had gotten the papers, and help of the chief of that fyde, yet the very compofition would feem to be farre above fuch ane age : bot if that book be truely of his making, I admire the man, though I miflyke much of his matter; yea, I think, he may prove amongft the bell witts of this Ifle.
While we are expe6ling the Marqueis way-going, behold new ftories, whereof we did not dreame. His Grace, on Saturday, comes up to the Croffe, makes for a proclamation. Diverfe of
(') This anonymous work, by George Gillespie, afterwards one of the Ministers of Edinburgh, is entitled " A Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies obtruded upon the Church of Scotland/' &c. 1037, 4to. This edition appears to have been printed in Holland.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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the nobles, many of the gentry were away home, being fecure of all till the Commiffioner's returne from Court; yet numbers flocked to the Crofie put themfelves in readinefs to proteft; bot they fuperceided, finding the Proclamation, befyde the expectation of all men, to be nocht bot a reftitution of the Counfell and Seffion to Edinburgh dureing the King's pleafure. This great benefite not being looked for, not being fought nor thought upon by any at that tyme, was receaved bot with fmall acknowledgement ; fo much the more as the maine narrative ranne upon the incommodities which the Lords did fuffer by their fitting in all other places, as if this favor had been intended only for their accommodating.
Tomorrow, on Sonday, his Grace went to Seaton; where, in Tranent, he heard Mr. Robert Balcanquall; with whom we were nocht pleafed ; for however he has fubfcryved, yet in that fermon, as in all the reft of his carriage thir divers years, he was more cold and wife, than zealous and Itout to fpeake one word for the good caufe. We thought that the Commiffioner had been thus far on his way; yet to-morrow, as if he had receaved new Inftru6lions from the poft, he returnes ; and on Wednef-day, betwixt twelve and one, caufes proclaime, as ye have it at (L.) This proclamation was heard by a world of people, with great indignation : we all doe marvell that ever the Commiffioner could think to give fatiffaction to any living foul by fuch a declaration ; which yet oft he profeffed with confidence of that piece before it was heard: there mull be here fome mifterie which yet is not open. This declaration cannot be that which his Grace brought with him, that was thought certainly to con-taine a command of furrendering our Confefiion : bot of our Confeflion is no fyllable; yea this hes been by appearance drawn up here very lately by the Bifhops and Statefmen who are trufted, with the confent, as it feems, of the Commiffioner; for the date of it is bot fix or feven dayes, at Greenwich, before it was proclaimed in Edinburgh. There was on a fcaffold anent the Crofie, simul et seme\ read by Mr. Archibald Johnftone, a proteftation, which ye have at (M.), avowed by Caflils, young Durie, Provoft of Dundie, and Mr. John Kerr of Pannes, in name of the nobles, barrons, burgefies, and minifters. Some out of fhotts cryed rebels on the readers ; the people in a fury would have been up to fearch: it was feared Mr. Robert Ran-kine, or Mr. John Browne, or the Deane, might have been rent in pieces ; for they were thereabout in the Dean's chamber;
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bot the diligence of the Noblemen hindred the fearch, fo there was no hurt done to any. The Nobles, at dinner, are informed, that the Commiffioner was about to gett the Counfell to approve the declaration as fatiffa6lory ; whereupon they prefently fell a writeing thefe Reafons which ye have at (N.) ; and after dinner went to his Grace, Rothes, Montrofe, Loudon, with doubles of thefe Reafons for Haying the Counsellors from making any ap-probatorie act. There paid between them fome high words : Loudon told his Grace roundlie, they knew no other bands betwixt a king and his fubje6ls, bot of religion and lawes; if thefe were broken, men's lives were not dear to them; boafted they would not be, fuch feares were paft with them. Notwithstanding, the Commiffioner prevailed fo farr with the Counsellors, that they all, except Lome and Southelk, did, in their chamber, not publickly at their Counfell table, fett their hand to this a6l, which ye may read with admiration at (O.) When it was heard, there was conceaved fo high offence by us all, at thefe men, whom we were affured were ready to fubfcryve with us the Covenant, that our grief was unutterable : Yett all came about for the good of our caufe; the unreafonablenefs of their grievous injurie being remonltrate to them, they fell prefently to repent; and for our fatiffa6lion, did not reft till they had gotten back that fubfcryved act, and rent it in fmall pieces. We hope that our fweet Prince, and all neighbour nations, will judge the declaration, not fo much approven by our Counfell, in their privat, and too much haftened fubfcriptiones, if not ltolen from them by vehement foliftation, as difavowed, yea detefted as unreafonable by their open, avowed, and deliberate renting in pieces of their approbation thereto. For mitigating a little of our minds, there was offered to us a more favourable proclamation; as ye have the act of it at (P.) ; bot it was holden in, becaufe we were ready to proteft againft it as not fatiffa6lory.
This manner of dealing lies made us fpeak out that which was before bot in the mindes of fome very few, our right from God, which the Prince may not in law or reafon take from us, to keep a Generall Affemblie. The Reafons of this conclufion ye have at (Q.), in print, done by the advyfe of three or foure of the beft witts. This is the higheft firing yet our neceffities hes drawn us to ftrike on. At my firft hearing of it, I was much amazed : I was allutterly averfe from thinking of any fuch proportion ; bot after fome iludy, I find my mood allayed. I1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	93
intreat yow try the minde of Rivett and Voetius, if when the Prince or State are unwilling, the Kirk may keep a Generall Aflembly in times of neceffity, though authority fhould discharge ; alfo dire6l me to all the wryters ye are able for my help of information. I am feared that this boaft of our right, only in policie, as yet they fay, be indeed put in pradtife : the events I groan to imagine.
Lome Ihew the Commiflioner, he was informed from Court, of Antrum's undertaking to come over upon his lands. He knew not any of his own merits to procure fuch adls of hof-tilitie, bot if fuch oppreflion were offered, he would fee to his defences. We hear of fome fix or nine of the King's fhips coming to our North feas : fome fays they are goeing only for the protedlion of your Bufhes, for the tenth barrell of their fifhing, lately granted by your States to the King. They fpeak alfo of Arundell's coming down to Berwick. All thir things putts us in flocht. The Commiflioner went away on the Mun-day early, after he had given fome good words to our Nobles. He intended to dyne with the King on Fryday. He took the 12th of Augull for his return. In the meantyme we have, on the 22d and 29th of July, a univerfall faft. It is lyke, at the Counfell-table in England, our affair may gett fome fatall ftroke one of thefe dayes. Mr. David Dick and Mr. Alexander Hen-derfone are convoyed by my Lord Montrofe, and others, north, to draw in, if they can, thefe who yet lyes out in the fheriffdome and towne of Aberdeen. If God blefs that labour, all our countrey, now to count of, is as one man in this bulinefs, which goes on like Elias' cloud, from a hand-breadth to fill the whole fkyes. When we look to our defervings, and the dealing of God round about, and the pregnant appearances in human affaires, we are afraid our whole Ifle be terribly fhaken, if not made defolate, before this ftorme calm: Our truft is in God. There appears not yet from men any likelyhood of peace, or any pofiibility of it, as matters goes on both fides. The Bifhops may be at once excommunicat, and all their wilfull followers: if for them our nobles blood be fhed, the Ifle will hardly keep any of them.
Dumblane is to Court. Brechin and Rofle, if they be yet in Berwick, we know not. St. Andrewes is yett among us. The Nobles gave in to the Commiflioner, ere he departed, ane accusation of brybery and other crymes againfl the Prefident and Regifter. He defyred them fuperceid their perfuit till his re-94
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
turne: fo thefe two fitts yet ftill in the Seffion. If they gett reafon, it is thought they are both undone ; and none among us will pitie their ruine. My Lord Commiffioner hes fo caryed himfelf from his coming to his going, that he hes made us all fufpend our judgment of his inclination, whether it be towards us or our oppofits : yet the warrieft and moil obfcure breafts will be opened by tyme. We have had all this year hitherto moll feafonable weather, great appearance of increafe on the ground, for the relief? of our heavily diftreffed land by the by-gons fcarcity. We are not yet troubled, whereof we marvell, with any of our adverfaries wreittings, either from England or at home ; readily we will be overwhelmed with a fpeit of them at once. Some little things of D. Barron, Forbes, and Panter, are ftark nought, and very unworthie the authors. What ye wrote ye faw of mine, it is apparently a fheitt which off hand was given to the extemporarie objections made at the beginning againft the Covenant ; if it be poore, no marvell. Bot J have written two larger pieces, apologizeing for our proceedings, which I have offered to the tryell of our oppofits ; yet without a reply: thir, when I can get doubled, ye fhall have, fuch as they are. We are grieved for the ftoning of D. Monroe, when he came from Edinburgh, where he had much company with the Bilhops, and was thought to be a fpye to them of the a6tions and proceedings of the Noblemen. The women at Kinghorne, at diverfe parts of the towne, in great multitudes, were fett for him. Some gentlemen in company defended to their power, and gott him on a great horfe, whereby he efcaped death, bot not wounds and blood. Thir unhappie and ungodly violences hurts our good caufe : they are lamented by us ; bot there will be no remead for them, except the law be patent for our grievances. Jufl and very heavy grievances muft either vent the way which God, law, and reafon hes appointed for their eafe; or by violence they will make a way for themfelves, which nature, reafon, law, let be God, does not approve.
Wryte ye to me fo rarely, fo fhortly, as ye pleafe; ye fee I ftryve to move yow to change that courfe. The Lord be with you, and your fpoufe, and all ye love there. If we knew not of a reft in heaven, where there is no fray, our life on earth would whyles be comfortlefs.	Your Coofin.
July 22.
Receave at (R.) the laft Supplication given to the Marques;1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	95
ye fie it is pickeand ; it obtained the poynt of rescinding of that A61 of Counfell: and ane Information from England, which lies put us all newly agaft if it be true. Strange ! that Canterburie fhould be fo furiouilie unjuft. I hope God hes raifed him to mak our Ifle once quyt of Bilhops, for all. St. Andrewes is to Court. Mr. Chrichton's eftate fee at (T). This day twelve moneth, the ferving-maids in Edinburgh began to draw down the Bifhops pride, when it was at the higheft.
[......(2)-]
Reverend and well-beloved Brother,
The papers ye wrote for, my Queries and Paralell, I had neither my felf; bot I fent to Mr. John Bell of Stevenfton for a loan of that double himfelf made: he hes fent yow both. Ye mull not faill to fend them back to him. I was fully purpofed to have been with yow to-morrow, and to have taken yow with me to Lowdon; bot I was advertifed yefternight from my brother of his wife Chriftian's ficknefs, and of her defyre to fee me ; fo of neceflity I muft to Glafgow to-morrow ; the week following I mull preach on Wednefday, and celebrate the Communion on Sonday, God willing, fo that I will not gett yow then feen ; and thereafter is the meeting of Edinburgh. It is fore againft my heart, that I winn not both to conferre with my Lord Lowdon and yow, bot fince fo necefiare occafiions diverts me, I muft take the hinderance from God's providence. I am fo full of doubts about our Generall Aflemblie, if the King difcharge it, or which is equivalent, yield not to it, when it is fo earneftly fought, that my heart hinders me to be a Member of it. This I am forry for, for many reafones ; and wilhes that I might be refolved cheerfully to goe on in this with my brethren, as I have done in all other things; bot the more I aflay, my minde is the more averfe. My Lord Lowdon is the man from whom I expe6ted fatiffadlion ; and for this end had fundry purpofes to goe to his Lordlhip, both in Edinburgh and here.
My maine doubts are, That I finde no example of a Na-tionall Aftembly meeting againft the will of the Supreme ma-
(2) There is no name affixed to this letter ; but it was probably addressed either to Mr. W. Castellaw, Minister of Stewarton, or Mr. Michael Wallace of Kilmarnock.96	LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1638.
giftrate rightly profeffing, neither in antiquity, n<5r in any of the Reformed churches to this day. 2dly, By all appearance, our meeting in a Generall Affembly of our owne will, will make our hopes of peace defperate for ever, whill that Affembly be annulled. 3The caufes alleadged for the neceffity of it, coniidering our late Covenant fo mighty a barre againft error, and the discipline of Prelbytries doing with evill minifters or pro-feffors what we will, are not fo pregnant, bot they may admitt of a delay. 4thly. The reafon from the law, or nature, from fcripture, or antiquitie, infers bot a permiffion, bot not a command, under the pain of fin to meet.
Some other doubts I have ; bot my chief is, my heart fails me to think on it. In our firft printed Reafon, a Parliament feems to be avowed no lefs neceffare; which, to think upon without a King, feems to me a horrible fountain of all mifchiefs. I trull thir my thoughts ye will keep them very clofe : I communicat them to yow, that ye, as if they were your own, may gett fatis-fa6lion about them. I pray yow, frae I cannot come to yow, doe me the good (I fpeak not now of compliments) pleafure or favour to come to me, and it were bot for an hour or two, if ye may not flay ane night, before Tuefday the 25th of this moneth, the day appointed for choofeing our commiffioners ; for I will then be in a ftrait. I know I will be chofen for one, and, as I am now fett, of neceffity I muft refufe, which will be exceedingly evill taken; however, I pray yow, after your conferrence with Loudon, let me fee yow this Thurfday or Fryday, or the nixt week. The Lord help us.
[For Mr. W. Spang.]
coosin,
By your laft, the 7th of July, I was made glad that all my former, without intercepting, had come to your hand. Your largenefs alfo in anfwers gave me full fatiffa6lion. Ye fhall not need hereafter to write any word of apologie to me. I did never believe any of thefe calumnies ; yet I thought good ye lhould be acquaint what fome malicious or miflaken people did report. I hear that ye and the Confervator both, in the late Convention of Burrowes, by your letters, gave good contentment. Mr. William Struthers wife, and we all, thanks yow for your kinde offer to print that paper I fent yow ; bot fhe is not fo defyrous to have it to the prefle as before; fo ye fhall fuper-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	97
feid till advertifement. As for our great affair, have here all what I know into it lince my laft.
Our Brethren who went to Aberdeen wes bot coldly welcomed in that town. Fryday, the firft night they came, their Do6tors fent to them a number of enfnareing Demands, hoping by dlfputts and janglings to make their journey fruitlefs. Thir Demands much ftudied, yea, put in print, and fcattered athort as farr as the Court of England, were anfuered by our brethren againft to-morrow, and at night given to the Do6tors. For all this, the Do6lors refufed to lend us any of their pulpits ; yea, the voyd church was made faft, and the keys keeped by the Magiftrate. Howfoever, in my Lord Marfchell's clofe, there were three fermons heard by a hudge confluence of people. Mr. David Dickfon in the morning at eight hours began; and after fermon anfuered fhortly, and popularly, to all the Doctors demands. At twelve hours Mr. Alexander Henderfone did preach, and Mr. Cant at four, to no leffe a multitude then at the firft dyet: they wyfely did choyfe the tymes when there was no publick fervices in the churches. After all, at a table in the clofe, fome four or fyve hundred, at leaft a good number, whereof fundry were of the beft qualitie, did fubfcryve. On Mononday, they went out to the Sheriffdome, where, with much labour, they perfuaded many. My Lord Marqueis of Huntley, and the Clergy of the toune, had preoccupyed the hearts of all that people with great prejudices againlt our caufe; yet, by God's help, of the large half of the diocelTe was obtained to the number of fourty-four Minifters.
On the Saturday, at their returne to Aberdeen, the Do6tors had ready in print Replyes to our brether's Anfwers. To thir our brether gave an Anfwer at once, and fo returned home. Since, the Do6lors hes been on a Triply, which yet is not come out. Howfoever our brethren had great difadvantage in tyme, and place, and laike of books, yet God and the caufe hes made, in my judgement, no pregnant infirmitie kyth in their anfwers. We are well content that thefe men, who are the learnedft, without queftion, of our oppolites, hes gotten the occafion to print and reprint what their beft engynes is able to fay againft our proceedings, with anfwers, which we truft fhall in the end prove fatiffa&ory to all, as already they have done to D. Guild and Mr. David Lindfay, moderator of Aberdeen prefbytrie, and diverfe others, who at the firft were much withholden from coming to us by thefe Demands. Our Bilhops were not permitted to come to vol. i.	g98	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
Court: St. Andrewes, it is faid, was countermanded in his way ; fo he lay in Morpett a number of dayes in the common poft-mafter's; yet at laft all three, Brechin, Roffe, and he, went to Newcaftle, and there lives as they may in ane common Innes. The Thefaurer fent them fome hundreth dollors, and the Commiffioner, in his way, fome more money, for their entertainment. Roffe polled to Court, gott fome two houres of the King, and without feeing of Canterburie, in haile was fent back. Diverfe of our clergy hes vifited them. D. Panter hes returned from them ; and lince lurks : D. Wifhart, and Mr. Lermont of Lib-berton, flayed behind him. The reft of St. Andrewes Do6lors, Howie, Bruce, Martine, Baron, hes all fubfcryved: D. Monroe, fince his ftrokes, is among the foremoft in our meetings : the Arch-deane, after reading of the Covenant in his church, by Mr. Gabriell Maxwell, hes not preached: that day Mr. Armor wes well pyked; fo that towne hes now no ordinare minifters, bot are fupplied by the prelbyterie. I thinke D. Panter for do6lrine, and Arch-deane- [Gladftanes] for drunkenneffe, are under pro-celTe. Mr. Creichton did appeall from the Prefbyterie; fo did Mr. James Forfyth : to the one they lay a number of errors, proven by many witnefies ; to the other they lay preaching the con-veniency of bowing at the name of Jefus, fimonie, and a number of leffer matters : The one offers in difcreet termes all contentment for bygones and tyme to come; bot is not trailed: The other is full of will and paffion, and, which I much marvell, is inclined to Canterburie in omnibus, as it feems, which in him is a late and great change. Both are fufpended, and went to the Bifliops: Mr. Creichton is forward to Court, hopeing to be preferred in England or Ireland; I think, however matters goe, there fhall be no more place for him in Scotland. Mr. James was filled with great words by the Commiffioner, whom he mett; and the Bilhops put him in hope that the King ftiortly would be upon us with an army.
The Commiffioner came back before his day, D. Bakanquall with him : He keeped himfelf more referved than before; his Mother(3) he would not fee; Crowner Alexander he did dif-countenance; Mr. Eleazer Borthwick he met not with; after four or fyve dayes parleying, no man could gett his minde. The reafon of this carriage, they fay, was his defyre to remove all
(3) The Mother of James Marquis of Hamilton was Lady Anne Cunningham, daughter of James Seventh Earl of Glencairn. She was a most decided and zealous friend of the Covenanters at this time.1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	99
jealoufies, which his enemies, from fome paffages of his carriages the laft voyage, had laboured to put in the King's mind: The King was indeed difpleafed with his Mother ; and when his brother, Lord William's patent for the Earldom of Dumbar(4) came in his hand, he tare it, for defpite, as he profelTed, of her. Crowner Alexander openly did give countenance and allowance to our Nobles meetings; Mr. Eleazer was the man by whom his Grace, before his commiflion, did encourage us to proceed with our ^applications: from all thir now his Grace's countenance was fomewhat withdrawn. While we began to fear delayes, behold a Eleven demands are required of us, to be performed before our AlTemblie could be indi6ted: they were very evill taken of us all, as meer fhiftings, and propofitions invented by our Bilhops for the fruftrating of all our defignes ; thir were twice read at all our Tables, and a common Anfwer framed to them, which here ye have at (A.) We expected ane reply to our anfwers ; which, if it had been given, we might have yielded to fundry of thefe things : bot his Grace faid, he was at a nonplus, and behooved to be again at the King before he could proceed.
In our anfwer to one of the articles, we were near to a difcord among ourfelves; The Committee appointed for the firft blocking of all our wrytes, had faid, none Ihould meddle with the election of commiflioners from Prefbyteries to the General Aflembly, bot Miniilers and Elders. At the reading of this our brethren Hopped ; alleadging, that this anfwer did import the ordinar fitting of laick Elders, not only in Seflions, bot alfo in Preflbytries, their voteing there in the ele6tion of Minifters to bear commiflion: this they took to be a novation, and of great and dangerous consequences. For myfelf, it was my good luck to have ftudied fomewhat in that queftion; I was fatiffied in my minde, of the lawfulnefs and expediency of our old pra&ife and ftanding law, for Elders fitting and voteing in prefbyterial matters, efpecially in ele6tion of commifli oners to Affemblies : fo I was filent; bot many made dinn; and all required the changeing of the anfwer to more generall words, which might give the power of that ele6tion to thefe who had the cullom or law in tyme bygone for choofeing ; this did not hinder Elders to obtaine all their right or defyre, only it held off the prefent determination of a queftion
(4) Lord William Hamilton seems never to have obtained this title, which was then in abeyance; but he afterwards regained the King's favour (vide infra, p. 116,) and was created Earl of Lanark, 31st of March 1639.100	LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1638.
very important. This our corre6tion of that claufe made fuch a ilurr at all the Tables, both of nobles, barrons, burgeffes, that they all refolved to quitt us in the caufe, if prefently they obtained not that poynt. Some from them all comes to us : After a little reasoning, there was no remead; we all yielded, though fome fore againft their ftomack : bot of all evills, diviiion to us now is incomparable the worft. The claufe of our Elders therefore behooved to ftand as ye fee it: yet that queftion is like to make us trouble; for fundry of the brether are very jealous of the gen-trie's ufurpation over them.
This ftorme being paft, we finding that all or the moft of the Marqueis demands tended to the prselimitation of our Affemblie, and fo did incroach on the freedome thereof, there were Reafons drawn up for to fore-arme us againlt the propolition of any fuch prselimitating; which, if I can gett, ye fliall fee at (B.)
For two or three dayes we were in great perplexitie, none knowing what well to doe: the Commiffioner had no more to fay; we were inclined fome to wait on, moe without farder patience prefently to give order for our Affemblie by ourfelves : a Committee is chofen, of all our Tables, to confult privatelie on this matter. This was the only queftion wherewith, from the beginning of this matter, my minde was tormented; and if I were through it, I doe not forefee any other whereupon I would fo much ftick : my minde was fo full of doubts at that tyme, that if I had been pofed, I would have diffented from meeting in an Affemblie without the King's permiffion. Alwayes the matter, for fear of oppofition and divifion, was never mentioned in pub-lick, and fo I faid nocht; for I had refolved before, in my field-coming, to be lilent through all this dyett, fo farr as I was able ; to figh, and pray, and take heed, bot no further.
After the Commiffioner fand us on thir confutations, he fent to entreat for a delay of conclufions before yet once he might poft to Court, to reprefent, bot not to deale for the King's acceptation of our Anfwers to his late demands : for to promife ti ■ move the King to be content with them, he would not, himfelf efteeming our anfwers unreafonable. This his propofition was reje6ted of all, and all delay refufed upon fo naked a narrative. Thereafter his Grace came near us, fhewing by Lorne and South-elk, that he found out, upon farther information, that our anfwers was according to our lawes, which before he knew not; bot now having found it, he was hopefull fo to reprefent it to the King, that he might obtain, by ane other voyage, the indiftion of ane1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	101
Affemblie as free as we could wifh. This new motion was fo well proponed to us all in a common meeting by Lome, ane excellent fpokefman, and fo well feconded by Rothes, that many inclined to grant to the Commiffioner the delay he craved; yet the body of the Gentrie, of the Burrowes, and the chief of the Minifters was flatt againft it; who, by difcourfe, found worlds of dangers, if this meeting fliould diffolve without taking of prefent order for the Affemblie, and many moe things. My heart was fore grieved to fee the unreasonable ftiffnefs of many, which, for feare of miftake, I durft not mint to reafon againft in publick: yet at laft God made reafon and equitie cary it againft the hearts of fundry of the chief minifters, albeit we had all refolved, for feare of divifion, to have yielded to thefe of our brether who were molt wilfull, if no better might have been; bot the authority of Lorne and Rothes, who were here earneft agents, did cary the matter. When I faw the unexpedled conclufion, I rejoyced in God, and, by this experience of his watchfull Providence over this great caufe, made hopefull he would not fuffer it be fpoiled by the imprudencie of mony uncannie hands which are about it.
So foone as the Marqueis had gotten our promife, of leaveing all things as they were till the 20th of September, and taken in hand to agent to his power the obtaining of our Four Articles, lft, The full freedome of our Affemblie in the members and matters, 2dly, The haftening of the tyme, 3dly, The commo-ditie of the place, 4thly, The difcharge of intercepting of our letters in England ; that fame Saturday afternoon he went away towards Court, hoping on Thurfday to fee the King. One of the caufes that made fome of our number to deale the more peremp-torlie with the Commiffioner at this tyme, was his injurious letters to Aberdeen : for, in his way from Court, he wrote not only to them great thanks, and moved the King to doe the fame, for their carriage towards our brethren; bot fpoke of us contumeli-oufly, as ye may fee in the double of thefe letters at (C.) ; yea, not fo only, bot for no words would he be put from printing of a Declaration of the truth in thefe calumnies, as he faid, which we in our Anfwers did put on him. For myfelfe, I marvelled in the tyme, that the Commiffioner fliould have made that demand about our mutuall band in tearmes fo advantagious for us, and fliould have profeffed his fatiffadlion in our anfwers to that maine impediment of our Affemblie : bot haveing done fo, I thought he would never have recalled it, or put it more in queftion ; yet it feems his unfriends hes made fuch informations of that his un-102	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
advyfednefs, that in all hazards he muft retreat it: he was made allured, that the whole Tables would teftifie the contrarie of his Declaration, and caufe print their contradi6tion, that he thought it meeter to undergo all hazards, then to fuffer that (whether true or falfe) alleadgeance to lye upon him, without his publick dif-claiming of it. I hope to fend yow with the demands, anfuers, replyes, duplyes, and triplyes of Aberdeen, the Marqueis declaration, and the Minifters anfwers to it, all printed; with our Nobles letters to Aberdeen, in wryte.
In the heat of all thir actions, God did much incourage us with Father Abernethie the Jefuite's converfion. On the Thurf-day there after Mr. Andrew Ramfay's fermon made for the pur-pofe, in a large half houres fpace, he made a very fweet dif-courfe(5) of his errors, and reclaiming by the grace of God, with many teares of his own and the molt of his hearers ; thereafter, with great defyre, he fubfcryved our Covenant, and fpake much to the commendation of it. After all our diligence to try, we can finde no apeirance of hypocrifie in the' man. He Ihowes us many things, which I hope to fend yow with Mr. Andrew's fermon in print: among the reft he told, that there is eighteen prielts at leaft ever in Scotland; he gave their names and abode : he tells, that in England there will be above fix thoufand: that at London there will be above three hundred maffes fung every Sabbath ; that he knew, on a fix years fince, when he was laft at Rome, a conclufion pall in the congregation De Propaganda Fide, for to ufe meanes to draw the Church of England to that of Rome, bot to mell no farther with our Scotifh Church than ane affociation with England, upon hopes, by this conformitie alone, to gaine us fullie by tyme. There went out in his name reports of Canterburies intercourfe of letters with the Pope, of the contryving of our Scotilh Liturgie at Rome; bot when I pofed him on thefe, he denyed his knowledge of any fuch matters, albeit he confeffed to me fome ftate-paffages, which might have been prejudicial! enough to him if they had gone abroad.
So foon as the Marqueis went away, the Tables advyfed on inftru6tions for the Generall AlTemblie to be execute prefently after the 20th of September, the longeft terme which the Com-
(5) This discourse was printed at the same time as Ramsay's Sermon, <f at the receiving of Mr. Thomas Abernethie, sometime Jesuite, into the societie of the truely reformed Church of Scotland."—Edinburgh, 1638, 4to. It is entitled " Abjuration of Poperie, by Thomas Abernethie, sometime Jesuite, but now penitent Sinner, &c. in the Gray-frier Church, the 24. of August 638." 4to.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	103
miffioner had craved for his return. The common letter fent to the Prelby tries ye have at (D.); the inftru6tions at (E.) ; fome notes fent with them, drawn out of the Book of Difcipline and Generall Affemblies, for the contentment of thefe who had fcruples anent the voyces of Elders in choyfeing of commiffioners for the Affemblie, at (F.) ; alfo fome private articles fent to thefe minifters whom moll they trufted, at (G.) According to thir, a very folemn and generall faft was keeped every where the 16th of September; and thereafter all feffions did choofe their elders to goe to the Preflbytries after the 20th day, there to vote for the choyfe of three minifters and one elder to take commiffion for the expected Generall Affemblie. Among us in the Weft there was a commiffion drawn up, by Mr. David [Dickfon,] to be the common forme of all feffions, at (H.) : this I much diflyked, as containing the feid of new, idle, and dangerous queftions; this, when I faw, I caufed alter into the forme ye fee at (I.), at leaft for my owne feffion and fome others.
All this tyme my minde was afflicted with doubts : I thought the King would never indict fuch ane Affemblie as we could accept; I faw all was refolved to have one according to their minde, though the King fhould difcharge us: If I went not to it, being required, I forefaw much hurt would befall me ; and to it I could not goe as I was. In this ftrait, I fought much my God; and he now hes delivered me out of thir thornes. I reafoned with the beft of thofe that was againft ane Affemblie without the King: their reafons I thought not preffing; my reafons I withheld from them ; bot to thefe who were layd down for it, I communicat my minde. None of my brethren did give me tollerable fatiffa6tion; at laft I went to my Lord Lowdon's houfe, and conferred two nights with him : I returned reafon-able well fatiffied, and well near refolved to countenance the Affemblie, forbid it who would. While I am in thir thoughts, behold a proclamation indicting the Affemblie at Glafgow the 21st of November ; this put me out of allqueftion.
At this time alfo the Commiffioner prevented his day: he came to Dalkeith the 15th of September. We could not for a while learn any of his news : the word went he was to intimat an Affemblie in the Spring at Aberdeen; this difpleafed all: our affairs could not admitt fo long a delay; we would have taken it worfe then a flatt refufeall; that place was extremely incommodious for old grave men to travel to in fuch a tyme of the year: yea, it was unfafe ; for in and about that towne there104	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
would be above ten thoufand fighting men, who might have killed, or done injurie to us all: bot we fand it far otherwayes. The King's will at (K.) was exceedingly gracious in the moft of our defyres ; the unhappie Books, the Commiffion alfo limply difcharged; Perth articles made free; Minilters entry as we could wiih; Bilhops fubje6ted to the AlTemblie ; the AlTemblie and Parliament indi6ted at the tymes and places wee could have defyred : only one thing frayes us, the fubfcription of ane other Covenant. This, and the convoy of it, makes us tremble for fear of divilion; alfo the continuall rumors of the King's preparation for warre; two hundred thoufand pound lterling taken up of the culloms; one hundred and fifty offered by the clergy for that end; twenty-five thoufand pound fent over to Holland for arms ; appoynting of the North to be ready for marching: thir things maks us fray. At fome prior meetings, to fundry I did regrait, who might, as I think, fliew it to the Commiflioner, for they had his eare, that they gave us our defyres by bitts, and with boafts ; that in likelihood the belt meanes for calming of our mindes were to grant us all at once, what by tyme they would fuffer themfelves to be driven to by any violence. This courfe at laft is taken: if it had been a little before ufed, or yet if we could be perfuaded of the fincerity of it, matters might go well; bot the reafon why we are malecon-tent yet ftill, lie in our proteftation, at (L.), as alfo in the common letter which was fent athort the country with the proteftation, at (M.) : tyme will decypher much.
Our Prefbyterie, with one confent, on the 25th day, choofe my Lord Lowdon for our elder of the Ihyre, Mr. Robert Barclay for the towne of Irwine, Mr. David Dickfone and me : betwix Mr. John Bell, Mr. H. M'Kell, and Mr. William Ruffell, many votes was divided; but pluralitie fell upon Mr. William RufTell. Mr. Michaell [Wallace] was cleane mifregarded; whereof I am forrie for many reafons ; bot his wilfull oppofition of the laick Elders procured him that affront, and will gett him more, if, againft all reafon, he continue wilfull, as he is like to doe. Pafley did choofe Mr. William Brifbane, his fon Mr. Matthew, and Mr. John Hamiltone, and [John Brifbane of] Biihoptoun; Mr. John Hay, abler much then any of them, was paft by for his too much countenancing of Mr. John Creichton, and other reafons not inconfiderable. Glafgow had appointed Tuefday for their ele6tion : we all thought it expedient they fhould choofe my Lord of Eglinton for their elder : This I fhew by write to fome of1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	105
the prefbytrie; whereupon they fent James Stewart of Chryft-wall with a letter fubfcryved by Mr. John Bell elder and younger, Mr. Robert Wilkie, Mr. Zacharie [Boyd,] Mr. James Sharpe, and others, entreating the nobleman to be prefent with them at their election, with many kinde, courteous, and prefling words. Upon this he goes, very evill in health, for we all did preffe him. Yefternight he wrytes, that his coming there was in vaine; the Prefbytrie would choofe none that day, had delayed the ele6tion till the 10th of October; had written a complementing letter to the Commiflioner for the benefite and honour of the Affemblie in their town. For this I am exceeding forrie : How the matter went, I know not yet; bot I am afrayed that this a6lion prove unhappie. This is the third tyme, when their mifcarriage will grieve the whole countrey : the example by taking a courfe by themfelves is now moll pernicious to us all; it will be the firft open doore to divifion : their lail divifive motion had well near raifed a mutiny amongft them, and a bloodie trouble. I pray God this bring no hurt to us all, and them firft of all: bot of this more hereafter. We are all going to Edinburgh to our laft confultations before the Affemblie. There goes athort a Speech, in the name of the Duke of Lennox, difwading the King from warre with us : ye have it at (O.) The fpeech at firft was thought to be truely fpoken at the Counfell-table by the alleadged author; bot now we hear it is bot fuppofititious. However, they fay Canterburie is become our great friend, and by all means a perfuader of the King to peace, though with the ruine of all the perfons of our Bifhops. Their proceffes are faft forming: Brechin, they fay, is undone ; adultery is like to be proven; the whore, and the child goes up and down the ftreets proclaiming it; bot befyde, other probations are clear to make it unqueftionable: St. Andrewes, I fear, be made infamous : No kinde of cryme which can be gotten proven of a Bifhop will now be concealed.
When I was on the poynt of going to Edinburgh, I receaved advertisement of a countermand from the meeting there, which had thought meet, for the Marqueis contentment, to hinder the convention of Commiflioners, once appointed ; for his Grace was offended, that before the Affemblie fuch a great convocation of the members of the Affemblie fhould meet: alfo the meeting fcailled, to the end that all gentlemen might be at home at the Michaelmafs courts ; where, by the adls of Parliament, the Shyres are ordained yearly to choofe commiflioners for the Parliament,106	LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1638.
whether indi6ted or not; fo, left his Grace ftiould gett nominat fuch men as he pleafed, the gentry were required to be all in thefe courts, and attend that election. Frae my voyage to Edinburgh was hindered, I went to Glafgow to fee how all went: I fand that the danger was greater then I feared. The proclamation was polled from Edinburgh hither by Orbifton, who rode with it on the Sonday for hafte ; yet the Toun Commiffioner had preveened him ; for on Sonday advertifement came by him, that a proteftation was ufed againft it: for all that, it was applauded to by the town, by too many with too much joy, without any number of protefting; the miniftry Handing in the Crofle, with a number of notcovenanters, joyning in all the tokens of their joy, and concurring all in wry ting of the letter of thanks to the Marqueis. Thereafter the Principall, Mr. Robert Wilkie, Patrick Bell, and others, went to the Marqueis, in Hamilton: It was feared that they had promifed over much to him : I fand them peremptor for the equity of fubfcryving the King's Covenant, and iniquity of our counter-proteftation ; alfo very averfe from choyfing commiffioners according to our minde. I could doe no more bot forrow, and be afraid with the Principall, Mr. Robert Wilkie, Mr. Archibald Eleiming, Mr. William Wilkie, and mainely with Patrick [Bell], whom the Marqueis had caufed the Bifhop name Proveft, I think, by Mr. William Wilkie's information to Doctor Bakanquall; and Patrick caufed my bro ther,(6) Matthew Hamilton, William Neilfon, be made baillies, Walter Stirling deane of gild, men all fimple, and at his own difpofition. I fhew, fra all our brethren in the Covenant had protefted, that this new fubfcription would be ane of the moft dangerous divilive motions that yet was ufed; if they would begin, at the Commiffioner's defyre, to fubfcryve, that the whole countrey could not bot take them for traitors, and thefe men-fworne, the authors of all their ruine. However, they were re-folved of the expediencie to fubfcryve; yet I knew that their wifdome could not permitt them to practife their refolution, as indeed hitherto they have abfteened. As for the choyfing of their commiffioners, I likewife fhew them all my minde. I was grieved to fee their minde fo farr from our courfe; yet God guides good men even in their bywayes. The Tables in Edin-
(6) The Magistrates of Glasgow, elected at this time, October 2d, 1638, were, Patrick Bell, Provost; Henry Glen, Matthew Hamilton, and William Neilson, baillies; &c. If Glen was the person whom Baillie here mentions, he must have been his half-brother or brother-in-law.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	107
burgh wrote to them, that thirty-nine prefbytries already had chofen their commiffioners, as they were defired; that the reft were in doing ; that they heard of none who were unwilling; that they would be entreated, not to be firft who fhould begin a dangerous preparative. Withall my Lord Lowdon, Mr. David Dick, Mr. Robert Blair, Mr. James Boner, come, with inftruc-tions to clear their fcruples, that they pretended againft the choyfing of Elders for commiffioners. It was fo caryed, that election was made of old Mr. John Bell, Mr. Zacharie [Boyd], and Mr. James Sharpe, and my Lord Eglinton, or, in his ab-fence, my Lord Fleeming. Mr. John Maxwell gave in a pro-teftation, which no other would fubfcryve. The Marqueis came in himfelf to receave their fubfcription, and laboured with them what he could till night, after Doctor Bakanquall's fermon in the High church; bot was forced to leave them to ten dayes advyfement. So he went away with fmall contentment, and to my heart was brought great joy for the conltancy of that Town which we have reafon to love beft.
We thought this fubfcription a very deep and dangerous plott, and fo oppofed it every where what we could. The Marqueis and Counfellors as yet has come no fpeed in obtaining hands to it. After ten dayes, Mr. [Sir William] Elphinftone, Juftice-Generall, and Belhaven who now hes Sir George's (7) eftate and houfe, buffie agents for his Grace, required the Counfell to fubfcryve. George Porterfield, incontinent, at the table, ufed a proteftation; bot the Proveft required a delay yet of eight dayes : we hope this delay fhall draw on to the Affemblie, which is all we crave. Receave here the proclamations and counfell a6ts in print; never fo many a6ts in one day, and of matters of fo great moment: Had that one claufe of fubfcryving ane other Covenant been away, we had bleffed the Marqueis for his notable fervice at this tyme. At the table arofe a great queftion about a claufe of the Proclamation; the Regifter had penned, " The fubfcription of the King's Covenant, according to the tenor of it," Lome, Advocat, [and] Wigton, defyred it might be put in "According to the date of the [15] 81 yeare, and as then the religion was profeffed ;" mynding by this claufe the exclulion of Bifhops, and all other novelties lince brought in our Church. The in-
(7) Sir Robert Douglas of Spott, was created Viscount of Belhaven in 1633, about which time he purchased from the heirs of Sir George Elphinstone, Lord Justice-Clerk, the Barony of Gorbals and Blytheswood, in the neighbourhood of Glasgow.108
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
ferting of this claufe at laft was obtained of his Grace ; and in this claufe diverfe does triumph. Receave alfo the proteftation in print; there is inclofed in it both the reafons of protefting, I fpake of at (L.), and againft all prelimitation of the AfTembly, I fpake of at (B.) ; fo ye laik nothing when ye have print for wryte; alfo the demands of Aberdeen, with the Marqueis declaration going before, and our anfwers, with the Tables reply to the Marqueis demands, fpoken of at (A.) Aberdeen's triply is come to the Marqueis in print: he does fuppreffe it, as he gives out, left more matter of ftrife be miniftered to the countrey; whatever be the caufe, it is fent to Court to be revifed: if it come to my hands ye fhall have it. I hope that town of Aberdeen is now lykewayes gained ;(8) for the Crafts obtained by threats, that all their magiftrates and counfell, according to the a6l of Burrowes, fhould be chofen of covenanters alone; and when the proclamation was made into it by the Marqueis of Huntley, to his face the proteftation was read, Forbes, Frazer, and others, encourageing the citizens.
It was required once and ofter by the Noblemen, that his Grace would give a warrand for to fummond the Bifhops ; bot after this demand was fhifted, ane other courfe was taken, which I ftiall fend you. My Lords Lowdon, Boyd, [and] Mr. David Dick, according to the dire6lion of the Tables from Edinburgh, went in this laft week to the Prefbytrie of Glafgow, gave in a fupplication in name, as ye may fee at (K.), of Covenanters who were not members of the Generall AfTemblie againft Mr. Patrick Lindfay, minifter at fuch a kirk, pretended Archbilhop of Glafgow, and his Collegues, for crymes eneugh ; and required juftice, or ane anfwer. The Prefbytrie, after deliberation, refolv-ed, and wrote it as an a6t, that fuch a complaint was made to them; which, for the weight of it, they did remitt to the Generall AfTemblie. The extract of this a61, with the libell, was fent to the Bifhop, and put in his hand by the church-beddall, before two witnes: this, being indorfed, is thought a fufficient fum-monds. On the morne, old Mr. John Bell preaching in the High Church, the Thurfday before the Communion, made intimation to the people, that fuch a complaint was given in to their Prefbytrie, which they did think meet not to conceall from them ; fo, by John Anderfone, the clerk's fervant, the whole lybell is read in audience of the people. [In the] afternoon, the Noble-
(8) Baillie, in the margin of the Original MS. has subsequently added the words, " This is not so."1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	109
men and others goes to the Seffion, and entreats, that the town would by no means fubfcryve any other Covenant before the Aflemblie : the Proveft would make no promife; which his an-fwer, by Mr. David Dick's benign interpretation, was taken in good part. On that fame laft Wedenfday, the Prefbytrie of Edinburgh did pronounce the fentence of fufpenlion againll Mr. David Mitchell, notwithftanding of the Marqueis not only re-queft, but at laft charge by a mefier, to the contrare. This mifregard did highly commove his Grace; bot his wrath tomorrow was increafed by the women's great infolency; who, finding that D. Eliot went to pulpitt, when they expected Mr. Henrie [Rollock,] after fermon fell upon him and Mr. Fletcher with many fad ftroakes : the caufe and manner we know not yet clearly, bot are all grieved at the heart for it, and wifhes that the a6tors were exemplarelie punifhed. The Marqueis hes called ane frequent Counfell againft the 28th of this month. It is much feared, that he go to Court, and leave us the ruleing of the Affemblie as we pleafe; bot if he fhould doe fo, we are refolved to keep the dyett, and expe6ts God to be with us, when we ufe our right in fo needfull a tyme. Great rumors of hudge preparation for horfe and foot in England, of hudge munition from Holland to them ; yet our people is no whitt afraid : we fie what we doe be juft and neceflar ; as for the hazards, we leave them to the provifion of God, who is our only patron.
I receaved, yefterday, your letters, of the date of September 17th. I am forrie ye take thefe foolifh calumnies fo deeply; ye have fpent three large letters, for the molt part in their refutation. What I heare was not much, and from hands little confiderable ; never trouble yourfelf any more with fuch fooleries. I hope ere now long all be evanifhed : a little tyme, with eafe, does ever clear honeft men. For your fubfcryving of the Covenant, I think it not needfull, and them not wife that requires it of yow ; none of our Officers of State in Counfell or Seffion was defyred : fundrie of the Advocats was fpared. If the Burghs, by any confiderable commiffioner, doe require it of yow, ye may then advyfe. Your preaching at Zuill, I think, ye would omitt; for fo we minde in all our land, to whom ye ought to conforme.
The laft tyme I was in Glafgow, as my cuftome alwayes is, I went and faw your Mother, where I fand that your Father was flitted ; and not only by hir, but fundrie of my freinds, I was allured of his moft chriftiane and comfortable carriage and dif-courfe to his very laft, to the great contentment and joy of all:110	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
ye and I could not wifh to die with more faith. Your Mother alfo had good courage and health. I am forry that things goes fo croffe this year with our friends; that Force and Chaftilion fhould beene fo fhamefullie raifed from St. Omer, and your Prince from Gelder, and Grave Morice from Los Santos; that Conde fhould have been fo dated at Fontarabie; Vercelli alfo taken by the Spanifh ; and D. Bernard Ihould have been looking this half-year on the walls of Briffak; and the Palatine triffling tyme about Meppen: for the Swedds, I fee not what their eirand is now in Germany, bot to fhed proteftant blood. It is like they may come over to Brittaine, if Affemblies end not our quarrells. I marvell ye try no more your divines' judgements of our matters ; Voetius, and Rivett, Walseus, and others of note: we would be refrelhed by their incouragement. I put no queftion bot they are informed from many hands how matters goes. If, againft the Synods, ye can furnifh me with any farder helps about Bifhops, then are in Gerfon, Bucerus, it is well. We had much need of all your prayers the next Sabbath, and fome following. The fourth of November is a folemn fail for a bleffing to the Affemblie. It is like to be the moft frequent and con-fiderable one that ever was in this land : ye would doe well to be at it ere it ryfe.
This laft week, on Fryday the 26th of 06tober, it pleafed God to fhow me ane evident token of his mercifull providence. My fecond boy, Hary, a moft prettie child, of two year old, about eleven hours, following his mother to the brewhoufe, is unatten-tively near the caldron full of feething wort; at taking of it by, it falls on the ground; had it tumbled to the one fyde, as we all marvelled it did not, the babe behooved to have been burnt to death ; bot God's hand fett it on the bottom that it gyed not, when it fell out of the crooke, to neither fyde ; only, with the fall, fome of the fcalding wort gufhed out upon the babe, and yet, fo that his whole face is fafe ; only on his hindhead, neck, craig, and one hippe he is fcalded. My heart had been over-maftered with grief, if fo unworthilie my prettie child had either been deformed or killed; bot now I, and all that loves me, are oblilhedto rejoycein God's gracious providence, who canprefent a moft fearfull danger, and make it go over with a little twitch : there is grief in the want of children, and as much in having of them ; bot in none of thefe things is our miferie or happinefs.
The Counfel of Edinburgh, before Michalmas, did cite Mr. Rankine and Mr. Browne, two of their Regents, to anfwer for1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	Ill
faults to be laid to their charge. Mr. Rankine was then in England, and did not compear: It is thought he is ane Arminian, and all what any of the fa6tion maintaines. Mr. Browne compeared, and offered to clear himfelf of all could be laid to his charge : bot his proceffe was lhort; it was fhown him, that he had his place only during their pleafure, and it was not their pleafure he nor his collegue, Mr. Rankine, fhould brook their roomes any longer : So programmes were affixed for the proviiion of two vacant places in their Colledge.
There was an accident that Ihortly would have begun our calamity, if it had not been in tyme feen to: The horfe which our cowpers had bought at Maton fair, were arreifted, many of them by the Mayor of Newcaftle; Johnftone, and others, for that hindered all the dryvers of neat and Iheep to goe through to England. Our noblemen dealt with the Marqueis,' that the Mayor's injurious arreiftment might be loofed; when he made fome delay, they told him, that they quickly would goe and fetch them, or twyfe as many in their roome ; whereupon the Marqueis prefently wrote to Newcaftle; who difmifled our horfe; and fince, our borderers has fuffered the dryvers to goe through. The King's fhips alfo on our coaft a while troubled us ; bot after they had entered fundry of our fhipps, without any harm, and Ihew that their commifiion was no farder than to fearch what they caryed, that fear paft. It is thought their maine defign was to have catched Generall Lefslie by the way, bot he, for fear of them, come over in a fmall bark. He hes caufed a great number of our commanders in Germany fubfcryve our Covenant, and provided much good munition. It is thought many in England hes intelligence with us ; that the armes in England are mainly to fuppreffe the Lower Houfe men, of whom Canterburie ftands in great doubt.
The laft meeting in Edinburgh concluded the articles ye have at (S.) The Sabbath following is the firft falling day for the Affemblie. If God be with us, we hope to have our Church and State put in a better cafe then it hes been thefe threttie years bygone; bot if he defert us, we cannot avoid prefently to fall into great danger to be a field of blood, and, thereafter a poor flaved province, at the devotion, both in religion and lawes, of a faction which to us is extreamly fufpe<5t of wicked defigns: betwixt this great hope and great fear now we hing. The Lord be carefull of us : Ye there are not feeling members, nor thankfull for our oft compaffionating your evills and dan-112	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638
gers, if, at this tyme, ye joyne not in hearty prayers ; for other help we have gotten little from any of the Reformed churches, which to us is marvellous. All forraigne divines hitherto hes been filent: they care not for our woes ; though popery fliould fwell on Brittaine, it feems they regard it not; however, the leffe comfort we have from men, we will lean the more to God. I wifti my nixt letter may not be forrowfull; for I minde to write no more to yow till our Affemblie be clofed. Our commendations to yow and your wife ; the Lord be with you. I reft, November fir ft,	Your Coofin.
Laiking ane carrier for fome dayes, I broke up my letters to ftiow yow farder, that the fecond of November the Commif-lioner went to the Tolbooth, and moved the Lords of Sellion, who wer prefent, to fubfcryve the King's Covenant: yet Durie, Craighall, Scotiftarbett, and Ennerteill did peremptorlie refufe. Thereafter, in the Counfell, he was very preffing to have a declaration paffe their hands of a refolution, or command, or approbation of the King's will to have Epifcopacie ftanding with fome caveats, and this not to be queftionable in the enfueing Affemblie. To this fundrie of the Counfell was inclyning ; bot after the Advocat's (9) ftout oppolition, it was gotten croffed for that tyme : for this contradiction the Advocat was perfumed, by the Commiffioner, with many unkind words. The noblemen gave in to the Counfellers, by way of fupplication, fome reafons to hinder their affenting to any fuch declarations. We are glad of the motion; for the croffing of it in Counfell will be a great encouragement for us in the Synod, to determine in that matter what we find expedient. How all will go He knows to whom we are in all our land now fail praying. We are refolved to keep the twentie-one [day of November] in Glaf-gow, and to goe on by God's grace, as we fhall be anfwerable to God, oppofe who will. It is like there fall be oppofition : Roffe is at Court, and expe6ted daylie by the Commiffioner, with the King's laft commandments : We expert no grace from his hands ; for it was his holie fingers who carryed us down the firft the book of Canons, and thereafter our book of Service ; if now he bring the difcharge of the Affemblie, he bot continues to be lyke him-felf, ane meek, and calme, happie inftrument (*) for the peace
(9) Sir Thomas Hope of Craighall, Lord Advocate for Scotland.
(]) These words, here used ironically, in the printed edition are altered to <c an unmeek, uncalm, and unhappy instrument for, &c."1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	113
of this poore Church. The reft of his brethren, the Bifhops, are come to Edinburgh. Preparations in England for warre goes on; magazines of vi6luall, muftering of great horfes, on our borders, are talked off.
To Mr. Wm. Spang, February 12, [1639.]
Dear Coosing,
I have receaved all your former, with the currents, to the 8th of Januar; the lafl was broken up, and Mr. Robertfon's alfo, wherein myne was inclofed, bot it was fo written, that, apparently of purpofe, ye have putt it in thefe hands which ye did fuf-pe6t of violent curiofitie. I marvell ye have not yet receaved my laft, written in the beginning of November, wherein I give yow a full information, whence I left, to the beginning of our Synod. What ye write in your laft fyve large apologeticks, I told yow before to have been almoft needlefs paines ; a word was enough to have wyped away fuch foolifh calumnies : had my letter in tyme come to your hand, it would have made yow more (tout againft your imperious feflion. I hope hereafter ye will be refolute, and they alfo, to let Zuill preachings alone, according to the A6t of our Affemblie. I am very well pleafed with your thoughts of the Service-book; they are judicious and learned, and, which is much more, I think them true : ye ftiall doe very well to proceed in that ftudie. For your furtherance, I have fent yow my Meditations of that fame kinde, drawn up long agoe, and fent abroad; I could now make them much larger, for fundry moe Canterburian wryts hes fince fallen in my hand, whereby that faction may be eafily convinced of foull Poperie. My Queries were out more nor a year fince; my Parallell ftiortly thereafter, for the juftification of our complaint and declinator, before there was any word of our Covenant. If your divines there were informed, from fuch colle6tions, of the ftate of our controverfies, they would undoubtedly pitie our caufe the more. The way of our partie is avowedly to full Arminianifme, and really to fo much Poperie as the Pope requires at their hands for the prefent, yea, much more; it hes been proven at our Synod that numbers of our brethren hes preached the moft of the Canterburian tenets. It is marvellous that we can hear of none either in Scotland, Ingland, or Ireland, after all this dinn, who hes given the leaft figne of repentance,
vol. i.	h114	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
or of revocation, of any their errors. They have called back our wicked Books, hot will condemne no letter of them; fo far as we know, or can know by any thing they have faid or written, they are bot waiting when the fword of our fweit Prince fhall make them way to force us receive all their moll extravagant dictats, or elfe fuffer. I lhould be glad to fee what ye have written De Jure Patronatus. Our old difcipline is for yow : To move this queftion yet, is not feafonable : our greateft diffi-cultie will be with the King; for the moft of all our patronages are in his hand. That Wounded Beaft,(2) is a beaftlie peice; we all miflyke it. We doe not know the author of it; I wifh it were Mr. Can (5) of Amfterdame ; he ftiould then be bot a poore, rafhe, and foolifhe fpirit, whereof I would be glad ; for I am affrayed for that man and his complices. They fend over, a little before our Affemblie, a pamphlet, " The Guyde to Sion," not yet much eyed, yea, difavowed by all; bot, if God give our Church peace, I am affrayed for the grounds of that fe6t: When we have battered down Rome, and Ley,(4) the walls of Amfterdam I wifti might hold in their fnell brafen ftiott from thefe places of our towres that are moft weake. I pray yow help me with fome peices of Brounifme ; we will have neid of fuch weapons prefently, both offenfive and defenfive. We are put in hopes to gaine thefe men, if we be dexterous ; bot I am more feared they gaine fome of us; for, fo farr as yett I fee, according to the grounds of too many among us, the Brounift's arguments are unanfwerable: it is in vain to abhorre the con-clufion, where the antecedent is loved; fuch hatred is either not fincere, or cannot be conftant.
Long ere now I had given to yow ane large account of our Affemblie's proceedings, had I not this lixe weekes been day lie
(2)	This evidently refers to a tract entitled " The Beast is Wounded : or Information from Scotland, concerning their Reformation, &c.—Printed in the yeare that the Bishops had their downefall in Scotland, £1638.J' 4to. " It seems by some notes which I find in the margent, (says the Publisher), that it was sent from a Scotsman to some good friend that he had in England, and in likelihood a strict Nonconformist." It was apparently printed in Holland, and is called The first part:—No second part ever appeared.
(3)	c Mr. Can/ or John Canne, to whom Baillie was disposed to attribute the above publication, was Minister of the English Congregation of Brownists at Amsterdam.
(4)	Ley probably for Leyden, as the supposed stronghold of the Arminians, so named after Dr. James Arminius, who was Professor of Divinity in that University. In like manner, Amsterdam is here mentioned as the chief seat of the Brownists.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	115
expe6ling the extract of the A6ts to have been fent from the Clerk to our Prelbytrie ; bot yet are they not come. We hear they are to be printed; yet we are not content of the delay. The reafon of their inholding, I cannot fufpect: the preffe hes been occupied with our long-looked for proteftation ; yet it feems there muft be more in it, which yet I know not. When they come out, either in write or print, ye ftiall have them with my commentare. In the mean [tyme,] receave fome of my AlTemblie labours, my fpeech of Arminianifme, and of the Books, which I was forced to make in a very ftiort time ; alfo my difcourfe of Epifcopacie, together with two old Meditations. Receave alfo the proteftation; confider it well: it meets with that bitter proclamation, which hes put in print, and long agoe difperfed athort all England, if not farder, all that could be invented to make us and our Affemblie deteftable.
My Lord Commiflioner his Grace feemed to us one of the ableft and beft-fpoken ftatefmen the King hes ; a great lover both of,the King and his countrey : as he left nothing unaflayed among us to gett the King his will, fo we hope he has done his endeavour, and will continue, to obtaine the countrey juftice at the King's hand. Though he hes done all againft our proceedings what the heart of the Bifhops, in any wifdome, could have commanded him, yet we take all in good part, remembering the place that was putt on him : fo much the more alfo, that the Supplication of the AlTemblie, fent up with Mr. George Winrham, was prefented by him to his Majeftie, in all humility and earneftnefs. It was heard with attention, and referred to the confideration of the Scottifhe Counfell at London. The King wrote thereafter to our Counfell, that for to be nearer information of our affaires, he was minded fliortly to come down to York ; in the mean tyme, that they would be thinking of overtures. We are informed, that the Counfell of Warre fitts daily ; that againft Pafche or before, his Majeftie, at York, is to vifite his army of 6000 horfe, and 30,000 foot. The Marqueis was at his upgoing, in great perplexitie and doubts; however, he did all that could be done, and more than any other could have effe6luat; yet the matter itfelf was of fuch nature, that it could not be wrought to the King's purpofe: yea, fome paflages did mifcarry befyde the doer's intention, to the hinderance fome-what of the King's defignes. The fubfcryveing of the King's Covenant by the Counfell was fo cunninglie turned, by flight of hand, that it became the foveraigne ingyne to overturne Epif-116	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
copacie, for whofe eftablilhment it was onlie requyred by the King. The turning of this canon on the King, lay heavilie upon the back of the Marqueis wifdome: to be unfortunate is a crime great enough in a monarch's court; bot fick was either the flrength of the Marqueis declaration, (which with the next ye fhall have in print, and the anfwer of it, alfo), or rather the benignity of our juft Prince, that for all his fear, yet he was moll gracioufly receaved; and for a token of favour, hes gotten to his brother (5) already the Privie Purfe, and a place of the Bedchamber ; whence the Earle of Ancrum is removed; whether for the zeale of the Earle of Lothian, his fon, in the countrie's caufe, or for his long and evident infirmity, which made him very unmeet to ly in a prince's chamber, we doe not yet know.
We look for no other bot in the Spring the King to come in perfon, upon Louthian and Edinburgh, with a great land army; that one part of his navie fhall go to Aberdeen to joyn with Huntley, another to the coaft of Fyfe and Louthian, a third to land from Ireland on us in the Weft fome little armie. We are confcious to ourfelfe of no cryme againft the lawes of our Church or State. We hope God fhall look on the equitie of our caufe ; the little oppofition we dow make is making readie. I was latelie in the minde, that, in no imaginable cafe, any prince might have beene oppofed ; I inclyne now to think otherwayes. In all our queftions I confefTe no change bot in this only ; whereto I was brought, not by Paraeus, or Buchanan, or Junius Brutus, for their reafons and conclufions I yet fcunner at; bot mainly by Bilfone de Subje6tione, where he defends the pra6tife of all Europe, Spaine, France, Germany, England, Flanders, Scotland, Denmark, Swan [Sweden,] who at diverfe tymes, for fundry caufes, hes oppofed their princes. I am fomewhat confirmed by the laft duplie of Aberdeen, which, though wyfely for a tyme was fuppreffed by our Commiffioner, yet, being fighted and ap-proven by my Lord of Canterburie, is now come abroad among us: They will have us to believe, that our whole eftate, were they to be all killed in a day, or to be led to Turcifme, to be fpoiled of all liberty, goods, life, religion, all, yet the ymay make no kind of refiftance; the conclufion is fo horrible, and their proofs fo weak, for all their diligence and learning, that I lyke it much worfe then I did. I fee the reformers of our Scottifh Church all to the contrare ; Luther, Melanchton, Bucer, Martyr, Beza, Abbotts, Whittakers, alfo gives leave to fubje<5ls, in (5) Lord William Hamilton, vide supra, p. 98.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	117
fome cafes, to defend themfelves, where the Prince is abfolut from fubjection to any man, hot not abfolute from tye to the lawes of Church and State, whereto he is fworne, which is the cafe of all Chriltian Kings now, and ever alfo lince the fall of the Roman Empire : A pittie that in thir moft dangerous times Canterburie fhould caufe print among us fuch conclufions, which, if they came from the Prince, would put all our people in abfolute defperation: bot God be thanked, none of our Princes did ever crave what they afcryve to them, let be to be abfolved from the tye of laws, that nomothetick power, yea no that power to impofe taxations, fo farre as yet we have heard, was never afiumed by any of our Princes to this houre ; bot all our civill lawes hes ever been made, and the leift taxation ever impofed by the King and his States in parliament or convention. This new faction, as it would deftroy our religion, fo it layes down grounds for the overthrow of the kingdome, and that under the fair pretext of advancing both. I am yet in ftudy of this queftion ; I pray yow help me what ye can upon it in your nixt letter. Rivett is much caft up againft us ; bot fo far as I find in his " Jefuita Vapulans," or in that pfalme, I think without reafon : It is marvellous if he condemn what his mother-church of France did approve, and that church of Holland, wherein he now lives, does this day pradlife. I wifh ye writ to him, and others there, concerning this matter, bot fo that ye be not found. I doe truely think that the only way to fave the King's authority among us, yea, to keep this poor kingdome whole and intire to his fervice, and of his pofterity for ever, is our prefent uniforme conjun&ion to hold off his armies by fupplications, as hitherto we have done, or otherwayes alfo, in cafe of neceflitie extreame and unavoidable : for if we fhould divide, and one part yeild, or joyne with the King's army, befyde the killing, of neceflitie, of numbers of the beft of his Majeftie's good and moft loving fubje6ts, which would be ready to goe and die at the walls of Conftantinople, let be of Rome, Vien, or Madrid, in his fervice, the reft would be fo weakened and difcouraged, that no help for many years could be expe6ted from us againft any of the King's enemies ; which at thir tymes were to the King, not only an irreparable lofle, bot alfo a fearfull danger, when England is fo full of malecontents, to whom there appears no poflibility of giving fatiffa6tion, fo long as the Canterburian party does keep their feet. The fear of our nation hes keeped our neighbours in order to this day : if we be fo broken either in heart or ftrength, that118	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
we cannot be in readinefs, in a ftiort warning, to flee to our fweet Prince's back, ftormes is likely to arife, in that flatt ayre of England, which long hes been glooming, that all the fkill of the Archbifhop's braine will have adoe to calme, before a thunderbolt break out on his own pate. Bot for ftate-matters, we will meddle no further, then to pray for our dear father King Charles, and our poor mother the Church and Kingdome of Scotland: If they difcord, it will coft us their children many teares and much blood: God, who is a father to both, fend them good greance, and confound thefe who is the true caufe of their variance, that fhame being poured upon them, they may repent, and convert their witt for conjoyning what they have been putting long afunder.
That piece of Aberdeen to Mr. Durie, I pray you purchafe a double of it, for I long to fee it. Ye promifed me fome of the Mercuries Francoes, and Gallo-Belgicus ; let me have them. All that palTes here ye lhall have from me foone, or fyne : let me know what I am in your debt, for now I am in wealth, bot at once I may be fpoyled of all, and I lhall be loath needlefslie to be in any man's debt before the tyme. Remembering my heartie fervice to yourfelf and your wife, I reft Your old freind,
Feb. 12, 1639.	[Robert Baillie.]
To Mr. William Spang.
History of the General Assembly at Glasgow in
1638.(6)
Coosin,
As ye earneftlie defyred, and I did alfo promife, receave now the proceedings of our Affemblie, as my memorie, neceffarlie now lhort, after ane half year's tyme, with the help of fome little notes, can furnifh. I will poynt at the things which I conceave to be moft materiall, paffing fundrie matters which the Diaries gathered in the tyme, by the hands of many wrytters, does inliil upon.
Notwithftanding of the indi6tion, our hopes were bot flender ever to fee the downlitting of our paffionatelie defyred Affemblie with the Commiffioner's confent; for daily he fand himfelf more and more difappointed in his expectation to obtain thefe things
(6) In the Original MS. Baillie entitles the following communication, <f Story of the Assemblie of Glasgow, to Spange."1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	119
which, it feems, he put the King in hope might be gotten. Epif-copacie to be put in place of fafety, above the reach of the AlTemblie's hand, was now feen to be impoffible; his engynes for this purpofe, by the Ikill of his party, was turned back upon him; the Counfell had fubfcryved the King's Covenant, as it was exponed at the firfl in the 1581 year: his declaration, that Epifcopacie was then in our Church, and will, that the Affemblie fhould be difcharged to medle in the tryall of this matter, could not be gotten concluded in ane Counfell a6l: fundrie Lords of Seffion being required to fubfcryve the Covenant in that his fenfe, refufed; with a proteflation, that the expolition of thefe parts, which might make for or againfl Epifcopacie, fhould be referred to the determination of the enfueing AlTemblie. Noblemen and Miniflers chofen commiffioners, did not diffemble their minds in their difcourfe of the unlawfullnefs, at leafl the inexpedience, of this office in our Church, and fo their defigne by any meanes to have it prefently putt doun. This put his Grace in great perplexitie ; for he did conceave, as fome faid, by the words and wrytes of fundrie of our nobles of chief refpecl, that the Affemblie might have been gotten perfwaded to eftablilh, at leaft to permitt, or paffe by untouched, that office : when the contrare appeared, he was at a nonplus ; for his inftru6lions had made the place of Bifhops a Noli me tangere; bot their perfones was permitted to the doome of the feverefl mouth among us, where their mifcarrying had required cenfure. His next difappointment was in the matter of the Covenant: he hoped to have gotten the King's Covenant univerfally fubfcryved, and ratified hereafter in the Affemblie ; fo that the other, which had been fubfcryved be us before, might be quietly, without any infamous condemning of it, fuppreffed and buried: bot far above and againfl all his thoughts, that Covenant univerfally was refufed; and, among thefe few who put their hands to it, diverfe avowed their minde to be in all things the fame with thefe who had fworn the firfl. The miffing of this intention increafed alfo much his Grace's malecontentment. In two other defignes alfo, he fand himfelf clofe deceaved: he thought, an a6l for the freedome of the practice of Perth articles, might have contented us ; and without condemning the matters themfelves, before the Parliament by fup-plication had been brought to the calling of the Handing law: bot ane univerfall inclination appeared in all to have the things themfelves tryed without delay, and a6ls prefently formed anent them, as their nature was found to require. Siclyke his in-120	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
ftni6tions carryed him to the removall of the High Commiffion, books of Canons, Ordination, [and] Service, bot no to reafon or condemn any thing contained in any of them, which might refle6t againlt any public order, or any thing pra6tifed or allowed by my Lord of Canterburie, and his followers, in England or elfewhere: We in no cafe could be content, except we were permitted to examine all that was in thefe Books ; their matter now being the avowed doctrine of many in our Church ; and lince we did finde the articles of Arminius, with many poynts of the groffell poperie, in the books, in the preachings, and in the dif-courfes of our bilhops and minilters, we were refolved to have thefe do6trines cenfured as they did deferve, without any fpare-ing for refpe6t to any perfon who did maintain them.
The Commiffioner, finding himfelf miltaken in all thir, and many moe of his delignes, was feared to labour the difchargeing of the Affemblie before it began, or at lealt to marr it fo, if it fatt doun, that it lhould doe no good. We referred to this intention his diligence to obtain fubfcryvers to protestations againft the Affemblie; we heard by our oppofits, of hudge numbers of thir, yet when it came to the proof, there was but few who could be moved to put their hand to fuch an a6l, yea, not one, who durft avow it, and reafon the lawfullnefs of their deed: fome tuenty hands at molt were at the Bilhops declinator, all oppofit to our Covenant; fome few others, fpecially eight of the Pref-bytrie of Glafgow, (who, to the Commiffioner's great difcontent, refufed to adhere,) made formes of protections by themfelves ; bot to no purpofe. From this fame intention, we alleadged, did flow the putting to the home, fome days before our fitting, all thefe Commiffioners of the nobles, gentry, minifters, who, for any civill caufe or pretence could be gotten denunced, that fo the Synod lhould be deprived of many members: This pra6life was fo new, and fo ltrong reafons given in, why this kinde of horning lhould hinder none from voyceing in a fynod, as ye may fie at (A.), that no ufe was made or durft be made of any fuch exception; only the Thefaurer his good will, by the invention, was colle6led to be bot fmall towards our caufe. A proclamation alfo was made, that none lhould come to the place of the Affemblie but fuch as were members, and that in a peaceable manner : We protelted all might come who had entres of partie, witnes, voters, affeffors, complayners, or what ever way; and that every man might come with fuch a retinue and equipage as the Lords of Counfell lhould give example.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	121
Thir, and many moe occurrences, put us in a continuall fear of the Aflemblie's difcharge : Yet the King's word was ingaged fo deeply; proclamations, public fadings, at the King's command, had already pall; and mainly the King's thought, that the inferting of what he had granted, anent the Service-book, Canons, and Perth articles, into the Aflemblie books, would give fome contentment to the people, and dilingadge his promife of ane Aflemblie, though nothing more ftiould be a6ted: thir and fuch conliderations made the Aflemblie litt down, contrare to all our feares, and a fair face to be made for a while by the Commiffioner, as if he intended nothing elfe, and did confidently expert his fitting Hill, till all queftions ftiould be peaceably de-cyded for the content of all.
On Fry day, the 16th of November, we in the Weft, as we were defyred, came to Glafgow ; our noblemen, fpecially Eglin-ton, backed with great numbers of friends and vaflalls. We were informed, that the Commifiioner and Counsellors were to take up the Toun with great numbers of their followers; fo the neareft noblemen and gentlemen were defyred to come in that night well attended. The Toun did expe6t and provide for huge multitudes of people, and putt on their houfes and beds exceflive pryces; bot the diligence of the Magiftrates, and the vacancie of manie roomes, did quicklie moderate that excefle. We were glad to fee fuch order and large provifion above all men's expe<5tation; for this that Toun gott much both thanks and credit: it can lodge eafily at once, both Counfell, Sefiion, Parliament, and Generall Affemblie, when ever it fhall be required.
On Saturday the moft of our Eaftland noblemen, barones, and minifters, came in. In the afternoon my Lord Commiflion-er's Grace, with the moft of the Counfell, came in. My Lord Rothes, Montrofe, and manie of our folks, went out to meet his Grace : much good fpeech was among them ; we protefting that we would crave nothing but what clear fcripture, reafon, and law would evince : his Grace aflureing, nothing reasonable lhould be denyed. On Sonday afternoon, fome of the wyfeft of the minis-trie confulted upon the ordering of affairs. For my felf, I re-folved no to be a medler in any thing: I was well lodged: I had brought in a trunk full of my belt books and papers : I re-folved to read and write, and ftudie fo hardlie as I could all incident queftions.
On Monday the Miniftrie mett in three diverfe places ; for no122
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
one private place could contain us. Out of every meeting three wes chofen, nyne in all, to be privie to hear references from the nobilitie, barrons, burrowes, to rypen and prepare what was to be proponed in publick. We laid it on Mr. Alexander Summer-vaill, ane old half blind man, fore againft his heart, to preach on Tuefday, to-morrow : he did prettie well; at length heinfifted on the extirpation of all Bifhops, little to the contentment of fome, bot greatlie to the minde of the moft. Our privie confultation was about the Clerk and the Moderator. We were fomewhat in fufpenfe about Mr. A. Henderfone ; he was incomparablie the ableft man of us all, for all things : we doubted if the Moderator might be a difputer; we expected then much difpute with the Bifhops and Aberdeen's Do6tors : we thought our loffe great, and hazardous to tyne our chief champion, by making him a judge of the partie; yet at laft, finding no other man who had parts re-quifite to the prefent Moderation, (for in Messrs. Ramfay, Dick, Adamfon, Rollock, Cant, Livingltoun, Boner, Cunninghame, there was fome things evidentlie wanting,) we refolved, Mr. Henderfone of neceffitie behooved to be taken. Mr. Johneftoun to us all, was a nonfuch for a Clerk.
In the afternoon, Rothes, with fome commiffioners, went to the Commiffioner's Grace, Ihowing the cuftome of our Church was to begin her Affemblies with folemn falling ; alfo that in the abfence of the former moderator, the eldeft minifter of the bounds, or moderator of the place, ufed to preach, and moderat the a6tion till another be chofen ; that old Mr. John Bell, for the reverence of his perfon, let be other confiderations, were meet to begin fo great an affair. To the faft his Grace did prefently agree : to the other motion he fhew, that it was his place to nominat the preacher to begin the a6tion ; that he knew none worthier that honour then the man they named; that he Ihould think upon it: So after an hour he fent D. Balquanquhall to Mr. John, defyreing him to preach on the Wednefday, and moderat till another were chofen.
On Tuefday, after fermon, the fall was intimat, and preaching in all churches to-morrow. Afternoon, we, in our meeting, appointed preachers for all the churches, as we did fo long as we remained in town ; for we took it to be our place: howfo-ever, Mr. John Maxwell refufed to lend his pulpitt to any fo long as the Commiffioner ftayed; and craved of his Grace, that none might come there bot himfelf. So for the firft two Sun-dayes, before and after noon, Mr; John took the High Church,1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	123
,and preached after his fafhion, nothing to the matter in hand, fo ambiguouflie, that himfelf knew beft to what fyde he in-clyned. I moved in our meeting, that in our advyfements at leift, we might follow the courfe of Dort, the commiflioners from one prefbytrie fhould have their ordinary meetings to advyfe together of every matter of importance ; for we were from every prefbytrie fyve, three minifters, one from the fhyre, one from the burgh, which might help one another in confidera-tion. This was applauded to; bot when we came to the a6tion, this and fundrie other good overtures could not be gotten followed : every man behooved to doe for himfelf; private affo-ciation could not be gotten keeped. We intended to have had fermon in the afternoon, where we were, in the Great Church, and fo to have delayed the opening of the Synod to the morrow; bot danger being found in law to delay the Synod to another day than the King had appointed, we refolved to let the people continue in their humiliation in the other churches, bot pre-fentlie after fermon in the morning, we, the members of the Synod, thought meet to begin our bufinefs.
1. On Wedenfday, the 21ft of November, with much adoe could we throng into our places, one evill which troubled us much the firft fourtein dayes of our fitting. The Magiftrates, with their toun guard, the noblemen, with the affiftance of the gentrie, whyles the Commiflioner in perfon, could not gett us entrie to our roomes, ufe what force, what policie they could, without fuch delay of tyme and thrumbling through, as did grieve and offend us. Whether this evill be common to all nations, at all publick confluences, or it be proper to the rudenefs of our nation alone, or whether in thir late tymes, the love and admiration of this new reformation, have at all publick meetings fteared up a greater then ordinarie zeal in the multitude to be prefent for hearing and feeing, or what is the fpeciall caufe of this irremediable evill, I doe not know; only I know my fpeciall offence for it, and wifhes it remeedit above any evill that ever I knew in the fervice of God among us. As yet, no appearance of redrefs. It is here alone, where, I think, we might learne from Canterburie, yea, from the Pope, from the Turks, or Pagans, modeftie and manners ; at leaft their deep reverence in the houfe they call God's ceafes not till it have led them to the adoration of the timber and ftones of the place. We are here fo farr the other way, that our rafcals, without fhame, in great numbers, maks fuch dinn and clamour in the houfe of the124	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
true God, that if they minted to ufe the like behaviour in my chamber, I could not be content till they were down the flairs.
When with great difficulty we were fett doun; the Com-miffioner's Grace in his chair of ftate; at his feet, before and on both fydes, the chief of the Counfell, the Thefaurer, Privie-Seall, Argyle, Marre, Morray, Angus, Lauderdaill, Wigton, Glencairne, Perth, Tillibardine, Galloway, Haddingtoune, King-horne, Regifler, Thefaurer-Deput, Juflice-Generall, Amont, Juftice-Clerk, Southelk, Linlithgow, Dalzell, Drumfries, Queenf-berrie, Belheaven, and moe; at a long table in the floor, our noblemen and barons, elders of parilhes, commiffi oners from prefbytries, Rothes, Montrofe, Eglintoun, Caffills, Lothian, Weemes, Lowdon, Sinclare, Balmerinoch, Burghley, Lindefay, Zefter, Hume, Johnflon, Keir, Auldbar, Sir William Douglafs of Cavers, Durie younger, Lammington, Sir John M'Kenzie, George Gordon, Philorth, Towie, Newtoun. Few barons in Scotland of note, bot were either voters or aflefiors ; from every burgh, the chief burgefs ; from Edinburgh, James Cochrane and Thomas Paterfon ; from all the fixty-three prefbytries three commifiioners, except a verie few; from all the four Uni-verfities alfo ; fitting on good commodious roomes, ryfing up fyve or fix degrees, going round about the low long table. A little table was fett in the midfl, fore anent the Commiflioner, for the Moderator and Clerk. At the end a high roome prepared chieflie for young noblemen, Montgomerie, Fleeming, Boyd, Erlkine, Linton, Crichton, Livingftone, Roffe, Maitland, Drumlanerik, Drummond, Keir, Elcho, and fundrie moe, with hudge numbers of people, ladies, and fome gentle women, in the vaults above. Mr. John Bell had a very good and pertinent fermon, fharp enough againft our late novations and Epifcopacie : the pitie was, the good old man was not heard by a fixt part of the beholders. That fervice ended, Mr. John came doun to the little table, began the Synod with heartie prayer ; which I did fecond with affectionate tears, and manie moe, I trufl, with me. My Lord did give in his commiffion to Mr. Thomas Sandilands, as deputt by his father Mr. J. Sandilands, commiffar of Aberdeen, clerk to the lafl Generall Aflemblie : his Grace did harrang none at all; as we did expe6l he Ihould: we found him oft thereafter as able to have fpoken well what he pleafed as any in the houfe. I take the man to be of a fliarpe, ready, folid, clear witt, of a brave and maflerlyke expreffion ; loud, diftin6l, flow, full, yet concife, modeft, courtlie, yet fimple and natural1638,	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	125
language: if the Kin'g have manie fuch men, he is a well ferved Prince. My thoughts of the man, before that tyme, were hard and bafe ; bot a day or two's audience did worke my minde to a great change towards him, which yet remaines, and ever will, till his deeds be notorioufiie evill. His commifiion was in Latine, after a common, legale, and demibarbarous Ityle; ample enough for fettling all our miforders, had not a claufe concerning In-ftru6lions made it too reftrict and fervill. [B.] The copy I have not yet gotten. After this, our commiffions was given in to the Moderator and Clerk for the tyme, almoft every one in the fame tenor and words, containing a power from the Prefbytrie to the three Minilters, and one Elder, to reafon, vote, and conclude, in their name, in all things to be proponed, according to the word of God and the Confefiion of Faith of the Church of Scotland, as we fhall be anfwerable to God and the Church. A double of my commifiion, fee at (C). The Prelbytries, Burghs, and Univerfities, were called after the order of fome roll of the old Affemblies, not of the later. This was the labor of the firft day.
2. On Thurfday, the next dyett, we had no fcant of protefta-tions ; more than a round dozen were ina6led. After long delay, and much thronging, being fett in our places, the Moderator for the time offered to my Lord Commifiioner a lite, wherupon voices might paffe for the ele6lion of a new Moderator. Here did arife the teucheft difputt we had in all the Affemblie. His Grace, the Thefaurer, Sir Lewis Stewart, (for after the rancounter I wrote off, at the Counfell-table, the Advocat's fervice was no more required, but Sir Lewis ufed in his roome,) reafoning and prefiing with great eagernefs, that in the firft place, before any Synodicall a6tion, the Commiffions might be difcuffed, left any ftiould voice as commifli oners, whofe commifiion was null, at leift not tryed to be valid; this was a ready way to turne the Affemblie upfide down, to put us in a labyrinth inextricable ; for, before the conllitution of the Synod, the Commifiioner Ihould have fo drawn in the deepeft queftions, fuch as the power of Elders, the ftate of Minifters cenfured by Bifhops, and many moe, which himfelf alone behooved to determine, no Affemblie being conftitute for the difcufiion of any queftion. Againft this motion therefore, as rooting up all pofiibilitie ever to fettle any Affemblie, bot at the Commiflioner's fimple difcretion, Rothes, Low don, (Balmerinoch through all the Affemblie refolved to be weell near mute,) Dickfon, Livingftone, Henderfone, reafoned,126	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
that cuftome, equitie, neceffitie did enforfce the choyfing of a Moderator and Clerk before the commiffions be difcuffed, or anything elfe done. After much fubtile, accurat, and pafiionat pleading, for both fydes had prepared themfelves, it feems, for this plea, the Commiffioner craved leave to retire with the Counfell for advyfement: after a long flay in the chapter-houfe, returning, he was content to permitt voyceing for the Moderator; with proteftation, That this voyceing lhould not import his approbation of the commiffions of any voycer againft whom he was to propone any juft exception in due tyme, or his acknowledgement of any voycer for a lawfull member of this Affemblie : His Grace required inftruments, alfo, of ane other proteftation, That the nomination of a Moderator fhould no wayes be prejudiciall to the Lords of the Clergie, their office, dignitie, or any priviledge, which law or cuftom had given to them. Againft both thir, Rothes took inftruments, in name of the Commiffioners from prefbyteries and burghs, protefting, That his Grace's proteft a-tions fhould in nothing prejudge the lawfulnefs of any commif-fion againft which no juft and true nullitie lhould be obje6led in the tyme of tryall of the commiffions: alfo, that his Grace's fecond proteftation fhould not hinder the difcuffing the nature of the office, and the alleadged priviledges of the pretended Bifhops in this prefent Affemblie. My Lord Montgomerie, in name of the perfeuers of the complaint againft the Bifhops, did proteft, That his Grace's proteftations fhould not be prejudicial to the difcuffing, in this prefent Affemblie, of their complaints againft the perfons, titles, dignities, and priviledges of the pretended Bifhops. Mr. John Bell urged the voyceing for the Moderator; bot his Grace fhew, that there was prefented to him a paper, in name of the Bifhops, which he required then to be read. Here alfo was fome fharp reafoning; diverfe alleadged, that no bill, fupplication, proteftation, or whatever, could be read to the Affemblie, before it were an Affemblie ; bot immediately after the Affemblie's conftitution, it fhould be in his Grace's option to caufe read that paper of the Bifhops, or any other, to which the Affemblie's anfwer fhould be returned. After reafoning, and requefting, his Grace did ufe his authoritie to require the reading of the paper: At once there arofe a tumultuous clamor of a multitude crying, No reading! No reading ! This barbarous crying did offend the Commiffioner, and the moft of us all. Silence being gotten, his Grace did proteft, That the refufall of hearing that paper was unjuft. Rothes alfo required a6ts of his pro-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	127
teftation, in name of the commifiioners, That the refufall was juft and necelTar. All being wearied with the multiplication of pro-teftations, hot the clerk, who with every one receaved a piece of gold, his Grace, whether in earn eft or fcorn, did yet proteft of our injurie in calling the Lord Bifliops prsetended, whom yet the A6ts of Parliament did authorize. Rothes, in our name, did proteft, That they behooved to be taken for prsetended, till this Affemblie had tryed the challenges which was given in againft all their alleadged prerogatives. How needlefs foever manie of his Grace's proteftations feemed to be, yet I was glad for his way of proceeding ; it gave me fome hopes of his continuance among us. I thought that this way of protefting had been refolved wyfelie in Counfell, whereby the CommilTioner might litt ftill till the end, and yet, by his prefence, import no farder approbation to any of our conclulions, than he fand expedient. By appearance this courfe had been much better than that abrupt departure, which his pofterior inftru6lions, to all our griefs, and the great marring of the King's defignes, forced him unto. Mr. John Bell again prefented his lite for moderation. His Grace fhew, that his Majefty had written letters to fix of the Counfellors, Thefaurer, Privie Seall, Argyle, Lauderdale, Carnegie, and Sir Lewis Stewart, as I think, to be his affeffors, not only for counfell, bot voyceing in the Synod. Argyle's letter was publicklie read, that this his Majeftie's defyre fhould be con-defcended unto before any farder proceeding. It was replyed, with all refpect to the worthie Nobles named, that my Lord Marqueis in the produced commifiion, was appointed fole Com-miffioner; that affeffors were only for counfell, and not for multiplication of voyces ; that the King in perfon would require bot one voyce ; that the giving of moe voyces to the affeffors might give way, not only to very manie, as in fome unallowable affem-blies it had been, but to fo manie as by pluralitie might overfwaie all. Againft this refufall, his Grace did proteft, with fome grief; and we alfo, defyring that our reafons might be infert with our proteftation. At laft, we were permitted to choyce the Moderator : Mr. John Kerr, Mr. John Row, Mr. J. Boner, Mr. William Livingftone, [and] Mr. Alexander Henderfone, were put in leit by Mr. John Bell; for the leiting of the new is in the hands of the old. Messrs. Ramfay, Rollock, and Dickfon, for withdrawing of votes, were holden off. All, without exception, went upon the laft, as in the molt of our matters there was no diverfitie at all, or where any, it was bot of a few. I remember not how his128
LETTERS AND JOURNALS. 1638.
Grace voyced ; bot it was his cuftome to voyce rather by way of permiffion, then to fay any thing that might import his dire6t aflent; for it feems he refolved to keep himfelf in all his words and deeds fo free, that he might, when he would, difavow all that was done, or to be done, in that Aflemblie. Mr. Hender-fone being chofen with fo full an accord, made a prettie har-rangue, whether off-hand or premeditated, I know not. There was a conclulion taken that night, after fome reafoning to the contrare, to have bot one Seffion in the day, to litt from ten or elevin to four or fyve [afternoon] : fo wee were all relieved of the expenfes of a dinner ; ane earlie breakfaft putt us all off to fupper, for commonlie we fatt ane hour with candlelight. We ended that day with the Moderator's prayer: Among that man's other good parts, that was one, a facultie of grave, good, and zealous prayer, according to the matter in hand ; which he exer-cifed, without fagging, to the laft day of our meeting.
3. In our third Seffion, on Fryday November 23d, the Moderator prefented a lite to be voyced for choyfing of the Clerk. Here a longer difputt then needed fell in, betuixt the Commiffioner and the Moderator, whom Rothes, bot efpecially Lowdon, did fecond. The Commiffioner, whether of true intent to have a bafe Clerk, of whofe fubmiffnefs to injunctions they might be hopefull, or to fhew his pitie and equitie to fee every one keeped in their right, where he had place, though he proffeffed fmall obligation to the young man, who for no intreatie would be pleafed to Ihow him any blenk of the Aflem-blie-books ; yet preffed much that this young man Mr. Thomas Sandilands might ferve here, as his father Mr. James Sandilands eommiffar of Aberdeen his deput, fince his father's deceafe could not fpoill him of ane advantageous office, whereto he was provyded ad vitam. Yet it was carried, that fince his father was not provided to that office bot by Mr. Thomas Nicholfon's dimiffion, and ane corrupt Aflemblie's confent, without any mention of deputation; as alfo fince he was fo infirme as he was unable to attend the fervice, and unwilling to refide at Edinburgh, where the Regifters of the Church behooved to lie : for thir, and many other reafons, the Clerk's place was found to vaike. Confideration was promifed to be had of Mr. Thomas Sandiland's interefle, which he did fubmit to the Aflemblie's difcretion. In the lite, Mr. Thomas was firft, efter Johne Nicoll, and Alexander Blair, and Mr. Archibald Johneftoun. The Commiffioner would not voyce to any of them, becaufe he faw no1639. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	129
110 lawfull dimiffion of the Former clerk. The Moderator took his Grace then for a non liquet. Yefternight's plea was here renewed: His Grace required that his affeffors' voyce might be craved in the Clerk's ele6lion: The Moderator thought it unfit to trouble their Lordlhips to voyce about a Clerk, lince they did not voyce to the choofeing of the Moderator, a fuperior officer. Many words here were fpent, till at laft reafons in wryte were produced, why my Lord Commiffioner and his affeffors fhould have bot one voyce. I thought, in the tyme, thefe Reafons [D.] were of ane high ftraine, and fome of them did ftryke deeper on authoritie than I could have wiftied. Tra-quair craved ane double of them, and promifed ane anfwer ; bot the fubfequent affaires, or fomewhat elfe, hindered that anfwer yet to appear. This high, yea higheft queftion, (for in all the Affemblie we had nothing elfe that concerned authoritie,) was clofed by the renewing of yefternight's proteftations, on both fydes.	- .
The lite put to voyceing, Mr. Archibald Johneftoun by all fave one, was ele6led: being deeply fworne, he was admitted to all the rights, profites, priviledges, which any in former tyme by that place had injoyed. To him Mr. Thomas Sandilands, in face of the Affemblie, did delyver two Regifters, which contained the A6ts of the Kirk fince the year 1590, teftifying that his Father had never any more in his cuftodie. The Moderator required all earneftlie to procure the produ6tion of any the Church-Regifters could be had; for the loffe of fuch a treafure as the Church's evidents was pitifull. His Grace protefted his willingnefs to doe his endeavour for fo good a work. Rothes intreated that the Bilhops might be caufed delyver what they had ; for it was known that King James had fent a warrand to Mr. Thomas Nicolfone late clerk, to deliver to the Biftiop of St. Andrewes the Regifters of the Church. After much regrateing the irreparable loffe of thefe wrytes, the new Clerk declared, that by the good providence of God, thefe books they fpake off were come to his hands, which there he produced to all our great joy: Fyve books in folio, four written and fubfcryved, and margined with the known hands of ane Gray and Ritchie, clerkes to the Generall Affemblie, containing the full regifter from the Reformation in the [15]60 year, to the [year 15] 90, where Mr. Thomas Sandilands's books began, except fome leaves which Bifhop Adamfone had riven out: thir one Winrhame, deput to Mr. Thomas Nicolfone, had left to ane Alexander Blair,
VOL. I.
i130	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
his fucceflor in office, of whom Mr. Archibald [Johneftone] had gotten them: the fyfth was ane extra6l by way of compend from the [15] 60 to the [15] 90, whereby in a good part Biftiop Adam-fone's facrilegious rapine might be reftored. Thefe books the Moderator craved might be lighted by Argyle, Lauderdale, and Southelke. Bot my Lord Commiflioner would not permitt his afleflors to undertake fuch imployment, lince they were refufed voyce in the Aflemblie; bot he was content that a committee of the members of the Synod fhould be named, for to try if thefe books were authentick and full regifters. So Mr. A. Ramfay, Mr. John Adamfone, James Boner, John Row, William Living-Hone, Robert Murray, with young Durie, the Clerk of Dundie, and Mr. Alexander Peirfon advocat, were appointed, to give their report and reafones fo foon as they could.
The Moderator then did require, that for the Aflemblie's full conftitution, the Commiffions might be put to tryall. Bot the Commiflioner caufed Dr. Hamilton firfl to be called, and prefent his paper to be read. His Grace did urge much, that flnce the former objections were removed, of the want of a Moderator and a Clerk, the paper now might be read. It was replyed, over and over, that it could not be, till by the difcuflion of the commiffions the Aflemblie were conftitute. Traquair prefled, That the paper poffiblie had exceptions againft the lawfullnefs of the eledlion of the commiflioners, which were impertinent to alleadge, if once the commiffions were approven. The Commiflioner aflured, he knew not what was within thefe papers ; bot prefuppofing they were formed for the opening of the eyes of thefe who were to voyce, anent the members of the Aflemblie, it was the onlie tyme to read them before the voycing. Rothes replyed, That exception againft particular commiffioners might not be proponed untill the tryall of their commiffions ; and exceptions againft the whole Aflemblie could not be heard till it were ane Aflemblie. The Moderator eiked, That if in that paper there were any light to open their eyes, they, fliould fhortlie profefle their repentance of their error in not reading it when it was required. His Grace protefted, That this no reading before the tryall of the commiffions, fhould import no prejudice to the Lords of the clergie, and their adherents ; and of this proteftation, he required ane a6l from the new clerk's hand. The Clerk faid, he could wryte no a6t without the Aflemblie's warrand, and it could give no warrand till once it were in being. The Commiflioner then required inftruments in my Lord Regif-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	131
ter's hands, of his proteftation, fince the clerk refufed. The Clerk fhew his willingnefs, at the Moderator's dire6lions, to wryte his Grace's proteftation; bot might give no extra6ls till the Aflemblie were conftitute. In the forming of this proteftation, the Clerk, I thought, was to feik in that; his witt he kythed ever thereafter; the a6l behooved to be formed and reformed; the Commiflioner and the Clerk did fhape it over and over, and over again, ere they could fall on a falhion which his Grace could lyke : This made me pitie Johneftone, and think him the better advocat then clerk; bot the youth's tryed fuffi-ciencie in both the arts proves my miftaking, or at leaft that this inlaik in the firft entrie to his office was bot occaiionall, and meerlie accidentall. In the progrefie of this difputt his Grace fhew the necefiitie that was laid on him, in this pafiage, to be pun6tuallie circumfpedl; for howbeit he was a great Commif-fioner, yet he was but a poor fubje6l and fervant, lyable to account for all his fervice. Much reafoning was that the Bilhops exceptions againft the judges fhould be heard before they were acknowledged and conftitute for judges: when Traquair and Lowdon had harped upon this firing a while, Argyle lends in his word, That a partie does give in their exceptions againft ane aflife before it be fworn, fo why might not the Bilhops give in their exceptions againft the Aflemblie, which now was like ane afiife called and conveened, bot not yet fworne. The Moderator cuttitlie, (as the man naturallie hath a little choler, not yet quite extinguifhed,) anfwered, That the Commiflioner his Grace was of great fufficiencie himfelf; that he only fhould fpeak there; that they could not anfwer to all the exceptions that a number of wittie noblemen could propone; that thefe who were not commifiioners would doe weell to informe his Grace of what they thought meet, in convenient tyme. This check, I believe, was intended more for others then for Argyle, who would have taken it worfe if it had fallen on their fingers; always Lowdon took it off in a quick jeft, that my Lord Argyle's inftance was good, if the Bifhops had once compeired as pannelled men before ane afiife. This wearifome plea ended that dayes action, for his Grace acquiefced in his proteftation.
4. The fourth fefiion, on Saturday 24th of November, we waited long, till near twelve, for his Grace's coming in: The reafon of this delay was not fo much his breakfaft, which was indeed daylie magnifick and very fumptuous, for fo did the King allow that his Commiflioner, in all his voyages, fhould have a132	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
royall table; yet the reafon of his Grace's almoft daylie latenefs was his confultations with his cabin-counfell, and long wrytes to the King, which daylie were difpatched of all occurrents. In the meanwhile the Moderator named preachers for all the churches, I think, without their own advyce: well I wott I had no thought of preaching, yet being nominat as one to preach tomorrow with Mr. James Boner in the Blackfriers, I could by no intreatie gett it declyned; fo I behooved to depart, and make me readie fo well as I could in fo fhort a tyme. It is true, a moneth before I was advertifed, that, among the reft who was named preachers at the affemblie, I was one; yet not thinking to be fo foon employed, I could make no ufe of what I had prepared for that end. When his Grace came in, the Moderator required, that for the more quick difpatch, his Grace would be pleafed the Affemblie might go on with fome affaires at the hour appointed, which lhould all be repeited to his Grace at his entrie. The Commiffioner replyed, that he was fent there by his Majeftie to attend this buffinefs alone; fo it behooved him to be ane eye and ear witnefs of all [that] paffed, that his account might be the more faithfull. The Commiffions fell next to be examined; they were given in to the number of ane hundred and twelve, from prefbytries, burghs, univerfities. The Moderator required, for expedition, that all in the order of the catalogue fhould be read; that the commiffion againft which any exception fhould be taken, might be laid alide for pofterior tryall; that thefe againft which nought was by any obje6ted, fhould be taken by that filence to be approven. The Commiffioner pro-tefted, That his filence fhould not be taken for ane approbation of any man's commiffion, for he had obje6lions againft many commiffions which as yet he was not fullie inftrudled to propone, bot in due tyme fhould doe it. Amongft all the commiffions none was controverted but threttein. Peebles was protefted againft by Mr. Robert Alliot, as if it had been procured by my Lord Thefaurer his indire6t dealing: Here arofe a plea, which continued two or three dayes thereafter. The Thefaurer juftified his proceedings in many words, inveighed fharplie againft the per-fon of that minifter, required that his Grace would fee juftice done upon him for lybelling in fuch a place againft a prime officer of ftate. The Commiffioner promifed him reafon. The Moderator admonifhed the Thefaurer to fpeake of the man in no other termes then were due to a minifter of Jefus Chrift. Rothes and others took the Affemblie forjudge of whatever wrong was done1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	133
by that proteftation. So myld and humble was my Lord The-faurer, that he offered to fubmitt the cenfure of his carriage in that eledlion to any one member of the AlTemblie. After much debating in publick and private before a committee appoynted for that end, the commiffion was approven; the fault of the proteft-ing minifter was thought to deferve no fharper cenfure then by a few words. Bot the molt part of that day was fpent in a hotter controverfie about the commiffion of Brechin. The Prefbytrie had chofen firft the Laird of Dun for elder ; thereafter they mett in a more full number, and the pluralitie of voyces were caried to my Lord Carnegie : Dun his commiffion being fent to be ad-vyfed by the Table of Edinburgh, was returned, with the reafons of their approbation written on the back, and fubfcryved with the hands of Montrofe, and diverfe others of that table. The clerk, I think unadvifedlie, read in publick not only the commiffion, bot alfo the Table's fubfcryved approbation on the back. His Grace prefentlie catched the advantage, required a double under the clerk's hand of that commiffion as it was read, back and fore, that he might be thereby the better inftru6ted for obje6ling againft it and other commiffions. This, after long dif-putt, was refufed to him; becaufe the back of the commiffion was both written and read accidentlie, and fo extra6ts could not be granted of it. When Mr. D. Dickfon fpoke of this back write, as having fome negligence in it, Montrofe took him hotlie, and profeffed their refolution to avow the leift jotethat was in it. The plea at lail ended for that day with his Grace's proteftation, that the double of that back wryte was refufed to him. The tryall of thir two commiffions was given to a privie committee ; who, after fome days debate, fand both to be reje6ted. Againft the commiffion ofRothfay, we of Irvine did objeft, That the Ifle of Bute was a part of our prefbytrie. In the tryall it was found meet to reje6l the commiffion; and thereafter that Rothfay, having bot three kirks, fhould be annexed to the prefbytrie of Dun-oune, to be ere&ed of new in Cowell; for in prior AfTemblies the whole diocefTe of Argyle was not divided in feverall prefbyteries, nor the Ifles, nor Orknay; bot we took courfe in this Affem-blie for that confufion. The commiffion both of the Prefbytrie and Colledge of Glafgow were laid afid£ ; of the Colledge, becaufe there was putt in foure names, Mr. John Maxwell among the reft, a non-covenanter. In this we miffed the Principalis wifdome, or rather fand his too great witt: no Univerfitie had ever offered, fo farr as we know, to fend moe commiffioners134	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
nor one; they thought, that their Univerlitie might have the privilege of ane prelbytrie, to fend foure, unlefs a law could be produced that did reftri6t to one. In the tryall, many checks fell on the Principal], efpeciallie from Mr. John Adamfone, who did fomewhat petulantlie reproach him, when he touched the noveltie of the ftyle of the Univerlitie of Edinburgh : Bot the chief reafon why many mouths were readie to carp [at] all Dr. Strang faid, and to daftie him at every occalion, was, belide the many paff-ages of his former carriage fmce the beginning of this matter, a late very much milliked dealing: At their prefbytrie's ele6lion of their commifiioners, he had much obje6led, yet Mr. John Maxwell alone had ufed a formall protefhation againlt the voyceing of ruleing Elders in that eledlion; bot fome fourtene dayes or tuentie before the AlTemblie, the Principall and Mr. John Maxwell did draw up a proteltation (E.), to the which they got the hands of other fix of their prefbytrie, Mr. R. Wilkie, and Mr. John Bell younger, Mr. John and Mr. G[avin] Forfyth, Mr. A. Forbes, and Mr. James Hutchefon, flryking againlt the ele6tion of Elders, and, by confequence the conltitution of our AlTemblie; all the members whereof were chofen after the fame manner. This wryte was putt in the Principall's hand for cuftodie, not to be given in without the confent of all; yet, as it feemes, by Mr. W. Wilkie's procurement, it was delivered without the knowledge of the rell to the Marqueis, who made ufe of their example to move others to doe the lyke. It was caryed fo clofelie, that we did never fufpe6t any fu.ch thing till the Fryday, the third day of our AlTemblie : Upon the firlt ayre of it we relied not till we found it out: we took it all for a dangerous and undermynding plott, at lealt for a defigne, fo far as lay in them, to have overthrown our AlTemblie and divided us all: the invention we as-cryved to the Principall and Mr. William Wilkie. On the Mon-onday we conveened the Principall and others in my Lord Low-don's chamber: Mr. D. Dickfon, [the] Moderator, Mr. Ruther-furd, andI,reafoned and intreated the Principall to palTe from that wryte; we were at laft plain with him, that if he would Hand to it, it behooved us to deall with him as ane open enemie: He was putt to great perplexitie; the wryte was not now in his power; the Marqueis, by his recalling, would be more difpleafed then he had been pleafed with the gift. Our reafons and boalls had perfuaded all the relt almoll of his partie to repent their ralhnefs; yea, the molt of them under their hand to pafs from it. The Principall at laft did the like, but out of tyme, about the end of1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	135
the Affemblie ; and in fuch a way that did not fatiffie ; it was an unhappie a6t, and the ground of much trouble to our good friends. Upon this the Marqueis caufed lay by my Lord of Eglinton's commiffion for Glafgow: yet in the tryall that commiffion was approven : For the proteftation againft it, when the Marqueis produced [it] to be read, the ingiver, Dr. Strang, ftood up and oppofed the reading, to his Grace's great malecontent-ment, neither to our great lyking, lince it was not heartilie and fullie recalled. The Univerfitie's commiffion was annulled ; bot they were defyred to conveene and renew their commiffion to fome one: This they did not; for fince they had fo involved themfelves that they could not, nor would not, nor durft not fyde with either of the parties, they refolved to be abfent. This courfe moved manie, fpeciallie of the gentrie, to call oft in pub-lick for Dr. Strang to give account of his commiffion, intending to have dealt with him in rigour, as a declyner of the Affemblie; bot by the procurement of the Moderator, Mr. D. Dickfon, and fome other of us, we got their indignation eluded; onlie there was appointed a committee from the Affemblie, the conveener whereof was my Lord Argyle, to vifit the Colledge, wherein we intended not to have depofed any of their members, as they feared we would, and had occaiion fo to doe, bot onlie to efta-blifh, with their own confent, Mr. D. Dickfon, conjun6l Pro-feffor of Divinitie with the Principall, that, by his grace and diligence, the great backwardnefs we had oft found in that Colledge and Toun might be remedied without any man's trouble. To this motion the Colledge feems to applaud; bot the multitude of great affairs has hindered the meeting of that vifitation to this day, and now it is well near forgotten.
5. On Monday, the 26th of November, was our fifth Seffion. The reft of the Commiffions were read, and thefe few, which had been objedled againft, were put to tryall. His Grace protefted to have libertie to obje6l in his own tyme. Rothes preffed the prefent tyme to be moft fitt for obje6ting ; yet we gave to his Grace his choyce of what tyme he would. There was three or four commiffions of the North tinkled upon. The Univerfitie of Aberdeen fend their humanift, one Lundie, to have their foundation re&ified ; this man had voyce, among us, and a committee was appointed for the toun of Aberdeen to vifit their Colledge. The Prefbytrie of Aberdeen fent two commiffions, one with their moderator, Mr. David Lindefay parfon of Bel-helvie, a ftirring and a pragmatick bold man, and Dr. Guyld;136	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
another, with one Harvie, for himfelf and Dr. Baron, and, as I thinke, Dr. Sibbald : in the tryall we found Belhelvie's com-miffion to be approven, and the other reje6ted ; yet heartilie did we wifti the coming of Dr. Baron and his colleagues. For a tyme we were put in confidence of their prefence, and of fome of the Bifhops. Rofs, Brechin, and Galloway, were in the caftle of Glafgow, as I remember, that day, and fundrie dayes thereafter in the palace of Hamilton; bot it hes been their refo-lution, taken in common with the Commiffioner, not to compear, knowing the Commiffioner's determination to defert and leave us, as fhortlie he did. One Mr. Thomas M'Kenzie came with a commiffion from the Chanrie of Roffe; it was rejedled, when we had confidered the proteftation of Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbett, Seafort's uncle, againft it. Mr. Thomas being reje6led, gave in a proteftation againft ruleing Elders, with odious accufa-tions againft the Tables of Edinburgh. Rothes and the Marqueis both craved inftruments of the produ6lion of that proteftation ; bot the man at once went off the towne : we fand him thereafter a fubfcryver of the Bifhops declinator, and a moft vitious fellow-, and fo depofed him from his miniftrie. Now at laft we fand the Affemblie, to our great joy, fullie conftitute, and fo we went on to our bufinefs. The firft matter was the tryall of the Church Regifters. The Committee for that end was defyred againft tomorrow to give in their perfe6l reports. When Mr. M'Kenzie's proteftation againft Elders voyceing in Affemblies was read, Mr. Andrew Ramfay got up in a forme, and with great confidence undertook to prove, from Scriptures, Fathers, confent of Reformed churches, our own church practice, and Affemblie a6ls, that ruleing Elders were lawfull and neceffare members of Af-femblies. The Commiffioner, profeffing his own infufficiencie, promifed to produce fome who Ihould prove the contrare. Bal-quanquall gybed in privat at Mr. Andrew's bragg, likening him to the Englifli champion, who provokes all the court to fight him in the King's prefence, in the quarrell of the King's croun: yet I thinke Mr. Andrew would have made his word good againft any of his Grace's difputters, if they durft have come forward.
6. On Tuefday, the 27th, was our fixth Seffion. The Committee gave in their report of the fyve bookes of Affemblie, and their reafons why they took them for good and authentick Regifters, as ye may fee them in print in our Affemblie-a6ts. The Commiffioner being refolved, as it feems, to be a confenter to nothing, though he profeffed many of his fcruples loofed by thefe1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
137
reafons, yet did not approve of thefe as of authentick regifters. The Moderator, for the weight of the matter, delayed the voyce-ing till the morrow, defyreing all to be readie thentoobje6l or to approve. The Moderator then did propone the nameing of affeffors to himfelf, and of a privie conference. Mr. D. Doglifhe [Dalgleifh] remembering the Epifcopall abufe of the privie conference to enervat and fubvert the Affemblie, made all unwilling to hear of any moe privie conferences : Affeffors by any publick a6l were thought needlefs ; bot it was permitted to the Moderator to nominat whom he would to conveen with him in private ane hour before the publick meeting, for ordering of matters to be treated that day. His Grace protefted that fuch nomination fhould not be prejudiciall to the right he heard his Mafter was in poffeffion of, to order the matters to be proponed in the Affemblie as he thought meet. Rothes affirmed the proponeing and ordering of things to be proponed was the Moderator's due. The Moderator thought his Grace's proteftation needlefs, fince all that was to be proponed fhould be in his Grace's audience, and with his own confent. For his privie afliftance he named, of the miniflers, Mr. Henrie Rollock, Mr. John Adam-fone, Mr. D. Dickfon, Mr. D. Doglifhe; of the nobilitie, Rothes, Montrofe, Lindefay, Lowdon, Balmerinoch ; of the gentrie, Cavers, Keir, Waughtone ; of the burrowes, James Cochrane, James Fletcher, Mr. Robert Barclay. For the bills, the Affemblie nominat MefTrs. D. Lindefay, James Boner, William Liv-ingflone, Dr. Strang, Dr. Guild, Meffrs. Andrew Affleck, and Robert Dowglafs, William Colvin,(') George Haliburtoun; of the nobilitie, Caflills and Burghley ; of the gentrie, Dundas and Auldbar of the burrowes, John Semple and Mr. Robert Cun-ninghame. At this time came in the long urged declinature and proteftation of the Bifhops. So foon as it was read out by the clerk, my Lords Montgomerie, Fleming, Elcho, Boyd, [and] young Durie, took inflruments, in name of the complainers, againfl the Bifhops, of their acknowledging of their citation, of their compearance by their proctor, of their wilfull abfence in perfon, that fentence may be given againfl them as prefent; as ye may fee in the inflrument. Againfl all the poynts of this proteftation,
(') This name in the 4to. MS. is very indistinct, and seems to be " Will. Colin" ; and in the other copies has been transcribed " null calm," which has no meaning, but is so printed " null Calm" in the edition 1775. There is little doubt that the person was Mr. William Colvin or Colville, then Minister of Cramond, and a member of the Assembly.138	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
uttered by Durie, his Grace did proteft. Thereafter his Grace produced three other papers ; one fubfcryved by the Deane of Edinburgh, Mr. David Mitchell, Mr. A. Thomfone, Mr. James Forfyth, and others, to the number of twentie hands, bearing the name of a fupplication, bot ending in a proteftation againlt the Aflemblie, if Elders, or commiflioners chofen by them, fhould have voyce; another to the like purpofe, fubfcryved by the minifters of Dundie, and fome few there; a third, by the eight named of the prefbytrie of Glafgow. This was hardlie gotten fupprefled by Dr. Strang the author of it, and was call by with the Commiflioner's open indignation. We were glad that the hudge number of protefters wherewith we were oft boafted, and which in all the kingdome carefullie were fought out, was now found to be fo fmall, and of fo little coniideration ; diverfe pub -licklie at once recanting their fubfcriptions; the reft to this day are favourers of the books, and allowers of the courfe which obtruded them. Againft thefe proteftations the Moderator caufed read fome papers for Elders places in fynods, I think of Mr. D. Catherwod's (2) penning, who lived all the tyme of the Aflem-blie privilie befyde the Moderator's chamber, and furdered what he could by his ftudies all our proceedings.
7. On Wednefday, before we entered, we heard a fecret bruit of the Commiflioner's purpofe to leave the Aflemblie that day, and to break it up fo far as he could; which was to all our grief, and fomewhat befyde our expe6lation ; for howfoever we had bot fmall hopes of the Aflemblie's fitting down with the Commiflioner's confent, yet fince it wes fett, and proteftations only ufed againft the things which he mifliked, we thought this courfe of protefting might have continued, and the Aflemblie not broken up, at leaft not fo foon; fo much the more as the Com-miflioner had oft vented among us, not only his great defyre, bot alfo his hopes and confidence, to fitt till matters were brought to fome tolerable conclulion: bot that it was otherwayes, we did impute it to fome new inftrudlions, brought down by the Bifhop of Rofle, who latelie was come from Court to the toun. Yet fome fayes, the Bifhop had not feen the King at this voyage ; and the Commiflioner had prefled the King peremptorlie, at his departure, [not] to give audience to any of the Scotifhe clergie anent the affairs committed to him, and had gotten his promife
(2) Mr. David Calderwood, the historian. At this time he was unprovided with a parochial charge, and was not a member of the Assembly.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	139
for it; alfo that the railing of the AlTemblie was refolved to be commanded as it was, before it fatt down.
The bulinefs came firft to hand was the AlTemblie books : the Moderator required oft, If any had reafons to propon why they fhould not be taken for authentick Regifters of our Church, which hereafter might make faith in judgement. The Com-miftioner, with great affe6tion, teftified his earneft defyre of feeing the Church reftored to her Regifters ; yet neceftitie laid upon him againlt his heart, to proteft againft the acknowledgeing of thefe books to be true and fufficient Regifters; and that neither his Mafter, nor the Lords of the clergie, fhould fuffer prejudice, by any a6t in any of thefe books, which had not been delyvered by the late Clerk's fon. Notwithftanding of this pro-teftation, all the AlTemblie, in one voyce, accepted of the books as the true and authentick Regifters of our Church. It is one of the notable paiTages of God's providence towards our Church, that thefe books were not deftroyed, or put in hands whence we fhould never have drawn them : this fourtie years bygone fo great a defyre being in the heart of the Prince and Prelates for covering in perpetuall darknefs of our old Aflemblies, which crofted their intentions ; fo great negligence on our parts to keep thefe monuments, that no man among us, fo farr as I could ever hear, knew what was become of thefe books, bot all took it for granted that they were in St. Andrewes pofleflion, who would be loath ever to let them go, or any true double of them; yet God hes brought them out, and fett them up now at the doore of our Church, to be the rule, after fcripture, of this AlTemblie and all other their proceedings. In reafoning with the Marqueis about thir books, the Moderator, falling on the ancient orthodoxie and unitie of our Church, thought meet to read in Latine, and to comment in Englilh, a fair tellimonie concerning it, from the preface of the Harmonie of Confeflions. Our nixt purpofe that day was the Bilhops declinature. Two anfwers in write was framed to it, and both read by the Clerk : they were confefled to be raw and rude, bot promifed to be per-fe6ted with the firft conveniencie; as indeed, fome dayes thereafter, I faw two papers, one of the Clerk's forming, pofliblie with Mr. Catherwod's help, another of Mr. Andrew Ramfay's, more Ihort; both which contained folid anfwers to all that was materiall in the Bilhops inve6live yet was thought meet to be call in another third better mould; which ye fee in print, the Anfuer to the Prelates declinature. The Moderator, finding140	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
that many of the Bilhops exceptions againft our Synod were ufed by the Remonftrants againft the Synod of Dort, did read and expone the anfuer of the Britifh divines in that Synod, againft the Remonftrants declinature. Dr. Balquanquall then craved leave to fpeak, bot in my judgment had done better to have been quiet: the man is quick and eloquent, bot feems not to be of any profound foliditie. He, in many words, Ihew that the cafe of that Synod, in judgeing of the Remonftrants and their caufe, was different from the cafe of this Synod, in judgeing of the Bilhops and their caufe, in two refpects : 1. The errors of the Remonftrants were in poynts fundamentall, wherein their oppolits could not be declyned as judges ; for in fuch things there can be no neutralise, bot at the rifing of fuch errors, there mull be a prefent fyding and oppofition : bot the errors alleadged upon the Bilhops were in matters of difcip-line, which the Articles of our Church makes alterable, and fo no neceffitie there is to be on either fide of fuch controverfies : Again, the Church of Holland had not bound themfelfe by oath and fubfcription to the other fyde, as we have done. This replie was vitious in many things ; yea, in my judgement, found or pertinent in no part of it. Much tyme was fpent by the Moderator in anfwer to the firft part, fo that the fecond was negle6ted. I thought the Moderator took too much libertie to difcourfe (of that he profeffed had been his late ftudie) of poynts fundamentall and preter-fundamentall: as the Doctor was ralh to make all the articles of Arminius's errors fundamentall ; fo I thought the Moderator als incircumfpe6l to abfolve all the Arminian errors, without a diftin6lion of the cryme of herefie. Mr. D. Doglilhe, after much fpeech of others, in few words replyed, pertinentlie, that the Ancient Synods, in the queftions of Donatus and Novatus, though they had oppofed the fchifmaticks in matters preter-fundamentall, yet wes no more caften from being judges, then thefe Synods were, which mett for condemning of herefies and errors fundamentall: alfo, that our Bilhops were mainlie challenged for Arminianifme and Poperie, which the Doctor acknowledged to be fundamentall errors. His Grace here wifelie brought the Doctor off fale-brolities, whence all his witts could not have delivered liim with his credit. Yet fince, I fee the Do6tor hes ufed a noble trick to clear himfelf of all; he has made the King, who wes fome hundreth myles from hearing thefe fpeeches, bear witnes, that the Do6lor fpake to a clean contrare purpofe then fome thou-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	141
fands of us heard him; efpeciallie that he never neither thought nor fpake that any of the Arminians errors were fundamentall. We have been much miftaken with that man: we efteemed him ever a Dordracenift, and oppofed to Canterburie in that caufe; bot now we fee he hes made the King in his Manifefto,(3) print as much for the Arminians as the heart of Canterburie could wifii. Shall even deanries, let be bifhopricks, have the facultie, in fo fhort a tyme, to metamorphofe the minds of men ?
The Moderator required next the Affemblie might voyce, If they fand themfelves the Bilhops judges, notwithftanding of their declinature ? The Commiflioner, finding that the tyme to execute the King's laft commandments, fhew the contrarietie of his Hearing affections, joy and greiff: joy that he faw the day wherein he might make good before the world, all that his Matter had promifed by him ; greiff, that he could not bring this toylfome bufinefsto fuch ane end as he heartilie wifhed. The King's will, fubfcryved and figned, he made the clerk read, and defyred to be regiftrate in the Affemblies bookes: ye fee it in print in the Proclamation ; fundrie things thereby was granted to our defire; bot yet nothing that gave us a tolerable fecuritie of any thing. We were not permitted to treat any thing, bot to take that write for our full and fatiffa6lorie con-clufions in all things:—to handle any povnt of the doctrines that were contained in the Service-book ; to examine the right or wrong of Epifcopacie, Perth Articles, or any part of difcipline, how unjuft or tyrannick foever, that was in the books of our Canons and Ordination; to try if the articles of Arminius, or a number of the groffeft poynts of the Romifhe herefies and idolatries, which our Bifhops from that prsedomining court-fa6lion does yet maintaine, without recalling one of them, we were not permitted: Generall Affemblies were put in the fimple arbitri-ment of the Prince, who, fo far [as] we know, was not to indi6l them bot at the good pleafure of our ingracious Bifhops, as the cuftome hes been thir thirty-fix years bygone. For all this the Moderator, in a very grave, digelt, and learned fpeech, gave thanks for the King's great favors contained in that paper; lliew at length how much we counted ourfelves obliged in conscience to give to the King, even in Church matters, an infpec-
(3) This refers to the well-known work written by Dr. Balcanquall, (who bad recently been appointed Dean of Durham,) in the King's name, entitled " A Large Declaration concerning the late Tumults in Scotland, &c. By the King." Lond. 1639, folio.142	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
tion, a vindication, a fan6lion, by way of law, a compelling by force churchmen to their duties, a calling of councells, a chief place in them, a great refpect to their voyce, and fo much more, as the Commiffioner profeffed, he fpake as it became a good chriltian and dutifull fubje6l. Yet when the Moderator preffed the voyceing, If we were the Bifhops judges ? there fell a fad, grave, and forrowfull difcourfe : The wryters of the Diaries hes it almoft word be word, bot as I cannot repeit any man's words, fo I am impatient to double formall difcourfes. This was the Commiffioner's laft paffage ; he a6led it with tears, and drew, by his fpeech, water from many eyes, as I think; well I wot, much from mine; for then I apprehended the certaintie inevitable of thefe tragedies which now are in doeing. Much was faid of his fincere endeavours to ferve God, the King, and countrey; of his grief, yet neceffitie to depart: the caufe he alleadged, was the fpoyling of the Affemblie, which he had obtained moll free, by our molt partiall dire6tions from our Tables at Edinburgh, two wrytes whereof he produced and caufed read; alfo the precipitat intrufion of laick Elders to have voyce in Affemblies, which they might readilie have obtained by the ICing's good lykeing in this Affemblie ; for he would take the voyce of fo many noble and gentlemen conduceable for his fervice, if fo they could have had patience to have the right of their interrupted poffeffion reftored to them by order. This at length, by Rothes, Lowdon, and others, was anfwered, That the papers produced were fuppolititious, and never came from them : their true inftru6tions they produced, and offered to jus-tifie; for they were only advyfes to proceed wyfelie in the election of Commiffioners, bot in nothing againft either law or reafon: for the queftion of Elders, they were readie to difpute it; that their place was according to God's word, our laws and pra6lifes ; that his Grace was acquainted fullie with that difficultie before the obtaining of the Affemblie : if the Bifhops, by their whifperings lince, hes moved the King to recall the Affemblie on this pretext, the caufe of the pofterior evils muft lie upon them, as well as of all the former. After many words hither and yonder, the Mar-queis fhewing, that he had commiffion to punilh faultie Bilhops, tore6tifie all their abufe, to limitat that office, fo that it fhould not be able to wrong the Church, and to doe many moe things then he would expreffe ; bot now, he behooved to renew all his protefta-tions in his Mailer's name, and in the name of the Lords of the clergie, That no A6t there fhould import his confent, and that1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	143
nought done by the voyces of the prefent members was law-full ; alfo that he difcharged them to proceed any farder. While he was going, my Lord Rothes gave to the Clerk a protefta-tion in write, prepared for fuch ane accident, which was read, while his Grace was in departing.
The reafon of this departure, and our proteftation againft it, were both enlarged and polifhed to that forme ye fee them Handing in print in the King's proclamation of December, and our proteftation againft it. It was the opinion of fome of us, who are bot ftiort-fighted, and dyves not deep in the mylteries of ftate, that his Grace's ftay fome days longer had been in nothing prejudiciall to his Mailer's fervice ; yea very conduceable to have keeped all from thefe irremediable extremities all men faw by that departure to be inevitablie confequent. The quef-tions about the Judges of the Bifhops, which his Grace took for the occafion of his ryfeing, was brought on by his urgent prefling of reading their declinature ; alfo a little intreatie, as I fuppofe, might have gotten that queftion delayed fo long as his Grace had pleafed ; at leaft it would have given much reall fatiffa6lion, if, with his Grace's confent, we would have gotten a6ts formed according to the truth, about the Books and other things wherein we did truelie agree; and in the a6ts about Epifcopacie, if he had brought his divines to difpute, and upholden their courage by his countenance, readilie the moft part might have been moved to ufe a greater temper than ever thereafter can be hoped for; or if in this his hopes had mifcaryed, he might have protefted, or rifen, when that occafion had been offered: bot from the beginning God hes permitted, for his own high ends, to this day, the Bilhops and their oppofites fo to carry the King and the Countrie, that there can no be poffible agreeance, bot by yielding all to the one fyde. For my own part, I thought that the Handing of Epifcopacie, in any the leaft degree, could not be yielded ; yet the way of the removeall of it, had my advife been followed, would pofiiblie have been lefie irritative of the King, and no leffe fure for their everlafting exclufion out of our Church : bot it is eafie for any man wantonlie to difcourfe on the faults of deeds paft, who yet being employed, could no wayes have amended them in the pafiing. No one man I know was more willing : It kythed by his extraordinar grief at their mifcarriage : many dayes thereafter he forgat to eat his bread, and through grief fell in ficknefs : My heart pitied the man : befyde other evills, the mifhappines of the affair, which could not be by any hand144	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
fo compaffed as to give content to all, made him fall in fuch danger of his Majeftie's milinterpretation, that no other means was left him to purchafe a good conflru6lion of his very fidelitie, bot that which many counts wicked, and all exceedinglie miserable, the offer of his fervice to overthrow his countrey; wherein, if he profper, Scotland for ever will curfe the day fhe produced fo unluckie a child: If in this alfo he prove unfortunate with fortune, that favour of his Mailer, which to him hes been over dear, will take the wings, and leave him alone in the feas of difcomfort; wherein he is like to gett fmall pitie from the breafl of any man, except from that one of Chrift, who ufes not to defert thefe who are deferted of all, when out of their deep afflictions he is humblie called upon for his grace.
Before his Grace's departure, Argyle craved leave to fpeak; and that tyme we did not well underftand him ; bot his a6tions fince hes made his fomewhat ambiguous fpeeches plain : He fhew, That the King had commanded him to attend that Affem-blie; that in all things his part had been fair ; that he had never flattered the King for any of his own ends ; that he took us for members of a lawfull Affemblie, and honefl countreymen; that, at the King's command, he had fubfcryved, with the reft of the Counfell, the Covenant, and in that fame fenfe as it was extant in that [15] 80 year, when firft it was formed ; that they would fee by all means, in their confideration of that Covenant, that they did not wrong the true fenfe of it. Lowdon replyed, and Rothes, That it was moil neceffare the Affemblie fhould pronounce of the fenfe of that Covenant, fince it was fubfcryved by fundrie with diverfe fenfes : fome takeing it to fland not only with Epifcopacie and Perth Articles, but with the Books, and all the pofterior novations of our Church ; other, that it did exclude fome of thefe; others, that it [did] exclude all. The Commiffioner promifed that a courfe fhould be taken, how the King's intention, in craving fubfcription to that Covenant, and the true fenfe of it, according to the flanding laws of the Church and kingdome, fhould be underflood.
When the Commiffioner and Counfellers had turned their back upon us, the Moderator wyfelie did harangue himfelf to our encouragement; and Mr. D. Dick, Mr. H. Rollock, Mr. A. Cant, Mr. A. Ramfay, of the clergie, Lowdon of the nobilitie, Keir of the gentrie, Mr. Robert Cuninghame of the burrowes, fpake fome words of encouragement; and then put it to voyceing, Whether we would adhere to the proteftation againfl the Com-1638.
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mifiioner's departure, and remaine ftill to the end, till all things needfull were concluded, or not ? All did heartilie promife to abide on all hazards, except fome three or four Angus men, who, with the laird of Aithie, departed, alleadging their commiffion had an exprefs claufe of the King's countenanceing of the Affem-blie. Dr. John Baron, commiflioner for the Univerfitie of St. Andrewes, I think, was away before, on the pretence of fick-nefs : he had fubfcryved the Covenant ; bot what farder he meaned I could not learn, neither then, nor fince. It was good we were all put to it prefentlie; for if we had been delayed till morrow, it was feared many would have flippen away. The Marqueis preffed our advyfement to-morrow, and clofeing with prayer at his departure ; bot in this plot, as in many other, we difappointed his wifdome: yea, here it was efpeciallie where the fruit of the wife ele6tion of the members of the Affemblie did kyth. Had not the moil refolute noblemen and barrons of the kingdome been there as commiffioners, or had not the minis-terie been verie well wailed for the purpofe, very readilie, at this poynt of tyme, we might have played the part of the Affemblie of Aberdeen, or at leaft, fuch an fenfible divifion might have rifen among us, as had marred all the fruit of our meeting. Our laft queftion that day was, If we fand ourfelves judges to the Bifhops declinature ? and all did voyce affirmative. While we were in fome piece of perplexitie, we were fingularlie comforted, that in the very inftant of the Marqueis departure, a very noble youth of great expectation, my Lord Erfkine, craving audience of us, did profefs, with tears, his great greiff, that againft the inborn light of his minde, he had withholden his hand from our Covenant, and perfon from our meetings, befought to pray to Chrift for him that this fin might be forgiven him, and entreated humblie we would now admitt him to our Covenant and focietie. We all embraced him gladlie, and admired the time-oufnefs of God's comforts and mercies towards us. At that fame time your two preachers, Mr. Forbes and Mr. Mackell, required to be admitted to our Covenant, and were receaved.
8. Thurfday, the 29th of November, we keeped our eighth Seffion. Argyle that day came back to us. The Moderator earneftlie intreated him, that though he was no member of our Affemblie, yet, for the common entres he had in the Church, he would be pleafed to countenance our meetings, and bear witnefs of the righteoufnefs of all our proceedings ; this, to all our great joy, he promifed to doe, and did truelie performe his vol. i.	k146	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
promife. No one thing did confirme [us] fo much as Argyle's prefence ; not only the man was the far moft powerfull fubjedl in our kingdome, hot alfo at this tyme being in good grace with the King and the Commiffioner, we could not conceave bot his ftay with us was with the allowance of both, permitting him to be amongft us to keep matters into fome temper, and hold us from defperat extreams: as indeed he was carefull that no word did paffe from any mouth prejudiciall to the perfon or authoritie of the King. After a fermon of Mr. Gillefpie, wherein the youth very learnedlie and judiciouffie, as they fay, handled the words, " The King's heart is in the hand of the Lord;" yet did incroach too much on the King's a6lions : He gave us a grave admonition to let authoritie alone ; which the Moderator feconded, and we all religioullie obferved, fo long as the Affem-blie lafted; yet afterward we found, that nothing was more againft the ftomack both of the Commiffioner and King than Argyle's flay. The letters that pail betuixt Argyle and the King fhowes, that this ftay was the greateft ground of all the wrath his Majeftie lince has kythed towards him, whom before he did lingularlie refpect: alfo betuixt the Commiffioner and Argyle there paffed words of high enough difdayne, little from threats and perfonal challenges. It lies been the equitie of our caufe, which hes been the only motive to make that man, in that neceffare tyme, to the extreame hazard of his head, and all he poffeffes, to encourage us openlie by his affiftance ; alfo it was, I think, his performance of promife to Rothes and Low-don, who had a great guiding of him, and had gotten fome affureance, as they fay, of his joyning with us when it fhould be needfull. He produced to us a letter that day from the Earle of Wigton, and the next day from the Earles of King-horne and Galloway, three counfellers, Ihowing, that they had fubfcryved the Confeffion as it was profeffed in the [15] 80 year, even as Argyle had fubfcryved. Montrofe likewife declared, that he had commiffion to fhow us as much in the name of Marre and Napier, other two counsellors; and it was declared to us, that Almond and Blackhall, two counfellors, alfo defyred to be underftood by us to have fubfcryved in the fame fenfe. Thir eight counfellors refufed to fubfcryve the a6l, which, in the night before, was drawn up in the Commiffioner's chamber, and proclaimed this day at the Croffe, difchargeing the Affemblie under the payne of treafon. This divifion of the Counfell, the beft part of thefe who were prefent evidentlie1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	147
fyding with the Affemblie, did not a little increafe his Grace's greif, and our joy.
Becaufe the Bifhops, in their declinatour, had alleadged, that fundrie members of our Affemblie were lying under the cen-fure of the Church of Ireland, or our own Church, the Moderator defyred the parties intereft in this calumnie to clear them-felves : [viz.] Mr. Blair minifter of Ayr, Mr. Hamilton of Dumfreis, Mr. Levingftone of Stranrawer, Mr. Macleland of Kirkcudbright. Sundrie of us could have wifhed, that for the Hopping of the mouth of our partie, thefe had not been chofen commiffioners; yet the excellent gifts of the men would not permitt the ele6lors to paffe them by. Mr. Blair, in name of the reft, in a brave extemporall harangue, fhew at length, that all the cenfures had fallen on them, were not only alone for their adhering to the discipline of the Church of Scotland, hot all molt unjuftlie inflicted : he gave us all full fatilfaction. Thefe under the cenfure of our Church were, Mr. David Dick, and Mr. Samuell Rutherford, and the Laird of Earleftoun : thefe cleared, that what the High Commiffion had done to them was not only for righteoufnefs, bot that their fentences was evi-dentlie null, according to the Bifhops unlawes.
This day were eftablilhed three or four Committees for preparing in private the chief and mod weightie matters the Affemblie had to treat of. At Argyle's motion, the firft thing taken to confideration was the Confeffion of Faith, how farr it did exclude or admitt the pofterior novations of our Church. Upon this committee were put of the miniftrie men not among the fitted; Mr. D. Lindfay, Mr. A. Cant, Mr. Henry Rollock, Mr. Thomas Mitchell, Mr. Walter Buchanan, Mr. Thomas Wil-kie, Mr. Robert Henderfone, Mr. D. Dick, Mr. James Martine: I wifh Mr. Andrew Ramfay, Mr. John Adamfone, and myfelf, had been with them; for here it was alone where my minde was, and yet is, grieved. I am minded at leifure, God willing, to goe over again that committee's labour; and if I find it right to approve it, which yet I cannot fully doe; or if I find my doubts grounded, I minde to propone them in fuch modeft ear-neftnefs to the next Generall Affemblie, if the tyme be peaceable, as I am able. Of elders were chofen men fitt enough, Rothes, Lowdon, Balmerinoch, Sheriff of Tiviotdale, Keir, Oldbarr, James Cochrane, Patrick Bell, James Fletcher of Dun-die. My Lord Argyle was defyred to wait on this committee ; which he did afiiduouflie. Another committee was appointed148	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
for conlideration of the corruptions of the bookes of Service, Canons, Ordination, and High Commiffion. On this was putt fome of us who had written againft thefe pieces, Mr. A. Ram-fay, Mr. J. Adamfone, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, Mr. Edward Wright, Mr. Alexander Peter [Petrie], Mr. William Menzies, myfelf, and fome others. When we mett, the multitude of men and fpeech put us in miforder; though we divided our felfe in two companies, yet I thought we could doe more every man apart then all together : for myfelf, I could doe nothing in company ; only in a night or two, out of my former wryts, I drew that little extra6tion I fent yow, which I read in the face of the Affemblie, when our committee was afked of their diligence, with the good lyking of all. My Lord Montgomerie prelTed that his complaint againft the Bifhops might be heard. Upon his motion, the Bifhop of Galloway's lybell was read: A long and tedious work; for it had not only all the generall lybell, bot diverfe proper articles of his corrupt doctrine, and flipps in his life, foull Sabboth breaking, and other things lybelled at length. For the fhortening and clearing of this, and all other their pro-ceffes, there was a committee appointed befydes thefe of the bills before named ; one minifter out of each diocefe; and of elders, the Earles of Eglintoun and Weemes, Johnftoune, Wed-derburne, Lawers, Tarbett, Kinhilt, Robert Baylie proveft of Innernefs, James Airth clerk of Pettinweeme, Mr. George Gray clerk of Haddington. Our folkes had not been fo diligent as need had been, to have their prooffes in readinefs for the particular crymes they had lybelled againft the Bifhops lives ; fo that committee proceeded the more flowlie.
9. Fryday, the 30th of November, was our ninth Seffion. This day was fpent in trying of the late corrupt Affemblies, the in-bringers of our novations, and caufers of our divifion and now incumbent evills. Every man fpake what he knew and pleafed of the Affemblie of Perth, St. Andrewes, Glafgow, Lithgow, and Aberdeen; bot for the putting of their Nullities in a formall act, a committee was ordained to revife the regifters, whereof Mr. Johne Robertfone of St. Johnftoun was the chief. In all our meetings I marvell that our tounfman, Mr. Jofeph Lawrie, hes never appeired : he was putt out by St. Andrewes and the High Commiffion from Stirling : I took him long fmce for an excellent preacher; he now ferves at St. Johnftoun : I heard he preaches againft the bookes ; yet did I never fee him in any of our conventions for thir matters. We ended the fooner that the1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	149
committees might have the more tyme for their diligence : fuch fmall privie meetings are molt neceflare ; for otherwayes affaires cannot be expeed: yet I fee not how the inconvenients for which we abolifhed privie conferences fhall not aryfe in thir committees; only the name feemes to be changed.
10. Saturday, the 1st of December, was our tenth Seffion. Mr. D. Lindefay prefented to us (for he had the chief charge of the bills ; yea, the man's dexteritie and diligence in this kinde of employment was fuch, that to the end of the AlTemblie fuch bufinefs lay upon him almoft alone,) three clofed procefles before the prefbytries. First, that of Mr. D. Mitchell, who this long tyme had delighted to grieve the whole land with the do6trine of the fa6tion; Arminianifme in all the heads, and fundrie poynts of Poperie, proved by fundrie witnefles, befyde his declyning of the Affemblie, which alone, according to the a6ts of our Church, imports depofition. He came to Glafgow, at lead remained fome dayes in Hamilton with the Bifliop of Rofs : no man could have keeped fuch a one in our Church without ferious repentance for his manifold avowed errors. The nixt was Dr. Panter, profefTor of St. Andrewes : I never faw the man; bot his Walaidos (4) makes me love him as one of the beft poets I know now living: the man hes a bonny fpirit; fomethings in all fciences ; bot St. Andrewes was far in the wrong to advance him to a divinity profefiion before he had well learned the grounds of that fcience. He was never diligent; but he had not fooner fettled himfelf in his chair while he began to recommend the Englifhe method of ftudie to our youth, to begin with the Popifh fchoolmen and Fathers, and to clofe with Proteftant neotericks ; a moft unhappie and dangerous order. I hear, in his publick notes, he hes deboirded to the Popifh junification, and, in his difcourfes, to the groffeft Pelagianifme in original! fin, let be in other points of Arminianifme. Did not the heavens cry for a vengeance againft our Bifhops, though we had been dumb, who did hear and fee our Church undermynded with fuch inftruments, of their own making and maintaining ? The third was Archdeane Gladftanes, a monfter of drunkennefs, and atheiftick profanitie : Rome Pagan could not have fuffered fuch a beaftlie man to have remained a prieft even to Bacchus. I hear that the man once had a very great appearance of many
0) A Latin poem in hexameter verse, dedicated to King Charles, entitled,—" Valliados libri tres, opus inchoatum: Auctore Patricio Pantero ad Fanuin Andreae Theologo." Edinb. 1633. sm. 8vo.150	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
good parts; they fay he was a trim perfonage of a man, had a prettie eftate, was a fchollar in all faculties ; right eloquent, wyfe and difcreet, and free of all fcandalous vyces; in favour with the King, court, and countrey : hot long lince, haying caft away the fear of God, all thefe gifts of body, eftate, minde, hes evi-dentlie left him. Thefe proceffes were read and confidered, bot fentences delayed. Becaufe their errors ran much on Arminian-ifme, it was thought meet to appoynt fome to fpeak at our next meeting againlt thefe errors. Mr. D. Dickfon and I were nomi-nat: very evill will had I of that tafke; my diligence upon the Books was not yet delivered off my hand: Arminianifme is a deep, and large, and intricat fubject; our tyme was the next meeting; whatever I doe, I would doe it in earneft; fo without tyme I can doe nothing. Alwayes there was no remead ; that night and to-morrow at night I did what ye faw, and what the Affemblie was pleafed [with] on that fubject.
11. Monday, 3d of December, we keeped our eleventh Sellion. The firft a6lion was the appointment of preachers for that week ; for every day of the week, except Saturday, there was in the morning fermon for the people in two churches, albeit the committee for that end fell whyles upon men whofe fermons were bot fcarce fatiffa6lorie: yet by many good fermons the people was much the better; and in one thing only the worfe, that thereafter they liked the worfe of their oun preachers. At the entrie Mr. D. Dick made a long harangue of Arminianifme. I admired the witt of the man, and Ms dextrous expreflion: he refuted all thefe errors in a new way of his own, as fome years agoe he had conceaved it in a number of fermons on the new covenant. I was not called upon that day, fo I was glad that my talk was forgot; yet at night I ftudied the article of free will, which before I had no tyme to confider. Mr. David's difcourfe was much, as all his things, extemporall; fo he could give no double of it, and his labor went away with his fpeech. Mr. David Mitchell was depofed that day with the confent of all. The Toun of Edinburgh gave in their greivances againft the reft of their minifters, the Deane and his colleagues, Mr. Alexander Thomfon, Mr. Fletcher, and Dr. Eliot; the firft three as de-clyners of the Affemblie, and pra6lifers of the Service-book; the laft as obtruded on them by Sir John Hay's authoritie, and as too weak for that miniftrie; alfo as one who had read the Liturgie in a diocefan Affemblie. To make the Affemblie the fhorter, there was the day following a committee named to litt1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	151
in Januar at Edinburgh, with the power of the Generall Affem-blie, to cognofce on the caufes of the miniftrie there, and what other caufe Ihould by the Affemblie be recommended to their cognition. The love I had to poore Dr. Eliot, who had not indeed declyned the Affemblie, made me both plead my felf, and ftir up Mr. R. Meldrum and Mr. Eliezer Borthwick, his friends, to deal with Rothes and others, that the committee of Edinburgh ftiould have power at fartheft but to fufpend and tranfport him, without depofition. That day the Bifhop of Orknay prefented a letter to us by the hand of his fon, lhowing, that old age, and ficknefs, and length of the journey, were the only caufes of his not compearance; and withall, that he fub-mitted himfelf to our cenfure. Some others of the Bifhops did the like ; and I doe verilie think that not three of the fourteen would have been unwilling to have laid their bifhopricks at our feet, and, after any pennance we had enjoyned, returned to their old minifterie, had not fear of the King's wrath, and hope of our overthrow by the King's forces, holden them back.
12. Tuefday, the 4th of December, at our twelfth Seflion, I was called, by my expectation, to give account of my labour : I read to them out of my blultered papers that which I fent you of Arminianifme. I got thanks for it, and was fafched many dayes in provyding copies of it to fundrie. Complaints were given in againft Mr. William Maxwell of Dunbar, and Mr. George Sydferfe of Cobrinfpaith, for very corrupt do6trine, and tyrannous behaviour to force their parilhioners to conformitie. It is marvellous, how impudent all the familiars of the Bifhops, of Roffe and Galloway were grown, in avowing pertly Arminianifme, and much Poperie. Thir two was referred to the committee of Edinburgh, and depofed by it: they were both declyners of the Affemblie, and their own prefbytrie, and appeallers to the King. Upon the complaint of the provoft of Dundie and gentlemen of Angus, there was a committee nominat for the minifters of Dundie and Angus ; fundrie there had declyned the Affemblie, and were ill minded towards all our proceedings : I knew none of the men. The Toun of St. Andrewes complained, that their minifter Dr. Wifhart had deferted them above eight moneths: they feemed content enough with the man's life and doctrine, if he would return e, and acknowledge the Affemblie : howbeit malitious de-fertions fo long a tyme be fufficient for depofition, yet we referred the cafe to farder confideration. We depofed Dr. Gladflanes with one mouth. Mr. John Robertfone gave a good and diligent152	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
count of the talke committed to him; many good reafons why the Sixe laft Affemblies were null from the beginning : Ye may fee them printed in the a6ls. Upon this we voyced with one confent, the Nullitie of all thefe Affemblies. In the voycing it fell alwayes Mr. Alexander Carfe to be firft; very oft the man delyvered his voyce in a quick merry taill, fo that he became to us almofl a Pleafant. I was moll glad of that day's act: I thought the nullifying of thefe Affemblies did clearlie quyte us of Bilhops and Perth Articles, without the neceffitie of any fur-der fcrupulous and divilive difputes: bot fome that thinks no lleill band fufficient to bind their tenets on the confciences of others, relied not with this vantage, bot drave their nayle to the head afterward, as ye fhall hear.
13. Wednefday, the 5th of December, the Moderator, by way of clear confequent, deduced from yefterday's a6t of the Nullitie of the former Affemblies, the freedome of all from the oathes of conformitie taken by the Bilhops; of the reftitution of prefby-teries and affemblies to their rights, which never were null, but, for a tyme, fuppreffed by the injuftice and violence of the Bilhops ; the validitie of the admiffions and depofitions of minifters pail latelie by prefbytries without the confent of bilhops. Thir, and other fuch confequences, were not only deduced, bot fett down by way of a6ts, as ye fee in print. That day, Dr. Robert Hamilton of Gleffurd, procurator of the bifhops, his procefs was read : befyde his open affronting of the Affemblie, he was found to have been abfent at Court, and at Edinburgh oft twelve, fifteen, eighteen.weeks together from his church, upon no reafon bot pleas for augmentation, and futes of farder promotion. The man's gifts are every way mean : he had a good eftate, and well to the foore ; bot being fmitten by the ambition of his good brother Dr. Whyteford, [did] tread his fteps of vain laviflmefs and dilapidation of what he had, to feek what he did not deferve. He was found to be, according to the Englifh falhion, a profaner of the Sabbath, provocking and countenancing his parifhioners at dancing and playing at the foot-ball on that day : he was, as we call it, an ordinar fwearer; for the fa6lion delighted, as I have heard fundrie of them, to adorne their fpeeches with the proverbs, Before God, I proteft to God, By my confcience, On my foull, and higher affeverations, by thir phrafes to clear themfelves of puritanifme : he was a violent perfecuter, even to excommunication, and denying of marriage and baptifme of thefe who would not communicat with him. kneeling. Many fuch things were1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	153
lybelled againft him. He wreitt a letter to the Moderator, as to Mr. Alexander Henderfon minifter at Leuchars, fhowing, that he might not compear before ane Affemblie difcharged by the King, bot was free of thefe things he was challenged off; or what of his lybell was true, he was not worthie to be rebuked for it before a prefbytrie, let be called before a Generall Affemblie. Some dayes thereafter, when his witneffes had been fworn before all the Affemblie, and their depofitions taken by the committee of the Bills, which was our conftant courfe in all proceffes, he was depofed by unanimous confent of us all. Yet he would re-maine flill, by violence, fome few weeks at his church ; bot at laft the fear of excommunication, or rather of the countrey ryfeing there higher in crubing fuch as he was, he fled to England, with many moe; where we heard he was prefented to the Bifhoprick of Caithnefs, to all our indignation at the per-verfnefs of Canterburie, who would not yet ceafe to provoke us, by conferring bilhopricks on fuch infamous and unworthie men. St. Andrewes lybell was read, and fome parts of it con-fldered; yet we did nothing of moment becaufe of Argyle's abfence at my Lord Blantyre's buriall ; a poor man, well away : His ladie thereafter being long bruited with a bafe fellow, kythed with child to him ; whereof, to all our contentment, flie died.
14. Thurfday, the 6th of December, was our fourteenth Seflion. That day, many large and tedious treatifes againft the Books were read : We got all thanks for our labours. A refo-lution was taken to putt us. all in print; bot the multitude of our publick affaires that daylie fince hes come thicker and thicker on our backs, hes invyed us that honour; and indeed there was many things in our pamphlets might not well have abidden the light, how well foever at the firft reading they pleafed men unacquaint with that kinde 'of ftudie. Alwayes we cleared the mindes of all about the nature of the Books and High Commiflion, and encouraged them with one mouth, to make the four fharp decrees, which ye fee in print, againft the Service book, the booke of Canons and Ordination, and High Commiflion. Thefe pieces are fo vile, that none of our parties to this day hes ever minted to defend them, except by thefe parenthefes which they make the King in his Proclamations caft in for their commendation. I took it ever for one of our partie's greateft crymes, that they caft all burdens on the back of our fweet Prince yet, and themfelves hes never endeavoured to154
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fatiffie as many of their challenges, either by maintaining them in reafon, or confeffing their errors by ingenuous repentance.
15. Fryday, the 7th of December, the Bifhop of Dunkeld(5) fent us in write his fimple fiibmiffion. Many fpake for him, That he did not approve the late courfes of the Bilhops ; that he had admitted fundrie miniflers without the band of conformitie ; that he did not deferve the cenfure of thefe who declyned the AfTemblie. My Lord Lindefay that day urged vehementlie the depofition of Mr. G. Halyburton minifter of Craill; yet when we perceaved that the maine thing alleadged againft him was bot medleing with the church-boxe, and negligence in counting for it, and that the chief quarrell was his late tranfportation to the great benefice of Craill, againft my Lord Lindefay's will, the patron of it, we would not gratifie any man's humorous fpleen, bot referred the tryall of that procefle to the prefbytrie of St. Andrewes; fhowing that we thought the man's negligence in counting, being yet helped by refounding, of fome moneyes, needed not be fo odiouflie exaggerat with the name of facriledge as it was. Alfo a grievous libell of Arminianifme was given in on Mr. James Affleck, in the prefbytrie of Dundee. The man cleared himfelf to us of all, bot fome quirks in the fecond article; the gentlemen, who underftood not well, thought every thing here capitall herelie. The man feemed capricious ; in fome things too fimple, in other too flie : at laft, after much privie conference, and publick agitation, he gave, as I think, fatiffaction to all.
Hereafter the Bifhops cenfures came thick upon us : we were fafhed to goe through with them all, the breach of all the Caveats. Galloway (G) was the firft : befyde common faults, he was proven to have preached Arminianifme ; to have had in his chamber a crucifix, and fpoken for the comfortable ufe he found into it; to have indicted two anniverfarie fafts in his diocefle, and a6led in his fynod a communion for his minifters at all his pofterior fynods : he was found to have depofed miniflers, fyned and confyned gentlemen, for unconformitie, embraced excommunicate papifts, and profefTed more love to them than puritans ; to have contemned exercife of prayer in his familie; to have prophaned the Sabbath-day by buying horfe, doeing any of his civill affairs openlie on it. Before the voyceing there was fome reafoning about the nature of fummar excommunication. The
(5) Alexander Lindesay. Vide infra, p. 165.
(G) Thomas Sydeserf, Bishop of Galloway. He was the only Bishop who usrvived to see the restoration of Episcopacy under Charles the Second.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	155
Moderator, Mr. David Dickfon, Mr. David Doglifli, and Mr. Andrew Cant, were for the lawfullnefs of it; Mr. Andrew Ram-fay and others were againft it; bot the moil agreed that the pre-fent excommunication of the Bifhops, was not fummar. Excommunication feemed to me fo terrible a fentence, and that obftinacie, the formall caufe of it, required admonition, and fome delay of tyme after the clofure of the procefte, that I voyced him to be depofed, bot not prefentlie excommunicat. In this I was followed by fome fyve or fix, bot the reft went on to prefent excommunication. St. Andrewes(7) lybell was, he was proven guilty, befyde his common faults, of ordinare profaning of the Sabbath, carding and dyceing in tyme of divine fervice, ryding through the countrey the whole day, tippling and drinking in taverns till midnight, fallifieing with his hand the a<5ts of Aberdeen Aftemblie, lyeing and fclandering our old Affemblies and Covenant in his wicked book : It was undertaken to prove, before a committee, near to the place where the witnefs hes lived, his adulterie, inceft, facriledge and frequent fimonie. He was depofed, and decreed prefentlie to be excommunicat. The Bilhop of Brechin (8) followed: he was proven guilty of fundrie a<5ts of moft vile drunkennefs ; alfo a woman and child brought before us, that made his adulterie very probable; alfo his ufeing of maflie crucifixes in his chamber. The man was repute to be uni-verfallie unfamous for many crymes ; yet fuch was his impudence, that, it was faid, he was readie to have compeared before us for his juftification; bot was ftayed by the Marqueis, leift his compearance ftiould have been taken for an acknowledgement of the judicatorie. I remained that night in my negative voyce, that no Bilhop ftiould be excommunicat till they had gotten more tyme to declare their contempt of publick admonition from the pulpit of Edinburgh and their Cathedrall: yet conlidering better of their declinature, I fand it an obftinat avowing of extream contempt; and fo to-morrow I profeffed of my recalling of my yefterday's voyce, and went with the reft in a prefent excommunicating of all the declyning Bifhops.
16. Saturday, the 8th of December, our prime noblemen, Argyle, Rothes, and fome other, fand it needfull to poft in to Edinburgh; for the Commifiioner, with the counsellors of his fyde, was faid to be in hatching of proclamations and declara-
(7)	John Spottiswoode, Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Lord High Chancellor of Scotland. He died at London in November 1639.
(8)	Dr. Walter Whyteford. He died in England in 1643.156	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
tions againlt us, which behooved to be protefted againft; alfo the Toun of Edinburgh flood in need to be fupported with the prefence of fome of our chief nobles, againlt the continuall terrors and allurements whereby their minds, yet weak, were oft affaulted by his Grace's emiffaries. Before their departure, they were defyreous to fee that whereupon manie dayes they had fpent privie labours, to be ended by the Affemblie in publick. That which was molt fpoken of, as the talk and intention of Argyle's committee before named, was the agreeing and make-ing one of the two Covenants that was fubfcryved by us, and the other by the Counfell. I had fome hopes that it had been their mynd to have found out fome expedients to have made a reconciliation fomewhat agreeable to both parties: bot as the Marqueis, by the longfome labours of Balquanquall and others, rann to the one extreame of his declaration of the King's under-Handing of his Covenant, Ihewing that none might fubfcryve, bot with ane exprefs intention of maintaining Epifcopacie, as a part of our church policie, ellablilhed by our lawes, and warranted by our Covenant; fo our Committee, by the toylfome labours of the Clerk, Catherwood, and others, was induced to pronounce, that all kinde of Epifcopacie to be fo farr oppofed to that Covenant, that the fubfcription of the one wes ever the reall abjuration of the other. How farr my poore foul hes been perplexed with thefe two irreconciliable extreames, my brealt is confcious ; manie a forrowfull day I have had lince, and am like to have moe. In the mean tyme, I knew little what either of the two was hatching : had I been on their fecrets, I would have offered the extreame diligence of my poor indeavoures, for the withdrawing of both from that rigour whence there can be no return for either without violence or difgrace ; and Handing to their peremptorie conclulions, all agreeance in that poynt is made defperat.
That morning, a little after eight, my Lord Rothes fent for me to his lodgeing. I fand there Mr. A. Ramfay fent for like-wayes : From us two wes expe6led moll oppolition to the future conclulion. My Lord, and the Moderator with him, lhew us, that the quellion of Epifcopacie that day was to be handled. According to my falhion, I was plain, that I thought that office neceffarlie to be removed out of our Church for ever ; for great inconveniencies it had ever brought to our Church, and Hill was moll like, limitate as men could bell: bot withall, I did heartilie wilhe, that in the a6l of removeall of it, no claufe might be putt1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	157
which might oblidge us in confcience to count that for wicked and unlawfull in itfelf, which the whole Reformed churches this day, and, fo far as I know, all the famous and clafiick divines that ever put pen to paper, either of old or late, did abfolve of unlawfullnefs. The Moderator, in his anfwer, feemed not to deny what I alleadged of the judgement of churches and divines, bot faid, that pofliblie our Church had obleidged herfelf to reject Epifcopacie more ftraitlie then any other. The tyme ftraited us, we might not enter in reafoning : my Lord and the Moderator feemed not carefull about any thing, bot the firme removall of that ftate from our Church ; as for the fafhioning of the queftion and a6l, they defyred us to forme it as we thought meet. Mr. Andrew was fullie in my minde : as they dire6ted, he fett doun prefentlie into wryte his minde fharplie enough againft the office itfelf, as a thing which for manie caufes was neceffare to be removed, bot being to preach to-morrow, did not [that] day compear, to my grief; onlie fent his paper to the Moderator, which was publicklie read as his voyce.
So foon as we were fett in fynod, my Lord Weemes fhow us, that our Bifhop of Glafgow(9) had fent for him, on old acquaintance, and intreated him to deal for favour towards him ; telling, that he was preffed againft his heart, by the Commiffioner and Bifliop of Rofle, to fubfcryve the declinature. Upon this we fent to him fundrie to move him to paffe from the declinature by write, and fubmitt himfelf fimplie to the Affemblie's determination. He feemed oft not farre from this courfe ; yet as his promifed penfion of fyve thoufand pound fterling had moved him to run fo forwardlie on any ungracious a6lions for keeping court-favour, fo the hope of keeping his rent dureing life, and fear of prefent povertie, made him to be obftinate in his fault and heartlefs refufeall to fubmitt, and patient to undergoe that fentence of excommunication, which for fome dayes he feemed to abhorre with much feare and trembling. Since that tyme, he hes lived verie privatlie, milkent by all, and putt well near to Adamfone's miferie : had not peace fhortlie come, his wants had been extreame; and without pitie from manie, or great relief from any hand we know.
After Weemes's motion, Argyle made the nixt propofition, of the great expediencie to clear the doubts, which were now grown
(9) Patrick Lindesay, Archbishop of Glasgow. He was preferred to the Episcopal See of Ross in 1613, and was translated to Glasgow in 1G33. Vide infra, page 163.158
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frequent, about fubfcription of the Covenant; that he and others had fubfcryved, at the King's command, the covenant, for doctrine and difcipline, as they were underftood in the [15] 80 year, at the covenant's firll updrawing ; that fome did alleadge Epifcopacie was a part of our difcipline then avowed, others that then it was difavowed ; that the Affemblie, the fitteft judge of that controverfie, would doe well to putt away thefe doubts by giving out the true meaning of the Covenant in that queftioned point. This motion was thought reafonable : fo for clearing the mindes of all, the Clerk brought forth a large fcroll, as the labour of the committee for the Covenant, confifting of three parts : 1. Of reafones fhowing the neceffitie to clear the fenfe of the Covenant in the [15] 80 year; Next, a number of palTages of our Generall Affemblies from the [15]76 to the [15]96, and of our booke of Difcipline condemning Epifcopacie; Thirdly, ane anfwer to fome obje6tions. After the reading of all thir at leafure, the queftion was formed about the abjuration of all kind of Epifcopacie, in fuch tearms, as I profeffe I did not well, in the tyme, underftand, and thought them fo cunninglie intricat, that hardlie could I give any anfwer, either ita or non. To make any pub-lick difputt I thought it not fafe, being myfelf alone, and fearing, above all evills, to be the occafion of any divifion, which was our certain wrack. The fardeft I aimed at was, in voyceing, to declare fhortlie my minde : fo when all men were called to propone what doubts they had, before the voyceing, I, with all the reft, was as dumb as a filh : When it came to my name, manie eyes were fixed on me, expe6ling fome oppofition; bot all I faid was, That according to the expreffe words of the As-femblie 1580, 1581, Epifcopacie was to be diftinguifhed : Epis-copacie as ufed and taken in the Church of Scotland, I thought to be removed ; yea, that it was a Popifh error, againft fcripture and antiquitie, and fo then abjured; bot Epifcopacie Jimpli-citer, fuch as was in the ancient church, and in our church dure-ing Knox's dayes, in the perfon of the Superintendents, it was, for manie reafons, to be removed, bot not abjured in our Con-feffion of Faith. This Argyle, and Lowdon, and many, took out of my mouth, as not ill faid, and nothing againft their minde, who fpake not of Epifcopacie Jimpliciter, bot in our own Church, whether or not it had been condemned at the tyme of the Covenant's firft fubfcription. I replyed no more; bot if I had conlidered the Moderator's ftateing of the question, as now it ftands in print, I would have faid, without any1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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hefitation, as my voyce, that it did feeme to me to be IIokufyrriffts, confifting at leaft of three much different queftions, all wliich required diverfe anfwers. Bot now I will not enter in that discourse : ye fee, in my treatife, my minde anent Epifcopacie to the full, whereto yet I fland. In voyceing, many to the number of fiftie and above, as fome who curiouflie remarked, did avow removed Epifcopacie, bot faid nought of their abjuration : yea fun-drie of prime men there yet will avow that they never thought all Epifcopacie abjured in our Church, notwithflanding all was taken for abjurers and removers by the Clerke; and that very juftlie, for anfwering affirmative to one part of the queflion, and negative to none, they ought to be taken as affirming the whole ; yea not one when the queflion of abjureing come over againe, as it did twyce thereafter, would be plaine ; bot all was content bot poor I, to be counted abjurers. If any man, for any re-fpe6l, did diflemble his judgment, his own heart knows, I will judge no man. That day was clofed with heartie thankfgiving for fo great an harmonie in a matter of high confequence, where no fmall difcrepance was feared.
17. Mononday, the 10th of December, was our feventeenth Seflion. Here at once was I putt in new troubles : the Articles of Perth were put on foot: a large paper read againft them all, proveing them to be againft our old Covenant, and fo abjured. The fubftance of this paper, as alfo that other of Epifcopacie, ye have it in the printed a6l; nothing here to count of bot what Catherwood long agoe had printed, and we were willing to have anfwered when ever challenged. I pitied much to fee men take advantage of the tyme to call their own conclulions in Affemblie a6ts, though with the extream difgrace or danger of manie their brethren. The queflion was ftated very cunninglie, as ye may fee in the a6t alone about the removeall of thefe Articles out of our church ; yea, the Moderator openlie profefled, that they were to burthen no man's confcience, to pronunce thefe things idolatrous or fuperftitious, as fome efleemed them, neither did he touch the pra6life of any other churches, bot left them to be judged by their own mafter. For all this, conlidering the reafons brought in the paper, alfo the words which the Moderator putt in the queflion " to be removed, by the Confeflion of Faith," I prefentlie faw the fnare; and however I was re-folved to difpute none, yet before the voyceing, I did openlie complaine of the queflion's flateing, that to afk, If Perth Articles were to be removed according to our Confeflion, which160	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
was conceaved by way of oath and covenant with God, was all one, as if to fpeir, If they were truelie abjured before, and all who had defended them fince, were truelie perjured ; which was a very hard matter for manie to grant. The Moderator, a moft grave and wife man, yet naturallie fomewhat terned, took me up a little accurtlie, fhowing I might draw the queftion fo ftrait as I pleafed, yet he had not ftated it fo : however give my voyce. When it came to me, I faid no more ; bot at once I was found no miftaker ; for Mr. Alexander Carfe, and after him almoft all, anfwered the queftion, Abjured, and removed ; and fo, fra moe was voyced than proponed, the conclufion by the Moderator was juftlie made Abjured, and removed ; to whom no man was noted oppolite bot myfelf: for here I faw no place for diftin6tion as before in Epifcopacie ; and fo, without any hefitation, I voyced to be Removed now, bot never before abjured. I was verie loath to make any jarr in the Synod's fweet harmonie, yet I behooved to follow the freedome of my minde ; whereof I have not yet repented, and for the which I have yet been taxed of none, bot my ingenuitie by the chief oppofites more commended than the diffimulation of fome others, who by their privie dif-courfes oft fince gives occafion to think that the papers they then had read, had not drawn their mindes fo fullie from their old perfwafions, publicklie verie oft preached, as to confeffe their error, yea perjurie; at leift, their open and avowed, and long continued violation of the Nation's oath and Covenant.
That day there was a worthie motion made by that learned and noble gentleman, 01dbarr,(x) That as we had removed manie abufes and corruptions, fo it were good to make pofitive conclufions for good order and difcipline in tyme coming. Pre-fentlie there was a committee ordained to fitt in my Lord Bal-merinoch's chamber, for receaving overtures of all kinds from all who were pleafed to propone, and drawing them to fliort heads to be proponed to the fynod, and ena6ted, if they were found expedient. The overtures I gave in ye may fee at (G.) Manie gave in both by word and write ; bot withall the committee took a very good courfe : they fearched in our old Affem-blies, if any a6ts had been made for thefe things we did now require; they fand, that for the moft part good provifions had been made; fo that it was needlefs to make any of new: thir old a6ls were, after fome dayes, publicklie read, and for the moft approven to be infert in this Aflemblie, as renewed to their
(') James Lyon of Auldbar, in Forfarshire.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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old lyfe and ftrength, whereof oblivion and defuetude had long fpoiled them. Thir ye fee (landing in print, for very good ufes, if well obferved.
This day we put fundrie of the Bifhops through our hands. Edinburgh, (2) befyde common faults of breaking the caveats, was proven to have been a preffer of all the late novations, a urger of the liturgie, a refufer to admitt any to the miniflrie who would not firft take the order of a preaching deacon, a bower to the altar, a wearer of the rotchet, a confecrator of churches, a domineirer of prefbytries, a licenfer of marriages without bands to the great hurt of fundrie, a countenancer of corrupt do6lrine preached in Edinburgh, an elevater of the elements at con-fecration, a defender of ubiquitie in his book,(3) page 142. He hes there, ye may fee, fomewhat favouring that way; which I marvelled oft was not remarked by his oppofites ; for thefe pages flood twentie years untouched by any that I heard off, till I poynted at them to our prefbytrie about a year agoe. The man was conceaved to be very worldlie of late. A little before our uproares for the liturgie, I had occaiion to fee him, and to be witnefs, to his ordination in the chappell of a prefbyter: I liked much the worfe ever thereafter both of him and that fervice : I did never fee a more gracelefs order, than he from his book, and thefe miniflers about him, who could a6l thefe plays befl, did ufe. I faw the man ydlie bitter, and made no bones of fwear-ing and curfeing; he profeffed his negle6t of le6lure; and in that I found him above all expe6lation poore : my eftimation of that man before fight was great, bot after, jufl nought. We pronounced him to be depofed and excommunicat. It hes proven true of him, which I heard long agoe of his houfe, that it hes a fate to fpew out the owners of it; fo it did Gawrie, Lithgow, Airth, and others before him. The next that came to be fen-tenced was Aberdeen (4). His proper faults were great fclanders of frequent fimonie ; that though he was removed from the
(2)	Dr. David Lyndesay, of the family of Edzell in Angus, was translated from the See of Brechin to Edinburgh in 1634. He died in England a few years after he was deposed and excommunicated.
(3)	Bishop Lyndesay's " True Narration of all the passages of the proceedings in the Generall Assembly, &c. holden at Perth the 25th of August 1618." Lond. 1621, 4to.
C) Adam Bellenden was translated from the See of Dunblane to Aberdeen in 1635. He died in England a few years after he was excommunicated by the Assembly.
VOL. I.	L162	LETTERS AND JOURNALS. • 1638.
Chappell-royall(5) to Aberdeen, as one who did not favour well enough Canterburie's new wayes, yet he had been found [as forward] as any to preffe the Canons and Liturgie; that he fuf-pended minifters for failing on Sondays ; that he ina6led in his fynods, without voyceing, publick fallings to be keeped on Wednefday onlie; confecrat the chappell of ane infamous woman, the Ladie Wardhous; ftayed at his pleafure proceffes againft papifts and inceftuous perfons. He had not fubfcryved the declinature, as was thought, for lacke of no good will, bot onlie through diftance of place the wryte in tyme could not be conveyed to him. That defe6l in his proceffe was fupplied by the Moderator, with a difcourfe of his fingularlie malicious apoftacie ; that he had been a man, by appearance, bot too zealous againft bifhops, and all their courfes, fo that his vehemencie, beyond the grounds of any reafon, he knew did offend his wife and learned neighbor Mr. Patrick Simpfon. We decreed him to be excom-municat. My Lord of Roffe(6) did follow : his proceffe was no wayes perfe6l; the long legend of his erroneous do6lrines was cleane omitted. It was committed to Durie(7) to fearch for witneffes of a number of errors which all knew he gloried to preach even in Edinburgh; bot Durie's information came not in tyme : however it was proven, that two yeares agoe he was a publick reader in his houfe and cathedrall of the Englifh liturgie ; that he was a bower at the altar, a wearer of the cope and rotchett, a depofer of godly minifters, ane admitter of fornicators, a companier with papifts, ane ufuall carder on Sonday : yea, inftead of going to thankfgiving on a communion-day, that he called for cards to play at The beaft; had often given absolution, confecrat deacons, robbed his vaffalls of above fourtie thou-fand merks, keeped fafts ilk Fry day, journeyed ufuallie on Son-day, had been a chief declyner of the Affemblie, and a prime inftrument of all troubles both of Church and State. Of his excommunication no man made queftion.
Mr. James Forfythe boore up the Bifhops traine that day:
(5) As Bishop of Dunblane, Bellenden was Dean of the Chapel-Royal when Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, was in Edinburgh with Charles the First, in 1633.
(G) Dr. John Maxwell, after his excommunication, retired to England. He afterwards obtained preferment from King Charles, first as Bishop of Killala in Ireland, and in August 1645, as Archbishop of Tuam ; but he did not long survive, as he died 14th February 1646.
(7) Alexander Gibson, younger of Durie, afterwards knighted, and one of the Senators of the College of Justice.1638. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	163
his bill caryed fundrie foule like faults, whereof they fay he might have cleared himfelf for the moll part; hot it was his humor to be a declyner of the AlTemblie, and for no requeft of friends would paffe therefra. He was accufed of reading ane inhibition for the teynds againll his people on the firft communion-day, at the table end, betwixt fermon and celebration ; for teaching the lawfulnefs of the bowing at the name of Jefus ; that our Covenant was feditious, treasonable, jefuitick ; that who kneeled not got no good at the communion; he gave moneyes at his entrie for his place ; he llrocke a beggar on the Sabbath-day: a number of fuch things was lybelled, and urged hotelie againll him. The Moderator, and others, for his filler's fake, had a great minde to have delayed him; bot no man fpeaking for him, he was depofed. I repented of my filence ; bot the reafon of it was, both my loathnefs to be heard ofter in one day to contradi6l the whole fynod, as alfo my feare and fufpition of farder ills in the youth than yet was fpoken of: for latelie having been at his houfe, with other his moll refpectfull friends, to give him our bell advyce, not only with high difdaine did he re-je6l all our counfells, bot fell at everie paffe bitterlie to defend all that was in our books ; yea, whatever we could alledge that the Canterburian fa6lion had printed of Arminianifme and Poperie, he either defended it, or flighted as much as any I ever fpake with : this fudden change in the youth, who, for all his love to the guyfes of England, yet I had known ever before to be paffionatelie againll all Arminianifme and do6lrinall innovations, Hopped my mouth, that neither then nor lince durll I deall for him till I was more allured of his orthodoxie. I fand his great companions, Mr. John Rae and Mr. Patrick Maxwell, that fame way inclyned, to my great grief; yea, the evill reward I have gotten for my diligence in obtaining favour to Mr. John Corbett, one of that fraternitie, and, as I thought, the far moll modell among them, makes me the leffe grieved for my filence ; for that man, having gotten latelie to Ireland, hes printed a moll poor and lhort, bot one of the moll venemous and bitter pamphlets (8) againll us all, that could come from the hand of our moll furious and inraged enemie.
18. On Tuefday, the 11th of December, was our eighteenth Sefiion. Orknay's(9) procelTe came firll before us: he was a
(8)	<f The Ungirding of the Scottish Armour, &c." Dublin, 1639, 4to.
(9)	George Graham, of Gorthie, was translated from the See of Dunblane to Orkney in 1615. Keith mentions that after Bishop Graham had sub-164
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
curler on the ice on the Sabbath-day; a fetter of tacks to his fones and goodfones, for the prejudice of the church; he over-faw adulterie, flighted charming, negledted preaching, and doing of any good there; held portions of minifters ftipends for building his cathedrall: yet for his miflyke of thir late novations, and letter of fubmiflion to the fynod, he was only depofed, and ordained, under the paine of excommunication, to give tokens of repentance againfl fuch a day. Murray (2) had all the ordinar faults of a bifhop; befyde his boldnefs to be the firll who put on his fleeves in Edinburgh, did make manie urge his excommunication ; bot becaufe he was not formallie fummoned, the Moderator, with fome piece of violence, keeped him from that fentence ; and when fome obje6ted publicklie his partialitie, he allured he had no reafon, for of all the Bifhops he had been to him molt injurious. I aflented the more willinglie to the Moderator's lenitie in this, hoping to have obtained to poor Glafgow the lyke favour; which he inflantlie craved, bot all in vaine. A fourteen dayes agoe Mr. H. Rollock did excom-municat Murray, and that, as I think, in the Great Church, to performe, as he faid, the man's own prophefie, who faid in that place, he would 'be yet more vile to pleafe the King. There was obje6led againfl him, bot, as I fufpe6t, not fufficientlie proven, his countenancing of a vile dance of naked people in his own houfe, and of women going barefooted in pilgrimage not far from his dwelling. Glafgow's (*) dittie was, befyde common faults, ina6ling at his own hands, in his provinciall fynods, the pradlife of the book of Canons ; the urgeing, under paine of horning, the practife of the Service-books; the exacting from all the minifterie of his dioceffe twenty fhillings off the chalder of vi6tuall for his charges at Court; the denying to the minifterie of Glafgow his own fiares, and dwanging them in their ftipends ; the felling of commilTariots ; that he was a grievous oppreffor of his vaffals, difcharged all expe6tants to preach till they had fubfcryved idle oathes of his own invention. He was depofed, and ordained to be excommunicat,
mitted to the Assembly and renounced Episcopacy, Dr. Baron was preferred to the vacant See, but was never consecrated.
John Guthrie, Bishop of Moray. After his deposition, he lived at Spynie Castle till 1640, and after its surrender, he retired to his paternal estate of Guthrie, in Angus.
(2) Patrick Lindesay, Archbishop of Glasgow, was a cadet of the family of Edzell, in Angus. He had previously been Bishop of Ross ; and after his deposition he retired to England, and died at Newcastle, in 1641.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	165
except he preveened the fentence by fatiffa6lion. Argyle (3) came next to hand: he feemed as worthy of cenfure as any: in his fmall tyme he had fhown good will to goe the worft wayes of the fa6tion, far contrare to the opinion that all men had of his orthodoxie and honeftie : he was ane urger of the wicked oath on intrants, ane obtruder of the Liturgie upon them, ane oppreffor of his vaflalls, a preacher of Arminianifme, a pro-phaner of the Sabbath, and beginner to doe all that Canter-burie could have wifhed. If a bilhoprick be fo unhappie ane inchantment, let it never more come in my good friend's hand. Againft Ifles (4) nothing was lybelled bot the breach of the caveats; yet both were fentenced with depofition prefent, and excommunication againft fuch a day, without tokens of repentance.
There was joyned for convoy that day to the Bifhops fome minifters: our old commerad Mr. John Makmath receaved a part of the fruit of his too great focietie with Meffrs. Sincerffe, Maxwell, and Monteith. His proceffe before the prefbytrie was produced; where it was proven he had taught all Arminianifme ; alfo of prayer for the dead, invocation of faints, Chrift's locall defcent to hell, damnation of children without baptifme, regeneration ex opere operato by baptifme, his obligation to fay maffe if King Charles commanded, his difdayne to come near the prefbytrie. For thir and the lyke, the prefbytrie's fentence of depofition was ratified by us. Mr. Francis Hervie, for his ere6ting of ane altar with railes at his own hand, for his drinking and carding on the Sonday, his marrying without proclamation our Bifhop's fon with Blantyre's daughter, was referred to the committee of Edinburgh; who, I thinke, did depofe him. A proceffe of adulterie againft Mr. Francis Knoalls (5), was referred to the prefbytrie. Bot of all our monflrous fellows, Mr. Thomas Forrefler at Melros, was the firfl, compofed of contraries, fuperflition, and profanitie: he was accufed of avowing, that faid fervice was better than preaching, that preaching was no part of God's effentiall worfhip, that all prayers fhould be read off books ; he made his altar and rayles himfelf, flood within and reached the elements to thefe who kneeled without; he
(3) James Fairly, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, was consecrated Bishop of Argyle, on the 15th of July 1637- Having been deposed from his Episcopal functions, he was afterwards appointed minister of Lasswade, Mid-Lothian.
(1) Neill Campbell, Bishop of the Isles, was preferred to that See in 1634.
(5) Mr. Christopher Knowes, in the Presbytery of Chirnside. (MS. Diary.)166	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
avowed Chrift's prefence there, bot whether facramentallie, or by way of confubftantiation or tranfubftantiation, he wilt not, bot thought it a curiofitie to difputt it; he maintained Chrift's univerfall redemption, and all that was in our Service-book was good: yet he ufed to fitt at preaching and prayer, baptize in his own houfe, make a way through the church itfelf for his kine and fheep, made a waggon of the old communion table to lead his peets in; that to make the Sabboth a morall precept was to Judaize; that it was lawfull to work on it; he caufed lead his corns on it; that our Confeffion of Faith was faithlefs, onlie ane abjuration of manie things better than thefe we fwore to; he keeped no thankfgiving after communion; affirmed our Reformed to have brought more damnage to the Church in one age, than the Pope and his fa6lion had done in a thoufand years. This monfter was juftlie depofed. We were brought to this poynt, that a man might have done what he would, without poffibilitie of reftraint, if he had been fullie EpifcopaJl: bot the Lord be Hefted, that hes looked on our oppreffion, and hes made the Biftiops wickednefs a remeid for itfelf, and a potion to bring a clear purgation of our whole Church.
19- December the 12th, on Wednefday, was our nineteenth Seftion. Here we ended our toylfome labours of the Bifhops proceftes : the laft two were Dunkell (6) and Caithnefs. (7) Both had limplie fubmitted themfelves to the fynod, and requefted to be continued in the office of the minifterie : this their fubmiftion did obtain them favour; otherwayes there was truelie alleadged againft them the common faults, and als foule pranks of fimonie and avarice as any of the former. There fell in here long dif-putts and fpeculations, which I did not underftand, of the neceftitie to depofe every man Jimpliciter from his office of the minifterie, who had not a place, or was to be tranfported for his fault from a place. Alwayes Dunkell, on the performance of his promifed fatiffa6tion, was continued in his minifterie at Semi-dores [St. Madoes] ; and Caithnefs was to be re-admitted minifter to any place he could purchafe on the fame condition. Mr.
(6)	Alexander Lindesay of Evelick, Bishop of Dunkeld. Having abjured Episcopacy, he was deposed from his office as Bishop, but was continued as Minister of St. Madoes.
(7)	John Abernethy, Minister of Jedburgh, and Bishop of Caithness. Keith seems not to have been aware, that Dr. Robert Hamilton, although never consecrated, was preferred to the See of Caithness, upon Abernethy's renunciation. Vide supra, p. 153.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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James Cunninghame, wearie of his patron my Lord Drumfreife his injuries, and not able to undergoe his wonted labours in his fpacious parochen, required libertie to tranfport where he might have the occafion: this was granted ; bot to his fmall profit. It was thought, he was furthered to make this motion, by his hopes to obtain the more large paroche, bot more profitable, of Pafley or Hamilton: and readilie he might have been made welcome to either ; bot his too evident defyre to be at them, and from his own people, has made his own to difgufl him, and thefe to have no great feaft of him. The fame was the imprudence of another right wife brother, Mr. D. Doglilhe : his feeking of the Affem-blie's libertie to tranfport, hes laid on him yet a necefiitie to byde flill greater then he had before; for Pafley, and other places whereat he aimed, tryed in the AfTemblie fome qualities, mixt with the man's learning, and excellent facultie both of preaching and reafoning off hand, for which they are altogether unwilling to have him their minifter; fo true it is in all fuiters, Se-quentem fugimus, fugientem fequimur. This laft I was like to have found, had not God given me fome good from my former bitternefs. I was like, fore againft my ftomack, to have been drawn to Edinburgh, and my noble patron's credit was not able to fhelter me from their violence; bot behold, fo foone as my voyce about Epifcopacie and Perth Articles came to their eares, I have become a foure plumb, a hatcher of fome herefie in my breache, for which they will tafte me no more : yea, if I be yet troubled to go to places for which I have no capacitie, as I am like to be, this is my targe, and mayne hope to brooke ftill my prefent happinefs, that a man who cannot afTent to the churches chief a6ts, may not be put in ane eminent place. I live now by favour and mercy in private: my toleration in a more publick view were dangerous for the publick fafetie: ye fie, Aliquifque malo fuit ufus in illo.
The fears we had of the Marqueis victualling of Edinburgh Caflle, made us defyre to fee the AfTemblie at ane fhort end; fo, without farder delay, we decreed to pronunce the fentence of the Bifhops depofition and excommunication to-morrow after fermon by the Moderator, in the fame church. Evill will had he to undertake preaching on fo fhort advertifement: yet there was no remeid; all laid it upon him.
20. Thurfday, the 13th of December, was our twentieth Sef-fion. Bot before noon, to a great multitude, the Moderator had a good and learned fermon on the 1st verfe of the 110th PfaJm,168
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" The Lord faid to my Lord, fitt thou at my right hand till I make thine enemies thy footftool." Thereafter, in a very dread-full and grave manner, he pronounced their fentences as ye have them in print. My heart was filled with admiration of the power and juftice of God, who can bring down the higheft, and pour ftiame on them, even in this world, fuddenlie, by a means allutter-lie unexpected, who will fin againft him proudlie with a uplifted hand; and withall, I heartilie pitied thefe who were excommu-nicat, remembering the great gifts of fome, and eminent places of all; whence their ambition and avarice had pulled them down to the dunghill of contempt. We have many arguments daylie, to work out our falvation with fear and trembling, to be very lowlie, and to defire to pafs over our lyffe in obfcuritie, that fo we may efchew many fnares of the devill, and occafiones of fhamefull ruine.
I did forgett Dumblane's (8) procefle: though he did not fubfcryve the declinature, neither was perfonallie fummoned, having fled before to England; yet was he excommunicat, as one who had been a fpeciall inltrument of all our mifchiefs, having corrupted with Arminianifme diverfe with his difcourfes and lectures in St. Andrewes ; whofe errors and perverfnefs kythes this day in all the nooks of the kingdome, haveing been a fpeciall pen-ner, pra6tifer, urger of our books, and all novations : a man fett in the Chappell to be a hand to Canterburie in all his intentions. What drunkennefs, fwearing, or other crymes was lybel-led, I do not remember.
Mr. William Annan's procefle came in that day : I pitied him much: the man, in my minde, had exceeding great gifts ; bot pro-phanenefs, and a refolut oppofition to all things he counted puri-tanifme, did fpoyle all. His dittie was, That in a common head, De invocatione JanSlorum, he had maintained faints dayes ; he had preached in a fynod a defence of our Liturgie, with many inve6tives againft conceaved prayers ; he was frequentlie drunk, and ane ordinarie fwearer; that he deferted his flock above eight moneths. He was by all depofed. It is ftrange to fee that man's unhappinefs : he fubfcryved our Covenant; his people, and we all, had he been conftant, were ready to have done him much pleafure. After his retracing, he befell fo benumed, that he lies ever fince, fo farr as I can hear, been near to ane irrefolute fa-
(8) James Wedderburn, Professor of Divinity at St. Andrews, was preferred in 1636 to the See of Dunblane, and the Deanry of the Chapel Royal. He died in England, in ] 639.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	169
tuitie in all his a6tions, farr from all his old vivacitie. Mr. Thomas Mackenzie, archdean of Roffe, was alfo depofed for many foull crymes. Dr. Scrymgeour, my old commerad, had been fufpended by the prefbytrie for reading of fervice, preffing conformitie, preaching too grofslie neceffitie of baptifme, fornication fince his miniftrie, drunkennefs, playing at cards on Son-day. He gave in a humble confeffion and fupplication to the Affemblie : we did all pitie him, and the Moderator, his neighbour, was his lingular friend ; yet Newton,(9) Rothes's uncle, was exceeding peremptor to have him depofed; for he faw no other poffibilitie to be quyte of him; for without a prefent terminus ad quem, the fynod gave no a6tuall tranfportation; and fo a man who fand not a prefent place, behooved to be depofed, for we would hear of no minifter without a place : yet at laft Newton was contented to referr his depofition to the Prefbytrie. Dr. Hamilton's proceffe was clofed that day, and he depofed with one voyce.
21. Fryday, the 14th of December, was fpent on things more private. A new commiffioner from Caithnefs was receaved : upon his regrate for layk of expenfes in fo farre ane way, ane a6t was made for fupplying the commiffioner's charges. Wigton, according to his promife to Montrofe, compeared, and fhew his minde in fubfcrying the Covenant in the Counfell, and promifed conflancie in the prefent do6trine and discipline. One Shepherd, a minifter about Dundie, came in that day, as the other one Rollock minifter at Dunce, confeffing their fault and ignorance in fubfcryving the Affemblie's declinature, and intreated they might gett leave to putt out their own names. It was granted them, on affurance of their publick repentance for this fault. The commiffioners of Edinburgh and Dundie protelted, that this favour might be no preparative for their minifters. St. Andrewes complaint againft Dr. Wifliart, who had deferted them for manie moneths, was heard : their fupplication alfo, that they might have Mr. A. Henderfone for their minifter. Here Edinburgh protefted, that he was their eledled minifter. The conteft betwixt Edinburgh and St. Andrewes was great for two or three dayes : the man himfelf was verie unwilling to remove anywhere, yet fra there was no poffibilitie of flaying where he was, he inclyned much rather to St. Andrewes then Edinburgh ; at laft, after much conteft, fome few more voyces carryed him to Edinburgh. Mr. R.
(9) Hon. Sir John Lesley of Newton, a younger son of Andrew, fourth Earl of Rothes, and ancestor of the fifth and subsequent Lords Lindores.170	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
Hamilton's proceffe of Lifmahagoe was produced by their prefby -trie, and his anfwers to it, wherein he anfwered fatiffadlorilie almoft to all: bot Mr. W. Livingfton's fpleen againft him was great; and he had it not for nought. The Affemblie defyred to hear him: He came within a day or two. They putting [him] to paffing from the declinature, and fubfcryving the Covenant, I was fett to confer with him : he feemed to draw near us ; yet ere he would come clean over, he would fee the event. He fpake fo to the Affemblie, that they gave him tyme to advyfe till the Committee. When that came, he did, I fufpe6t, compear : however, they depofed him : yet fuch was his headinefs, that he would mifregard their fentence, as before he had the prefbytrie's, and, notwithftanding, preach on ftill, till the fields grew a little fouler ; when he fled to England, with others. His neighbour, Mr. John Lindfay of Carluke, being over fhott in debt, had long agoe fled to Ireland, and fo deferted his flock: his place was declared vacand ; Mr. Nerne's alfo of Carmichael, for he was overtaken with ane incurable phrenfie. Mr. John Lindfay of Carftairs was depofed in our next Synodall affemblie at Glafgow : fo that fa6tion, which had h olden Lanerick prefby trie thir years bygone in continuall vexation, was clean defeat. Some part of the printed overtures this day were agreed on.
22. Saturday the 15th of December, order was taken, as ye fee in print, for Provinciall fynods ; the perfons and tymes named for the Committees of Edinburgh, St. Andrewes, Dun-die, Irvine, Jedburgh, Eorrefs, and Kirkcudbright. Dr. Panter's proceffe referred to the committee of St. Andrewes : the provi-fion of his place, as of all places of the King's prefentation, the Affemblie [not] to meddle into it till afterwards. Mr. John Lundie, profeffor of Humanity, gave in a fupplication for a vifitation of the Old Colledge of Aberdeen; that while as the Parliament 1597, and Affemblie preceeding, had granted them power to re6tifie their old foundation, yet their Bifhop had de-ftroyed that new re&ification, and urged on them, for confuming of their rents, chantries, prebendries, profeffions of the Canon law, according to their old Popilh foundation, by vertue of his place of Chancellour. My Lord Balmerinoch protefted, for his enteres, that Bilhop Elphinftone's firft foundation fould not be altered : when Lundie, the Univerfitie's commiffioner, replyed, That they required no other alteration than of Popifh offices op-pofed to the Reformed religion, which their Bilhop of new had pofed on them. Both Balmerinoch and all did confent to that1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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vifitation petitioned. Some contefts there was betwixt Skel-murlie and Mr. Thomas Mure minifter of Cumrey, Mr. Patrick Stewart and the Sheriff of Bute, which was referred to our committee at Irvine.
23. Monday, the 17th of December, was our twenty-third feflion. Many things this day went through hand, as indeed in this longfome Affemblie, no day paffed without difpatch of manie buffineffes. I was drawn out, at the beginning of the affemblie, by Mr. Robert Wilkie, to conferr with Lifmahagoe : this was by God's providence; for the firft thing done that day was the reading of the former a6ts in forme, and craving of affent to them as they flood. If I had been within, I could not bot have repeated my contradi6tion to the a6ls of Epifcopacie and Perth articles, to no purpofe, bot my oun trouble. Alfo the good old a6ls were read, as the committee of the [Overtures] had putt them in forme, and approven; bot the pitie is, that our feares and affaires fince hes been foe manie, that we have had no lea-fure to think of their execution. The toun of Dundee gave in a fupplication for the perfon of Belhelvie to be their minifter ; and Mr. John Bell elder, for the tranfportation of Mr. David Dickfone to be his helper. The toun of Edinburgh protefted, That their priviledge to choofe of all the miniftrie whom they would, Ihould not by fuch fupplications be infringed. The matter of Mr. David was much toffed; we had gotten in all this affair much fafherie by the toun of Glafgow's backwardnefs : the main caufe of this was afcryved to the difpofition of their clergy; the beft, yea, the only remead we knew off, was the placing Mr. David among them: though no place did vaike, yet there was privat weell-willers who did obleidge themfelves for a ftipend to him till a place fhould vaike. My Lord of Eglinton was exceeding averfe from his tranfportation: I, for our Prelbytrie, who was not acquaint with the motion, did fpeak againft it, and prepared the Reafons ye fee at (H.) to give in to the Affemblie ; bot there was a committee ordained to hear the parties, Argyle, Montrofe, and others, to whom, by tongue, I delivered the fubftance of thefe reafons. My Lord of Eglinton alfo ftiew, with paffion, his fenfe of his own damnage in that man's tranfportation. By this means the motion was crufhed: yet the great appearance that Edinburgh hes to fpoyl us of him, and the great need Glafgow and that part of the countrey hes of his labour, hes made both him and us fomewhat more inclynable to his tranfportation to Glafgow, than we were at that tyme.172	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
The fpleen of manie againft the Principall in the Affemblie was great: for manie paffages of his carrying in this affair, efpeciallie the laft two; his fubfcryving that which we affirmed, and he denyed, to be a proteftation againft elders, and fo our Affemblie, confiding of them, and minifters ele6led by their voyces; alfo his deferting of the Affemblie ever fince the Commiffioner's departure, upon the pretence that his commiffion being once call, becaufe it was foure, the eleftors would not meet againe to give him or any other a new commiffion : everie other day fome one or other, nobleman, or gentleman, or minifter, was calling that Do6tor Strang fhould be fummoned; bot by the diligence of his good freinds it was ftill fhifted, and at laft by this means clofe put by. We decreed ane vilitation of the Colledge, by Argyle, Eglintoun, Montrofe, Lowdon, Blair, Keir, Provoft of Glafgow, Stirling, Irvine, Mr. Ja. Boner, Mr. R. Blair, Mr. David Dick, Mr. James Sharp, Mr. George Young, myfelf, and fome others, to the which we would have all matters concerning that Univer-fitie referved: this vilitation to be keeped at my Lord Argyle's advertifement. This long was a terrible wand above their head, diverfe of them feared depofition; bot the moft of us who were on it were their good freinds and had power with the reft: We had no other intention bot to admonifli and requeift them to doe dutie ; albeit we had power to goe far farder; and withall, by their own confent, to have eftablifhed a Profeffor of Divinitie among them, for now they had meanes enough for one ; Ruther-furd was named; bot they and we both intended Mr. D. Dick-fone : yet other great affaires hes taken all their tyme, and thir thoughts are caft by till our eftate be fettled. There was a lift taken up of minifters depofed for conformitie, and expe6lants holden out for that caufe, that of thefe regard might be had in the firft place; alfo a roll was made of all able expe6tants, that we might know who were to be had for the multitude of places that fhortlie were like to vaike.
Tuefday the 18th of December, the places was appointed for receiving Bifhops who fhould be penitent. There was much advyfement about order taking with Papifts excommunicat; yet apprehenfion of them for prifon, as law provided, was at this tyme not thought expedient, left it Ihould give occafion to their defperat banding. Other printed overtures were agreed on. That frequent grievance of Edinburgh and Glafgow's mercatt on Mononday, to the unavoydable profanation of the Sabboth, was drawne near a good poynt; for, as I thought, Edinburgh com-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	173
mifiioner faid, that they obtained the King's leave to change that mercat-day, which fhortlie they were minded to doe : yet it is not done. Dodlor Guild was commended for his paynes in helping much to putt doun the Sondayes fifhing in the north; yet the Moderator was fcrupulous to make a new a6t for the fimple difcharge of it: bot when Mr. John Robertfon, who among us all was more flailed in our Affemblie a6ls, had found out ane old a6t of the Affemblie at Halyrudhoufe, 1602, for abolifhing fimplie of all fifhing and milling on the Sonday, he applauded gladlie to the renewing of it. Mr. James Affleck, after all the dealing of Rutherford and others with him, for his full purgation of Arminianifme, gave us in his minde in written Thefes, which made him more fufpicious then ever : When we pofed him, if he would fubfcryve the a6ls of the Synod of Dort, he faid he had never feen them : We referred him to the committee of Dundee, ordaining him to fubfcryve the Synod of Dort's a6ts in thefe queflions, or to be depofed; yet he offered willinglie to fubfcryve our Covenant, with the Affemblie's declaration. The Marqueis declaration having come fome dayes before to the Affemblie's hand, there was a committee appointed for confideration of it, which prefented this day their labours to us, fhowing the impofiibilitie to agree the Affemblie's declaration with the Com-miffioner's; for indeed they flood in terms extreamelie oppofite; the one declaring, that by the Covenant Epifcopacie and Perth articles were fworn to be defended, the other, that by that Covenant both were abjured : the paper ye have at (I).
25. Wednefday, the 19th of December, was our penult feflion. In it a number of fupplications for miniflers to tranfport, and of people to have miniflers tranfported to them; bot not one of thefe who required tranfportation. Mr. Andrew Cant was too eafilie (we thought) induced to be tranfported from Pitfligo to Newbottle, as alfo Mr. James Sharpe and Mr. John Hamilton to fhew their obedience, at the parochiners defyre to the Affemblie, to be fett in Pafley, after Mr. Robert Dowglafs, Mr. James Hamilton, and I, peremptorilie had refufed. I forgate my coufin the minifler of Pafley's proceffe: he was the firfl minifler we depofed : a number of uglie do6trines laid to his charge. I held off his fentence for fome dayes; for I fand him, after his return from the Court of England, a much deje6led man, and willing to clear himfelf of manie things laid to his charge; to confeffe his errors, and be dire6led by the Affemblie for all tyme to come, on condition he might brook his place; bot when no affureance could174	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
be made of his continuance in Pafley, in regard of the parochi-ners great, and univerfall, and moll juft diflyke, he did not com-peir at all: fo fentence went againll him in all was alleadged. Since, he hes lurked, and carried himfelf farr more cannilie then any of that fyde ; yet without any remorfe for any error, as if in any do6lrine he had truelie finned. There fell, in this day, a molt pitifull conteft : the toun of St. Andrewes fupplicat for Mr. Robert Blair to be their minifter; the toun of Aire, with tears, deprecated that oppreflion : Mr. Robert himfelf moll earneftlie oppofed it; for befide the great burden would fall on him in that toun, and the fatall unhappinefs of that miniftrie, he was as farr engaged in affe6lion with Aire, by the fuccefs of his miniltrie, and the largenefs of their charities, as any minifter could be: yet St. Andrewes earneltnefs, and the noblemen of Eyfe their importunitie, the publick good in provyding that feminarie toun with a good man, militated much againll the provell John Stewart's teares, and Mr. Robert's prayers: It was referred to a committee that night in my chamber, Caffills, Lindefay, the Moderator, and a number of other noblemen and minillers. However, my heart pitied much the cafe, (and if it went through, it was a moll dangerous preparative to rent any man from the flock his foul was bound to, and others to him, to be fallened to the unhappie people of our great tounes,) yet I could not hot teftifie my old experience of Mr. Blair's great dexteritie ; yea greater than any man I know living, to infinuate the fear of God in the hearts of young fchollars. This my tellimonie, out of experience, furthered much, both that night in the committee, and the morne in the AlTemblie, the man's tranfportation. It went hardlie ; for the pitifull complaints of John Stewart, crave-ing at leilt a delay till Aire might be acquainted with this motion, and prepared to give in their reafons againll it, did move manie, yet not the half; fo the fame Affemblie pleafed and greived ex-ceedinglie that toun by taking from them at once two minillers : yet they have keeped Hill Mr. Blair, almoll by force ; elfe, how unwilling foever, he had gone away, for he makes confcience to obey the Affemblie in all their commandements.
That day, after fome reafoning, ane a6l was made, which ye fee in print, againll the civill power of churchmen, and of their incapacitie of any place in Parliament; to which I heartilie, without any fcruple, did condefcend : yet we appointed a number of minillers and young noblemen and barrons, not commiffioners for Parliament, to wait on the next Parliament, as the Affem-1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	175
blie's agents, to petition in the name of the Church, a number of things, wherein I wifh them good fpeed. A draught of a fupplication from the Affemblie to the King, was prefented and approven, and to-morrow ane a6t made for the perfe6lion, and prefenting of it. The thing that among others did offend the King, as was faid, in that excellentlie well-penned fupplication, was the fubfcryveing of it by the hand of none of our Nobles, bot onlie the Moderator and the Clerk: yet this was bot like all the reft, a meer miftaking in our Prince ; for our Affemblie adls are fubfcryved by no moe hands: and thefe two alone are better than a thoufand others ; for all others are bot for them-felves, bot yond two reprefents all in law and reafon.
26. This was our laft day, Thurfday, 20th of December; a blyth day to all, onlie to me in one thing forrowfull. Haveing forefeen yefterday that this day the naill would be called to the head, a ground would be laid of great difputt and needlefs trouble by ane ordinance to fubfcryve needleflie the one part of our long difputts ; to witt, that all Epifcopacie and the Articles of Perth were abjured in our Confeffion of Faith the [15]80 year of God, I would have gladlie, without dinn, have had thefe evills preveened, which then I thought I forefaw. The night before the Committee mett in my chamber, I could that night get none ftudied; to-morrow, at feven hours, I had a meeting with Argyle and Eglinton, for a bufinefs of a dear friend; onlie after in the morning, I drew up, by way of letter to the Clerk, my mynde, to be communicat with the Moderator and my Lord Lowdon, as ye may fee at (K.1): This they could not have tyme to confider; onlie, I think, for my motion's caufe, my Lord Lowdon, in the a6l of fubfcryveing the Covenant with the Affemblie's declaration, caufed put in exprefslie, that thefe onlie Ihould be required to fubfcryve of new, who had not before fubfcryved : yet this was to me bot a cold comfort, to goe free myfelf, and others to be oppreffed who were in my minde. In voyceing of this a6t, whereunto all did yeild, I was readie to have diffented; which, for my good allanerlie, left I alone fhould fo oft be found contradi6ling the fynod, my Lord Lowdon preveened, by moveing the Clerk paffe by my name in calling the catalogue. This paffage, fome parts of it, came to Balquan-quall's eares, by fome of his buffie fleas, who were ftill creeping among us; which prefentlie he related to the King, difguifed
The letter addressed to Johnstone of Wariston, which is here referred to, is printed immediately after this, at page 177-176
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1638.
with a number of untruths: yea that unhappie man, to prove thankfull to his late patron, my Lord of Canterburie, for his laft great benefice, hes made the King believe, upon his truft, and putt in print in his own name, in a large book in folio of 430 pages, (2) a number of fillie fables, invented for our difgrace; which, I think, long ere now his Majeftie knows to be much otherwayes, and will fee to his honour, in taking order with thefe men's infinite and continued ingratitude, who will never ceafe to lay on the innocent back of our Prince, the burthen of all their crymes.
Diverfe other a6ts paffed that day ; the chief whereof ye have in print. Our meaning in the a6l of printing is, to give to our Clerk the infpe6lion alone of fuch treatifes as concerns the church regifters: howfoever, fome words of the a6t founds farder ; yet I thinke the youth underftands no more ; and if he did take ane univerfall fuperintendencie of our preffes, it would foone be remedied. We choofe our Clerk to be Advocat for the Church, and Mr. William Doglifhe [Dalgleilh] to be our Agent. We appointed our nixt Affemblie to be at Edinburgh. In the end, the Moderator acknowledged the great goodnefs of God and of the King; thanked much the town of Glafgow, and gave them a fair commendation for care and paynes to give the Affemblie all contentment; alfo my Lord of Argyle, for the comfort of his affiftance from the beginning to the end. Mr. John Row took up the 133d Pfalme, and the bleffing being faid, we all departed with great comfort; with humble joy calling ourfelf and our poor church in the arms of our good God.
Thir things I have drawn up for your ufe and contentment, at my leifure, coming from Dunce-hill (5) : fo I hope I have defrayed that debt long agoe contra<5ted by promife, if fo be thir papers come to your hands. Difpenfe with the evill wryte ; readilie ye may like better my own evill hand than the better hand of another. Thir are for yourfelf alone ; for the putting of them abroad might work me prejudice ; but I doubt nought of your difcretion, elfe I would be loath fo oft to truft yow with my greateft fecreits.
Yours,
[Robert Baillie.]
(tJ) The King's " Large Declaration/' &c. Vide page 140, note 3.
(3) From this it appears that Baillie's account of the Assembly at Glasgow was written in June 1639.1638.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
177
For the Right Worshipfull his assured Freind, Mr. Archibald Johnston, Clerk to the Generall Assemblie. (4)
Deare and loving Brother,	[December 20th, 1638].
Old acquaintance maks me bold to impart to yow my meditation this morning. Ye, among many, have been witnefs of my heartie afient to all the determinations of this fynod, from the beginning to this laft day, fave onlie to a pairt of two, concerning Epifcopacie, and the Articles of Perth : that all thir ought to be removed out of our Church for ever, as things which, by lamentable experience, we have found fo hurtfull thir years bygone, and fo apparentlie dangerous for tyme to come, I did never queflion ; onlie my fear was, that the A6ls of their removeall fhould be con-ceaved in fuch terms, and grounded on fuch reafons, which could not be fubfcryved by manie, who were in thefe things of that judgement. Ye know thir my feares, oft I did communicat to fundrie whofe hand feemed to be among the chief in the fynod, bot I was ever by all made fecure that no fuch thing fhould be, that no fuch thing was ever intended: yet now it is otherwayes fallen forth; the lawfulnefs of Epifcopacie, and of thefe unhappie Articles, were, in the voteing of thefe a6ls, exprefslie denyed to be called in queftion; for all that, the voyces of the houfe did inferre that conclufion, and, as I thought, fomewhat more, the Abjuration of all thefe by our Church, and that of old by the verie Confeffion of Faith. I thought enough for me, in my publick voyceing, to declare my minde; to make any long reafoning it was not expedient: I was alone in this oppofition; my reafons were not prepared, for I did not expe6l the agitation of thefe queflions; I was put in hope, that in the framing of the A6ts, ere they were booked, a temper might be ufed for the fatiffa6tion of thefe fcrupulous mindes, as mine was; and, however, while the common enemie was greedilie gapeing for all occafions of difcord among us, I refolved, for my part, to contend for nothing, bot in all modeflie to tell my minde where I differed, without difputation ; efpeciallie being put in full hope, that thir fynodick conclufions fhould never be preffed on our confciences; that our fubfcription to them, under the great paines of depofi-tion and excommunication, fhould never be required. Bot now,
(4) This letter is referred to by Baillie, at page 175,, in his account of the Assembly at Glasgow.
vol. i.	m178	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1638.
while the Confeffion of Faith is to be given out with ane explanation, containing the Abjuration, as it is conceaved in our fy-nodick A 61, what either to fay or to doe I cannot tell! Who ever in any tyme hereafter will refufe to fubfcryve the Confefiion of Faith, as it is now fett down, will be lyable to the hyeft paines the Church can infli6l. No man can fubfcryve a write fimplie without limitation, as every Confeffion mull be fub-fcryved, wherein there is any the leaft claufe which croffes his minde. While ye put in the Confeffion of Faith that our Church did abjure all other Epifcopacie bot that of Saint Paul's, and all the five Articles of Perth, what fhall become of us who are per-fuaded in our mindes, for all that we have yet heard, that fome Epifcopacie diverfe from that of St. Paul's, to witt, that of the conftant Moderator in the Ancient, and of the Superintendents in the Reformed church, was never abjured by our Church; that, however in 1580 year Epifcopacie, as it was commonly ufed and taken, be condemned, as having no warrand in the word of God, and Epifcopacie, as this day ufed and taken in the Church of Scotland and England, and defended in our Prelates late declinature, yea, in the Commiffioner his Grace's declaration, be to be condemned as popifh, and contrare to God's word, and directlie repugnant to our Confeffion ; yet all other Epifcopacie than St. Paul's, as our A61 fpeaks, feemes to us not onlie not unlawfull, but alfo never condemned by any church, albeit reje6ted by diverfe churches, and ours among the reft, as a policie inexpedient for them. It is one thing to pafie by a policie as inexpedient, and another to abjure it as contrare to fome article of the Confeffion of Faith. This fame we think of Perth Articles : the reafons of our judgement ye have no tyme to take now, nor we to give them. Onlie I humblie fupplicat yow, in the name of God, that ye would confider advyfedlie with the Moderator and my Lord Lowdon at leift, Whether it be expedient at this tyme to conclude a fubfcription of the Confeffion of Faith with the abjuration of Epifcopacie and Perth Articles, as is ex-preffed in the fynodick A6t ? If ye make fuch a conclufion, in my poore judgement, ye lay a ground to keep thefe unhappie dif-putations on foot in our Church for ever, which we hoped might have for ever hereafter been buried; ye lay on yourfelf a ne-ceffitie of perfecuting manie a good man, whofe minde will not be able to agree to that conclufion, at this time verie needleflie; ye will make a divifion for the ftrengthening of the common enemie, who is watching for all our diftractions. In thir my feares, God1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS:	179
grant I may be found idle and foolifh : however, I give yow a tymous warning, with affurance to carrie myfelf, doe what ye will, fo quietlie as ye can wifhe any man in the world of my judgement. I reft your Brother.
To Mr. David Dickson.
Reverend and Beloved Brother,	21ft of July, 1639.
I doe not keep this dayes tryft;(5) thinking that my Lord Boyd will be eaft, as I fee the letter to the Noblemen preffes all to be, if he be there, I wifh ye confirme him in the great equitie of paying all his teynds there to the publick, without feeking any tack: his teinds, and almoft the reft, is undervalued the full half; the viccarage, which might well pay a thoufand pound, is putt to nothing : if he require two or three chalders in tack, and the reft doe fo proportionallie, there will be no good gotten there; if he will for God's caufe let that fmall commoditie fall, the reft will doe the like, all would be well. If Rowalland would take back his money, with the annualrent, we might foon perfwade Mr. Michael to give it: two year, or three years rent at moll, which are all now bygone, would pay him to the full, fo all would goe well; for Kilmarnock, might be eftablifhed ten chalders vi6tuall, for his helper fyve, for his fchoolmafter one, for the new kirk feven, for the fchooll of it one, for the hofpitall the four hundereth merks of viccarage. If ye would move young Rowalland to make his father agree to take his own, ye might make my Lord Boyd, I doubt not, doe a noble turn for that poor people, and his own honour, without great loffe. My Lord Montgomerie tells me, that Glafgow was earneft with his father and him for your removeall; after I proponed to him fome conliderations, I made him half to confent off hand : I think there will be few rubbs on that hand.
I find my putting off the Commiflion(6) fomewhat difgracefull in many mouths; bot I hope to learn to take in good part difgraces, when I am acquainted with them. I forefaw it, and laid it out before God before the ele6lion, and refolved, that the burden of
(5) This evidently alludes to a meeting of Presbytery, or of some Committee to settle the stipend of the newly erected parish of Fenwick or New-Kilmarnock. Of the persons mentioned, * Rowalland' means Sir William Mure of Rowallane, * young Rowalland/ his son, Sir William Mure younger, and ' Mr. Michael,' Michael Wallace, minister of Kilmarnock.
(c) As a Member of the General Assembly to be held at Edinburgh, in August 1639.180	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
it would be lefle to my minde, than to have been on the commifiion againft that privie article, which, I conceave, was framed for me alone; for no other of all the old commiflioners needed to be changed for no fubfcryving of the Aflemblie's declaration, bot I only. I know I have furthered in the laft Aflemblie, and evir before, fince my entrie in the miniftrie to this day, the good of our Church to my power: I am confcious of my conflant affection to our caufe, to the lofle of my life, without any hinke : I am willing in God's fight, with a quiet minde, to be removed at this [time] from any publick employment, fince your Inflru6lions did fo command, and ye were fo willing, and the voyces of our meeting did fo think meet: only I befeech yow be conflant in your promife, which ye have repeated to me oft in the name of God, (not for refpe6l to me, or any other, bot for the juftice ye profefle ye fand in my propofition,) the ferious agenting in the next Generall Aflemblie of two A6ls ; One of oblivion of all hes pad in our controverfies of difcipline to this day; fo that all honefl brethren, who are moft willing in pra6life to live according to the prefent difcipline, without any endeavour fo long as they live to make the leift change therein, may incurre no trouble for their thoughts and tenets of the lawfullnefs of fome Epifcopacie and the Articles of Perth, which they are perfuaded not to be un-lawfull, not to be againft God's word, or abjured by our church, or any church ; Nixt, an a6l, that intrants in their oath, or rather an advertance that in the oath of intrants, (if the Aflemblie make any,) there be no clagg to trouble their confcience about their judgement in thefe controverfies of difcipline. If God blefs yow in thefe endeavours, I will take yow for a blefled and happie in-flrument to our Church. If for any new emergent, ye be diverted from this labour, or if Satan or imprudent men doe crofle your paines, when they are employed to the full, I will be a man full of forrow and difcouragement; (till expe6ting that thefe who gives now commandments to hold off the Aflemblie thofe who will not fubfcryve the late Aflemblie's declaration, and commands to putt all to this fubfcription, will not faill to put me one day, and fome hundreds with me, who I know are never like from their heart to fubfcryve it, to fome trouble, and readilie, which is farr worfe, our Church to needlefs difquiet; which eafilie may be avoyded, if ye fett your heart quicklie, as ye promifed, to obtain in your nixt Aflemblie, thefe your happie Overtures. This much, by purpofe, hes dropped from my pen, for the eafe of my fomewhat perplexed minde. I am more afraid for our inward divifion, from the feed call in that Declaration, than for the King's fword, and the utter-1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	181
moft of our inraged Prelats malice. The Lord be with yow. Son-day, at night, 21st July 1639.
Your Brother,
[Robert Baillie.]
It wes written in anfwer to this Letter as followes :
As for thefe Overtures, whereof yow and I have been fpeaking, it is in my heart to indeavour them to the uttermoft of my power; and I hope in God to fee them effectuate. This is from your loveing Brother,
[David Dickson.] [To the Earl of Lowdoun.]
My verie good Lord,	[July 1639.]
I would have been loath to have impefhed your Lordfhip with any of my motions at this tyme, of ftrait and full of great affaires, had not your Lordfhip's more nor ordinar facilitie in hearing me, at all tymes, invited, and the perplexitie of my burthened minde forced me, to fpeak out my prefent griefs to your Lordlhip; whom God mull either move to help them, or elfe they muft lie on flill, for any relief I expert to them, in hafte, from any other inftrument. My knowledge of the deep forefight, of the great equitie, and, where need is, compafiionatenefs of your Lordfhip's minde ; alfo of that well deferved authoritie which your Lordlhip hes this day in our kirk, and lingular dexteritie, by wifdome and diligence, to ob-taine in our Affemblie all your juft defyres, though never fo great difficulties fhould call themfelves at the beginning in the way ; my full underftanding of thir your Lordfhip's endowments, puts me in hopes to get my griefs eafed, my feares removed, my perplexitie remeeded, by your Lordfhip's endeavours. If herein I be disappointed, the reft of my confidence is alone in the God of truth and juftice, who ufeth to hear the fighs of thofe who are caufleflie oppreffed, that he, in due tyme, will not faill to remeid thofe evills, which, it feares me, too foone the unjuft rigour of fome, and carelefs inadvertance of manie others, will bring on our poore Church.
Your Lordfhip cannot forget, at the firft forming of our late Covenant, your happie care at my motion to caufe help and change thefe claufes in it that feemes to import the abfolute condemnation of Perth Articles, and the office it felf of Bifhops. All then required was, the reference of thefe things to a free generall Affemblie; any defigne or hope to have gotten down Bifhops altogether did appear182	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639-
in no man, to my knowledge, at that tyme ; thefe few who then harboured fuch intentions in their breafl did difpaire, in hafle, to obtain the confent of the moft part to any fuch propofition; yea, it was thought unfeafonable, to fett on foot then the removeall of any thing eflablifhed by law, while we did purfue our partie, the Bifhops, mainelie for their incroaching upon us againfl the flanding lawes of the kingdome. Your Lordfhip was well content with my fubfcrip-tion of the Covenant, with my open profeffion of the lawfullnefs of Perth Articles and of fome Epifcopacie; yea, the meeting of the brethren did authorize me to publifh, in wryte, the compatibilitie of the Covenant as then it flood, with the grounds of thefe who were, as they wont to fpeak, conforme in judgement; and this my declaration, fo authorized, was not unprofitable for the gaming to our fyde manie of the brethren, who otherwife were verie like to have flarted farr away.
Notwithflanding, when it came to the AfTemblie, it was not onlie concluded of Epifcopacie as ufed and taken in the Kirk of Scotland, bot abfolutelie of all Epifcopacie whatfoever, different from the pallor of one onlie congregation, and of all the fyve Articles of Perth, that all thir were not onlie to be removed out of our kirk, bot had been trulie abjured by our kirk in the Confeffion of Faith the year [15] 80 and [15] 90 ; yea it was ordained, that all fab-fcription to the Covenant in tyme comeing fhould be in this fenfe; and that, expreflie declared in formall words. And howfoever your Lordfhip was fo good as to caufe put in a claufe in that A61 which did fave me from danger, and all others who before had fubfcryved; neverthelefs againfl that exprefs exception, dire6tions hes been latelie given, and pun6tuallie obferved in Lothian, Perth, Fyffe, Galloway, and manie other fhires, for requireing a new fubfcription, with that full declaration; fo that manie who before did fubfcryve were forced to it againe, and fome for the refufall of that declaration alone hes been depofed from their miniflrie, and yet flands fo, as I am informed : So that no man now remaines fecure, bot that againfl both the words and the minde of that AfTemblie a6l he may, when his neighbours will, be put to a new fubfcription, and that, as it feemes with verie good and inevitable reafon: for if that declaration be trulie fuch a materiall part of the Covenant that none can be admitted hereafter to fubfcryve the one without the other, what can we fay for our refufall of it, which, in equitie, may not be reje6led with difdaine ? how can we require of others that which our felf, without trouble of minde, cannot gett performed ?
Here then, it is, where we find ourfelves pitifullie enfnared, and1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	183
wifhes that our fnare were broken by fome happie hand. We will not difputt the truth of the Aflemblie's conclulion ; albeit we muft profefle, that we have feen to this day no reafon inclyning our mind to think that our Kirk in the 1580 yeir did abjure the Articles of Perth, and all kinde of Epifcopacie, even that of the ancient kirk, and of our own fuperintendents, as contrare to any article of her Confeflion of Faith : bot this now being concluded, we defyre not againe it ftiould be called in queftion; onlie fuppone us here to err, yet it would be confidered if this our error be truelie before God of fuch a weight, that for it alone, and for no other challenge at all, a number of pure minifters, who, to their knowledge, hes ferved God faithfullie in their calling, deferves to be call out of their places ; yea that fundrie, perhaps, of the nobilitie and gen-trie, let be burgeffes and commons, who, without diflimulation, in the fear of God, may be forced to fpeak out their minde one day, fomewhat contrare to that declaration; that even thefe, for this onlie caufe, ought to be call out of the Kirk, and excom municat as enemies, not onlie to fome a6ts of our Aflemblie, bot unto the verie Confeflion of Faith, and Covenant of our kirk with God.
This rigorous feveritie is fallen out farr by the expectation of my weak and blind minde ; I did never fear, when I had concurred to the uttermoft of my power, to the down-putting of all Epifcopacie in our kirk, and the utter abolition of Perth Articles, when I had ventured in this caufe my foul, my life, my meane eftate, as farr as any; yet becaufe I did differ from my brether in one onlie argument which infers our conclulion, agreeing fullie with them in the conclulion itfelf; for I remove as firmlie as any, and that upon arguments anew, all thefe things out of our Church for ever, albeit I be not yet fatiffied of our Church's old abjuration; I did never expe6t, that for this fole and onlie caufe, ane A61 fhould be fett above my head, or the head of any other, importing no lefle than the merit of depolition and excommunication. I wifli then it were yet thought upon, if it be juil and reafonable, that numbers of us onlie, becaufe we cannot believe that Perth Articles, and all kinde of Epifcopacie, was abjured by our kirk at the firft forming of her Ihort Confeflion of Faith, bot are moft willing to binde ourfelves by any oath, or any other band that can be invented to oppofe, to our dying day, the bringing back in our kirk any of Perth Articles, or any imaginable kinde of Epifcopacie; confider, I fay, if above the heads of men fo difpofed, there ought to ftand A6ls which makes us cenfurable, when any of our evill-willers pleafes, by184	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
all the paines whereunto anti-covenanters are now lyable, or may hereafter be made fubje6l.
By what way any fecuritie can be made for our fecuritie, fo long as the fore-named A61 of the late Aflemblie ftands in force, I doe not fee. Notwithftanding, the fhortnefs of my fight lets me not „ tyne hope ; bot that your Lordfhip's pierceing eye may at once fall upon fome expedient, for the invention whereof manie of us fhall blefs your Lordfhip, as the molt happie inftrument of the quietnefs both of our mindes and eftates : yet, if it fall out fo, that no reall means can be found out to put us in fafetie, we refolve to reft in the Providence of God : If hereafter, manie a faithfull minifter, with his wife and children, be undone; if queftions which now might well have been gotten buried for ever, fhall be racked up againe out of their grave, for the renting of our kirk; let thefe whofe untymous rigour hes at leift fome part of the wyte anfwer it in the day of doome.
By this piece of paper, I have been bold to hold your Lordfhip in minde of my humble and verie earneft defyre, that ye would be pleafed to think on the finding out of fome Overture for putting manie of our mindes to reft: readilie the a6l I have here fubjoyn-ed, or one like it in fubftance and purpofe, might help all; bot this I remitt to your Lordftiip's wifdome, and, however it goe, finds myfelf much oblidged to remaine, for manie former favours, a fupplicant to God my mafter for your Lordfhip's well [fare.]
[Robert Baillie.]
[To Mr. William Spang.]
Coosin,	[September 28th, 1639.]
Ye have here the reft of my papers concerning the AfTemblie of Glafgow : alfo ye will find about yow ane letter of mine of the 12th of Februar, giving yow ane account of our affaires till that tyme. The accidents of our land, thir feven moneths bygone, hes been verie manie, and verie ftrange : I doubt if the providence of God fheltering a poor Church from imminent ruine, with a power, wifdome, goodnefs, clearlie divine, hes ever in any land fhyned fo brightlie as in ours thefe dayes : the hand of our God hes now well near led us all down from the ftage of extreame danger, that we may all go about, in our old fecuritie, everie one his own neglected affaires, with a mutuall amitie, and a moft univerfall joy. Our Prince is brought off fo well as may be, and much more ho-1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	185
nourablie than any could have dreamed, from the purfueing the revenge of inraged churchmen, who would neither endure to amend their crymes, nor fuffer the cenfure of their obftinacie. Our State is fecured from the wrath of our mifinformed Prince, from the armes of our neighbour kingdomes, and a flrong fa6tion among ourfelfe. Our Church has gotten a full purgation, and hes call forth freelie all the corruptions that did infe6t either do6trine or difcipline. We are put in poffeffion of Generall AlTemblies and Parliaments according to our minde; the foveraigne medicines againft the fudden return of fuch mortall difeafes amongft us. The Canterburian faction in our land, which, with full failes, was hayl-ing us all away to Rome for our religion, to Conftantinople for our policie; who was not carefull much to cover their intention to have our Church prefentlie popifh, and our State flavifh, alone that they themfelves might have their defyred honour, wealth, pleafure, whatever difpleafure thereby could come to God, or dif-grace to their prince, or ruine to their countrey; that fa6lion is now broken, lying in the pitt of lhame and povertie in a ftrange land, pitied by none, helped by verie few, and that bot in fuch a meafure, as to their proud and prodigall ltomachs, brings rather ane increafe of byting and tormenting difdaine, than any fweetnefs of a prefent relief, or ground to expe6t a redrefs to their miferies in any following tyme. We, by the favour of our God, and grace of our King, are put in fuch a condition, that thefe of our neighbours who in all Europe were beholding the theatre of our Ifle thir bygone years, with the eye of compafiionat pitie, and ane heart afraid, not with the farr prognoftications, bot the imminent appearances of our woefull calamities, or elfe, according to their contrare interefle, were gazeing with ane eye kindled with ane overjoying hope to fee the long-envyed profperitie of our happie Iflands change to thefe confufions that might open a fair port to carry in the chariot of their great goddefle on earth, the Pope, and catholick King, to reign in our Church and State, and, by this new accreffe of impire, be much furthered in erecting that fifth Monarchic, which the Jefuits hes been long hatching for their darling the Spanifh King, had not the puritanick Calvinifts, efpeciallie in Britain, laid hitherto fome ftraes in their way ; thefe our neighbours, I fay, will now reap the fruit of their former affe6tions, either, by their fweet congratulations, to partake in our prefent rejoyceing in our God, and humble thankfgivings to our King, or elfe, by turning their back and hydeing their face, being confounded at the breakneck of their expe6tations, bitterlie to regrate the return of our peace,186	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639'
their antient eye-fore, and maine ground of defperation ever to gett the armes of their impyre ane inch enlarged; yea, to be amazed with feares, leift the evanifhing of their beft devyfed plotts here into wind and reik, be a divine prefage of the downfall of all their cunning contrivements over fea, and of the redemption of the churches abroad from that oppreffion wherewith their tyrannous feet has long trode them down.
The feveral pieces of this heavenlie work, which God hes begun and perfe6ted by the noble fpirits of manie brave men among us, fitted excellentlie with gifts correfpondent to the extraordinarie exigents of the tymes, I wifh ye had them well defcryved : they could ferve our friend for verie good purpofe, to be materialls for his Latine ftorie,(7) wherein I hope he will go on ; not onlie becaufe that Declaration will be a full apologie to ftop the mouth of all his calumniators, and a certain meane to procure to him the readie patrocinie of the beft in this land, to anfwer ever for him, and that hotelie, againft all who would hereafter, for any bygone miftakes, move their tongue againft his fame ; bot fpeciallie, becaufe the continuance of that difcourfe would be a good office towards his native countrey, to which he is tyed, both becaufe he hes begun, and is well approven for his labour, and is tollerablie well furnifhed with all parts needfull for that talke. I fhall be glad for my part to fend to yow, for his ufe, all the Information comes to my hands.
The fecret wheels whereupon this work hes runn, are all within the curtain where the like of me winns not. I hear that thefe who hes been prime workers hes lykewife been diligent wrytters of all the proceedings : their Commentars, when they come to the pub-lick view, I perfuade my felf, will give great contentment to all minds who are inclined towards a laudable curiofitie to underftand and behold all the ftrings of that muntoure ; that feeing the motion go on by the counter-paffing of fo manie fmall wheels, everie one running on their own axle, he may be ravilhed with the ftrength of the firft mover, and delighted with the fight of the fidll of the great engyner, whofe hand hes framed the firft great wheel], and hes fett all together with fuch a mutuall dependance, that the whole multitude of all their counter-motions works together for no other end than to bring the palme about to thefe precife lynes
(7) Notwithstanding the mode in which Baillie speaks of " our friend," he evidently refers to Spang himself; and his " Latine Storie," might be the work entitled " Rerum nuper in Regno Scotise gestarum Historia," &c. Dantisci, 1641, 12mo. This work, which is usually attributed to Spang, was founded at least upon JBaillie's communications to his Cousin.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	187
which the artificers wills at fuch tymes to be pointed at: Bot, in the meantyme, the world of common witts, who are contented to behold the outfide, without deeper inquirie, careing for no more than in their way to look up to the hand upon the houre, being impatient to interrupt their private adoes by any laborious fearch into the caufes of the motion, and wayes how publick affaires hes been carryed through; the molt of the world conlifting of fuch fimple and blunt fpirits, muft not be difappointed. Bot while our noble agents gett leafure from the importunitie of their laborious actions, which yet is not ended, to give a fight of their wryttings(8), wherein to fuch noble mindes as their own, they may be pleafed to give a view of all the convoy of this great affair; I wifh our friend were going on in his plain, Ihort and fimple way, to let ftrangers over fea, behold that face of matters, which the blindeft among us hes feen this while bygone, and much admired. For his fervice and better furtherance, I fhall goe on where I left with thefe paflages, which now comes to my minde. Ye lhall have them in that fhape that they were prefented to the eye of us, the common people, and in that order wherein they ftand in a very weak me-morie, fome moneths after their pafling by.
The Supplication which we decreed in the Aflemblie of Glafgow to be fent to the King, could hardlie be gotten prefented. How-foever, manie would have ventured to have gone with it, though their head fhould have gone therefore; yet, underftanding the increafe of the King's wrath, and the danger there was, even in peaceable tymes, for any fubjedl to play the ambaflador or capitu-lator with the Prince, when he did not call for, or his Councill did not fend up, which, by law, and his declared will, is appoynted to be his onlie informer in high poynts of ftate; alfo hearing oft words from court of great fpyte againft the very lyves of moft of our nobles, gentrie, miniftrie, who were able to agent our bufinefs ; it was refolved, that none of note or parts, Ihould go up, without greater aflurance for their returne, than could for that tyme be
(8) One of the Cf noble agents," and " prime workers," alluded to in this passage, was no doubt John Earl of Rothes, who appears to have contemplated writing a detailed narrative of publie affairs at this period. We know, at least, that along with materials apparently collected for the purpose of continuing the work, his Lordship left behind him " A true Relation of Proceedings concerning the Affairs of the Kirk of Scotland," extending from August 1637 to July 1638. This Historical Relation was published for the first time, (as a contribution from James Nairne, Esq. to the Members of the Bannatyne Club,) at Edinburgh, in 1030. 4to.188	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
expe6led ; and withall a gentleman of the Marqueis of Hamilton's acquaintance, Mr. George Winrhame, undertook, on all hazards, to deliver to the Marqueis the fupplication; and upon his refufeal, to give it to the King himfelf. He was no worfe than his word; as, indeed, fome of our fair-undertaking ftatefmen thereafter did prove. He went to Court, ftiew to the Marqueis his eirand; his Grace acquainted the King; who was pleafed that the fupplication fhould be receaved; fo his Grace took it, and on his knee did read it to his Majeftie in the Councill. The heft anfwer then it got was, the Scottifh proverb, " When they have broken my head, they will put on my coule." However, the gentleman flayed many weeks for an anfwer, bot receaved none. He did us good offices there; though his letters, which were like to be lighted, were full of great feares and Englifh braggs, yet diverfe of his more fecret ones (hew, fo long as he remained there, the true eftate of the Court, which was not very terrible.
We in the meane tyme went on with our affaires, held the committees appointed by the Affemblie : many minifters, who remained obftinate in fcandalls, were depofed at Edinburgh, St. Andrewes, Dundie, Irwine, and elfewhere ; how juftlie, the reports of thefe Committees diligence to the late Generall AlTemblie at Edinburgh, did declare; where, before the King's commiffioner, all the depofed minifters who pleafed were heard to plead, and all of them who kythed penitent for their mifdemeanour were receaved.
The Councill of England, after long advyfement, permitted the King, I would have faid, confented to the King's defyre, to enter in a courfe of warr againft us. The firft affureance we had of this conclufion, was the oath exa6ted of our nation at Court, of re-nunceing the Affemblie and our band, promifeing alfo the King their full affiftance, when ever he required it, againft us; the nixt was the King's letter, publifhed for all the fhyres the 26th of Januar,(A.) commanding all the nobles and gentrie of England to attend his royall ftandard at York againft the firft of Apryle, where he was to goe to the border to oppofe the Scotts there, who were to invade England; and the third was the commiffion, which the Marqueis of Hamilton's man caryed to the north, for the Marqueis of Huntley to be lieutenant to the King in thefe parts, with great authoritie.
Thir alarmes put us out of all doubt of our enemies intention quicklie to fett upon us. Our firft care, was to fend in a true Information to England of all our purpofes: we had fome monet.hs before given to that nation account in print of all our former pro-1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	189
ceedings, to their good lykeing; we then, in a printed Iheet or two, laboured to clear ourfelves of all flanders, efpeciallie of that vile calumnie of our intention to invade England, or to caft off our dutifull obedience to our Prince. This piece, as was thought old Durie's hand chieflie, did us good fervice ; for it fatiffied fo fullie the hearts of that nation, that our adverfaries, being extreamlie galled with our fucceffe, moved the King to make that pitifull Declaration (B.) of the 27th of Februar; where we are, contrare to all reafon and law, declared, in all the churches of England, the fouled traitors and rebells that ever breathed. Bot at once we loft nought by that mofl injurious dealing; for our innocencie was fo well remonflrat in print, by thefe three or four mod daintie fheets of Mr. Henderfon's, that we, over all England, began to be much more pitied then before, and our inraged partie, the bifhops, to be the more detefted.
Our nixt care was, to have all our mindes cleared of the law-fullnefs of our defence. No man doubted more of this than my felf; yea, at my fubfcryving of the Covenant, I did not diffemble my contrare refolution ; for I had drunken in, without examination, from my mailer Cameron, in my youth, that llavifh tenet, that all refiftance to the Supreame Magiftrate, in anie cafe, was limplie unlawfull: bot fetting my felf to diligent reading, and prayer for light in that queftion, which the tymes required peremp-torilie to be determined, without delay, I fand many doubts loofed, efpeciallie by Bilfon, Grotius, Rivett, and the Do6lors of Aberdeen, who were alleadged to be moft oppofed to that tenet. Being fullie cleared in my own minde, as my fafhion is, I held not long in my refolution. At our meeting in Edinburgh, being fo defyred, I gave out that fheet or two, which I gave yow, for which I got manie thanks, of the lawfullnefs of our Defence by armes. My Lord of Caffilis, who had drunken of the fame fountain with me, by his obftinat refufeall to joyn in anie courfe tending to a forcible refiftance, did give great offence to verie manie : nothing was more hinderfull to us, than that gracious man's example, withdrawing from the refl on mere confcience. When he was given over of all as defperate, I took him in hand, and left him not till at lafl, by God's grace, he became as franche in the defence of his countrey, as any of his neighbours. Diverfe papers went then abroad upon this queftion, fome whereof was not voyd of fcandall; efpeciallie one of a prettie fchollar, Mr. G[illefpie], bot too rafh a youth in his determinations, if I conceave him right, in manie things. To helpe this inconvenient it was laid on Mr. Henderfon,190	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
our bell penman, to draw up fomewhat for the common view. He did it fomewhat againft the hair, and more quicklie than his cuf-tome is ; fo it was not fo fatiffa6torie as his other wryts : for this caufe, though read out of many pulpits, yet he would not let it go to the preffe : bot one of our depofed minifters would eafe him of that expenfe. Mr. Corbett, to whom I had obtained favour in our committee at Irwine, and had moved him, under his hand, to paffe from his declinature of the Generall Aflemblie and joyne in our Covenant in all things fo far as I went myfelf; yet, upon fome fplene, as it feemes, or rather rafhnefs in fome of his brethren of the Prefbytrie of Dumbrittane, he is put to the fubfcryving of the Affemblie's declaration, farr befyde our minde; which not being willing to doe, he flies away to Ireland; and there, to fhew his repentance of what I had moved him to wryte, he will put himfelf in print, in the Deputie's (9) hand, in a refutation of Mr. Henderfon his inftru6lions, with fo little matter, and fo much fpytefull venome, as no man would ever have conceaved to have been lurking in his heart againft all our proceedings. We have thought him unworthie of a replie, and are content with our advantage, that my Lord Deputie permitts to go out under his patronage that defperat do6trine of abfolute fubmiflion to princes; that notwithftanding of all our laws, yet our whole eftate may no more oppofe the prince's deed, if he fhould play all the pranks of Nero, than the pooreft Have at Conftantinople may refill the tyrannic of the Great Turk. We are confident, that our fweet Prince will not faill to doe juftice upon all who countenances fuch tenets, that ftrykes at the root of his juft and lawfull foveraignitie, if the tymes were fo peaceable that Parliaments could get, in a deduced proceffe, reprefented to his eye the ftate-undermyning plott of that fa6tion.
When we had done diligence to informe our neighbours of England, and make fure the courages of all our friends at home, in the third place, we took courfe for a reall oppofition to our enemies. It was debated, If any help fhould be fought from ftrang-ers? The fardeft that was refolved, was to fend over one Colvine, (*) a gentleman of Fyfe, who fhould go by the States and Prince of
(9) Wentworthj Earl of Strafforde, Deputy and Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom of Ireland.
(') William Colvine or Colville. Lord Hailes published a letter from Colville to Lord Balmerinoch, disapproving of the draught of the letter from the Scotish nobles to the King of France, and suggesting some alteration in his Instructions for this proposed mission. It is dated from " Cromy, the 30th of April 1639."1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	191
Orange to the Court of France, as our agent, for informing, and re-quireing, at moft, the French King and States of Holland to inter-ceed, by way of intreatie, with our King, that he might be pleafed to hear our fupplications ; and one other, readilie Meldrum, to the Queen of Swaine [Sweden], by the King of Denmark, for this fame end. Bot all this was negledled; not fo much as a manifefto was ever divulged to Grangers by us ; wherein wee were great fools, for it was much to our prejudice. Our partie failed not in all languages to poynt us out as defperat rebels; and fo farr, by their calumnies, prepoffefied the minds of forraigne princes, that the King of Denmark feafed on our armes, and thought meet to break off with us the lawes of nations, at leijd of friendfhip; whereof he much repented, when he heard the true ftate of our affaires by Cochrane ; but avowed we had juftlie provoked him by our mifregard to give him information as a neighbour prince in fo publick ane exigent.
We were hopefull of powerfull affiftance from abroad if we fhould have required it. France would not have failed to have embraced our protection. Holland and we were bot one in our caufe : They had been much irritate latelie by the King's affiftance of the Spanziard. Denmark was not fatiffied with manie of our prince's proceedings, and was much behind with the Crown of Brit-tain, fince his warr with the Emperor. Swaine was fullie ours to have granted us all the help they could fpare from Germanie. Bot we refolved to make no ufe of any friendfhip abroad, till our cafe were more defperat than yet we took it. We ftill hoped to bring of our Prince by fair meanes, which had not been fo eafie if we had brought once forraigne forces within the Ille. We were hopefull, by the affiftance of God, to make our partie good by our felf alone. The affiftance of Lutherans, let be of Papifts, at this tyme, was, to our divines, a leaning to the rotten reed of Egypt; befyde our po-vertie to give pay to a few number of ftrangers, and our old doole-full experience of their intolerable infolencies where they came on their own charges to fight. Above all, a league with forraigners had made England of neceffitie our partie ; the evill in the world we moft declyned, and our adversaries did moft ayme at.
The lefTe our defigne was for help from abroad, our diligence was the greater to make good ufe of our meanes at home. There was eftablilhed by common confent, to refide at Edinburgh con-ftantlie, a generall Committee of fome noblemen, barons, and bur-gefies ; alfo in everie fhyre, and whyles in everie prefbytrie, a particular committee for the bounds, to give order for all militarie af-192	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
faires, the railing of men, provifion of amies, getting of monie with all diligence. To ftiow the wifdome'and dexteritie of this new foot, (2) fee two of their firft orders, (C.) wherein they take fo good courfe for our whole land, as then was poffible. Much help we gott from good Generall Leflie, who fatt daylie with our general committees : his advife in giving of orders was much followed: we intended to give unto him, when the tyme of need came, as we did, the charge of our Generalliffimo, with the ftyle of His Excellence; bot for the prefent he was diligent, without any charge, to call home officers of his regiments, to fend for powlder, mulkett, picks, canons ; wherein, from Holland, Swaine, Germanie, we were prettie well anfwered.
It was in that meeting of March much agitat, If it were expedient to feafe on the places and perfons of our countrie, wherein the great confidence of our enemies wes placed, to work by them chieflie our ruine ? It was not doubted but fuch prevention was moft expedient for our fafetie ; bot much queftion there was about the lawfullnefs of beginning the courfe of violence on our part. It was concluded to attempt nothing till yet our affaires were more de-fperate ; onlie order was given to levie with diligence two thoufand foot in the fliyres befouth Tay, under Crowner Monroe's command, and for their pay to take up from William Dick on the noblemen's bond two hundreth thoufand merks, who fhould be diligentlie trained, that they might be a feminarie of fojours for the trayning of the countreys, whence they were lifted, and lie on the fouth border, to join with the countrey there, againft any incur-lion from England ; bot above all, that we might have men on foot to hinder the gathering to ane head of any partie for the King in thefe Southland quarters. Alfo, a meeting was appointed by my Lord Argyle, firft in Perth, with the noblemen and gentlemen of the North, for advyfement anent the fecureing of all thefe countreys, as farr as Sutherland, from any commotion among them-felves, or invafion of other; thereafter in Lorne, with the Ifles-men, to gett fecuritie of their loyaltie to our countrie at thir fo dangerous tymes.
That man has proven, from the beginning to this day, a notable inftrument for the manageing of our high and difficult affaires. What his part was in the Affemblie, I fhew yow in the difcourfe thereof; fince that tyme he has labored what lay in his witt for keeping our countrie in peace, both at home and abroad, being provocked to it by that fharpe man the Deputie of Ireland. He,
(*) Foot ? In one of the MSS. the word is changed to Committee.1639.
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in fome two or three well penned letters, juftified our caufe againft that man's acute and fubtill challenges : by his letters to the King and fome of the prime courteours, he gave a bold and a true account of our Affemblie's proceedings. When he was halfe called up to Court by the King's letters, he excufed his voyage through the necefiitie of his Father's funeralls. His faithfullnefs for his coun-trie, and his refolution to joyne in the maintainance of it, was fuch, that at laft his fervant in England was fearched for his letters, and himfelf difcharged to keep his intended meeting at Perth; yea, commanded either to come to Court, to anfwer for his mif-carriages, or to goe to ward to fome of his own houfes in Argyle. The extreame danger, not onlie of our countrie, bot of the King's affaires and perfone, furthered, of neceffitie, by his removeall from the top of bufinefs, forced him to excufe his difobedience to both thir verie unreasonable commands. To the meeting at Perth he invited his good brother Huntley, as being mainelie intended for fecureing the peace of the North, wherein he had great intereffe, from the robberies of John du Gare, and James of Grant, (3) and other fuch outlawes : bot the Marqueis excufed his abfence by manie fhifts. That man hes never been to this day faft or honeft in anie purpofe, neither in France, nor England, nor Scotland. At the beginning of our proceedings he fpake us fair; bot long before that tyme the Bilhops had ingadged him for their fervice againft us. Alwayes fuch courfe was taken at Perth with the Northland gentrie, that we were not meikle follicit for the Marqueis feed, and all [who] would take his part. In Lome, Argyle took fo good order with the Ifles-men as might be; his danger here was greateft. Sir Donald Gorrum, the Clan Ronald, and manie others, were hatching a mif-chief, to joyne with the Earle of Antrim, the chief of the Clan-donald, who was, with the King's money and authoritie, to come with forces from Ireland to Kintyre. Diverfe of thefe unhappie clannes had no good-will to the name of Campbell, but tooke them for intruders upon their old poffeffions, and was glad to fee the day, when, with the King's good-will, they might recover their anceffors patrimonie from them; yea, Argyle's own brother at Court was thought to be on this counfell: bot God difappointed all their malicious defignes. Matters then were growing very hot; the clouds was thickened on all quarters; our merchands and travellers everywhere in England and Ireland were handled as re-
(5) John Dugar or Macgregor, whom Spalding emphatically calls " ane Hieland rogue," and James Grant, uncle of John Grant of Carron. (Hist, of the Troubles, vol. i. pp. 8, 121, 222, &e.)
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bells, their goods feafed on, themfelves made fure. The Englifh bands were gathering fad at York; hudge foumes, by way of yoluntar contribution, was lifted in all the paroches of England; the fubfidie of the bifhops and clergie was verie great ; our Scot-tifhmen were difmifTed from Court to come home, both to ftrengthen the King's partie among us, and by their removeall to hinder our intelligence, which, from fome in their companie, was alwayes come-ing to us, and to further the King's information of all we did. Huntley and Aberdeen had gotten their fhip with munition from Holland; their ftreets were chainzeid, their cannon readie; our friends in that countrey were much threatened ; fhipps from England, with munition, alfo were come; and fome royall fhipps, with Scottifh experienced commanders, and more munition, was dailie expe6ted. The Papifts in the fouth, were lifting up their head; Niddifdaill and Harris, with fome Englifh forces from Car-lile, were feared to have joyned with the Marqueis of Dowglafs, who might have reached out their hand to the Marqueis of Hamilton's followers. The toun of Glafgow was, through the perverf-nefs of fome few men, much doubted. Galloway, Drumfreis, and Queenfberrie, the Thefaurer, and Dalzell, all which were men of fair lands, were fufpe6ted of too much willingnefs to joyne. Antrim's boats were making readie on the lrifh fhoare; Gorrum, and others of the Clandonalds, were gotten away to Ireland. The Conflable of the Caflle of Edinburgh was fworn of new to the King, and the Marqueis of Hamilton. Captaine Stewart was come from Court to receive the Caflle of D'umbartane, when the King's fhippes were expe6ted, to lay up munition, and bring in a garrifon, which eafilie might have infeft all that countrey. The King and his forces were on their way to York; the Marqueis was left at London to haflen the navie for the coafts of Louthiane and Fyfe : In a word, all was fo prepared, on every quarter, for our overthrow, that our Bifhops affured our King, and this was given out confidentlie over all England, that he fhould need little forraigne forces for to mafler us; only let him bot fliew himfelf on our Borders, we fhould of our own accord run to confufion, or intefline force fhould crufh his oppofits with a fmall help, and it were bot of his royall countenance afarr off. Certainlie our dangers were greater than we might let our people conceave; bot the truth is, we lived by faith in God. We knew the goodnefs of our caufe ; we were refolved to fland be it upon all hazards whatsoever : we knew the worft, a glorious death for the caufe of God and our dear countrey.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	195
Alwayes we refolved no longer to be idle. In all the land we appointed noblemen and gentlemen for commanders; divided fo manie as had been officers abroad among the fhyres ; put all our men who could bear armes to frequent drillings; had frequent, both publick and priyat, humiliations before our God, in whom was our onlie trufl; every one, man and woman, incouraged their neighbours : we took notice at Edinburgh of the names, difpofition, forces, of all who joyned not with us in covenant; appointed that in one day the Caftle of Edinburgh, Dumbartane, and all the cheiffe adverfars, fhould be effayed; that, with diligence, Montrofe, with the forces of Fyfe, Angus, Perth, Mearnes, with the advyfe of Leslie, and fundrie of his officers, Ihould go and take order with Huntley and Aberdeen; that Argyle fhould fett flrong guards on his coafts ; that Leith fhould be fortified. It pleafed God, in all this to give us extraordinarie fucceffe: Leflie, in ane afternoon, went up quietlie with the noblemen to the Caflle-gate of Edinburgh, caufed the town companies to follow them in armes under the walls, par-lyed a little with the Conftable ; who being much more unwilling to render than was expe6led, yea, peremptor not to render; at once, after a dry farewell and plaine upgiving, every one returning to his own companie, a pittard is fett to the outter gate, and is blown up ; axes and hammers and ramming-leddirs are applyed to the inner gate ; the walls are fcaled with fo much the greater courage, that amazement had fo feafed on all the fojours within, that none of them durfl fo much as drawe a fword : fo in halfe ane hour, that flrong place is worm without a flroke. So farr were the keepers free of all treafon or collufion, that the Conftable's firfl retreat was to the King, where yet we have not heard of any punifhment infli6ied upon him. That night the noblemen fupped in the houfe. Thereafter great care was had by the Generall and Crouner Hamilton to better much the old fortifications, and putt to manie new ones, at ane hudge expence of monies. We thought it a great mercie of God, that a place of fuch importance was carried without any harme, either gotten or given, and took it for a happie pre-fage of the whole affair.
Dumbartane was a ftrength that no force ever had winne, and what flratagem to ufe we knew not, the captaine being fo vigilant a gentleman, and having provided it fo well with men, munition, and vi6lualls : yet God put it in our hands mofl eafilie. The captaine, and mofl of his fojours, being come to the church of Dumbartane, with his wife and family, on a fafling Sonday, the proved John Sempill, and Ardincaple, after the fervice, caufed196	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639-
lay hands on them all. The reft who were remaining in the houfe were hot few ; who knowing of no refcue, after a night's liege, rendered, and the houfe was put in Argyle's hand ; who had aprefent care of victualling and manning it fufficientlie. Stirling was in our fure friend the Earle of Marre his hand, fo we touched it not. Dalkeith, in the Thefaurer's fight, was ladderit; the munition, that fo much dinn was off, feazed on ; the crowne, fcepter, and fword, which (I know not how) had been tranfported there, were, with all reverence, brought back by our Nobles to their proper place in the Caftle of Edinburgh.
The noblemen and gentrie in the weft, Montgomerie, Lowdoun, Fleming, Boyd, (Lindefay alfo was with them,) Cunninghamehead, Blair, and a great number, fo quietlie as they could, made to Hamilton ; took in the Caftle of Straven ; took fecuritie of all the gentlemen of Cliddifdaill whom they fufpe6ted ; went up to the Caftle of Douglafs, where they expe6ted nothing bot blowes and a fhamefull retreat from a rafh interprize, for the houfe was ftrong, and they had no cannon; yet the Marqueis courage failed him, and he fled ; fo without dinn, the houfe was rendered, and manned by us. Johnftone, in the South, had not the like fuccefs; Carla-verock was ftrong and well manned, the enemie there was the greateft part: fo Johnftone either durft not, or had not the op-portunitie of executing his promifed exploits : bot leift this faill Ihould incourage our foes, our noblemen and gentlemen went avow-edlie, in great numbers, to Drumfries, and feafed on all the houfes of our unfriends; fo that all of them either joyned with us in covenant, or fled to England. Carlaverock we did milken: it could not be taken without cannon, which, without tyme and great charges, could not have been tranfported from the Caftle of Edinburgh ; it might have been within a few houres refcued from Car-lifle, and our people had no commiflion to enterprize any thing which might engage us with the Englifh, or carrie the hazard of any feck of blood.
Argyle fett on foot fome eight or nine hundred well armed and able men; put fome four or five hundred on Kyntyre fliore, to watche on Antrim's defignes; the reft on the head of Lome, to hold the iflanders and thefe tod's-birds of Lochaber, in fome awe; went over himfelf to Arran with fome field-pieces, and tooke in, without ftrokes, the Caftle of Brodick.
So foone as Montrofe did arme, fundrie of Angus and the Carfe gentlemen did joyne with us, who before had been very neutrall. AH thefe countreys rofe with him : he came at once, to feven or1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	197
eight thoufand men; the moft were brave, refolute, and well-armed gentlemen. Aberdeen at once trembles : Huntley, in a cowardifh feare, leaves them; their bifhope, do6tors, and moft malicious of their burgefles, ftiippes for England; the reft fends to parlie, bot are refufed: fo in great fray are forced to render without condition. The difcretion of that generous and noble youth was bot too great. A great fumme was named as a fyne to that unnaturall city; bot all was forgiven. Our hoft did march on towards the Marqueis houfe : neither was his witt to flee, nor courage to fight. While we were midway, he fent to parley; but we had no leafure for fpeeches. He then came out himfelf; and did under his hand fign all we required; onlie he defyred to be fuperceidet the fubfcryving of our formall Covenant; bot did the equivalent, did acknowledge the Aflemblie at Glafgow, and all the conftitutions of it: undertook to joyne with us for defence with armes, againft all whofoever. Bot, fome dayes thereafter, when his fon Boyn [Aboyne] was a-mifling, and he found unwilling to give fufficient fecuritie for performing his promifes, no man truft-ing much either his words or write, he is made to convoy Mon-trofe and Leflie fouth to the Caftle of Edinburgh, where, for fome moneths, he was left clofe prifoner.
Before the return of our armie, the houfes of Drum and fome other of our unfriends who had fled to England, were diffurnifhed of armes and vi6tualls by fome of our captaines. This was much cry'd out upon by our enemies as cruell and barbarous plunderings, but a little tyme did try that we had been too great fooles not to difarm that countrey altogether, and ufe fome feveritie for example among them. At that tyme they had no reafon of complaining, bot greatlie to commend (as they did in words) our leaders cour-tefie. Leith fortifications went on fpeedilie; above a thoufand hands daylie imployed platt up towards the fea fundrie perfect and ftrong baftions, well garnifhed with a number of double cannon, that we feared not much any landing of fhippes on that quarter. The towns of Fife all along the Ihore, made up fuch fconces and fuflies, and planted fuch a number of fhipp-cannon upon batteries, that they were all in the cafe of a tollerable defence.
Thus, in a fhort tyme, by God's extraordinar help, we cutt the maine finewes of our adverfar's hopes ; all the ftrengths of our land came in our hands ; no man among us, but thefe that fwore they were ftout friends; all otherwayes difpofed, both nobles, gen-trie, minifters, were gotten away to our profefled enemies, and the whole countrie put in fuch ane order and magnanimitie, that we198	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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fand fenfiblie the hand of God in everie thing goeing before us; fo all feare of human force was cleane baniftied away, and a pregnant hope raifed in the hearts of all the faithfull of a happie con-clufion of this divine work. This marvellous fuccefs detra6ted nothing of our great defyre to give, in all humilitie, full fatiffa6lion to all the reafonable commandements of our gracious Prince. The counfellors that remained, offered to come up all of them to his Majeftie, for to give him much more true information of our proceedings than yet he had receaved. While that motion was bot clofelie entertained, they laid it upon one of their number, my Lord Orbiftoun,(4) to goe from them to reprefent, on all hazards, the juftice and neceffitie of our a6tions. This man undertook much to fpeak verie freelie, as he had done before in the countrie's quarrell ^ bot when he came to Yorke, he got no hearing, fo fan-as we could learn. For all this, another was fent, my Lord Car-michaell; whofe audience in that caufe was no greater. The King's honour was now ingadged ; his rage was increafed by his difappoyntment in all his delignes among us ; he was on his way ; there was nothing now able to divert him from purfueing of us with fyre and fword bot the God of heaven: of this celeftiall diver-fion, we did never defpaire, hoping flill that the goodnefs of God would never permitt fo gracious a Prince to defile his hands in the blood of fo loving fubjedts, for no caufe at all bot their oppofition to that corruption and tyrannie they were bringing, under the colour of his name, both into Church and State.
His Majeftie, finding himfelf mifcounted of the hopes he was made to conceave of a ftrong partie among us, would not for all this give over his enterprize ; bot intended, by the increafe of his forces from England and Ireland, to fupplie the want of the Scotts. It was thought by manie, that thefe five or fix thoufand Wallons and Irilhes, which the Admirall of Holland had beaten back to Dunkirk, were intended againft us : manie probabilities makes for this conje6ture; however it be, diverfe among us did praife God for the wracking of that fleet, as of ane armie of old beaten fojours coming upon us for our ruineing. From Ireland a prettie armie was expe6led; bot all thefe hopes proved bot toome wind. The Deputie we knew, a man evill enough difpofed towards our nation, alfo a zealous Canterburian, molt willing to advance all the defignes of that fa6tion; bot fuch was the cafe of that miferable countrie, that it might fpare no number of fojours. The malecon-tentments there, for the ordinar opprefiions, has ever been great
(4) Sir John Hamilton of Orbistoiij Lord Justice-Clerk.1639. LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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and dangerous ; bot this man, by his cruell exa6lions of the laft parliament, and the eje6tion of numbers out of their old pof-feffions in the King's counties, befyde by the bringing the verie Spanifh inquifition on our whole Scottiih nation there, had fo much increased the grievances of that moll miferable province, that there could be no hope of men from it; neither was the meanes of in-tertainment for them, though [had there been] they durft not have ventured their uplifting : The verie blood was drunken out of the heart-veines of that people in their late fubfidies, and thefe foumes had alreadie, for the mod been fent over to England, where long agoe they had gotten away to the ocean. So it was proven that in the King's greateft need, all that Ireland could fend him, and that too late alfo, was bot a matter of fifteen hundred ragged Arabians.
As for the forces of England, they fayled like the fummer brookes ; the countrey was filled with their own grievances ; a Parliament for manie years was abfolutelie denyed to their paffionat defyres and evident neceffities ; they were now fufficientlie informed, that the Scotts quarrell and their own was bot one; their domineering bilhop, by his emiffaries, afarre beginning thefe pranks on us, which at once they expe6led he would play on their backs if the Scotts did fuccumbe. The hearts of all might be feen averfe from this unjuft warre. The very pages of Court could not be made to hold in their dailie gybings of our fugitives in their faces, as of traytors to their countrey, and the onlie caufers of all this trouble whereto they and their King was put, fore againft their defyre. The trained bands gave it out peremptorlie, that they were not obliged to follow the King without the countrey; and that they were refolved not to paffe beyond the bounds of their obligation. His Majeftie thought not meet to compell, or much to boaft them, bot rather fhifted their employment. The papifts did not much fturre : at the beginning their offers were great; bot finding that no open libertie of confcience was to be granted to them, they held in their hand, and that by the Pope's direction, as Mon-fignor Cone's inftru6lions (D.) Ihewes. Their imployment, indeed, had been verie unfeafonable ; it had been ane evidence of all our alleadgeances, that the Canterburian way was the plaine path to Rome; it had indangered the King to have been fett about with the armes of all the proteftants in England, for their own fafetie againft the armed papifts. The courtiers, indeed, did arme them-felves gallantlie for the King's pleafure; bot their former life in pleafure gave them little feaft of this northern voyage. The200	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639-
countrie noblemen murmured openlie at the expedition. My Lords Seyes and Brookes did fpeak plaine language, that they could not be anfwerable to the Parliament for countenanceing ane expedition of forraigne warr, undertaken without the Parliament's advyfe ; and therefore they were refolved not to concurr, leift they fhould fall under the danger of law : fo at Yorke, for their noble freedome, [they were] committed. At this the people of the South began to fturre, at leift fo to grumble, that at once thefe two brave patriots were fett free, and fent home.
Thir were the perplexities wherewith a good prince was in-thorned at Yorke, by the unhappie vollies of ane angrie bot verie imprudent clergie. We knew not then the eftate of the Englifh affaires ; there was no intercourfe betuixt us ; our intelligence had much failed us : We heard of nought bot of all England's arming, at leaft of the readynefs of fix or feven thoufand great horfe, and thirty thoufand brave foot; however, we were nought afrayed, after our experience of God's afliftance, and full perfuafion of the juftice of our caufe, though all Europe had been on our Border.
This was about the tyme appointed for our Parliament, in the midft of May : we did little expedl the holding of it in fo drumblie a feafon; yet leift the fa ill fhould have been on our fide, our com-miffioners made themfelves readie to keepe the day. There was a little before ane Englilh preacher, Dr. Moyfley, come down in his habite publicklie, as he faid out of the zeall of his own minde, to aflay, if, on the acquaintance he had with my Lord Argyle, he could move us to continue the former way of our fupplications, hopeing that thereby the King yet might be brought off. The man I conferred with him at length: he feemed to me good and fimple ; allured me of the truth of all my thoughts of Canterburie and his followers, and the great greives of the Englilh nation, who were lovers of the Proteftant Church or State of England, or the King's perfon and houfe. He had come doun by the King and the Bifhops knowledge and tolleration: commiflion he alleadged none. He was, for all that, courteouflie receaved of us all; he profeffed full contentment in all our proceedings, and promifed to give the King better information of us than ever yet he had gotten. Bot, behold, when we are in this parley, and fome hopes of peace, the Marqueis appears in our Firth with a ftrong navie, and, as we were informed, a good armie of land fojours : This putt us all agaft; from all quarters we rann in hafte; we in the Weft had firft fent out ane double companie, with their officers, under Captain Montgomerie, who, not onlie for his birth, bot fervice abroad, was1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	201
made to Monroe the firft captaine ; yea, of all his companies, that of Montgomerie from the fheriffdome of Aire was moft commended, even publicklie from the pulpits, for example in pious, obfe-quious, and ftout carriage.
Thereafter, when all was ordained to fend out the fourth man, we, according to the common undervalueing which was in the countrie, fend out twelve hundred foot and horfe, under my Lord Lowdoun's condu6t as crouner, and Mr. David Dickfone as miniHer. Baranthrow [Renfrew] had chofen my Lord Montgomerie for their crouner. " Cliddefdaill was fomewhat fufpe&ed in their affe6tion to the caufe, efpeciallie the Marqueis of Hamilton and Dowglafs appearing againft us, wherefore the Tables there Eaft thought meet they fhould not conjoyne, bot divided them in foure : the higheft paroches about Lanrick to follow my Lord Fleming for their crouner ; the next about Lifmahagow and Even-daill, my Lord Lowdoun; thefe about Hamilton and Munkland, my Lord Boyd; the laigheft with the toun of Glafgow, my Lord Montgomerie. This accrefe to Baranthrow, with diverfe lands of Cunninghame, made my Lord Montgomerie's regiment among the ftrongeft; bot the pietie and militar discipline of his people was commended above all the reft ; yea, none did doubt bot in all our camp thefe of the Weft were molt praife-worthie. They came out moft readilie, and in the greateft numbers ; they made moft conscience of the caufe and their behaviour ; the feare of them made others ftand in awe, who elfe were near whyles to mutinous infolencies.
At the appearing of the ftiippes, we receaved order to come furth almoft all who had armes. At this charge, my Lord Eglin-ton, who had been appointed with Caffilis to wait at home to attend any invafion might be from Ireland, came away with the whole countrey at his back, and I as their preacher: bot when we came to Edinburgh, finding Leith to be in no hazard, and the coafts of Louthian and Fyfe to be watched night and day, with ftrong guards of thefe countreys ; alfo little appearance of any prefent invafion, for neither was the King's armie be land come to thefe numbers yet, or refolution as prefentlie to fight, and all the Marqueis had within the fhippes were bot a five thoufand land-fojours, taken up in a violent preffe ; finding this, we gott order to goe back with the moft of our people, to attend to the tymes of greater necefiitie.
About this tyme Sir James Carmichaell had returned, carrying with him, in ftead of ane anfwer to our fupplication, a moft injuri-202	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639-
ous proclamation, (E.) printed and publifhed over all England in Apryle, pardoning us for bygones, offering ftill the conditions proponed in the Affemblie of Glafgow, bot making all to be traitors who refted not with thefe content; and difpofed their lands and goods to their mafters or tenents. This wyfe plott proved as pe-dantick a policie as all the former had done : not a man regarded the favpur; all were more inraged with that lawlefs condemning and alienating of lands. The Marqueis, when he came, fend out to the Proveft of Edinburgh a trumpetter, requiring the Caftle of Edinburgh and the fortifications of Leith to be put in his hand, and the proclamation to be publifhed at the Croffe; which being done, he would come out, and as the King's Commiffioner keep the Parliament: if they were refufed, he was to execute his mailer's other commandments. The anfwer he receaved from the Toune was a dilator, till the State, which within few dayes was to meet, did confider of his demands. When they came, our nobles and commiffioners of Parliament wrote to him, as ye fee, (F i.) Reafons why they could not fuffer fuch ane illegall and tempting proclamation be read, and withall, fupplicating his Grace to mediat with the King ane hearing of our Supplications. There went manie mef-fages between from tyme to tyme. The opinion that men had of the Marqueis was diverfe : the farr moft part took him for a bitter and malicious enemie, coming to revenge the injuries he apprehended he had gotten at Glafgow; others, amongft which few I was one, thought him yet a lover of his countrey, that the imploy-ment was thruft upon him, that he had accepted it, with a resolution to manadge it for Our greateft advantage that loyalty to his prince would permitt him. It was evident, he efchewed all occa-fion of yocking or beginning the warr : he did not trouble a man on the fhoare with a Ihott; what fifhers or merchands he boarded were courteouflie ufed, nothing taken from them bot for prefent money, at a high rate. What fojours, indeed, or munition, he could intercept, was fent over to the King's camp : and this was our greateft hurt; for albeit we had gotten thefe two years a great ftore of armes, and manie officers home, yet we were fo difplenifhed before, and fo farr out of ufe, that we had need of much more : and order indeed was taken for abundance, had not the Marqueis fear ftayed the trade; yet fome was ftill comeing to us. His ftraits were greater than ours, when he came, as it were, to befiege ; he was daylie at ane hudge expenfe, as the King profeffed, above thirty thoufand pound fterling in the moneth. The Englilh bodies could not endure to be prifoned in fhipps ; the want of aire and1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	203
frefti meats gave manie the pocks ; nothing fo much as water could be gotten off our coafts, fo ftrait was the watche. Had we in tyme forefeen to have fortified Inchkeith and Inchcombe, as we did thereafter Inchgarvie, they could not have lyen in our Firth for one moneth; yet, notwithltanding of all the comfort the air and water of thefe Ifles could furnifh them, manie of them died ; and when they went home, the moll part of all who remained traicked pitifullie.
Qur evill wifhers gave it out, that we would not faill to keep a parliament without the King, wherein we would erect a new kinde of governement; bot tyme did refute that, with all the rell of our malicious partie's furmifes. I have heard fome few, by way of reafoning, fpeak of holding parliaments, in tymes of extreame danger, without the King ; bot the moll that ever I was acquaint with had never any ayme for fuch a pra6tice, as then it well appeared ; for when the King had fent in to prorogate the Parliament, after fome little reafoning about the way of prorogation, all agreed, that the court being fenced at the day firft appointed, it Ihould be prorogat to any day the King did name, and that without any proteftation ; wherein alfo we made our enemies falfe prophets. Onlie, at that tyme, the members of the Parliament, in my hearings did give order for ane verie ample commiflion to Generall Leflie,(5) of foveraigne commandement over all our forces by fea and land, on horfe or foot, of all our ltrengths, munitions, and all without any provifo bot one, that he lhould be fubje6l to anfwer to the Courts ecclefiaftick and civill, according to the fettled laws of the kingdome; alfo becaufe [Colonel Lindefay of] Belftane, who had the charge as Captaine in the Caftle of Edinburgh, was complean-ed on by the Provoft of Edinburgh, as a man of no fuch authoritie as that place in thefe tymes did require, election was made of my Lord Balmerinoch for that charge, and his oath of fidelitie taken, to the King's fpeciall offence, who, by our bifhops inftigation, had a particular fpleen at the man ; alfo thefe articles which ye fee in print out of the Swedifh Difcipline, for the moft part, were then given out.
Some of Kirkaldie fkippers, Crouner Hamilton alfo, would have been at the trying of their fyre-works on the King's fliipps ; bot the poore hopes yet we had of peace would not let us begin any
(5) Field-Marshall Sir Alexander Leslie of Balgony, who so distinguished himself by his military services abroad, and was promoted by Gustavus Adolphus, to be his Lieutenant-General. He returned to Scotland in 1638, and was created Earl of Leven in 1641.204	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1639.
a6t of warre; be the contrare, in all our preparations for defence, our open fupplications was ftill difplayed in our right hand. When the Earle of Effex, a little before, had come down to Berwick, with the charge of fome thoufand foot, we fent to him ane earneft letter, that he would mediate with the King to hear our fupplication, and be loath himfelf, who was fo wyfe and religious a gentleman, to begin a warre for the unjuft ambition of bifhops, which, for the undoeing of both the nations, might continue to flame in the dayes of many generations. Such is the obfequioufnefs and almoft fuperftitious devotion of that nation towards their Prince, that Effex durft not fo much as open that letter, bot fent it clofed to the King; yet affured [us] of ane lhort anfwer, if it were the King's will to fend it back to him. Alwayes we {hew him in private the copie, wherewith he was not evill pleafed. The man was thought a good patriot, not much the fa6tious way, or farr adverfe to our caufe; however, he was at once removed from our Border, readilie for fear of infection ; neither did I hear fince, either of the man or of our letter to him.
With Dr. Moyfley, according to his defyre, we refolved likewife to fend up a fupplication, (F 2.) conceaved by Mr. Henderfon, in termes fo fubmifs, that fome were not pleafed with the ftraine, fearing left the bafeness of it fhould be imputed to our quakeing for the approaching of the King's armes ; yet little in it was altered ; only Argyle was defyred to wryte with him, in a ftouter ftyle, a common letter to Pembrocke and Holland, (G.) and would have done the like to Arundaill and Vaine ; bot fome excepted at giving fo much honour to thefe who were reputed our malicious enemies. Diverfe reported better of both, yet it was carryed to hold on a generall claufe, that the firft two fhould communicat their letter to whom of the Councill of England they thought meet. The fupplication and letter yow have here doubled; of thefe we gott no anfwer: we heard the man was honeft, that he reported favourablie of all he had feen and heard among us; and therefore was committed, leift his reports goeing too farr abroad, fhould have endeared our caufe the more to that nation.
Now it was when the North, to our great danger, began to break out. My Lord Boyne, a verie fyne fparke, kindled by a rafh and profane man, Bamfe Ogilbie, both malecontented at the beginning, for the Marqueis cowardice, refolves yet to trie their ftrength. When they began to gather, the Mafter of Eorbes and my Lord Frafer, with a good number of gentlemen, meets to oppofe them : bot the diligence of the enemie was fuch, that they came on our1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	205
partie, and that with field-pieces, before they were aware; this made us to flee, and them to triumph. We were much grieved for the reported captivitie of that unhappie, bot yet both good and flout youth, the Matter of Forbes: bot though that proved falfe, and our Ikaith was found to be bot little, yet we took our flight in this caufe to be prodigious ; fo much the more, as Bamfe did make hafte to take all advantages of his fcarce hoped-for vi6torie. He rann over the countrie, repoflefled Aberdeen, which was not unwilling to be brought back to their old friends ; advertifed the King of his fuccefle, and prayed for fupplie. The matter was of confequence; Ogilbie and the Marquefs's letters, were intercepted; wherein we faw the appearance of fome more trouble from the North. All Huntley's friends were malecontent of their chieff's captivitie; Ogilbie and Finlature were great men; Seaforth and Raes were both fufpe6led ; Murray alfo was not our friend. Our friends lay either farder North than to make us any fpeedie help, or elfe were fcattered and frayed by Forbes's defait; we could hardlie gather fuch ane armie as we had at firft, the King on our borders calling for all could be fpared; the Marqueis holding Louthian and Fyfe in a continuall alarme, and promifeing to fend to the coaft of Angus and Mearnes fome fhippes to doe fome harme. It was thought, that the moft, if not all the land-fojours which the Marqueis had, was intended at firft for Huntley's fer-vice ; bot God difappointed that very dangerous intention, by keeping the navie fome weeks longer on the Englifh coaft than was expe6ted, even till Huntley was in hands, and all his defignes broken. Yet if at this fame tyme a confiderable fupplie had been fent to Bamfe, he had wrought us much woe; bot Montrofe, at once, with Marifchall, who before this were avowedlie joyned to our fyde, as alfo Dumfermling, for our dangers joyned more to our partie, and put none away; thefe two valiant noble youthes made hafte with all the friends they could gather: the toune of Dun-die, and my Lord Kinghorne, both by his own following, and fpe-ciallie by my Lord Arroll's vaftalls, to whom he was tutor, being his lifters fone, thir did us much help in all our northern expeditions. So foone as our armie appeared, Bamfe diflolved his forces, Aberdeen randered, at once all was carried before us. Bot ere it was long, our forces lykewife difbanded, it was thought, on fome malecontentment, either at Montrofe's too great lenitie in fpareing the enemies houfes, or fomewhat elfe. While our noblemen are befiegeing fome of the enemies caftles, they fee themfelves fclen-derlie backed ; they hear of the King's Ihippes at Aberdeen ; for206	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
then the Marquefs had fent fome fhippes wherein the citizens, who before had fled from Aberdeen, returned, and fome noblemen with them, as Glencairne, (who unhappilie all this tyme, otherwayes than his forbears, to the lofleing of the heart of all his friends, for the Marquefs's pleafure had deferted his countrie,) Tillibardine, Lithgow, Kinnoule, and others ; we confident how foone Bamfe might draw together his bands, and compaffe us, then being fo weake: upon the fight of thir dangers, they refolved in diligence to retire, that they might returne with a ftronger convoy.
The wifdome of God, from the firft day of this great affaire to this prefent houre,. hes been pleafed fo to difpenfe his favors, that with the caufes of our rejoyceing there was ever at once intermixed fome matter of no fmall difficultie, whereby to lharpen our prayer, and exercife our faith to believe in the ftrong hand that before had often drawen us over brayes, which we, by our own forces, would never have gotten breafted. At this tyme we find our-felves in greater danger than ever; our enemies in the North mailer of the fields, readie not only to break in like a fpaite on the Mearnes and Angus bot to fall on our backs in Louthian and Fyfe, while the King and the Marqueis calls for our face ; alfo the Weft being in no fmall frayes for the Irifh invafion: for the eltate of that countrey we did not then underftand ; only we heard that Crowner Bruce was fent about with fome officers to the Earle of Antrim, who, after long difappointment, had gotten money to levie fojours; that he had in readinefs fundrie flatt-bottomed boats ; that fundrie troups of the trained bands were come down to the fhoare ; that the noblemen and gentlemen of our nation there had drawen on themfelves and poor tennents a pitifull fnare, a fcanda-lous oath, wherein not only they fwear the renunceing of our Covenant, bot fundrie other things, which llands againft the tender confcience of manie of our people : numbers of them, through this oath, are like to be undone. One Trewman ane Englifh[man], being fupplanted by a cuning fellow to curry favour with the Bi-ftiop of Derrie, was apprehended, and confeffed, that he had heard that knave's motion to him, without diffenting, of joyning with the Scots, if a partie fhould come over to Ireland; bot withall did avow, that he had never any fuch refolution, let be plott, for accomplifii-ment of any fuch motion. For this confefiion he is hanged, and quartered half-quick, after the Englifh fafhion, as traitor. The knowledge of thir things put all the people in the Weft fliore in a continuall fray, and made them have little will to let any more men or armes be carried Eaft to the Generall's campe. Thefe alfo1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	207
in the South were put in frayes, to be invaded from Carlile. Yet neither did the King's maine hoft fturre from about the Border, nor any from the fhippes did preffe to land. This made us fee a dangerous policie, whereof we were more afraid, than of any thing elfe. It was our great defyre to have at once been at handie-ftrokes, well underftanding that the ferd of our hott fpirits could not long byde in edge, alfo that our povertie could not long per-mitt us to keep the fields together. If the Ihipps fhould keep us befieged be fea, and hold us from all trade ; if on our Border ane armie of ftrangers fhould force us to lie in campe long foreanent them, till our countreymen from the North came on our backs, till the Irifh on the Weft, and Englifh, with ane other part of our fugitives, fhould come on the South, we faw at once that this would undoe us, without ftroke of fword ; wherefore we took us again to fading and prayer. We commended to Montrofe and Ma-rifchall the care of the North. We gave out thefe peremptor orders, which ye have here doubled, wherein all who can beare armes are commanded in hafte to come to the Generall's camp, wherever it fhould be, with fuch armes as they had, and a month's provifion of vi6tuall; to the end, that either we may [have] granted to us a reafonable peace, or elfe, before we did perifh fitting dill, to goe feeke our enemies, the prelats and papifts of England, wherever we could find them. This we cleared to be no breach with England, nor ane inche beyond our lawfull defence ; who by fea and land were hemmed in with a warr worfe than fyre and fword.
Thir peremptor inftructions comeing to the King's campe, made manie a heart there, and in all that land, begin to quake : they knew that our neceffities and injurious oppreffion made us flout as lions ; they heard of the conduct of Leflie and his experienced officers; they underftood their own feeblenefs, paucitie, unjuft caufe, and manie miforders; they heard we were intrinched, drawen towards them as near as Dunglafs. At once a proclamation (J.) comes out in farre other ftraine than the former, fhewing, that the King's armes were intended merelie for peace, leaveing off the odious charge againfl us of treafon and rebellion, and commanding us to hold off the King's armie be ten miles ; elfe, if we came nearer his leaguer, he would expone that difobedience for a declaration of our intention to invade the King's perfon and kingdome of England ; promifing withall, upon the demonftration of our civill and temporal! obedience, the granting of all our juft fupplica-tions. This flyle did pleafe us well. It was the firft blew bore208
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1638.
that did appear in our cloudie Iky : We took it for a beginning of a reall change of the King's councills : then indeed having affayed to the uttermoft all their policies and forces, they faw we were not to be boafted; and that before we would be rolled with a lent-fyre by the hands of churchmen, who keeped themfelves farr aback from the flame, we were refolute to make about [a bolt] through the reek to gett a gripp of fome of thefe who had firft kindled the fyre, and ftill laid fewell to it, and try if we could caft them in the midft of it, to tafte if that heat was pleafant when it came near their own Ikinnes. Finding the approaching of this danger to their own heads, without poffibilitie of any farder delay, they were at laft content to permitt our gracious Soveraigne to give over, for that tyme, the purfute of their quarrells ; at leift our gracious Soveraigne, feeing the vanitie of all their promifes, and finding it not poffible for him to gett their wicked defignes pro-fecute, without the hazarding of the blood of manie thoufands his beft and greateft fubje6ts in all his dominions, of his owne juft and meek inclination, and by the wholefome advyfe of all the nobilitie, both Scottifti and Englifh, that were about him, he in-clyned to the wayes of peace ; and did repent much of thefe resolutions, which, by the moft rafli will, and difgracefull counfell, that ever in any age had been furnifhed to any prince, he had latelie declared, in his manifefto, to all Europe, bot to us, whom it moft concerned. That unexampled manifefto, which, at Canterburie's dire6tion, Balquanquall, and Roffe, and St. Andrewes, had penned, was now printed in the King's name,(6) and fent abroad, not only through all England, bot over fea, as we heard, in diverfe languages, heaping up a rabble of the falfeft calumnies that ever was put into any one difcourfe that I had read, to fhew that we were the moft defperat traitors that yet had lived, and meere hypocrites, who, in matters of religion, had never been wronged, bot had onlie fought pretences of religion to collour our plotts for rebellion. It was good that this book was keeped carefullie from our hands till the Treatie of Peace was near clofed; for, as the Bifhops by it had engaged the King fo deeplie to perfew us, as there were no appearance of any regrefs for him, without infinit difgrace, (for how could he leave off to wracke, though he ftiould die in the way, thefe fub-je6ts whom they had made himfelf declare in print, out of his fure
(fi) This work has previously been mentioned. Vide pages 140 and 175. There is no doubt that Dr. Balcanquhall was the author, although he may have obtained some assistance from Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, and Spottiswood, Archbishop of St. Andrews, as here intimated.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	209
knowledge, to be moll wicked enemies to God, to him, and to their neighbours, for their faithfullnefs onlie to God and himfelf,) what peace or capitulation could, with any honour, be made with fuch vile perfons ? So lykewayes this booke put us to the extreame lyne of defperation : It ftiew, that with his Majeftie's allowance our partie Hood to the juftification of the impofition of the bookes of Service and Canons, both for matter and manner; that we were condemned for cenfuring, even in a Generall AlTemblie, thefe who had preached, and ftill avowed the preaching of all the articles of Arminius; that our loud and continuallie repeated challenges of the Canterburian partie among us, as of papifts, who, under the name of proteftant do6lrine, did preach and avow, and printed, the groffeft tenets of poperie, were clean pall by ; that they, in all their proceedings, even .the moft tyrannous and unjuft that could be gotten done, were defended; and we, for the beft and moft loyall of our a6tions, cenfured for traitors in the higheft degree before all legall try all. This putt us near to our witts end : cer-tainlie it made us weepe for the King's honour, which oft, by that ungrate generation, had been tramped in the duft, bot now was fo pitifullie pudled in the myre of difgrace, that all the blood of that fa6tion would never be able to cleange it from the blott of infamie. For, if thefe crymes, whereof they had made the Prince pronounce us guiltie in print, in the eares of all Europe, were true, what either follie, or injuftice, or weaknefs, behooved it to be, to embrace us, and that without a remiffion, before that the fword of revenge had made ane example of fome for difciplining the reft ! And if not true, as evidentlie they are now falfe, what intollerable ralhnefs to make a Prince put them in print under his owne name alone, and that to neighbour princes, even to the world, before once they were put fo much as to a tryall! Alwayes the King and we both mult put [up] with thefe extreamelie fcandalous injuries of the Prelats, as we have done manie moe, till the tyme of their reckoning come, which we hope approaches, when, before the face, not of England alone, bot of all the reft of Europe, where they have too long abufed princes and nations, they fliall be made give account of their full adminiftration.
However, that Proclamation was verie fweet to us, for fimple neceflitie and difcretion alone, to get either religion or libertie brooked as law, and all reafon did require, had made us fojours : fo we gladlie flood a-back at all the diftance the King commanded. This our readie obedience being perceaved, behold, our unhappie vol. i.	o210	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
partie makes a new onfett. They perfwade the King to proclaime in our Borders, towards the former proclamation of our treafon, and the offer of pardon, and their mailer's lands, to thefe who would defert us. This was done at Dunce, with a ftrong convoy of Englifh horfe. The lyke was intended at Kelfo ; bot there Monroe, Fleeming, and Arelkine presenting themfelves in battle-array, did make Holland, with fome thoufand foot and horfe, with their fhew alone, to retire in hafte in a fhamefull diforder. It is thought Holland's commillion was to cut off all he met in oppofition to him ; bot his fojours that day was a great deall more nimble in their leggs nor armes, except their cavaliers, whofe right armes was no leffe wearie in whipping, than their heeles in j adding their horfes. We were informed, that to repaire that difgrace, Holland was commanded to returne with farr more forces, to execute his former commiflion: whereupon our Generall raifes his campe from Dun-glafs, advertifes his troupes at Kelfo to march towards him ; both of them that night meets together at Dunce, and there they fatt down on the head of that faire Law. We fand that advantage was made of our obedience, and a courfe yet againe, without refpe6t to promifes, to be taken for our wracke : So we returned to our former refolution of prefent fighting; and fent pofts athort all the coun-trey, to hafte on our friends for that end. Some of the advertife-ments I have caufed double ; bot the laft (K) was fo peremptor, in-viteing to come to the buriall of thefe who were like to be deferted, that the hyperbolies of Meldrum the fecretar did offend manie. This our march did much affray the Englifh campe; Dunce-Law was in their fight within fix or feven myles, for they lay in pavilions fome two myles above Berwick, on the other fyde of Tweed, in a fair plaine along the river. The King himfelf beholding us through a profpe6t, did conje6ture us to be fixteen or eighteen thoufand men ; we were indeed above twelve thoufand; bot at once we were above twentie [thoufand men]. We might have doubled that number, bot we had none there from the one full half of Scotland; not a man beyond Tay; few from Louthian, Fyfe, Edinburghe, Mairche, for they were waiting on the fhippes, or imployed in carriages ; the South behooved to obferve the border about Carlifle ; and the Weft the Irifh fhoare: albeit that was needlefs, for all that were either in the ftiipps, or on the South border, or might be fpared from Ireland, were called quick-lie to the royall ftandard; and when all were together, their number was thought did not exceed in horfe and foot, Englifii, Scotts,1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	211
Irifh, fixteen thoufand men, and thefe not of the flouteft; for it was conftantlie reported, that one night a falfe alarum being in our camp, when our drummes began to beat, and our matches on the hill to fhyne through the darknefs, there arofe fuch a fray in the Englifh camp, that verie manie did betake them[felves] to their heeles, expe6ting from us a prefent invafion ; yea, had not our wyfe and valorous Prince, with his Generall Arundaill, done diligence to incourage, and to find out the groundlefs vanitie of the fray, there had been a greater flight, than with honour could have been gotten flayed.
It would have done yow good to have caften your eyes athort our brave and rich Hill, as oft I did, with great contentment and joy, for I (quoth the wren) was there among the reft, being cho-fen preacher by the gentlemen of our fhyre, who came late with my Lord of Eglintoun. I furnifhed to half a dozen of good fellows, mufquets and picks, and to my boy a broadfword. I carryed my felf, as the fafhion was, a fword, and a couple of Dutch piftols at my fadle; bot I promife, for the offence of no man, except a robber in the way; for it was our part alone to pray and preach for the in-couragement of our countreymen, which I did to my power moll cheerfullie. Our Hill was garnilhed on the toppe, towards the fouth and eaft, with our mounted canon, well near to the number of fortie, great and fmall. Our regiments lay on the fydes of the Hill, almoft round about: the place was not a myle in circle, a prettie round ryfing in a declivitie, without fteepnefs, to the height of a bowfhott; on the toppe fomewhat playne ; about a quarter of myle in length, and as much in breadth, as I remember, capable of tents for fortie thoufand men. The crowners lay in kennous [can-vafs] lodges, high and wyde; their captaines about them in lefler ones; the fojours about all in hutts of timber, covered with divott or ftraw. Our crowners for the moft part were noblemen: Rothes, Lindefay, Sinclair, had among them two full regiments at leift from Fyfe ; Balcarras, a horfe troup; Lowdoun, Montgomerie, Arefkine, Boyd, Fleming, Kirkcudbright, Yefter, Dalhoufie, Eglintoun, Cafiillis, and others, either with whole or half regiments. Montrofe's regiment was above fifteen hundred men in the Caftle of Edinburgh : himfelf was expe6ted; bot what detained him ye fhall hear at once. Argylle was fent for to the treatie of peace; for without him none would mint to treat: he came, and fett up his tent in the Hill; bot few of his people with him. It was thought meet that he and his (hould lie about Stirling, in the heart of the212
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countrey, to be alwayes readie in fubfidies for unexpe6ted accidents ; to be a terror to our newtralifts, or bot mafked friends ; to make all, without dinn, march forward, leift his unkannie trewes-men Ihould light on to call them up in their rear; alwayes to have ane eye what either the north, or the fhipps, or the weft, or our ftaill hoft ftiould mifter of help. It was thought the countrey of England was more afraid for the barbarietie of hid Highlanders than of any other terror : thefe of the Englifli that came to vifit our camp, did gaze much with admiration upon thefe fouple fellows, with their playds, targes, and dorlachs. There was fome companies of them under Captaine Buchanan, and others in Arelkine's regiment. Our captaines, for the molt part, barrons or gentlemen of good note; our lieutenants almoft all fojours who had ferved over fea in good charges; everie companie had, flying at the Cap-taine's tent-doore, a brave new colour ftamped with the Scottifh Amies, and this ditton, EOR CHRIST'S CROUN AND COVENANT, in golden letters. Our Generall had a brave royall tent; bot it was not fett up; his conftant guard was fome hundreds of our lawiers, mufqueteers, under Durie and Hope's (7) command, all the way ftanding in good armes, with cocked matches, before his gate, well apparelled. He lay at the foot of the hill in the Caftle, with Baylie his ferjeant-major, or lieutenant-generall. That place was deftinate for Almond, (8) in whofe wifdome and valour we had bot too much confidence ; yet in the tyme of our moft need, the grievoufnefs of his gravell, or the pretence of it, made him goe to France to be cutted : alwayes when he came there, it was found he needed not incifion, fo he paft to his charge in Holland, where to us he was as dead in all our dangers.
The councells of warre were keeped dailie in the Caftle; the ecclefiaftick meetings in Rothes's large tent. The Generall, with Baylie, came nightly for the letting of the [watch] on their horfes. Our fojours were all luftie and full of courage ; the moft of them ftout young plewmen; great cheerfullnefs in the face of all: the onlie difficultie was, to gett them dollors or two the man, for their voyage from home, and the tyme they entered in pay ; for among our yeomen, money at any tyme, let be then, ufes to be verie fcarce ; bot once having entered on the common pay, their fixpence
(") Sir Alexander Gibson of Durie, and Sir Thomas Hope, two distinguished lawyers.
(8) Sir James Livingston, second son of Alexander Earl of Linlithgow, was created Lord Livingston of Almond in 1633, and Earl of Calendar in 1641.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	213
a-day, they were galliard. None of our gentlemen was any thing worfe of lying fome weekes together in their cloake and boots on the ground, or (landing all night in armes in the greateft'ftorme. Whyles, through ftorme of weather, and negle6l of the commif-faries, our bread would be too long in coming, which made fome of the Eaftland fojours half-mutinie ; bot at once order being taken for our vi6tualls from Edinburgh, Eaft-Louthian, and the coun-trey about us, we were anfwered better than we could have been at home. Our meaneft fojours was alwayes ferved in wheat-bread, and a groat would have gotten them a lamb-legge, which was a daintie world to the moft of them. There had been ane extra-ordinarie crope in that countrey the former year, befyde abundance which ftill was ftollen away to the Englifh campe for great pryces ; we would have feared no inlake for little money in fome moneths to come. Marche and Tevidaill are the beft mixt and moft plentifull fhyres both for graffe and corn, for flefhes and bread, in all our land. We were much oblidged to the Toun of Edinburgh for moneyes: Harie Rollock, by his fermons, moved them to fhake out their purfes ; the garners of non-covenanters, efpeciallie of James Maxwell and my Lord Wintoun, gave us plentie of wheat. One of our ordinances was to feafe on the rents of non-covenanters ; for we thought it bot reafonable, frae they fyded with thefe who put our lives and our lands for ever to feile, for the defence of our church and countrey, to employ for that caufe (wherein their entrefle was as great as ours, if they would be Scot-tifh-men) a part of their rent for one year: bot for all that, few of them did incurr any loffe by that our decreit, for the peace prevented the execution.
Our fojours grew in experience of armes, in courage, in favour dailie ; everie one encouraged another; the fight of the nobles and their beloved paflors dailie raifed their hearts ; the good fermons and prayers, morning and even, under the roof of heaven, to which their drumms did call them for bells ; the remonflrances verie frequent of the goodnefs of their caufe ; of their condu6t hitherto, by a hand clearlie divine ; alfo Leflie his fkill and fortoun made them all fo refolute for battell as could be wifhed. We were feared that emulation among our Nobles might have done harme, when they fhould be mett in the fields ; bot fuch was the wifdome and authoritie of that old, little, crooked fouldier, that all, with ane incredible fubmifTion, from the beginning to the end, gave over tliemfelves to be guided by him, as if he had been Great Soly-214	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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man. Certainlie the obedience of our Nobles to that man's ad-vyces was as great as their forbears wont to be to their King's commands: yet that was the man's underftanding of our Scotts humours, that gave out, not onlie to the nobles, bot to verie mean gentlemen, his dire6lions in a verie homelie and fimple forme, as if they had been bot the advyces of their neighbour and companion; for, as he rightlie obferved, a difference would be ufed in commanding fojours of fortune, and of fojours voluntars, of which kinde the moft part of our camp did ftand. He keeped dailie in the Caftle of Dunce ane honourable table for the nobles and Itrangers with himfelf, for gentlemen waiters thereafter, at a long fyde table. I had the honour, by accident, one day to be his chaplaine at table, on his left hand ; the fare was as became a Generall in tyme of warre: not fo curious be farr as Arundaill's to our nobles; bot ye know that the Englifh fumptuofitie, both in warr and peace, is defpifed by all their neighbours. It feemes our Generall's table was on his own charge; for, fo farr as yet I know, neither he, nor any noble or gentleman of confiderable rent, got anything for their charge. Well I know that Eglintoun, our crowner, intertained all the gentlemen of note that were with him at his own table, all the tyme of our abode ; and his fonne, Mont-gomerie, keeped with him verie oft the chief officers of his regiments : for this was a voyage wherein we were glad to beftow our lyves let be our eftates.
Had ye lent your eare in the morning, or efpeciallie at even, and heard in the tents the found of fome finging pfalms, fome praying, and fome reading fcripture, ye would have been refrefhed : true, there was fwearing, and curfeing, and brawling, in fome quarters, whereat we were grieved ; bot we hoped, if our camp had been a little fettled, to have gotten fome way for thefe miforders ; for all of any fafhion did regraitt, and all did promife to contribute their beft endeavours for helping all abufes. For my felf, I never fand my minde in better temper than it was all that tyme frae I came from home, till my head was again homeward; for I was as a man who had taken my leave from the world, and was refolved to die in that fervice without returne. I fand the favour of God fhyneing upon me, and a fweet, meek, humble, yet ftrong and vehement fpirit leading me all along; bot I was no fooner in my way weft-ward, after the conclufion of peace, than my old fecuritie returned.
It was not our Generall's intention to fitt long at Dunce; onlie till our armie had grown to a confiderable number: he thought1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	215
meet to lie on that flrength, which was in the midfl betwixt the two wayes to Edinburgh, that if the Englifh had moved either towards Haddington or Soutray, he might have been on their backs ; for we knew not then well either of the eftate or defignes of the enemie : bot after we were above twenty thoufand men, he gave out not obfcurelie his purpofe to approach the Englifh camp. Their feare of this made them call up fome trenches on our fyde of Tweed, and work at them both on Sonday and Saturday: they had no will we fhould have come fo near them, therefore occafion was fought with all diligence of the Treatie. The way of the procedure was this : Robin Leflie, one of the old pages, being come over to Dunce Caftle, made, as it were of his own head, ane overture, that we would be pleafed yet to fupplicate, or elfe the Englifh forces did fo dailie multiplie, that at once we would be overflowed with them. Our feare dailie diminifhed of their violence; we knew at once the great advantages we had of the King : yet fuch was our tendernefs to his honour, that with our hearts we were ever willing to fupplicat his off-coming; yea, had we been ten times victorious in fett battells, it was our conclufion to have layd down our armes at his feet, and on our knees prefented nought bot our firfl fupplications. We had no other end of our warres ; we fought no crownes; we aimed not at lands and honours as our partie ; we defyred bot to keep our own in the fervice of our prince, as our anceflors had done ; we loved no new matters. Had our throne beene voyd, and our voyces fought for the filling of Fergus's chaire, we would have died ere any other had fitten down on that fatall marble bot Charles alone. At that fo light a motion, we ventured, without any affurance bot the King's own equitie, to fend over the Earle of Dumfermling, with a fhort Supplication (L.) to hear our jufl demands, with a letter of our Nobles to the Councell of England, for a verie fpeedie anfwer. The youth was accepted with greater favour than was expe6ted. For anfwer, Sir Edmund Vername [Verney], marfhall of the King's houfe, a gentleman who was known to be a lover of our nation, came over, requireing us to read the evill proclamation in the head of our troups, before our demand of communing of our controverfie before fome fixe of the Englifh could be heard. We fhew him manie grave Reafons, (M.) which at his own defyre were put in write the 7th of June, I think, to be delivered to the King, why we could not read it as was requyred; bot, with much reverence, we read it at the Generall's table, and fhew what we miflyked therein. This reading the gentleman took,216
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and fo reported it to the King, as a fatiffa6tion to his demand; whereupon, to Dumfermling, who returned with him, with his former fupplication, the King, on the Saturday at night, granted, that forafmuch as we had read the proclamation, he was pleafed that, as we required, any fixe of our number fhould come to his Generall Arundaill's tent, to conferre with lixe of the Englifh of credit and truft. Much debate there was about a fafe conduct for the return of ours : yet the ftoutnefs of our men, the truft we put in the King's fimple word, the hope we had by the ladds on the Hill to have fetched them in hafte, or as good for them, made us leave off that queflion.
On Monday, Rothes, Lowdoun, Sheriff of Tevidaill, (9) and who other I forget, went over: Henderfone and Johnflone went not till the next meeting : we had not will to hazard all at once. Our communers went over with a fair convoy, which left them at the water fyde: they went, as they were appointed, to the Gene-rail's tent. We had required, in our fupplication, expreflie to con-ferr with men of reformed religion : we took Arundaill, and all the world with us, for a known papifl, and the head of the Spanifh and Popifh fa6lion in England; fo our letters were commonlie di-re6ted to Holland, generall of the cavallerie; and alwayes we efchewed dealing with Arundaill: yet frae the King was pleafed to employ him as Generall, frae he avowed the King's religion, and countenanced fermons and communions with us, and, above all, feemed treulie to be as defyreous of our peace as any, we made no fcruple to goe to his tent: Where they were not weill entered till the King came in ; at whofe unexpected prefence we were fome-what moved, bot yet verie glad. His Majeftie faid, he came there to fhew his willingnefs to hear all they had to fay, otherwayes than he was fclandered. Many fpeeches paft, which, I think, the communers at their return putt in write, and in due tyme fhall fee the light in their own royall and noble phrafe. The King was verie fober, meek, and patient, to hear all: our fpokefmen were verie earnefl to fpeak much, to make large and plaufible narrations, as well they could, of all our proceedings from the beginning : that day there was a fweet and loving conclufion. The next meeting appointed on the Wednefday, for one day was hipped for advyfe-ment on all hands on what was paft, and what to be proponed. The King miffed Henderfon and Johnflone, fo at the next meet-
(9) Sir William Douglas of Cavers, was Sheriff of Teviotdale. The Commun-er, whose name had escaped Baillie's recollection, was the Earl of Dunfermline.1639.
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ing they ventured to goe. On the Wednefday or Thurfday, the King was much delighted with Henderfon's difcourfe ; hot not fo with Johnftone's. Much and molt free communing there was of the hieft matters of ftate: it is likelie his Majeftie's eares had never been tickled with fuch difcourfes; yet he was moft patient of all, and loving of clear reafon. I think it was that day when he gave two three lynes of a good general anfwer, (N.) That he would grant us all our defyres, if it were hot law, and the cuftom of our church and kingdom we were feeking.
Saturday was the third day of meeting, where the moft free communing went on. His Majeftie was ever the longer the better loved of all that heard him, as one of the moft juft, reafonable, fweet perfons they ever had feen; and he likewife was the more inamoured with us, efpeciallie with Henderfon and Lowdoun. Thir conferences purchafed to us a great deale of reputation, for wif-dome, eloquence, gravitie, loyaltie, and all other good parts, with the Englifh councellers, who all the tyme did fpeak little, but fuffered the fpeech to pafle betwixt us and the King. In the clofure of that day's reafoning, our folks waxing bolder, on their knee begged the abolition of Epifcopacie. His Majeftie had fcarce a face to deny them any thing ; yet he would give them no anfwer to that demand, with ane expreffe defyre that they fhould not take his delay for a denyall, inviteing them to a new meeting on Monday : he promifed to keep dyett, and thereupon offered his hand; which all, on their knees, did humblie kyffe, and fo departed full of joy and hope. All thir dayes they were by Arundaill royallie and verie chearfullie feafted, and much quick fpeech, efpeciallie from Rothes's mouth, paft at the table : nothing what England, Spaine, France, Holland, could afford, was there kicking on their fields.
On Sonday, to-morrow, fome of our Scottifhe Bifhops, readilie Roffe and Aberdeen, with their fweet and peaceable difcourfes, did alter fomewhat the King's minde ; fo the nixt day's conference was fomewhat more tart than any of the former, and clofed with thir Demands in write, (O.) of the King's power to call and difcharge Affemblies, and voyceing negativelie into them. Againft the next meeting, we had prepared wife and difcreet anfwers to them, all in write, as we were commanded, tending to a negative, that the King had neither a power to diffolve, nor a negative voyce in AlTemblie, according to the word of God, or our Church confti-tutions, or our A6ls of AlTemblie, or any good reafon. All our218	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
confultations were in fo publick a way, that nothing we fpake or did, hot at once it was at the King: our wayes were fo full of honeftie, that we did not regard [though] all our thoughts, let be words, had been proclaimed in a theatre of the whole univerfe ; yet we were nothing content of the light, if not treacherous wydnefs of mouth in fome of our friends. We were nothing pleafed with that day's difcourfe, and leaft of all, with the Demands. They made us fufpe6l, that nought was fought of us bot to gaine tyme for the comeing in of more Englifh and Irifh forces to the King's camp, and fpending of our moneyes and vi6lualls, that fo we might be forced to retire : we therefore refolved to dallie no longer, bot either that day to come nearer to reall conditions of peace, or elfe to break up our Camp and off our Treatie, and for the firft journey, to lay doun our leaguer within fhott of cannon to the King's trenches.
This our peremptorinefs being well known on the other fyde of the water, made, in the nixt conference, the demands to be quyte milkennit, and at laft the King's will, in write, (P.) to be given well near to our mind. This was brought back by our communers, without much difputt about fundrie claufes they thought of neceffitie behooved, for our fatiffa6tion, to be altered in the wryte ; defyre-ing, that the jurie, if there was any of that change, Ihould not be their's alone, bot fhould fall on the whole bodie, to whom they were bot ferving commiflioners. At our Tables manie things were noted, which did much offend. Alwayes in the next conference, fome of thefe claufes his Majeftie deleted: others, which for his honour, he defyred might ftand, were fo benignly commented, that for all the harfhnefs of the text, yet the King's own expofition, declared to us by all the communers, and taken firfl at their mouth by many extemporary penns, and then fett down by themfelves to be communicat to all, gave tollerable fatiffa6lion : Thir were the Articles of our Pacification, proclaimed the 18th of June in our campe.
Many, whereof I was one, was glad at their heart of this divine conclufion, and bleffed God then, and ever fince, for fo rich a mercy to the Prince and whole Ifle. Many fecret motives there was on all hands that fpurred on to this quick peace. What to have done when we came to Tweedfide we were very uncertaine : the King might have beene fo wilfull, as rather to have hazarded his perfon than to have raifed his camp. Had he incurred any lkaith, or been difgraced with a fhamefull flight, our hearts had been1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	219
broken for it; and likelie all England behooved to have rifen in revenge. Diverfe of all ranks, of the beft note in our campe, were beginning to be fcrupulous in confcience to goe in to England : though thir fcruples had been exeemed, yet no ordinar way for our fafetie did appear. Had we beene bot fome dayes journey in that land, the bordering fhyres were fo barren, and fo exhauft with the King's leaguer, that few night's meat could have been gotten for us into them ; from our own countrie we could neither have carriage, horfes, nor ftrong enough convoyes for it: The hope of England's conjun6lion was bot fmall; for all the good words we heard long agoe from our friends, yet all this tyme, when their occafion was great to have kythed their affe6tion both to us and their own libertie, there was nought among them bot a deepe either fleep or filence: we heard not the caife of our Northern army ; our eares were beaten with daily frayes from Ireland on our Weft coaft ; much grumbling among too manie, efpeciallie of the Merfe ; Hume, and diverfe of the gentrie there, were beginning to be fufpe6ted. However, thefe who underftood beft our affaires, thought that God had fent us a tollerable peace in a very fitt tyme; yet others did grudge at the hafte of it; they thought it was concluded by a few, who took too much upon them : true, all were admitted to every confutation thereanent; yet the abfence from the weightieft confutations of prime noblemen and barrons, and all minifters bot two, was not much remarked, nor their prefence fought, if their negligence or adoes or mifcontent did avocke them. Many thought, that two or three dayes longer delay might have purchafled to us better and more cleare conditions. The randering of the Caftell of Edinburgh, with all the munition, and putting the fortifications of Leith into the King's hand without any condition, did much affray, efpeciallie when we faw the Caftle delyvered to Generall Ruthven's cuftodie : alwayes it was not now tyme to complaine. Our companies were difbanded, our hutts burnt: we looked not in hafte to gett fuch an army on foot; and without the like, our conditions might well be worfe, bettered they could not be. We expedited the King in our camp before it brake up, for fo he promifed; bot he was made to alter that promife, as too rafhlie given out, not being his honour to countenance thefe armes which were lifted by his fubje6ts againft his defyre, and laid doun not abfolutelie at his command, bot on conditions, and thefe fo difadvantageous to the intentions once he had avowed. At the declaration of the King's will, we would not protelt; yet leift it fhould be conceaved, that in220
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our capitulation we had paft from our Affemblie or Covenant, we thought meet to caufe Caffilis read ane fhort Information of that our mind, and take inftruments thereupon, (R.) This much offended Mortoun, who came to fee the King's declaration publilhed : much bitter and evill fpeech lie caft out on Argyle, alleadging that our wryte to have been againft expreffe communing. This we denied ; bot in fo modeft words, as we had no will to provoke neither him nor the King.
Some jealoufies did yet remaine, as driffling after a great ftiower. The King, as we expe6ted and the Englifh nobilitie our beft friends did defyre, minted not to fturre from our borders ; manie of his troupes were bot billetted in the countrie. Argyle, and fome few other of our nobles, who went over to the camp to kiffe the King's hand, were bot coldlie welcomed. When we fent over Lowdoun to have fome of the articles-cleared, and the performance of promifes, the anfwers were not pleafant. The Bifhops were ordained to be proclaimed in the indi6tion of the Affemblie as members of the meeting. When Lowdoun fliew the clear neceffitie of our proteft-ing againft this, the Marqueis advyfed, againft the King's minde, to let that proteftation goe with the reft. The indication alfo of the Affemblie by the councill was not keeped at the promifed tyme : the clergie and non-covenanting Lords had all the King's eare as before. The Marqueis and Mortoun had bitter contefts with our nobles before the King : the Marqueis's wayes was yet fo ambiguous, that no man underftood him, onlie his abfolute power with the King was oft there clearlie feen. The people of Edinburgh being fore grieved for the Caftle's fo fudden randering to the hand of their great enemie Ruthven, and provocked by the infolent and triumphing behaviour of that unhappie fpark Boyne, who, yet reicking from our blood in the North, would rattle in his open coatch through their calfie, made ane onfett upon him," and well near had done him violence. The Theafurer alfo got a chafe in his coatch ; which in the perfute brake, and he in the outcoming receaved fome knocks, as they faid, with fome women's neives: of this he was mod glad; for they indeared him to the King, at a tyme when his credit was verie near cracking. The Juftice-Generall was alfo fomewhat flioired, and the Regifter fearched in his houfe. The King had written for fourteen of the chief of our land to come to his campe, to give him fome fatilfaction in fome demands. Rothes, Lowdoun, Montrofe, Louthian, Archibald Johneftoun who had gone before, were not lyke to be difmiffed. This put us all in agaft more1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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nor ever, that we had been drawen in a hofe nett; yet our noblemen were di(miffed: the fourteen were flayed from going. The courage of the anti-covenanters, who after the peace began fo to crowe, fell at once. Lowdoun, in wreitt, gave to the King reasonable fatiffa6tion in all the queftions he had to propone (S.) The Affemblie was by the counfell indi6ted, albeit fome fix dayes after the tyme appointed (T.) ; our proteftation (W) was digefted; the plott of the Sefiion's downfitting for the Prefident and Regifter's reftitution, and other ends, was croffed.
The King, after much tyneing of tyme about Berwick for the clergie's pleafure, went his way, little to their joy : for a while, they were made all fo fure of reftitution, that all places of England was exprefilie denyed them ; yet in the Articles nothing could be attained for them, for we would confent to no deed on our part that might incroach on^ the Affemblie of Glafgow. The King was weary of them ; the whole court did hate them; the pages publicklie gyred at them. Judge ye if their comfort was great, when all that could be gotten to them at the King's farewell was ten pound a-peice, and fifteen for the like of Mr. William Annan. My heart was only fore for good Dr. Barron: after he had been at London printing a trea-tife for the King's authoritie in church affaires, I fufpe6l too much to his countrey's prejudice, he returned heavilie difeafed of his gra-vell ; he lay not long at Berwick till he died. Some convulfions he had, wherein the violent opening of his mouth with his own hand or teeth, his tongue was fomewhat hurt: of this fymptome, very cafeable, more dinn was made by our people than I could have wifhed of fo meeke and learned a perfone. He had fallen, very unhappilie, on Dr. Forbes's company ; the fa6tion had much laboured to gaine him to their fyde, and yet never done him good. I had great hopes, if he had lived a little, he ftiould have quitt them, and been glad to have embraced the Covenant of his mother-church, as his learned brother now hes done. Many other paffages there was about that tyme, which I have now forgott; take only one, and I clofe.
So foone as Montrofe had turned homeward to the Mernes, at once Boyne and Bamfe, with Crowner Gunn, and other officers, gathered great forces : Aberdeen joyned heartilie to the partie. They fpoyled Marifchell's land, and all our friends there. They had devoured Dundie, and all Angus in the throat of their hope: bot at once Montrofe and Marifchell, mod valorous and happie gentlemen, gave them fome other matter to doe; though much inferiour in222	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
number, they came to feek them. Some great ordinance we had, which moved our partie to hold off when they were coming on, hoping to have cleane defeate us ; for their Heiland men avowed they could not abyde the mufquet's mother, and fo fled in troupes at the firft voley. Seaforth had promifed to bring his forces for our help to the bridge of Die; bot we were much behind with that, as it feemes, very falfe man in ane exceeding dangerous tyme. Bamf, frae he was once in armes, hindered the gathering of our friends in the large fhyre of Aberdeen, and thereabout, being fimplie mailer of the fields. Seaforth, and Raes, his generall, had gathered well near five thoufand men, bot did not fturre out of their place. The gentlemen of Murray and Roffe did gather; bot fo long as Seaforth flood ftill, they durft not leave their houfes ; fo not a man beyond Die did come to our camp, except Forbes, with their pages and fome verie few gentlemen. Montrofe and Marifchell, knowing the danger, not onlie to their countrie, bot the whole caufe, if they fhould either retire or ftand, refolved to goe on and fight. The enemie had fortified the bridge of Die, and lay on the other fhoare under fconfes, with their mufquets and horfemen: we refolved to have the bridge on all hazards. It was a defperate peice of fervice; none more ftout, and full of good directions at it, than Jefuit Abernethie, by the playing of the great ordinance on the bridge; and much adoe ; for the perverfe citizens of Aberdeen did fight verie manfullie that day. At lad, with fome flaughter on both fydes, we wann the bridge, we putt our enemie to routt, goes forward that fame night to Aberdeen, lodges without in the fields, being refolved to-morrow to have facked it orderlie, that hereafter that Town fhould have done our nation no more cumber. Bot as it pleafed God to keep us from all marcks of the leift alleadged crueltie from the firft taking up of our armes, fo there the preventing mercies of God did kyth in a fpeciall manner; for that fame night, by fea, the King's letters of pacification at Dunce were brought to the toun ; which to-morrow earlie being prefented to our Nobles, made them glad they had gotten that bleffed coard whereby to binde up their fojours hands from doing of mifchief, whereto that wicked Town's juft defervings had made them verie bent. For all our fpareing, yet that countrey's malicious disloyaltie feemes not to be remeided. In the militarie buriall of Balmayne's brother, fome traitor with a mufquett of moe bullets than one, did kill outright a gentleman being verie near Montrofe and Marifchell; as at the firft expedition, a knave was taken in that town, who was mightilie fufpe6led to have had ane defigne to1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	223
have killed Leflie : yea, for all our pacification, the Marqueis's flout and honeft fojours, Grant and Dugair, continued, and yet are doeing ftill their robberies in Marifchell's and all our friends lands, wherewith our Parliament is much prefentlie fafched ; for it is like that much of their knavifh opprefiions fhall be faftened on good Huntley's back, as the chief author. Alwayes for that tyme Montrofe and Marifchell did poft to Dunce to have their part of the joy, as weell they did deferve, in the common peace; where they were made molt welcome, both to their commerads and their King.
I wifh this might be the comedick cataftrophe of our verie fear-full-like Epifcopall tragedie. Bot yet we have not received directions to make our publick and folemn thankfgivings ; yea, fome clouds ftill flicks in our ayre; fo that we have keeped with us at home, till our Parliament clofe, all our countreymen-fojours, to whofe kindnefs our nation is exceedinglie oblidged; for, to help their boafled mother-church and countrey, they have deferted their charges abroad, to their great loffe, which they knew fhe was never able to make up : they have here, on verie eafie and fmall conditions, attended her fervice : for fear of their valour, our peace hes been both the quicker and the better ; the renowne of their kindnefs, and confcience of their defert at the hand of their mother, for ever will be their great eft and mofl glorious recompence. Before the fitting down of our AfTemblie, in the midft, and about the end, we had ftill new matter of fear. Athort all our Parliament fome thing of moment was ever like to goe crofTe; yet all goes well at laft : That prefent difficultie, about the articles and fourteen votes to the King, whereat there is much flicking, I hope that huge armie of Spaniards now landed in England, fhall make it get halfe to be fwallowed down with the reft. Bot of our AfTemblie and Parliament at more length with the next. For recompence of my labour fend without faill to me the Currents and to the Col-ledge, becaufe of their expences, the Mercurie, both Belgicus and Frances: this Frances I fhall take if they refufe. My fervice to your Wyffe. I reft your Coofin. September 28th 1639.
A Postscript, October 12th 1639-
I thank yow for all your three letters I received before your [our ?] departure from Edinburgh. For them, receave here inclofed three packets : in the firft, the reft of my papers anent the AfTem-224
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1639.
blie of Glafgow; in the fecond, a narration, in four fheets, of our proceedings to the 12th of Auguft, the fitting downe of our AfTem-blie at Edinburgh ; the third hes the pieces anfwerable to the letters of the fecond : I hope in the nixt to give yow account of our Aflemblie and Parliament, which I will not promife in hafte.. The affaires of our Parliament goes yet but thus and fway; if we look to men, our eftate is bot yet wavering up and down in the fcales of a very dubious event: our maine a6ls are bot fcarce pad the Articles. The Commiffioner threatens either to ryfe, or to proteft in the day of the ryding, or to make declarations equivalent to protections, or to deny the fcepter to our moft fubftantiall defy res. To preveene this, we have been content to fitt Hill, half ydle, thryce fo long tyme as ever anie Parliament in anie land did continue, waiting till polls upon polls, runne up and down, for carrying to us the King's pleafure. It feemes our enemies credit is not yet extinguiihed at Court. The Caftle of Edinburgh is dailie made ftxonger. From London, the other week, arryved to Dumbartan a great fhipp, with canon and other munition, with an Englilh cap-taine and diverfe Englilh fojours. Divifion is much laboured for in all our eftate ; they fpeak of too great prevailing with our nobles: Hoome evidentlie fallen off; Montrofe not unlyke to be enfnared with the falfe promifes of advancement; Marifchell, and Sutherland, and others fomewhat doubted ; Sherriff of Tevidaill, and fome of the Barrons, inclyning the Court way; divifions betwixt the merchands and crafts of Edinburgh ; and fo, by confe-quent, of all the Burrows in Scotland, carefullie foftered by our Commiffioner: our prime clergie like to fall foule upon the question of our new privat meetings. Yet when we look to God, who, in great pitie, hes ever helped us through all difficulties, we hope yet that all fliall clofe well: We trull the new bone which God hes • caften in our courtiers' mouth, of the Spanifh navie, inclofed on our ffiore by all the fea-forces that France and Holland can make, will not give them leafure to make ufe of our prefent infirmities; fo much the more as the Englifh are in frayes, and, as they fay, fun-drie of their fouth-weft Ihyres in armes, in a greater number than the King does require for the guard of his coafts; alfo that the Palatine at Court is foliciting for ayde. In fo faire ane occafion, when Banier is almoft triumphing in Boheme, to the terror of Vienne itfelf; when Mentz and Culen are both like to be taken by the Swedes ; when Alfatia is maftered; when neither Saxe nor Weftphalia are fo near to accept the neutralitie ; when Newburge1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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is fallen off the Emperor; at this tyme, if the Palatine be deferted, he and his friends will be Angular in their unfortunatnefs.
I wifh ye would move your Printer at Amfterdam to fett out his Current, as the French and London one is, in a ftieet which may fold in two leaves, that we might get his Currents bound up in a book, which now is not poftible : Alfo, ye would aflay to per-fwade fome there who hes good types and paper, to print, for their own great profit and fchollers great ufe, ane Hebrew Bible, and Syriack New Teftament, in one volume, both with the poynts, in quantitie of our Englifti poutch Bibles : a million of thir would fell in two years; this kind was never yet printed, and would be much loved by fchollers. Alfo the Targum, and Talmud, with the poynts and Latine expofition, in fmall volume ; likewayes the Greeke Septuagent, with the Greeke New Teftament, would fell well: a pitie that your Printers were not ftirred up to print thir as they have done the Poets and Republicks. Ye forgett continuallie to fend to the Colledge, or [to myfelf] if they refufe, the laft two three years Mercurie Franyoes. Your Browniftick's bookes ye fhall at once receave back : I wifh ye fent me fome more of them. Let our friend make hafte to put out a fecond edition of his ftorie. Your Currantier would be admonifhed to take fome little more paines to informe us of the ftate of Afia, and the Turkifh, Perlian, Indian, and Affrican affaires ; which were eafie for him to doe upon a little diligence, having your fhipps fo oft coming from all thefe quarters.
The matter of my tranfportation ye {hall hear when it is at any poynt; my mynde is afraid of all changes, fo I have yet oppofed it what I can, upon the reafons ye fhall fee.
My Instructions to Mr. Alexander Cunighame. (*)
If in your way ye have occafion to divert for three or four dayes to Cambridge, or if at your leifure ye go to it from London, fee Dr. Ward : try of him the fecret, how Arminianifme hes fpread fo much there ; how Shelfurd's abfurdities pleafes him ; how they were gott printed there, with fuch approbation of fo manie fel-
(') In a note at page 27, it was suggested, that Alexander Cunningham might have been the same person who was afterwards Minister of Ettrick. It will be seen, however, from a subsequent letter, dated 13th of August 1644, that Baillie mentions him as then deceased.
vol. i.	p226	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
lowes, and Dr. Beell Vice chanceller for the tyme; if the book was called in, and any cenfure infli6ted on the approvers. His colleague in the profeflion, Dr. Colings, is verie courteous: lift him what he avowes of Arminianifine and Canterburian poperie ; they fay he is farr on, and oppofit to Ward. Conferre with that Dr. Beel, and try if ye find him a papift. I think Dr. Coolings be at Oxfoord, bot if he be at Cambridge, conferre much with him ; he is thought the maine penner of our Scottilh Liturgie: if he will be plaine with yow, ye will fee what that faction would be at. Be cannie in your Conferences, leift they take yow for a fpye. Vilit their fair Bibliothecks and manufcripts. Try who are fervent and able oppofits there to Canterburie's way, and let your chief acquaintance be with them : beware of our countreymen Hay and Arefkine, for I heare they are corrupt.
At London acquaint yourfelf with Holdfworth, ledlurer at Gra-fham Inne ; [and] with Dr. Featley the author of Pelagius Redivi-vus: try how they can be lilent to fee Poperie growing. Search for the author of the Holie Table, Name and Thing. Try the prefent eltate of Burton, Baftwick, and Prin [Prynne] ; alfo of Lincolne, Bilhop Davenant, and Hall: if they be there, conferre much with them ; fee if they be oppofit to all Arminianifme, to bowing to the altar. Try what crucifixes and new images are at Paule's and the Chappell; and if Burton's complaints be reasonable.
The Brownifts had a church there ; however, there are in the citie aneugh of them : conferre with fome of their preachers, or difcreet people. See if they at Amfterdame, and thefe of New England, and thefe who yet are at home, be of one minde, that will not acknowledge the jurifdi<5tion of Synods. Try if there be a confijderable partie oppofit to biihops befydes thir; if there be any hope of getting the Epifcopall Hate and their ceremonies removed ; at leift, if the Arminian fa6tion, with Canterburie's overthrow, can be gotten crufhed. Conferre with Bifhop Montague; fee how farr he is Popifh, if he hes written any thing thir four years, or hes any thing for the preffe. If Bifhop Wren be affable, conferre with him; Dr. Potter alfo, and Helen [Heylin] ; and if any more ye find of that fa6tion learned. Wale your privat tymes that ye be not marked ('J). Try of fome difcreet Alderman the grounds
(2) Such an admonition does not appear to have been superfluous; for many of Baillie's inquiries might easily have subjected his young friend to the imputation of being a spy.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	227
why London did not joyne againft the Scotts ; what hopes there is of a Parliament, and taking order with the Canterburians for their Arminianifme and Poperie ; if there be any correfpondence betuixt Con and Canterburie, betuixt him and Rome, and what evidences of it; what is the charge of Sir William Hamilton, the Queen's agent at Rome; if the Prince's letter to the Pope from Spain be difavowed: There are ane hundred fuch things as thir, whereof ye will have occafion, if ye be diligent, to find the ground, and the very root. Search who is about the Prince, if they be orthodoxe, and if any of the chaplains be honeft ; if Dr. Lawrence's fer-mon be yet approven ; if Stafford's Female Glorie(3) was never burnt; if the good minifters of London be filent at the faction's progreffe; if all zeale there be dead; if publick avowing of the truth, in preaching and print, be banifhed clofe out of England, with Baft-wick, Burton, and Prin. Take a ftart to Oxford, acquaint your felf throughlie with Prideaux ; it is mervellous that he is filent: We thought that zealous men had not fo feared prifons nor fyres. Bodleye's Librarie view it well. Try if all there be the Canter-burian way; if any able oppofits to it, and how they kythe their op-pofition. Let me hear the progreffe of your Deputie's affairs at Court.
My catalogue of Brownift's books fearch at London, where they may be found, at what pryce, and what more of that kind, that I may know what of them to fend for. Try the eflate of private meetings at London, how they are taken by the zealous minifters who are not Brownifts; if there be any thing written for that poynt pro or contra.
Send me a catalogue of all that is printed againft our late proceedings ; why fo few of the Englifh divines hes medled to write againft us ; how our proceedings are thought of now there. Send me the pryces, when ye have tryed in two or three diverfe fhoppes, of Au-guftine, Jerome, Bernard, Ambrofe, Chryfoftome, both Savill and Frontoduce(4), Gregorie the Great, in the beft edition; Bibliotheca Patrum in eight tomes, fix great volumes, not the laft rable of fyfteen tomes; Baronius, fix volumes, alfo the laft edition ten volumes ; Thuan's Storie, the laft edition, four or fyve volumes : Try if any
(3)	" The Femall Glory; or the Life and Death of our Blessed Lady, the Holy Virgin Mary, &c. By Anthony Stafford." Lond. 1635, sm. 8vo. See an account of this work in Wood's Athense Oxonienses, by Bliss, vol. iii, p. 33.
(4)	That is the two editions of Chrysostom's Works, published by Sir Henry Savile, and by Fronton le Due (in Latin Frontonus Ducaeus.)228	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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Univerfall lyke Thuan(5) be coming furth. Your letters to me fend, if ye cannot better, to William Cuninghame in the Cuftome booth at Edinburgh. Give me account of all this memorandum firfl or laft.
Try the eftate of the Churches of New England. Some mer-chands in the Exchange can informe you truelie, if ye be curious, of the prefent eftate of all the Earth, for they have dailie intercourfe with their fa6tors at Mofco, Venice, Lifbon, Conftantinople, Alexandria, Aleppo, Perfia, India, China, Brafilia, let be in nearer king-domes. Try for young Dr. Burgeffe ; it were good his father or he did anfuer Dr. Ames's frefh fute. Conferre with Bifhop Mor-toune, and Dr. Primerofe; try of him the Hate of the French Church, and of their controverfie moved be [Amyraud?]. See at the Minifter of the Italian church, if there be any hopes of getting Italie reformed.
Ye will have occafion of letters to Edinburgh weeklie : if ye write not to me once in the three weeks, I will count yow forgetfull.
For his Brother, Henry Glen. (6)
As for my comeing to your Town, I will tell you plainelie my minde. I thinke myfelf truely oblidged to your people for honouring me with their nomination ; bot withall, ye will help me to make them take in good part the neceffitie of my refufeall. I am fettled, by God's clear calling, in a place eminent enough for any gifts I have ; God hes bleffed my labours here evidentlie; I have full contentment in all things; a moft loving and obedient people, who at the motion of my removeall are much commoved ; plentie of means, eight chalders of bear and meal, payed by my Lord Mont-gomerie onlie, a good gleib, a monie-dutie payed me for my manfe ; I have all my heart could wilhe, and my minde cleaves to my people, as theirs does to me : whom God hes conjoyned, why fliould any mint to put afunder, againft both their heart; and though I were never fo willing to remove, yet how can I thinke of accept-
(5) In some of the MSS., " Universall like them." Baillie evidently means a Universal History like the great work of the President De Thou, (in Latin Thuanus,) entitled " Historiarum sui Temporis, libri CXXXVIII, ab anno 1543, ad annum 3 607-"
(c) Henry Glen was one of the Magistrates of Glasgow, (Vide supra, p. 106.) The allusion at the end of this letter to Glen's wife and children, renders it more than probable that he was Baillie's brother-in-law.1639.
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ing that place of Mr. John Maxwell's, for other vaikand ye have none: I have no call at all from your people; to this day never man who had their warrand, lies minted to feek my confent; no man hes once motioned this matter to my flock, [or] to my Prefby-trie to deall with them for their confent: all is caft over to the Af-femblie's compulfion : men are not flaves or beads foe to be dealt with. Your people hes never foe much as concluded among them-felves, in anie orderlie way, to call me: When was this matter voyced in your Prefbytrie ? when in your Seffion ? when in your Counfell ? and albeit all this were, ye are not patrons, ye have no right to call any man to that place without the King's prefentation. Thir and fuch other material! inlaicks of a calling, would fcarre any man from imbraceing your violent and tumultuarie invitation, let be me, who am refolved, by God's help, and that upon manie rea-fons, to fticke by my flocke to my dying day. I pray God fend yow manie good pallors, for ye had much need of them ; bot as for me, let me not be further prefied at your fynod : for the end of fuch troubleing of me, will be but your difappointment, and keeping of your Church vaiking longer than need were. This farr, Brother, I thought meet to tell yow plainlie, leilt the keeping up of my minde might have hindred your folkes to fute others who will be much more able to doe them good than I am, and more willing than I mind to be.
Ye may communicate my mind with Mr. Harie [Gibfon], and fome few others of our friends, who may joyne with yow to help me to Ihift, in the faireft way that can be, your Towne's trouble. God knowes what good I could doe there among ftrangers, when all that I am able to doe this twyfe feven years, hes not moved yow, my onlie Brother, to amend bot one fault. The Lord be with yow : my fervice to Chriften and the bairnes.
Your Brother,
Kilwinning this Thurfday.	R. Baylie.
To thair Loving and Assured Freind Mr. Robert Baylie, Minister at Kilwining for the present.
Sir,
Pleafe yow we have direct thir our two neighbours, John Barnes and William Neilfone, to yow, to defyre yow moft earneftlie to tranfport yourfelfe hither conforme to the ordinance of the Afiem-230	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
blie. We have communicate our mindes thereanent to the bearers; yet we doe hereby moft inftantlie intreat yow, that fetting all ex-eufes afyde, ye would pitie our defolate eftate at this tyme, who hes no minifter to difcharge any kind of minifteriall duetie among us, and to tranfport your felf the fooner for that caufe, as our trull is in yow: and fo refts
Your affured and loving freinds to power,
Glafgow this 23d day of November 1639.
Coline Campbell.
Niniane Gilhagie.
Matthew Hamiltoun.
William Howie.
Peter Johnestoune.
William Cotis.
johne klrkwood.
Walter Douglas.
Johne Anderson.
Ga. Cunynghame.(7) Jo. Andersoun. Richard Allan. Walter Stirling. James Stewart. Coline Campbell. James Hamilton. James Bell. Thomas Glen. Thomas Scott. P[eter] C[ummin].
For the Right Worshipfull his much honoured Freinds, the Provost, Bayliffes, and Councell of Glasgow.
Right Worshipfull and verie Assured Freinds,—
I doe humblie acknowledge my unworthinefs of all that refpe6l ye have fhowed towards me, and paines ye have put yourfelf, both in the Generall and Provinciall fynod, to have me one of your Minifters ; as alfo of this laft honour in fending fuch ane confider-able commiffion of two, my verie worthie freinds, with your kind and refpe6tfull letters. I remember weell my manifold obligations to your Citie, and my bands with many of yow in particular: your prefent great need of minifters my heart does pitie ; bot concerning my Tranfportation I am no wayes able to fatiffie your defyre. Confcience obliges me to ftay with my flock to the uttermoft of my power: the great love and refpe6l which my Noble Patrons hes ever fhowed me, makes me think it were unhoneft ingratitude for me to mint to leave them fo long as they are content of my miniftrie. In any other thing which ftrykes not on my confcience
(7) Gabriel Cunningham was Provost of Glasgow, and the other persons who sign this letter were Magistrates or Councillors at this time.1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	231
and honeftie, I hope I fhall be as willing to kythe myfelf a fervant to yow all, and to every one of my friends there, as any child that ever was borne among yow, to my poor power. I could gladlie wilhe that in this particular I were not ane occafion of your hurt and difpleafure. It is verie likelie, if ye continue to perfew that adl of the late Provinciall [fynod,] that your place vaike long, and in end be altogether fruftrate of me ; for both my Noble Patron and my people, and myfelf, are confident that our proteftation in Aberdeen will be difcuffed in our favors. My humble and earneft defyre to yow, therefore, is, that ye would be pleafed to caft me by. I am afhamed that fo much adoe has been alreadie made about the lykes of poor me, and lhall be forrie to fee myfelfe the fubje6l of your difcontentment, which, I fear, in the end lhall be unavoydable ; for when your long and troublefome fute of me keepes your place voyd in thir tymes when it had leift need, and mifcarries alfo in the end, ye will readilie then be difpleafed with me, and yet without my deferving; for I did ever plainlie fhow to all that ever fpake to me, my firme refolution, fo farr as lay in my power, never to tranfport from my prefent charge. Wifhing therefore from my heart that your Wifdomes would, for your own good and eafe, and for my great joy, give over to put your felfe to needlefs fafherie in perfeuing any more my impoffible tranfporta-tion ; I reft, as well it becomes, to yow all and every one of yow,
A verie loving freind and fervant,
R. Baylie.
Kilwining, November 27th, 1639.
[To Mr. Robert Baillie, Minister of Kilwinning.]
Sir,
My duetie in the Lord remembered. Pleafe yow remember what I fpake to yow at our laft meeting. Ye and all men may fee the pitifull eftate of God's poore flock within this Burgh at this tyme, and how that God hes vifited our whole paftors at one tyme, whilk I pray God, may be in mercie, and not in wrath. Our eftat and condition thereintill now deferves pitie and commiferation of all who are able to help us; bot efpeciallie of yow, whom God hes fo lawfullie called thereto, be lawfull patrons, voyce and ordinance of ane lawfull Provinciall aflemblie, ane hungrie and willing flock, to accept: If thir be not fufficient reafons for your tranfportation,232
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I underftand none. It is true ye may pretend, and hes left nothing unalleadged ye can fay, be worldlie reafon in the contrare ; hot I hope now ye will fett all thefe things afyde, and preferr fuch ane lawfull calling, and indigence of fo defolate ane flock, before any worldlie refpect whatfomever, and fo pitie the defolate eft ate of this your own mother citie, who loves and favours yow fo dearlie, hoping to get good of yow and your miniftrie ; and fo tranfport yourfelf the fooner. I need not to tell yow the eftate of the licke within this burgh, our want of our communion therein at this tyme, and others, ye may think upon yourfelf; and fo expe6ting ane favourable anfwer frae thir bearers, I reft, Your loving Condifciple and affured
Freind to command,
W. Zaire.
Glafgow, this 26th of November, 1639-
[To Mr. William Yair. (8)]
Verie Loving Condisciple,
Your affection towards me of old and late, be affured, is mett with mutuall refpe6t. I have fhowne my verie worthie freinds your Commiffioners, as alfo I have written to your Towne Councell and Mr. John Bell, that which I forewarned yow at meeting, and all my freinds there, both in private and publick, that confcience and honeftie would force me to fticke by my flock to the uttermoft of my power; and fo long as both my noble patrons and my moft loving flock joynes with me in full confidence to gett their pro-teftation approven, a thought of tranfportation cannot enter in my minde : And I truft this my love, which God and reafon, and manie duties, oblidges me to carrie towards my efpoufed people, will be taken both by yow and by your Towne in good part; for I profeffe, were it in any other matter, where my confcience and honeftie were not touched, I could be as forward, according to my bound dutie, to ferve that good Towne, as any child that ever was born into it. The Lord be with yow.
This is your loving and affe<5lionat old Freind, R. Baylie, Minifter, I truft not onlie for
the prefent, bot all my lifetyme, at Kilwining.
(8) William Yair, in the years 1645-1650, held the office of Town-Clerk of Glasgow. He was probably at this time also connected with the Town-Council.1639.
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
233
To the Right Reverend, and their loving Freind, Me.
Robert Baylie, Minister of God's word.
Reverend,
Yours frae thefe who were dire6ted be us to yow, to intreat yow to confider the lawfulnefs of your calling to the Miniflrie at this place, and that ye would not delay to tranfport yourfelf here in refpect of our great exigence, we receaved; bot finds the fame no wayes anfwerable to your calling, or our expectation. Ye write, that confcience oblifhes yow to remaine with your flock, and honeftie and thankfullnefs not to leave your noble patrons. We defyre yow to conlider, with what confcience ye may ftay, when ye have fic ane calling from God, and in not yielding yourfelf obedient to it, that ye be not found unthankfull unto him. We are perfuaded that the Generall Affemblie will never regard that proteftation whilk ye confide fo much in; for howbeit the Provin-ciall affemblie had not the power to tranfport minilters frae one place to another within their own province, as none doubts bot they have, yet they exercifing that power, not onlie as of themfelves, bot lyke wayes having commiffion for that effect from the Generall Affemblie, will be ane dangerous precedent to recall the fame. Wherefore, Sir, we againe and againe requeft yow that ye would lay the confcience of your calling here to heart, and the great neceflitie this place for the prefent is in, and not poftpone your tranfportation with unneceffare delayes; for we will plainlie and truelie affure yow, that we will neglect no good and lawfull way that may effe6tu-ate the fame, howbeit that place Ihould remain unplanted untill the Affemblie of Aberdeen ; for what is impoffible to men, is poffible to God. So affuredlie expe6ting your obedience to the calling of God, and us, the reprefentative part of the parochiners, inftant fuitors for the fame, wee remaine,
Your affe&ionat to our power,
The Provest, Baylzies, and Councell of Glasgow.
Glafgow, this 7th day of December 1639.
Ga. Cunnynghame John Andersone. G. Porterfield. Richard Allane.
James Stewart. Gavin Neisbitt. James Tran.234
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Thomas Morson. John Anderson. Thomas Scott. Patrick Bell. Coline Campbell. James Hamilton. William Howie. Walter Douglas. Henrie Glen.
William Stewart. Walter Stirling. James Bell. Coline Campbell. John Baird. Matthew Hamiltoun. John Anderson. Ninian Gilhagie. Peter Johnestoun.
[To the Provost, Baillies, and Council of Glasgow.]
Right Worshipfull and my much Honoured Freinds,
I did hope that my anfwers to your letters, both by my wryte, and by word at more length to your commiffioners, fhould have given fatiffa6tion at leaft thus farre, that no more travell fhould be taken for me till the Generall Affemblie; bot fmce it hes beene your pleafure to putt yourfelfe to this new trouble of wryting to me again fo preffing a letter, I can fay no more than before. Your prefent neceffitie of mioifters, all chriftian hearts does pitie ; your carefull diligence, in calling men whom ye efteem fitt, all will lyke-wayes praife ; bot for my comeing to yow, I doe not think it warrantable. I doubt riot much of the Generall Affemblie's power of tranfporting any of us where they pleafe ; bot where a Provincial!, or any Committee from the Generall [Affemblie] does proceed againft reafon, I thinke ane appeall to the nixt Generall [Affemblie] verie reafonable, and according to the lawes and pra&ifes of our Church. My people having ufed a proteftation, which I in confcience think reafonable for the matter and ground, I find myfelf tyed before God to ftay where I am, and not to count my calling to yow fufficient by that late a6t. If herein I finne, either againft God or yow, I pray God to pardon ; bot truelie in this I am fenfible of no fault: yea, if I tooke any other courfe, my confcience would fmyte me; I could not lift up my face before my good people and noble patrons ; I could have no courage to ferve yow. Bot if the Generall Affemblie ordaine me to tranfport from my ftation, as I am hopefull they jfhall never affay to make fo violent a divorce, then indeed, if I did not ferve the place of my birth, of my meanes, of my gifts, of my grace, more willinglie than any other elfe, I might take upon1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	235
me the mark of great and unnaturall ingratitude. Alwayes remaining yet, fo farr as I [am] ft ill bound fail to my dear flock, and wifhing to abyde fo to my dying day, I muft continue ftill your fupplicant to give over to put both yourfelfe and me to trouble, by calling in that fute; which, through the prefent long delay, cannot bot doe yow harme, and, by the finall mifcarriage, work yow more difpleafure ; whereof I ftiould be forrie to be reputed the leaft occafton. This earneftlie defyreing ye would be pleafed to grant, I do reft, as I am by manie obligations tyed,
Your verie loving freind, in any other thing
to ferve yow all,
R. Baylie.
December 11th, 1639.
[To......(9)]
Good William,
It were good that men were free altogether of paffions ; bot lince this cannot be in this life, the nixt bell is to let them vent onlie to our freinds: that which ye read in my face, behold it now in my letter. I am deeplie grieved with My Lord's unex-pe6ted unreafonablenefs : the lefs the matter is, it ftiowes the more clearlie what I have to look for at his Lordftiip's hands, if the matter were greater. Wherein I had to doe, to this day, I have never mellit with any thing concerning his Lordftiip's goods to the value of a groat. His Lordlhip's countenance and favour I have fought, I have gotten, more mind I never to be burdenfome. I pray God neither I nor any of mine have any need to doe it, for it is like fmall favour in that kinde could be expe6led. When this whyle bygone, I have been dealing in the faireft wayes I could, by prayers and fupplications, that a poor and fcurvie thing, whilk all law and confcience and reafon oblifhes his Lordftiip's lands to pay for our fchooll and reader, this is peremptorlie refufed. All other men's lands muft pay to the Church their perfonage, their vicarage, a duetie befyde to the fchooll ; bot My Lord's lands moll pafle free of all, albeit his Lordftiip's hand be at the band for the fchooll: the reafon, becaufe My Lord's countenance to
(9) There is no name or date affixed to this letter. In the MS. it follows the letter to Glen, (p. 229.) The person, however, to whom it was addressed, was evidently an agent or factor to the Earl of Eglintoun.236	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
move the reft to pay, fhould make his twentie pund land goe free: alfo becaufe the vicarage, which hes taken three hundreth merks out of our poor's boxe, is given to my Lord Montgomerie, to whom it does belong by as good right as the perfonage. For fuch reafons as thir, my Lord will have our poor young man disappointed of his threefcore pounds for thir laft three yeares : for me to requeft more that my Lord would doe the poor man fuch reafon, as his Lord-lhip confeffes all other in the parochine fhould doe him, I will never mint; for I fee well that all my molt earneft and reafonable requefts, when the matter is about the fcurvieft foume of money, are mifregarded ; onlie I cannot hinder the young man to charge be law for that which wryte conditions to him. If my Lord will oppofe, and by fo doing hinder the keeping of a fchooll at his onlie paroche church, his Lordfhip may doe it, and by fo doing gaine bot fmall honour. I have no more to fay for my part, bot that I mult be greived that his Lordfhip, who albeit he had not in his houfe all the fuperplus of our church rent, and although his Lordfhip's place and meanes did not oblifhe his Lordfhip in confcience, both by countenance and perfonall contribution, to further, as he did ever before my comeing, that good and neceffar work of our fchoolmafter; yet all thir refpe6ls being away, I did believe that his Lordfhip's favour and good words to myfelf would have given me full as-fureance to have obtained a more matter by my earneft requeft. Al-wayes I have been long in ane error, and I now at laft doe learn it: I now fee how much I may expe6l from My Lord's favour, when it goes to any matter beyond words : I am not minded herein againe to be deceaved.
Good William, ye will pardone the expreflions of my greived minde; I have fend them to yow as a token of my old and con-ftant affe6tion. God help yow and all men whofe livings depends on noblemen's pleafure; for myfelf, I am refolved to goe on to my death as I have done, to love, honour, ferve to my power, My Lorc|. and all his houfe, get what meeting I will: to ftrangers I fliall make it ever good enough ; bot God forbid ere my eftate and being depended on their benevolence. This is
Your affured Freind,
R. Baylie.
When I have given it over, if ye can move My Lord [to] doe us reafon, and that which law and confcience binds to, albeit his1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	< 237
Lordlhip had not fubfcryved, I fhall be obliged to yow; for my-felf I have no refpe6l when it goes beyond words and lookes.
For the Right Worshipfull, His Assurit Freind, Mr. Arch.
Jhonstoun, Advocat for the Church.^)
Archbald,
The tyme was when I wont to have the contentment of your frequent and long lettres ; but fine you ar become great, a prim member of our Church and Stat alfo, I mult reft fatiffied with fome blenks of your ey in the ftreits one a yeir; if fome feu ftrekes of your pen come to my landward cottage one a thre or four yeir for rememberanc that fome tyme we wer acquaint, it is all that my poor meannes can expe6t from your neu hight of eftimation and much plintie of imployments. I would have been loth to have impeachit you even in this tyme of all other lawers to much lafur and longfom vacation, had not ane onexpe6lit accident of a verie deir freind forcit me to crave of you, by the right of all my old defervings, a refolution in a neu cais of our Church Difciplin. I hope you ar not ethir by privat or publidt affaires put fo farr out of remimberance ethir of me or of your chriftian deutie to any, or of your magnifik office of clerkfhip and advocation to all minifters ; but I mey furlie expe6l your ryp, and advyfit, and full aunfuer, when I one at moft in the yeir propone my quseftion.
This is the matter. Eftir we had depofit D. Hamiltoun in the Affemblie of Glafgou, fome of the parifhioners of Glaffuird came to Mr. Patrik Sherp, ther nibour, intreating him to wifh them to a good miniftere. Being urgit, he recommends to them ane old fcoller of myn, Mr. Jo. Bell, a fone of my neereft nibour and moft deir freind, the minifter of Stevinftoun. Upon this recommendation, thes of the parifhioners defirs to heer the young man preach in Mr. Patrik's church, the Sunday folowing, promifing to be his
(') This letter, on the subject of Patronage and Popular Election, is not contained in the MS. Collection of Baillie's Letters. The original, entirely in Baillie's own hand, is in possession of the Editor, along with Johnstone of War-riston's Answer; (Vide the Appendix to the present Volume.) Baillie's very singular orthography has been retained, although the addition of a final e might have been made with some propriety to such words as mad, sine, on, one, violenc, &c. intended for made, since, one, once, violence, &c.238	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1639.
heirers with others the mofl judicious of the parifhion. That Sunday the Do6lor intendit by violenc, as they herd, in difpyt of our Affemblie, to occupie his oun pulpit; fo they behovit to brek ther tryft for to oppofe the Do6tor, but withall defirs Mr. Patrik to move the yong man to deill with my Lord Semple, the laik patron and landflord of all the parilhion for a prefentation. The yong man came to me for my counfell and affiftance : knouing him to be one of the moft able youthes I kneu vakand, for lerning, wif-dom, utteranc, and all minifteriall qualities, I movit my L. Argyle and my L. Egglintoun to wreit lettres to my L. Semple in his favours. My L. Semple promife a prefentation, having tryit from funry hands that all I had mad the noblemen wreit of the youth, and mor was treu, yit for feir of the King's offence did delay to prsefent till the Affembly of Edinburgh. In the mean tyme, fome of the parifhioners falles in conceit firft with on and then with ane other yonge man: thir my L. Semple refufes to prsefent, being ingagit to Mr. Jo. Bell, not only for the recommendation of his noble freinds, but beliving him, as the Prefbitery both then and yit does, and many mo with them, to be the meeter man for the people than any other was proponit to him. Vpon this crofe thes of the parilhion who had delt for others, began to maligne Mr. Jo.; yet he being confident to give them full contentment, did go on by the advyce and incoragment of funry the cheif minifters of the Prefbitery of Hamiltoun and many of the parifhioners to receve the prsefentation. He was made weelcome in the Prefbitery, his tryells prsefcrivit, both exercife, contraverfie in Latin, popular fermon : in all he gets ane fingular applaus, divers of thes who had oppofed took him by the hand, and all wer quiett. You mufl knou, by the way, that the Do6ter's violenc in the epifcopall courfes had made manie of that people fall to the other extremitie of fome extravagant conceits, and bruniftik-lyk folies, much in-creafit among them by the heidines of their Reider, who for faultes in that kynd was divers tymes in the Prefbitery and AfTemblie callit to ane acount, and even yit is onder proceffe : the main thing that ever they prsetendit for ther diflyk of Mr. Jo. was, that he had futit a prsefentation befor he was ele6tit by the congregation. In our late Sinodall Affemblie in the Prefbiterie of Hamiltoun's cen-fur, that fame particular being examinit, and this relation which I have wreitten being publidtly made, the whole Affemblie pro-nuncit as the a6t beires, that the yong man had done no fault, and1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	239
ordainit the Prefbiterie to proceed with him. All his tryells being pafl, the Prefbitery with one mynd, comands his edi6l to be fervit, that with diligence he might be admittit to that long vacant church : the Reider, in the mean tyme, deiles with him for his favour to get his place keepit, but finding the youthe's aunfwer not fo dire6l and full of aflurance as he wifhit, he goes prsefently, fo farr as we can judge, out of meer malice, and fleires a numer of the people neer to a mutinous fedition: In the church, from his place, takes on him, as his cuflome is, to exhort all to Hand by the Covenant; from many fcriptures prefles this, onder all the pains of hell; that by Covenant they ar tyed to the difciplin of our church; that one part therof is the minifler's ele6lion by the people, that now they ar to receve one from the Prefbitery and patrone which they did not eledl; as the virgin forcit in the feild, if fhe cryd was fre of gilt, by the lau of God, if filent, was punifheable for villanie; fo they, if nou they did not crie againfl this violenc, wer by God to be plaguit. By fuch fueite do6lrin, he fo inflamit the poor people, that a numer of them came to the Prefbiterie with ther fuordes, on the day of ther edi6l, and he, as ther captain, with a proteflation againfl the admiffion, and ane apeill to the nixt Generall AfTemblie, upon no rafun at all, fo farr as I can heer, (for ther writ I have not yit feen; but if I can have a double of it in time, I fhall fend it to you,) onlie I am certainly informit that ther only aleagation is, they would be Covenant brekers, and perfydious, and fo lyable to all the curfes of God, if they did not oppofe that man who comes to them againfl the a6ls of the church difciplin; a numer wherof they cite. The Prefbiterie flrived to give them contentment in this fcruple, but in vaen ; wherfor they ordained to go on with the admiffion on the firfl, I think, of the nixt moneth, finding no obje6lion at all movit againfl the perfone ether for lyfe or do6lrin, only a wilfull oppofi-tion on the prsetenc of a fcruple which the provinciall Sinod hes pronuncit null. The people who oppofes for the mofl part ar fillie cotters, being animat by ther Reider ; they threatenit in the face of the prefbitery nothing bot fyr and fuord, that the pudder and leid they wer to fpend for ther Covenant at Dunce wes to the for, to be imployit at ther church whenfoever the prefbitery would come ther to oppugne that fame Covenant. We have acquaintit Mr. David Dikfone with this flory at lenth, who is much grivit with that people's unrafonable, ontymous, and verie dangerous folies ; who hes ondertaken to do what lyes in him to remeed it. I fheu him I240	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1639.
would writ to you for your advyce, and he was weell pleafit with the motion.
I mull therfor earneftly intreat you, that with fo grit diligenc as you can ufe, you will have a letter reddie for this beirer to me, who will wait on fuch tymes as you will apoint.
The knot is worthy your paines: at one it mey be a commun and pernitious caes for yoaking of patrons, prelbiteries, and people, all by the eares in the whole countrie, if a feu prseparatives paffe. With the particular, which for your information I have wreitten, mell as litle as you pleafe ; but let your ftudie and write run mainly on the generall, wither by our Covenant ar we oblifhit to ftand punctually, without difpenfation, by thes paffages of our Difciplin which really puttes down the right, or fruftrats the ufe of patronages ; namly that paffage in the 4th heid of our Eirft Book of Difciplin " It aperteines to the people, and everie feverall congregation"^ ele6t ther minifter." Does not that chapter atlenthgive the right of ele6tion to the people alone, to the patron not at all, to church-men only in the caes of a people's neglect, and that for full 40 dayes ? Alfo in our Second Book of Difciplin, cap. 3, the firft part of the calling is election, and this is " the choifing of the per-fon by the judgment of the elderihip and confent of the congregation." Heerele6tion is mad the proper a6t of the feffion, at leift prefbitery, and of the people, to whom at leift a confent is attribut, fo that ther diffent, whoufoever on reafon or without reafon, wil caft and hinder the ele6lion. Thridly, a paffage in the fam Second book, cap. 12 : Such " an ele6tion, and affent of the people" is re-quirit, which does dire6llie diftroy all patronages, without exception of the prince's, and all benefices, as popifh corruptions againft the word of God. This Book of Difciplin is ordainit by a numer of our beft and moft lafull Affemblies to be fuorne and fubferivit at leift by all minifters. Laftly, ar we not all fuorne to maintein the A6ts of the Affemblie of Glafgou, and fo that tweintie article of the tweintie-thrid feffion, wher not only all that feek praefen-tationes without the advyfe of the prefbitery, ar ordainit to be re-pellit as rei ambitus, but alfo all who dire6lly or ondire6lly does ufe any moyen for ane entre, ar ordainit to be reje6lit: fo then is no this the cleir method which Glafgou Affemblie commands, that thes who defires that worthie work of the miniftery muft firft feek the confent of the congregation, and then go feek the prefbiteries good will, whil they ar fitting in judgment, to get ther warrant1639.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
241
to be prefentit by patrons. All this feems dire6tly to flou from the 4 alleagit texts of our Difciplin. All this the people of Glas-ffurd taks themfelf bound to ftand to by ther blood : whou they can be loufit, I pray you earneftly ftieu me your mind and your cleir rafuns ; for thir folks cairs for no man's opinion, without his clear grounds. If you think them right the inconvenients will be many. 1. By our oth and covenant everie on of the people ftiall be oblifhit to ftand by everie Act of all our aproven Aflem-blies. 2. We mull bring in a neu forme of entre, which to this day might weel have been wifhit, but was never pra6lifit, at left never urgit in our Church. 3. We mult preach doun, and people by ther fuords mult cut doun, all patronages: This, in the AlTem-bly of Edinburgh, oft to the Commiffioner you proteftit was never your emme [aime] : for to fhoot at the patronages, and calling in of all the church rents, to mainteen therby even our elders and deacons, as that fam chapter of the 2d Book of Difciplin does import, wer a proje6t which everie on will not in haeft think them fuorne to maintein by ther Covenant: yea, in our Parlament, the Prefbi-teries did crave fome patronages to themfelf as due in lau and rafun. Laftly, ther will be grit danger in urging the people's eleftion from fcriptur : the men that preffis it ar too neer to the main fundation of Brunifme; the divin right of the Church, that is the parilh, to ele6t, admite, depofe, excommunicat ther minifter and elders, of which right nethir Prince nor Prefbitery nor Afiem-bly can deprive them. The matter to me feems weghtie, and of grit confequent for the publi<5l; you (hall do weel to tak fome of Mr. Alexr's.(2) advyce. Whouever I hope I mey expe6t on of your old long through letters, in a matter of fuch weght, and wher I have fo grit entereffe: if your diligenc be aunfuerable to my defir, expe6l writen thankes ; if not, I fhall in quiett filenc regrait your onkyndnes. The Lord be with you. My fervice to your kynd Wyf.
Kilwinnin, Dec. 16, 1639.
Your old frend,
R. Baylie.
Ufe diligenc, for belyve, you knou, that you and I both mey be hangit if Roffe(3) and the Divell gett ther will.
(2) Mr. Alexander Henderson.	(3) Maxwell, Bishop of Ross.
vol. i.
Q242	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
My Letter to Mr. Jhonstoun anent my Book.(4) Archbald,
Your frequent and very preffing letters, together with the approaching of the Englifh Parliament, hes made me ufe all the fpeed I was able, in the midft of my very frequent and neceffar diftrac-tions. I have fent yow all to the laft chapter, which I hope fhall be readie before yow have perufed the reft. Yow fee my ofdour is plaine and fimple; my text Ihort enough; my length is onlie in my marginall probations, which any common or haftie reader may paffe at his pleafure. The titles of my chapters, my notts on the margine, will lead, in a blenk, any who defyres to their particular tenets at fome figure in the text; which, at their pleafure, they may fee provin at the letter in the margine. I doe verily think that a treatife of this kinde were verie needfull at this tyme to be publifhed, both to ftiew to the Churches abroad the true ftate of our controverfies, and to waken up the fpirits of our own countrymen, by demonftrating to their eye, in a fhort table, the incredible defignes of our partie : alfo for the roufing up of our flipprie neighbours of England, who readilie, if God have not given them over for their own deftru6lion to a fpirit of fopour, cannot faill at this tyme to preffe more earneftlie the King than ever for juftice on thofe our oppreffors; who, before all the world, are taken ridd-hand with the vyleft errors, which no longer can be fuffered, let be to be patronifed by their armes, who cannot bot hate them. However, doe God with us all what he hes decreed, yet it were good to give a teftimonie to the undermyndit and oppreffed trueth ; that the pofteritie, feeing the true ground of our fufferings, may judge the more charitablie of all our proceedings bygane and to come in this great and deep a6tioun. Bot although I think it moll neceffar, that, without delay, a treatife of this nature Ihould be fent abroad, yit I fliould be loath that my poor pamphlet Ihould be any occafion to marr the coming out of fuch a piece from your hands there, whom God hes enabled in all this caufe to doe great things. I think not good, that the lykes of me ihould proclaim our weaknefs in print: only at your defyre, have I undergone this
(4) The treatise, entitled " Ladensium A.vtokxtxk^ktk;, The Canterburian's Self-Conviction j &c. Written in March, and printed in Aprile, 1640." 4to. It was published anonymously.1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	243
labour; make what ufe of it ye thinke good. Mr. William Spang hes a ftorie in Latine, a part whereof is in Mr. Henrie Rollock's hand, which truelie, and for our advantage, fetts doun our proceedings to the pacification at Dunce. In my mind, yow would doe weell to caufe Mr. H. Rollock, at leift thank the young man for his paines, and encourage him to put it to the preffe: it will doe us good over fea. All the pieces yow have fent me, I fhall at once return them moft faithfullie to yow. For Lifimachus Nicanor, good Lefly of Doun and Conner, (5) as I take it the author alfo of Corbett's piece, the place of anfwering him would be my laft chapter : bot I am not difpofed to medle with him; my book is too long alreadie ; he is a madde fcenick railer : The things materiall to be anfuered are hiftorick pafiages of our meetings, Affemblies, and Parliament, wherewith I am not fo weell acquaint as his an-fuerer mull be ; alfo, the queftion of the King's authoritie, which he moft mells with, I am not fo feene into it as I durft ventour to wryte of that fubje6t, more than I mind to fett doun in my laft chapter. Yow fhall doe weell to hafte a ftorie of our proceedings, which will be a reall anfwer to the manifefto, and him, and others. The Lord be with yow.	Your Brother,
R. Baylie.
March 30th, [1640.]
For Mr. D. Diksoun, Professor in Glasgow.
Reverend and Beloved Brother,
I long much to underftand how all things frames with yow in your new charge(6) ; there is no reafon, that at firft everie thing Ihould be according to the mind of your friends. If that Towne and Colledge were fo difpofed alreadie, as to give the lyke of yow fo heartie and kind welcome as they aught, what fhould you have done there ? Was it not your onlie erand to be God's inftrument among them, by your labours, to gett that difpofition of theirs amended, which this long whyle hes been to the land fo offenfive; to gett the grace of God, and heartie love to thofe who mindit pietie, planted in their heart ? fhall we be fo unreafonable as to look
(5)	Baillie was mistaken in attributing " The Epistle of Lysimachus Nicanor," to Bishop Lesley. The author was John Corbet. Vide supra, p. 162.
(6)	Mr. David Dickson was translated from the parish of Irvine to the Professorship of Divinity, in the University of Glasgow, early in 1640.244
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
for thofe things in them at the firft moment, without any of your labour, which we wifh may be wrought in them, by all the paines yow can take in your whole life ?
My wryte I have fent eaft to Mr. Archbald [Johnftone] : yow may take a blenk of it, and of his letter here inclofed ; clofe it with your owne ftamp. I have fent to yow the firfl copie, which is not weell written, but it is all I have : read it over fo weell as yow may, and within eight dayes, fend your advyfe thereof, both to Mr. Archbald and to myfelfe. I have taken paines to doe what I conceaved might further the glorie of God, and good of our caufe. It were a pitie for my reward, that good and wyfe men fhould putt me in print for my fhame or hurt, or wronging either the honour of the trueth, or of our prefent caufe, which to me is much deirer than any thing I have. If it goe abroad, it fhall lye on Mr. Archbald [Johnftone,] Mr. Alexander [Hen-derfon,] and yow, to whofe judgement I doe fimplie fubmitt it to be ufed, as yow three fhall agree.
That which ye wryte to our Prefbytrie of our correfpondence, though the multitude of our Prelbyteriall a6tions that day permitted us not to anfwer, yet it was taken in verie good part: if yow pleafe to fpeak of it at the Synod with our brethren, yow will eafilie obtain it, "for both your good and ours. Yow would doe weell to prevent the evills which manie ways may infew upon the humor of fome few there to change their Crouner : Be free at leift with George Porterfield (7) ; your refervednefs here may be the negle6t of a good office, and farthering of much difpleafure, which may befall both to him, and to the Towne, and to my Lord Mont-gomerie ; and yow are much oblifhed to all thofe three. What yow wryte to me about Dunlop, (8) I was carefull to follow your dire6tions: I think I would have moved Mr. Hew (9) to doe all yow required, bot the gentlemen were peremptor all of them; they would contribute nought at all; they would have affurance for Mr. Hew his part to be given not onlie to his fone, bot at his removeall to anie other: finding them thus refolved, I gave over to medle. So I know no other bot Mr. Hew to be cenfured for his mifcarriages, which, in my mind, may not be near to depofi-tion : God forbid or ever my hand be with gentlemen for the un~ reafonable opprefiing of poor minifters. I am grieved with Mr.
(7) One of the Baillies of Glasgow in the year 1639, and Provost at a later period.
(3 & 9) The Parish of Dunlop, of which Mr. Hugh Eglinton was Minister.1640.
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
245
William Livingfton's ufage, if it be as we hear, of Lifmahagoe(1) and Mr. John Lindfay: (2) fuch ftaffage crueltie God will not approve, and men mult deteft: by anie meanes furder that poor man of Campfey(3) to his place; your depofeing of him was much againft my mind. If when the whole Prefbytrie and paroche, and the world which knows him, are for his reftitution, and yow onlie hold him out, it will not be weell. Mr. James Fullartoun is with God. Mr. Thomas Craig is like to prove fuch a villaine, that he is worthie of more punifhment then depofition. Likelie, Mr. Alexander Dunlop will not be gotten long keeped : we have no able expectants almoft to fupplie roumes ; the Lord help us. My people hes difcharged me to keep the Synod, and my neceffar diligence in doling my piece will not fuffer me to come abroad; fo, when I will fee yow I know not. If your Towne folilt not dili-gentlie, they will tyne Mr. Robert Ramfay. The Commiffioners of Air Prefbytrie had weell near gotten a promife of our Prelby-trie's concurring with theirs for keeping him ; bot I did publicklie marr that proportion. I long to fee Margaret and the bairns ; yow fee I cannot end ; the Lord be with yow.
March 30th [1640].
MY LATTER WILL When I went to the Army, the 4th of May 1639: [Revised the 20th of July 1640.]
If it be the will of my God in this Voyage that I doe not returne, I am weell pleafed to offer up my life for the honour of my God, and the defence of my Countrie, which I apprehend to be in great hazard both of religion and liberties. I truft to die in the faith of Chrift, and heartie love of King Charles. As for my outward eftate, thus I conceave it to be, and this I declare for my Latter Will.
Aughtand to me by Cunynghamehead, according to his band, two thoufand five hundred merk. Item, by the brethern of Dunlop, by their band, two thoufand merk. Item, ane annualrent from the lands of Golden-hoove according to my infeftments, now
(') Robert Hamilton, Minister of Lismahago.
(-) Lindsay was Minister of Carstairs.
(■') Alexander Forbes, Minister of Campsey, who had been deposed by the Presbytery of Glasgow, 1st of May 1639.246	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
poffeffed by James Roe merchant in Edinburgh, which I eftimate to five hundred merks if a reverlion cannot be produced, or if it can, only to three.
My Bookes hes not been coft for three thoufand merk. I think if they be weell fold, by fome freind, with the tilings up and down the houfe, which may be fpared, as my horfe, my armour, the two filver taffes, a dozen of filver fpoons, the great coffer, &c. may come to two thoufand merk.
Of my Stipend, the yeir 1637 receaved onlie three hundred merks, there will be remaining, I think, about twelve hundred merk: my ftipend the two next veirs, 1638 and 1639, readilie may be near to two thoufand four hundred merk.
I hope, if God blefs my Wyfe's vertuous living, that thir things may come to weell near ten thoufand merk ; whereof I wifh my Wyfe to be content, notwithftanding of her contra6l, with annual-rent of feven, and to employ the annuelrent of the other three to the education of my three children. After her, I wifh that Robert, quyteing his heirfhip, might have five thoufand merk, and Henry two thoufand five hundred, and Lilias als much ; and if the foumes diminilh to much lefs, that whatever is be divided to them by this proportion. I make my Wyfe fole executrix. I wilh my Lord Montgomerie, my brother Henry Glen, the Principall Dr. Strang, Mr. Hary Gibfone, Robert Livingftone, Mr. John Bell, James Mitchell, Mr. Claud Hamiltoun, to give her their bell advyces : if all be loft, God, in whofe caufe I die, will be a hufband to my moft vertuous Wyfe, and father to my little Children.
The 3d of June [1639,] in my march to the Camp [at Dunfe,] I did revife this wrytt, and approve it.
The 20th July 1640, going to Aberdeen, I revifed this wrytt and approved it; only with this farder explanation. Cunyng-hamehead, at the next terme of Martinmas, will be auchtand me, befyde his father's band, four hundred merk of borrowed money, two hundred fixteen of annuellrent, of which he mult retaine, for my tenth penny of annuellrent 1639, as I count, 20 merk. Dun-lop, at Mertimes, aught fcore merk, whereof he retains fixteen; James Roe twentie pound ; Alexander Armour thirtie pound, for three termes. Of my ftipend, three full yeirs, 1638, 39, and 40 ; alfo large three hundred merk of 1637 yeir, according to Robert Livingftoun's fubfcryved count.1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	247
To Mr. William Spang, after Aberdeen Assemblie.
[September 1640.]
Reverend and well beloved,
I wryt not to yow lince Aprile; when from Edinburgh there was fent to yow a number of my pamphlets. I inclofed in my letter a number of our parliamentarie proceedings, as I could get them. I fent you alfo inftru6lions to fend fome of my books to Rivett, to Tifius [Thyfius], to Voetius, to Paris, to Geneva, to Somer, to Tigur; for it concernes us much that in all thefe places the myfteries of our tyrannous fa6tion Ihould be manifeft. Yow did well to put out the word of hangman, albeit we were truelie a while informed that the Court of Parliament of Paris had pronunced an cruell fentence againft that harmlefs Prince. Let me know the judgement of others there about my pamphlet: by milling of the Currants betuixt the 16th and 22d of June I have miffed at leift one of your letters.
We have been long a moving, partlie of neceffitie, and more by refolution. We were, in February, declared tray tors and rebells, upon no new reafons ; our Affemblie's conclufion, anent our Covenant and Epifcopacie, affented to and fubfcryved by the King's Commiffioner and Councell, are declared to be moll traitorous ; a commiffion given to Northumberland to cutt us off by fea and land before the coming up of our Commiffioners. When they came up, they were bot mocked, (the two Bifhops at the table head, at the King's two hands,) the Deputie, and Marqueis, and Windibanks oft fcoffingly interrupting them. We had no will to fturr till the Parliament concludit; and gave ane commiffion to our Generall. The Caftle of Edinburgh was long waited on ; bot when our mindes [mines] failled, and the affault feemed dangerous, we thought meet to give over the interprife. Our men were long a-gathering: albeit the Weft fea-bank was firft at the randevouze, before the horfemen and baggage could be gotten put out it was the firft of Auguft. Monro fand no oppofition in the North. Argyle his traverfeing the heads of Atholl, Marr, Badenoch, Lochaber, with a prettie camp and cannon, never before affayed, held all that countrey in order. Montrofe became fomewhat capricious for his own fancies, and made Drummond, his neighbour, fomewhat linger; bot Argyle makes all men draw.248
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
Our Affemblie at Aberdeen was keepit with great peace (4). We fand great averfenefs in the hearts of manie from our courfe, albeit little in countenance. Dr. Sibbet [Sibbald,] Forbes, and Scroggie, were refolved to fuffer martyrdome before they fubfcryved any thing concerning Epifcopacie and Perth Articles; bot we refolved to fpeak nothing to them of thefe matters, bot of farr other purpofes. We fand them irrefolut about the Canons of Dort, as things they had never feen, or at leaft confidered. They could fay nothing againft any claufe of the book, of Canons, Liturgie, Ordination, High Commiffion ; yea, Dr. Forbes's treatifes, full of a number of popifh tenets, and intending dire6llie reconciliation with Rome, farther than either Montague, or Spalato, or any I ever faw, was among their hands, and the hands of their young ftudents ; together with a treatife of B[ifhop] Wedderburn, and ane Englifh prieft, Barnefius, all for reconciliation. Dr. Sibbald in manie points of do6trine was found verie corrupt; for the which we depofit him, and ordained him, without quick fatiffa6tion, to be proceffed. The man was there of great fame : it was laid on poor me to be all their examiner, and moderator to their proceffe. Dr. Scroggie, ane old man, not verie corrupt, yet perverfe in the Covenant and fervice book; Dr. Forbes's ingenuitie pleafecl us fo well, that we have given him yet tyme for advyfement; poor Baroun, otherwayes ane ornament of our nation, we found hes been much in multis the Canterburian way : great knaverie and dire6t intercourse with his Grace we fand among them, and yet all was hid from us that they could. I got my caufe delayed till the nixt Generall Affemblie ; yit Mr. Robert Ramfay was ordained to tranfport to Glafgow, and Mr. Andrew Cant to Aberdeen, fore againft his heart: his patron Louthian will vehementlie oppofe it. Thir violent transportations will at once offend manie. I am lyk to be more than boiled with a divinitie profeffion in Aberdeen: the world is fo farr miftaken; better for me to be dumb or dead than fo miferable. Much of our ten dayes (s) fitting fpent in caufes of transportations, and plantation of churches, where patrons, prelbyteries, and people had their contefts. All which came before us were at laft peace-ablie fettled : manie good overtures were made, which you will fee at once in print.
That which troubled us moft was a paffage of Mr. Harie Gut-
(4)	The General Assembly at Aberdeen met on the 28th of July 1640,— Mr. Andrew Ramsay, one of the Ministers of Edinburgh, Moderator.
(5)	The Assembly continued its meetings till the 5th of August.1640.
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
249
trie's, (6) which, becaufe it may be the occafion of farder dinne, I will relate to you particularlie, fo farre as I underftand. Our coun-treymen in Ireland, being preffed there by the Bifhops to countenance the Liturgie and all their ceremonies, did abfteene much from the publi6l worfhip ; and in privatt, among themfelves, their minifters being all baniflied, did in that place and tyme of perfecu-tion, comfort themfelves with prayer and reading, and uther ex-ercifes of religion, whiles in the night, whiles in the day, as they had occafion. Sundrie of them intending ane voyage to New England, inclined towards the difcipline of thefe churches; yea, fome Brunifts, infinuating themfelves among them whileas their minifters were away, did move diverfe towards their conceits. The mod of thir good people flying over to us, were heartilie embraced of us all; their privat meetings were overfeen ; fome of their conceits, though they were fpreading, yet for caufes we let alone till the Laird of Leckie,(7) one who had fuffered much by the Bifhops, was marked, ufeing his Irifh forme of privie exercifes in Stirling, and in his prayers fome expreflions which were prejudiciall to Mr. Harie [Guthrie,] minifter of the faid toun, and uther minifters of the land, who did not affect their wayes. At once Mr. Harie, with the brethren of that prefbytrie, and magiftrats of that toun, did begin with vehe-mencie and fome violence, to fupprefie thefe privie meetings, and to paint out in verie black letters all the Angularities they knew or heard of in Leckie, or thefe who affe6led their wayes. They, on the other fide, failled not to rander to Mr. Harie, and the brethren, the like. The laft Aflemblie of Edinburgh was perplexed with this matter. Mr. Harie made verie loud complaints of their novations, both in word and wryte. Sundrie being confcious what in diverfe parts of the countrie was broaching, was in fome fear. Diverfe of our chief minifters tendering verie much the credit of thefe verie pious people, were loath that any thing concerning them fhould come in publick. We had fundrie privat meetings with the chief that was thought to incline that way. Mr. Henderfoun vented himfelf, at manie occafions, paffionatelie, oppofit to all thefe conceits. We fand among ourfelves great harmonie of judgment; yea,
(6)	Mr. Henry Guthrie, at this time Minister of Stirling, was deposed 14th of Nov. 1648, for malignancy. After the Restoration, (about 1665,) he was consecrated Bishop of Dunkeld.
(7)	In the MS.' Leccie.' The person mentioned appears to have been Alexander Leckie of Leckie. " Joannes Leckie de eodem," was served heir of his father " Alexander Leckie de eodem," Jan. 17, 1648.250 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1640.
Leckie, declareing his mind in a wryte, was found to differ from us in nothing confiderable. Once we agreed for the framing of ane a6t for the preveening of fuch queftions. Both fides laid it on me to forme it. All was pleafed with the draught, onlie one, not lyking my conclufion of precife difchargeing of all novations till in a Ge-nerall Affemblie they were allowed, perfuaded to leave off making of ane a6t, leift our adversaries ftiould triumph in our fo haftie dif-putations, if not divifions ; and did allure, by quiet dealing, to fopite fmother all farder reafoning of fuch purpofes ; onlie we concluded, for fatiffa&ion of all, that Mr. Harie Ihould preach for advancement of religious exercifes in everie familie, and Mr. Robert Blair, Mr. John Makclellan, Mr. John Leviftoune, againft night-meetings, and other abufes quhilk were complained of. Mr. Blair, in his fermon, did not fo much cry downe thefe meetings as was expe6ted ; wherefore Mr. Guttrie refufed to preach at all. Some citizens of Edinburgh declared themfelves not well fatiffied with Mr. Henderfoun's zeall againft their pra6tife. One Livingftone, a traffiquer with the Englifti who wer affe6led to our reformation, bot withall to the difcipline of New England, in his letter to his friends abroad, did wryte verie difpytefullie of Mr. Henderfoun ; thir being intercepted, did greive not onlie the man himfelf, bot us all, of all ranks, who had found him the powerfull inftrument of God, fitted ex-preflie much above all other to be a bleffing to our Church, in this moft dangerous feafone. For preveening of farder inconvenience, it was thought meet to prefle, in all the kingdome, religious exercifes in families, according to a draught which Mr. Henderfoun, with the unanimous confent of all, gave out in print. This familie worfhip was expe6led ane Sufficient remedie againft the feared evills of uther privie meetings ; bot when it was not found fo, thefe that would have keeped on foot amongft us fome of the Irifh novations, forefeeing their fevere condemnation by the infewing Generall Af-femblie, thought good to eifhu [efchew] that discreditable Stroke, and drew together in Edinburgh, in tyme of the Parliament, to a privie conference ; on the one fyde, Mr. Henderfoun and Mr. Eliaezar Borthwick ; on the other, Mr. Blair and Mr. Dickfoun : theSe four agreed on a paper of caveats, limiting thefe privie meetings ; which being opened to the reft of the brethren there conveened, did pleafe all. The report of this gladed all the land, hoping that thefe difputations had then been at a point.
I heard no more of them till the Synod, at the beginning whereof, as the cuftome is, a lift being given up for preaching in the towne,1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	251
Mr. Guttrie was one. He finding himfelf, as he avowed, indifpofed in bodie, and unable without more books and leafure than there he could have, and unwilling, fra the Provoft of the towne required he fhould be heard, having, as he heard, a mind to get him tran-fported to that towne, refufed peremptorilie to preach there at all, and that with fome words of headinefs, more than it became to us, in the face of ane Aflemblie. Thefe who boore him at fmall good will, finding him in this fnare, whether to punifh him for bygone bufinefs, or to dafhe him for attempting in that Aflemblie any farder matter about Leckie his meetings, which they fufpe6ted was his maine eirand to that place, urged ftraitlie the publick cen-fure of his prefumption. When he was removed, all thefe who had relation to the Irifh bufinefs, lighted fo fharplie upon him, that manie did thinke that their cenfure was not fo much for his prefent mifbehaviour, as for fome bygone quarrels. He took the Moderator's reproof fubmiflivelie enough; bot whether on that irritation, or preceeding refolution, he fett himfelf with all earneft-nefs to have thefe matters concluded in Aflemblie, which fome of us were afrayed fo much as publicklie to name. Privatlie he had folicit the whole northern miniftrie and elders, putting them in a great vehemence againft all thefe things he complained of. It was one of my overtures for the ordering of the houfe at the beginning of the Aflemblie, that no motion fhould come in publick till firft it were confidered in privat by the Committee appointed for things of that nature whereof it wes, unlefs the Committee did refufe to receave it. Whereby Mr. Harie his firft motion in publick, though he alleadged it had been proponed be him to the committee and not receaved, was reje6led again to the Committee : by this meanes he was holden of fome dayes; bot by no meanes could be gotten diverted from proponing thefe queftions, which we were afraid fhould trouble us all. Accompt was taken of all the Commiflioners of the kingdome, in the face of the Aflemblie, of fettling of familie exercife in ilk houfe of their Prefbytrie ; it was avowed to be everie where prettie well advanced; bot this was no water for the fire in hand. It was the advyce of the committee, to propone Mr. Henderfoun's paper before Mr. Harie was heard. This advyce, in my minde, was healthfome; for lyklie all would have applauded to that paper, and no more needed for the fettleing of thefe queftions ; bot fome, whether becaufe they were loath, though privatelie they aflented to that paper, that yet it fhould goe in a publick act, or being carryed with a clean contrare fpaite, were252	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
willfull to have Mr. Harie to vent himfelf in publick, to the utter-mofl of his paffions, would not let the committee determine any thing in that affair. Mr. Harie being permitted at laft to fpeak in the Affemblie, in a long difcourfe, proclaimed what he was able to fay of Leckie and thefe meetings : truelie he uttered manie things verie odious, if trew. Mr. James Simpfone of Bathgate fhew alfo manie fcandalous things of that fort of people. A Commiffioner from Galloway declared a number of uncouth paffadges, reflecting on Mr. Samuell Rutherfoord, Mr. John Livingftone, and Mr. Mak-clellan. Prefentlie all went to a heat and confufed dinn; the whole north, efpeciallie the Earle of Seafort, a well fpoken man, bot whofe honeftie in our caufe ever has been much fufpe6ted, paffionatelie fyding with Mr. Harie ; fome others fretting to hear pious people fo fhamefullie, as they thought, culumniat. In the midft of the clamour, I took leave fharplie to regrate that we did rufh in a greater evill than any was complained of: the confufed miforder of a Generall Affemblie was the fpoyling of the onlie remedie of that and all other difeafes: Bot no poffibilitie of order and filence; the Moderator had neither weight in his difcourfe, nor dexteritie in guiding : we miffed much Mr. Henderfoun, or fome of our refpe6led nobles. At laft the confufion ended in a committee for the preparing of overtures to remedie thefe evills : the committee was for the moft part of men at Mr. Harie's devotion. After much jangleing and repetition, with manie eikes of odious (whether true or fabulous) narrations, fundrie of us inclyned to have that fore-named paper pall in ane a6t. Bot my Lord Seafort, and Mr. Harie, by no means could hear of that motion ; they told over, that caveats had brought in the bifhops ; that this paper, though never fo full of limitations, would be introdu6tive at laft of the thing limited. Mr. Rutherfoord all the while was dumb ; onlie in the midft of the jangleing he call in a fyllogifme, and required them all to anfwer it: " What Scripture does war-rand, ane Affemblie may not difcharge ; bot privie meetings for exercifes of religion, Scripture warrants." Heb. xii. [Jam. v. 16.] " Confefs your finnes one to another, pray one for another Mai. [iii. 16.] " Then did the godlie oft fpeak together, and God hearkened," etc. Thir things could not be done in publick meetings. A number greedilie hanfhit at the argument, Mr. A. Ram-fay, Mr. J. Adamfoun, and others; bot came not near the matter, let be to anfwer formallie. My Lord Seafort would not have Mr. Samuell to trouble us with his logick fyllogifmes ; the trueth1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	253
is, as I conceave, Mr. Harie intended to have all meetings private Jimpliciter abolifhed; a]To Mr. Rutherfoord I know, had, in a treatife, defended the lawfullnefs of thefe meetings in greater numbers, and for moe purpofes than yet we have heard pra6tifed; alfo Mr. Dickfoun had written, and pra6tifed, and countenanced fome things in thefe meetings, that now, both of them finding the incon-veniencies, and feeing the great oppofition they got by manie good men, and efpeciallie by Mr. Henderfoun, were content to paffe from, at leift to be filent of. We clofed that night with this overture, That fyve of our number fhould draw up every one of us our conception, by way of a6t, to prefent to-morrow to the committee, Mr. David, Mr. Harie, Mr.D.Lindfay,Mr. Alexander Petrie,and I. In my act, I ftrave fo cunninglie as I could, to convafe Hender-foun's paper fhortlie, with fome of my own conceptions. I com-municat it with the chief oppofers of Mr. Harie, Mr. D. D., Mr. Sa. R., Will. Rigg, and others, got them at laft to acquiefce. When we came to the committee, all fyve a6ls was read: the queftion came betuixt myne and Mr. Harie's ; myne was lykit by all, onlie Mr. Harie miflyked it, and conceved, that under everie word a dangerous ferpent did lie; there was no remead : his contentment was the contentment of the bodie of the AfTemblie. Frae he miflyked my draught, I fett myfelf to perfwade that his draught might be accepted, for truelie it had nothing that was contra-verted : It confifled of three articles;—the Second, " That read prayer was not unlawfull," Mr. D. Dick did inlarge, That it fhould be lawfull to read prayers, both in private and publick;—the Third, " That it fhould not be permitted to any to expone Scripture to people, bot onlie minifters, and expectants approvin by Prefbytries," no man did contradict; the Firfl, " That familie worfhip fhould be declared to be of perfones of one familie, not of diverfe;" here was all the queftion. I did declare publicklie, oft without contradi6tion, that the meetings whereof he complained were not familie meetings, bot ane other kinde fpecificallie differing from the other; fo that his article of familie meetings would never touch any abufe of thefe meetings, were they never fo manie or foule. Yet becaufe this was Mr. Harie's own draught, and he alleaged, that the people with whom he had to doe did take their conventicles onlie for familie exercifes, he required no more than the declaration of the AfTemblie, that familie meetings extended no farder than to perfones of the fame families. This, though no man could refufe, yet thefe that lyked nothing that came from him,254	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
did queftion much more than they needed, and verie violentlie urged to have, in that article, limitations, which, in my judgement, were verie needlefs, and did further Mr. Harie's deligne more nor his own words. Alwayes Mr. Harie was made content to admitt of ane exception, which was, the pra6tife of people flocking to their minister's familie exercife ; hot of any moe exceptiones he would not hear; and more they preffed to have, upon ane argument that did much amaze my minde, that except they got ane other conceit, they had a written proteftation readie againlt that a6l of the Synod ; the thing that the devill was feeking, and would have been fweet paftyme to that town of Aberdeen, and our fmall favourers in the North, who was greedilie gazeing on the event of that broyle. Alwayes at laft the prayers of the land for God's blefling to that Affemblie prevailed, and in a moment God made the minds of thefe who differed to agree, to the great joy of all when they heard it. There was bot fyve of us then in privat, Mr. Harie and Mr. David as parties ; Belhelvie for Mr. Harie, the Moderator and I betuixt them. Mr. David at laft acquiefced to my requeft to let Mr. Harie's article paffe as it ftood, and Mr. Harie, after once and againe I had inculcate to him, that all his a6t was bot a blephum if yow putt not in that claufe yow fee it hes againft novations, was at laft content to putt it in; fo with great difficultie, the a6l being agreed upon in privat, and in the committee, when it came to be voted in the Affemblie, it had no con-Irare voyce.
All of us did think that then the ftorme was clofe over and gone ; yet behold, when leift we expe6tit, it does blow up againe as boyf-terouflie as ever: fome that was grieved and freted that their opposite Should have gotten fo much way, defyreing to have fome order of him, did give in a wryte, requireing, Since fo manie wyle [vile] abufes were in the Affemblie alleadged to have been committed by Leckie, and others, in diverfe parts of the kingdome, it were expedient that a committee were ordained for the tryall and fevere punifhment of all thefe miforders ; and that this committee Should fitt in Edinburgh, and conSift of thefe whom the Affemblie had appointed Commiffioners for the Parliament, with fo manie other as the Affemblie thought meet to joyne with them. This bill was read near the end of the Synod be Mr. James Boner, moderator of the bills, as newlie given to him, by whom he knew not. Upon the hearing of it, at once there rofe fuch a heat and univerfall clamour, that it was marvellous. Mr. John Makclellan was found the in-1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	255
giver of it; while he began to be hiffed at, Mr. A. Cant and Mr. D. D. did fpeak for the reafonablenefs of it, and fome few other miniilers and gentlemen who had been on the councell of it; bot they were fo overwhelmed with the multitude of cryers, Away with it! Away with it! that they were forced to be lilent, and let it goe. I much grieved to fee the tumultuous diforder of our Affemblie ; and had I been on Mr. David's councell, I would have difuaded him to my power from fuch a motion, which, if it had been affented to, was like to have fyred our Church, more than any other brand that Satan at this tyme, in all his witt, could have invented : fo, by God's goodnefs, water was call on that fyre for the tyme. The amirs [embers] yet feems to fmoke ; bot we hope God will fee to the peace of our Church, which is bot a brand newlie taken out of the fyre, or rather yet in the midft of the flame of warr and great danger.
When I returned to Edinburgh, I fand there Rothes, Lowdoun, Mr. Archbald Johnftoun, fent by the armie to intreat that the Town of Edinburgh would be pleafed, on all fecuritie they could invent, to lend what readie monie they could fpare, for the fupplie of our fouldiers, who were in ftrait for want of monie; alfo, becaufe it would be troublefome to thefe of Ingland, who were much delighted with their planting, if our armie fhould cutt down timber for bigging of our huttes, they prayed, that the honed women might be tryed what webb's of hardin or fheets they might fpare, that everie four fouldiers might be accommodat in a tent of eight ell. H. Rollock had fo fweetlie fpoken to the people's mindes on the Sonday, that the women afternoon and to-morrow gave freelie great ftore of that fluffe, almoft fufficient to cover all our armie ; and, which was more, I faw on the Monday the neighbours being conveened, offer in pre-fent monies, to be lent in common fecuritie, verie fair foumes of monie ; fo that, farr above all expectation, to our great incourage-ment, our meffengers on Tuefday got with them a large hundred thoufand pound, and hope almoft of as much Ihortlie to follow. Oft tymes hes that worthie Towne been a good inftrument in our caufe, bot never more feafonable than at this dangerous exigent. The maintainance of our armie was founded on the tenth pennie of our eftates, and hopes from England: the firft came bot flowlie in ; the valuation of men's eftates drew to great length, let be the payment: from England there was no expectation of monies till we went to fetch them: we called in the plait, and put it to the queinze-houfe; we craved voluntarie offerings; whereby fome256
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prettie foumes alfo wes gotten. Bot what was all this to twenty thoufand merks a-day, which our armie required, being then about twenty-two thoufand foot and three thoufand horfe, befydes two or three thoufand carriadge horfes with fwords and hagbutts. We lay at the Border a large ten or twelve dayes after our appointment to march. Durie, the Generall Commiffer, for all his extraor-dinarie diligence, could not gett a fourteen dayes provifion to the fore, and horfes to carrie it, which we refolved to have with us. Alwayes at laft at Caldftream we pafled Tweed the 20th Auguft, with great courage, our horfe troups Handing in the water, our foot all wadeing in order about their middle. The lott gave the van that day to Montrofe; to whom I thinke it was very well-come. He went on foot himfelf firft through, and returned to encourage his men ; yet one of his fojours, and he onlie of all the armie, did drowne. All our foot crowners went through on foot, except one or two, being employed to brek the watter on horfe. We marched at leafure through Northumberland ; the fcarcitie of that countrey and feare of the people made us divide our companies in three; Lieutenant-Generall Almond led one part, Gene-rall-Major Baylie, ane other, the Generall the reft. The regiments keeped their order of van and rear dailie by lott: all was within eight or twelve myles call. The troupers of the garifoun of Berwick made their incurfions on our fcattered fingle men, bot to little purpofe.
On the 28th we mett all, according to appointment, in New-caftle Moore a little before night. We lay near the river, fome fyve miles above the towne, at Newburne; the paffage was well fortified; ten thoufand foot lying, with their cannon, under the trenfhes; twenty-fyve hundred horfemen, well mounted, with head-peace, corflet, carabins, piftoles. To-morrow their canon and mufket plaid among us; bot it pleafed God wonderfullie to afiift us. Our cannon, at the fecond volee, played fo well upon their trenches, that their foot, in great numbers, fled from their colours. About four afternoon, Coronall Blair, writh a thoufand mulketeers, and fome two troupes of horfe, Coronall Lelly, and Sir Thomas Hope, were commanded to goe through the water. Twelve of the Englifli troupes came to meet them, whereupon they began to retire. The van of the foot that day did fall to Loudoun, who, with Lindefay and Queenfberrie, had a brigad of eighteen hundred men; Montgomerie had a brigad as ftrong : thefe two being dire6ted to fecond the horfe, came running to the1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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river with great courage, and all the armie began to march; which the Englifti perceiving, did foon retire, the foot to a wood, the horfe to a hill. Here two of our horfe-troupes were commanded to charge them; which they did fo ventoriouflie, that they were like to be beaten, had not our General! come up with fix troupes for their fecourfe : At once the Englifti fled. We loft within a dozen; the moft regraited was a brave gentleman, Sir Patrick Magie of Large his onlie fone ; who having gotten the Englifti generall's colours, and flouriftiing with them, by miftake was flaine(8) by fome of our owne. There was killed to the Englifti, as fome fay, lixtie, fome a hundred, fome fyve hundred. The Generall-Major, my Lord Wilmot's fone, and Generall-Commiflar Digbie, and Coronell O'Neell, and manie more gentlemen, were taken. The night and the near wood, and moft of all, our good-will to the Englifti nation, hindered our purfuit of the vi6torie : that night we flood in our armes. To-morrow Newcaftle was rendered to us : the fouldiers and chief citizens had fled out of it in great hafte. In the King's magazine wer found good ftore of bifkett and cheefe, and five thoufand armes, mufkets, and pikes, and other provifion. Mefs. Henderfoun and Cant preached to a great confluence of people on the Sonday. My Lord Louthian with his regiment was placed to govern the towne; our campe lay without. The report of this in all our pulpits did make our people found humble and heartie thanks to the name of our God, in the confidence of whofe help this work was begun, and on whofe ftrength it does yet rely : Not weell knowing what to doe nixt: yet this is no new thing to us ; for manie a tyme from the beginning we have been at a nonplus ; bot God helped us ever. Our armie is alreadie diminifhed; the ftraits of vi6tualls, and difcipline, hes made manie to runn away, on whom the troupers of Berwick hes lighted fikerlie. Money of our own we cannot have ; of our Englifti friends, either their money or men, as was long agoe expe6ted, we cannot hear. If we trouble in the leaft fort the countrey of England, we are feared for their ryfing againft us. Where the King is, and what forces he can make, we cannot certainlie know : There was ten thoufand Irifhes thir two moneth lying on the coaft of Ireland fore-anence our countrey, keeping thefe in the Weft, under Argyle and Eglintoun, in fufpence. Thir are thought now to be tranfported to England ; fo it is expedled we fhall yet have a battell. Our armie minds
(8) On the Margin of the MS. Baillie has added, " This holds not."
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to refrefli themfelves at Newcaftle. They have written to the Committee of Eftates for a recrew: of brave men anew in armes, there is no doubt, if our harveft were ended, and monies were had. If the Englifti will now be beafts, and daftardlie cowards, they muft he without any man's pitie under their flavHh fervitude for ever: We put little doubt bot we fhall get for our felves fair enough conditions ; bot it will be to our great regrate, if we gett not all the King's dominions to our happineffe.
The 28th of Auguft, the day of our folemne humiliation in burgh and land through all the kingdome, according to the Generall Affem-blie's appointment, was a happie day to us, not onlie for our glorious vi6lorie in England, bot alfo two other of God's benefits. The Caltle of Dumbartan, queftionlefs the ftrongeft place in Brittain, did capitulat to render to-morrow, and did fo : meall, flelh, fiflb, frefh water, money, amunition of all kind, they had in Itore; bot God had fent the fcurvie among them, whereof manie was dead, and moe verie fick, and few men for fervice left. We gave them baggage and armes, and courteous convoy to Borrowftounnefs, where they lhipped for Berwick. Alfo, as I think, that fame day the garrifon of Berwick thought to have furprifed our garrifon and cannon at Dunfe ; bot being difcovered they were bravelie repulf-ed; and in the cairts that they brought for our cannon, they returned nought bot their own dead bodies. It is the good pleafure of God to mix the wyne of his owne with fome water or milk, that it runn not into their weak heads. To-morrow, on Sonday the 30th, ane Inglyfti villaine, having, as we are informed, been fuborned by the garrifon of Berwick, put fire in the powder which lay at Dun-glafs, and tumbled over the houfe on that brave and noble gentleman the Earle of Haddingtoun, whofe page he was, to whom the charge of all the Eaft countrey was committed: manie gentlemen and others were fmoored with the Earle, and manie dangeroullie hurt. God brought us fome good out of that, evill, that is thought was prepared for our Generall and all our nobles, who oft a little before mett for councill in that houfe ; albeit the knave, blowing up himfelf with the reft, cannot be had to tell us the certaintie : I fay, fome good we got be it; the people about the houfe being amazed, put on beacons for gathering of the countrie, and by their example all Louthian and Fyfe fet up their fyres; whereupon the Caftle of Edinburgh, apprehending the King's navie for their re-liefe, does caroufe fo joviallie that night, that they put off more provifion than they had done for fome weeks before. This, with1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	259
the example of Dumbartan, and report of Newcaftle, is hoped will haite at once the rendering of that houfe. Generall Ruthyen on Sonday laft craved a parlie; we expe6t fliortlie the good ilTue of it. The Earle of Argyle receaved a com million to levie ten thoufand men for a voyage to Ireland ; however, for the prefent, it may be but a boaft to hold the Irifli army at home ; yet, as manie of our boafts hes proven in the end reall ftroakes, this readilie may doe fo; for it is thought we have manie thoufands in Ireland, not onlie Scotts, bot Irifti, who are longing for our coming over.
Since, we have feen in manie letters from the belt hands in our camp, fundry diverfe relations, of manie circumftances of our conflict at Newburne-ford; bot the moft agrees to what I have written ; however, read your felf (CC.) the Information fent by the Committee to our table at Edinburgh; even of it I have feen ane other copie fomewhat differing. Our Generall, thinking our enemies had not been out of that field, made our armie that night ft and in their armes, about the place of the faught. We gott the Royall Itandard, Charles Porter the carrier being killed. My Lord Conway, their generall, was near taken. They report he took ane oath of all the troupers to die in the place, neither to take nor give quarters ; yet when they ftood a while till their foot was out of danger, they themfelves, with little adoe, forgot their oath and faved their lyves for a better tyme. The King was coming on to them as farr as Allartoun ; bot hearing of the defeat, returned to Yorke. For all our vi6torie, we were in great ftraits ; all our vi6tualls were fpent; all the countrey had fled, with all they could carry: If Newcaftle had bot clofed their ports, we had been in great hazard of prefent difbanding ; bot all the garrifon and princi-pall citizens flying away that fame night in a panick-terrour, made them to-morrow offer us all they had. Their facilitie made us at once to try Durham, who willinglie receaved Dumfermling to lie there, with a brigade of foot, and fome horfe. Tynemouth, Shields under Newcaftle, rendered thereafter ; which putt in our hand the harberie and fhipping there: we welcomed among others two of the King's [fhips] who brought to us out of the King's garrifon in the toune good ftore of vi6tualls. Finding plentie about Newcaftle, we fent back fome of our greateft ordnance, moft cumber-fome to carry.
When we had drawn a little our breath, I think on Friday the 4th of September, we fent Mr. Hew Cathcart with a humble fup-plication to his Majeftie, he would be pleafed to hear our grievan-260	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
ces, and provide for them ; yow may read the tennor of it(D.). At the fame tyme fome forty nobles conveened at London, did fend my Lord Mandaweell and Hawart to petition for a Parliament, to fettle this warre without farder blood, and to take order with manifold grievances, as yow may fee them expreffed in the wryte itfelf (E.) The King's anfwer to both was mild and Ihort, as yow may read(F.). Ours indeed held on generalls, being moll part excufatorie for what was paft, and preparation for a parlie about particulars ; fo the King, by his fecretarie my Lord Lanerick, de-fyred us to propon our fpeciall defyres; which at once we did, in eight articles, with Will. Fleeming, as here yow may read (G.): what the event will be, God knows. Proclamations (H.) are over all England, to call all to the Roy all ftandard at Yorke, againft the 24th of this inftant. It were eafie for us to hinder that meeting, and furprife that randevouze ; yet we refolve to goe no farder in till we fee what our friends intends. We are fortifying our winter quarters at Newcaftle: the Generall does call to the Committee for a recrew of five or fix thoufand men with diligence ; alfo hes wryten to Argyle and Eglintoun to be in readinefs, with all that countrey, when he calls for them. We will goe with the better will fince that molt troublefome thorne of the Caftle of Edinburgh is now out of our foot. On Tuefday, the 15th of this inftant, for all their late thundering, they clofed their capitulation with my Lord Argyle ; and on Fryday, with difplayed colours, armes, baggage, and two peice of cannon, were conveyed to Leith for Berwick. The committee at Newcaftle was much difpleafed with this capitulation : in their letter to the Committee of Edinburgh, they complained of it as difgracefull and difadvantageous that traitors to their countrey, when, after all the worft they could doe, were brought to extremities, even then with fuch honour to be difmiffed. Bot the truth is, the good Toune of Edinburgh did fuffer daylie fo much at thefe knaves hands, as by any meanes they were molt glad to be rid of them; alfo our Regifters, and Jewels of the Croun, with much munition, was in their hands ; which, [had they] been put to defperation, they might, and were like to have been willing to deftroy it all. A little after, Nidfdaill rendered his houfes of Carlaverock, and Threiff, which had keeped all year Cochran's regiment at the feidge. So now, by God's mercie, there is not a place nor perfon in Scotland who makes them to oppofe us; alfo thefe men which the North, Edinburgh, and Nidfdaill, had hitherto withdrawen, were now readie, with their crowners, Munro, Lindefay, Hume,1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	261
to convoy Marifchall to Newcastle 5 who, in haill about three or four thoufand foot, were welcome to fupplie the abfence of our ' fugitives ; who weell near in alfe great, or a greater number, was returned home without a paffe; for as yet our people not feeing any numbers of runn-awayes hanged, according as oft they had heard it threatened, was not verie conformable to the ftricknefs of military difcipline.
Long before this, after our firft going over Tweed, about the 20th of Auguft, we were of new proclaimed rebells at London (I.); bot the prentifes, or fome others of our good friends, in papers publicklie affixed, with the proclamations, declared us honeft men(K.). We went on notwithftanding, as we might, with our affaires in England. The toune of Newcaftle was putt to the contribution of two hundred pound Sterling a day, the countie of Northumberland to three, the Bifhoprick to three hundred and fifty. Commiffions were given to lift the rents of Prelats and Papifts, who had fled, and avowed themfelves our enemies. Thus for fome dayes we lived at eafe and peace, waiting, with fome fear, what the 24th day might bring forth. At that tyme the mod of the land did keep the King's appointment, and manie of our friends, the Noblemen fupplicants, were there, contrare to our expectation. The King's fpeech yow may read(L.). Traquair thereafter was brought in to repeat that leffon he had faid before the Privie Councill, whereupon in February they had decreed warr againft us; yet the fupplications receaved from all the nuiks of the countrey, fubfcryved with manie thoufands the moft confi-derable hands in England, did not only force the prefent indi6tion of the Parliament to the 3d of November, bot alfo that fame night drew out my Lord of Lanerick's letter (M.) to our Committee for a parlie, the Thurfday after following, the 1ft of October. For their fafe condu6t, there paffed fome letters betuixt us and the Secretarie (N.) ; it was fent us in fo ample a forme as we could have wifhed. (O.) The Peers excufed their not fubfcryveing together with their Prince, bot witneflfed his fubfcription in a letter of their owne apart, with many hands ; to which we acquiefced. We thought it ftrange to fee the King, by his Secretar, petition us in fo equall termes for our paffe for thefe he fent to Berwick, and for difmifiing the officers we had taken at Newburne. We yielded to the releifing of all prifoners, fo much with the better will, that Sir Archibald Dowglafs, going out of Durham with a troup of horfe to view the fields, had, contrare to his commiflion, foolifhlie262	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
paffed the Tyfe, and fwaggering in the night in a villadge without a centinell, was furprifed by the King's horfe, with all his troupers. For all this, we get but little incouragement from our friends in the South : they fent us indeed this paper of intelligence (P.), bot no money. We could gett bot little benefit of Newcaftle coal; the King's fhips hindered the traffick ; the ouners and workmen were verie thrawart to doe any fervice either for themfelves or us ; yea, we found much coolining and knaverie among that people. Some of the gentlemen who undertook to contribute, did faill of their alTureances: we were forced to fend out for their cattle to caufe them be true : thefe who had the colle6tion of the money did exa6t double to that they gave to us; the heavieft burden was laid by them, (abufing our ignorance,) on the back of Proteftants our friends.
Some of the Englifh, under our blew capes, became robbers every where : The moll of the churchmen having removed all that they had confiderable, left their houfes, with fome trafti open, which their fervants and neighbours fpoiled; at once libells full of outrages, done or feigned by the Engliih themfelves, are prefented to the King againft us. The Mayor and aldermen of Newcaftle pretends unabilitie to pay their two hundred pound a day: we were forced to put a guard about their town-houfe, till we gott new affureances from them. According to our declarations, we took nothing for nought, only we borrowed, on good fecuritie, fo much monie a day as was neceffare for our being, to be repayed truelie before our departure. Other inconvenients befell us than thefe : our fouldiers began to take fluxes through cold and watching: fome of our officers became malecontents : we remeided both fo weell as might be. At the Generall's defyre, out of the voluntare contribution of parilhes, there was with diligence fent to our fojours, lhoes, coats, hofe, farks ; all was lodged in houfes, the moll in the fuburbs of Newcaftle ; the fortifications on the fouth fyde being perfyted againft a royall feidge. What aillit our officers is not yet weell known; only Montrofe, whofe pryde was long agoe intolerable, and meaning verie doubtfome, was found to have in-tercourfe of letters with the King, for which he was accufed pub-licklie by the Generall, in the face of the committee. His bedfellow Drummond, his cooline Fleiming, his allye Boyd, and too manie other, were thought too much to be of his humour. The cold[nefs] of the good old Generall, and diligence of the preachers, did ftiortlie caft water on this fpunk, beginning moft untym-ouflie to reek.1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	263
On Thurfday the 1ft of 06lober, our eight communers did come to Rippon, fome fourteen myles from York. The Englifti Lords were there a little before them; to-morrow they begun their conference. My Lord Briftoll, their fpeaker, did give us at the table their commiffion (Q.). They receaved likewayes ours, according to the inftru6tions from our committee. After our demands were given in, as the Englilh requyred, in wryte, fome queftions were moved about the ground of the Treatie : they would have builded upon the Pacification of Dunce ; we, on our petitions and anfwers from the King : Since they required a ceffation from armes during the treatie, we demanded the payments promifed to our armie, for the tyme bygone, where they had been withholden, and forty thoufand pound Sterling a moneth till we in their Parliament had gotten fe-curitie of our peace. The King fent down to affift his communers, by way of advyce, Traquair, Mortoun, Lanerik, Sir Lues Stewart, Sir Harie Vane. The Thefaurer we allutterlie declyned, as one of whom we were chieflie to complaine; Sir Lues we thought for his vocation unmeet for a treatie ; the reft we except againft as not being expreffed in the commiffion. They gave us, indorlit by Sir John Bonar, clerk to the Councell, fome complaints of the Bifhop of Durham, Toun of Newcaftle, and fome moe, of our injuries done to them. They retired from the table to a private room for advyfe-ment, and we had alfo another room prepared for our confutations. That night we clofed, they craving leave to expe6t the King's an-fwer to our propofitions againft the morning, and we fending the libells of complaint to our committee for their anfwer, which quick-lie returned. We are fomewhat jelous of the Englifh policie in this treatie. If it take not fpeedie fucceffe, our Generall mynds to lift fpeedilie from Newcaftle, and draw nearer to Yorke. Ar-gyle, with a brave band of gentlemen volunteers on horfe, are making in: The reft of the countrey are commanded to be readie on a call: We hope that God will make the fear of our armes to furder the Treatie.
[To Lord Montgomery. (9)]
My Verie Good Lord,
Scarce had I clofed my laft to your Lordftiip, on the 24th of
(9) This Letter, addressed to Lord Montgomery when at Newcastle with the army, (vide p. 269,) occurs in the MS., after various others dated in May and264
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1640.
this inftant, till I did receave your Lordflrip's kinde rememberance, written the 16th. Your profperitie there is our greateft joy here, and among our firft wifhes under the heaven. Your Lordfhip does exceeding weell to wryte to us at all occafions of leafure : we doe pant greedilie for your letters till they come; and when we get them, we are much refrefhed thereby. We pray for yow all dailie, not only as our molt dear and worthie friends, bot as for our verie felves ; for we acknowledge yow are there in our place ; that yow watch, endure paine, undergo dangers, that we may fleep, and be at eafe, in all fafetie; we take yow for that bulwark, which God on earth hes oppofed to a fpait of mifchiefs, which at once are readie, upon your breach, to overflow not onlie our bodies and eftates, bot our verie foules, and of all our pofteritie. If, in your defending of your felf and dear countrey, God may be pleafed to honour yow with a farder fucceffe, in helping the multitude of op-preffed faints in England and Ireland; in dividing betwixt our gracious Soveraigne and a handfull of wicked counsellors, that hes divided this fixteen yeir and more that good Prince from all his beft minding fubje6ts, from all his friends, and allyes abroad; and yet are fo mad, that before they lhould come to any legall tryall of their deeds, they are refolute, after they have beheld the church of France undone through their default; the churches of Germanie fuchlyke ; the houfe of Palatine in banifhment thefe twentie yeares, and that of Denmark latelie, for all the help we minted to give them, bot one inch from utter ruine : after the miferies abroad, they bot jeft and fport to fee all the King's dominions flame in warre, flow in blood, and, which fhould be rnoft to them, their gracious benefa6tor King Charles, the creator of their fortune, the onlie advancer of them from that bafe naughtinefs wherein they all were borne, to that too greatnefs wherewith long they have [domineered,] even they are content to behold King Charles's ruine, [to the lofs even] of his life, of his eftate, before they will humble themfelves to the tryall of the Supreme Judicatories of their countrey: If it may be our happinefs to be the honourable inftruments of God to force that handfull of mifcreants to receave from the ordinarie judges a part of their defervings, to the end that with them may be baniihed out of this land all jealoufies and feares, all publick idolatrie, error,
June 1642. It has been transposed, as the notice it gives of the contributions raised for the soldiers from the parish of Kilwinning, shews that it must have been written in (September) 1640; and it may be added that Robert Livingston, who is mentioned at the close of the letter, died before March 1642.1640,	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	265
fuperftition, tyrannie; that the King and all his fubjedts, when thefe wicked humors are fpewed out, may harmoniouflie hereafter goe on together in one heart, to beautifie the houfe, both of our church and eftate at home, and recover abroad, fpeciallie in poor Germanie, not thefe feas of blood which cannot againe be taken up, bot fome part of that honour and reputation, which in hudge quantity that evill fa6tion hes made us to loffe, onlie that their wicked hands may keep our fweet Soveraigne in the prifon of melancholie and malecontentment, wherein they have inclofed him up fince the firft day that they ravifhed him away from the hearts of his fubje6ts at home, and all his blood and allyes abroad; if this be the tyme, and yow the men, who may delyver our Prince from that mod pitifull prifon, and reftore him againe to the hearts, hands, and meanes of all Brittaine, thryce happie fhall we be in this your molt gracious employment: Bot if, for the great finnes of thefe dominions, yow be hindered in this magnificke interpryfe ; if thefe in England, whom it concerns, will make yow no affiftance ; if pa-pifts and epicures be permitted of God to keep thefe wicked men to be ftill cruell jaylors, holding the King in his moll fearfull mifcontent-ments ; whatever become of yow, yet after ages fhall not faill to kifle and adore your magnanimous affay to deliver our Kirk and Countrey from peftilentious humours, which threatened both with a haftie definition ; bot damned in all after tymes fhall the fottifh cowardife of thefe men be, who being fo near to ane great good, durft doe no more for the apprehending of it, than with fillie women breath out their fighs for it, and fend out their prayers : certainlie the will-full miferies of that people, which by ane little ftanding on their feet might be efchewed, when it falls on heavie and fore, fhall never be pitied by any.
Bo,t of this more than I purpofed. I have feen more affedtion in my people to yow there than I could have expe6ted : having intimate a voluntarie contribution for the fupply of the fouldiers, with ane incredible cheerfulnefs, all, lafle and lad, moft affectionatlie with their teares and bleffings, came and offered verie liberallie. In the firft two dyetts I have gotten, which is much in our fo deep poverty, above nyne hundreth merks; in the dyetts following, I expe6t much more. Of the firft we intend to fend ftioes, cloath for coats, hofe, and lhirts, to fiftie fojours of our paroche. We expedl that Argyle fhall be followed with a brave companie, even the moft part of the confiderable gentlemen in our land. If yow had adoe with foot, now after the harveft, and could find a meanes266	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
to get food for them, I perfuade my felf, as manie thoufands would runne as yow could require.
My verie good Lord, caufe R. Livingftoune to wryte ofter, and at more length. The Lord preferve yow all, and your Lordfhip among the reft. At lall I kiiTe your Lordfhip's hands.
Your Servant,
R. Baillie.
Killwinning, September 30th [1640.]
[To Mr. Robert Baillie, Minister of Kilwinning.]
Reverend Friend,
We mult intreat yow to come hither with alfe great expedition as yow can conveniently, and to bring with yow a number of your Canterburian's Self-Convi6tions, together with the warrands thereof, and all fuch papers and prooffes which may ferve for that purpofe. Your being here within a few dayes, is defyred and wiftied be all your friends here, and may prove ufefull for the publick. Hoping ye will fett all excufes alide, and prefer this great bufinefs to all others, we reft,
Your affe6tionat Friends, Rothes.	Montrose.	Cassills.
Napier.	Keir.	Riccarton.
W. Hamilton.	Rutherfoord. (*)
Newcaftle, 15th of 06tober, 1640.
[To the Same.]
Most Affectionate Friend,
I wilh I had inlifted in my defyre to urge your outcoming, when I fpoke it to yow at Glafgow ; bot my refpe6t, as ye know, to my Lord Eglintoun, made me forbear at that tyme. Alwayes now that
(*) Some of the signatures to this letter are not very distinct in the MS. Along with the Earls of Rothes, Cassilis, and Montrose, Lord Napier and Lord Rutherford, the other persons were probably Sir George Stirling of Keir, William Drummond of Riccarton, and William Hamilton, bailie of Linlithgow.1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	267
yow are called by this inclofed from our Committee at the camp, I hope neither will yow make difficultie to come, nor will my Lord Eglintoun hinder yow : for truelie, as I hear, our Minifters works more upon the fojours nor all other difcipline could, and your gift at this tyme, (I will fay no more of it left ye think I flatter yow,) may conduce much to the great work in hand. Therefore, I in-treat yow, be not difficile ; and if yow be here any tyme before Saturday at night, I hope to enjoy your companie, which is the earneft defyre of
Your loving Friend to my power,
Argyll.
Edinburgh, l7thof Oftober 1640.
[The Latter Will of Mr. Robert Baillie, Minister of Kilwinning, 22d of October 1640. (2)]
Being on my way for Ingland, the 22d of October 1640, upon the verie prefiing letters of the Committee, this I doe conceave to be my worldlie eftate, and hereanent I declare my Latter Will:—
Aughtand to me by Cunninghamehead, according to his father and his own band, three thoufand merk; at Martimes following, a hundred merk of annuell rent.
By the Breither of Dunlop, two thoufand merk ; at Martimes of annuell rent, feven fcore of merks.
By James Roe, merchand of Edinburgh, at Martimes, tuenty pound, and ane yearly annuell rent out of his lands of Goldinhoof, according to my infeftment, of tuenty pound ; which, if he cannot produce ane reverlion, I efteem worth four or five hundred merk, if he can, it will be redeemed for three [hundred merks] when he pleafe.
Aughtand to me be Alexander Armour, two years maill, fourty-two pound.
My Stipends the years [16]38, 39, 40, and fo much of the 41 as may fall to me, all aughtand; alfo of the 37 when I compted laft with Robert Livingftone, as his papers fubfcryved with my hand the 27th of May will teftifie, about a 191 pound, 10 fh. 6d. that is three hundreth merk, lakeing about fourtein. In this foume, let it be compted what I have receaved this day of the teind, as follows,
(2) Vide supra p. 245, for a previous Testament written in May 1639, and revised in July 1640, which is expressed in nearly the same terms.268	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
according to my tickett given to the perfons following. So I think there will be aughtin me of my ftipend, large four thoufand merk which my Lord Montgomerie is obleidged to pay, according to my decreet of augmentation, regiftrat either in the Commiffion or Sef-fion bookes, as Robert Livingftone can tell.
My Bookes and Moveables, which may be fpared, may come near two thoufand merks.
It will be my earneft defyre to my Wife to be content with the annuell rent of feven thoufand merk of the firft and readieft of all, and to quatt judiciallie, fo foon as may be, what farder fhe can crave by her verie fubdolus contra6t; for if fhe would ftand to that contra6t, my children might goe a-begging : were her minde never fo good, the keeping of that in her own hand, will draw her to tentationes which I wifh in tyme were avoided. What is more, let it be employed for her children's education and profit. I would give to Robert five thoufand merk, if he quatt his heirfhip ; the reft to be equallie divided betwixt Harrie and Lillie. Three hundreth merks to be diftribute prefentlie among the poor of the paroche of Killwining, at the fight of the Seffion.
If thir foumes be diminilhed, I would have my children's portions diminifhed proportionallie. I leave my Wife fole executrix, tutrix and all. I will hope that my Lord Montgomerie, my Brother, the Principall, Mr. Harie Gibfone, Mr. John Bell, James Mitchell, Robert Livingftone, Mr. Claud [Hamilton,] will be faithfull friends and overfeers.
Wryten and fubfcryvit by my hand, Odtober 22d 1640,
R. Baylie.
[To Mrs. Baillie at Kilwinning.]
My Heart,
I wrote to thee from Edinburgh, alfo from Kelfo to Mr. Claud [Hamilton,] fufpe6ling thy abfence : I wrote to thee likewife from Newcaftle on Saturday laft. Since, I thank God, I have been verie weell, as thy heart could wifh, and all my companie: Yefter-night the Committee fent for me, and told me of their defyre I fhould goe to London with the Commiffioners. I made fundrie difficulties, which partlie they anfwered, and partlie took to their confideration till this day. At our Prefbytrie, after fermon, both1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	269
our noblemen and minifters in one voyce thought meet, that not onlie Mr. A. Henderfoun, hot alfo Mr. R. Blair, Mr. George Gil-lefpie, and I, fhould all three, for diverfe ends, goe to London : Mr. Robert Blair, to fatiffie the mynds of manie in England, who loves the way of New England better than that of Prelbytries ufed in our Church; I, for the convinceing of that prevalent fa6tion, againft which I have wryten; Mr. Gillefpie, for the crying doune of the Englifh Ceremonies, for which he hes wryten ; and all foure to preach by turnes to our Commiffioners in their houfes, which is the cuftome of diverfe noblemen at Court, and wes our pra6life all the tyme of the conference at Rippon. We mynd to Durham, God willing, to-morrow, and other twelve myles on Saturday to Darntoun, there to flay all Sunday, where we hope to hear, before we croffe the Tyfe on Mononday, how things are like to frame in the Englifh Parliament. We have the King's hand for our fafe condu6t; we have fent for the Great Seale of England thereto alfo, which we expe6t ere we leave Darntoun. Six of us, Mefs. Johnftoun, Henderfoun, Smith, Wedderburn, Blair, and I, goe journie everie one of us with ane attender on horfe. I think the Sheriff of Teviotdale ftiall goe with us : Rothes and Dumfermling, Riccartoun and Hugh Kennedy of Aire, takes poft on Saturday. This day Waughton is away poll before us, to advertife us in our journey how all goes. Lowdoun is fafhed with a defluxion; he will ftay till Mononday, and come on as health ferves, journie or poft. Our fojours here are weell: they gett bot ill fare ; yet God helps them ftranglie; none in' fo good cafe as our brigade : my Lord Montgomerie hes won to himfelf more honour than any one man here. They fpeak here of the prentifes pulling down of the High-Commifiion houfe at London; of Generall King's landing with fix or feven thoufand Danes in the mouth of Taimes, near London : we wifli it were fo ; bot we take it, and many things moe yow will hear, for clatters.
My Heart, draw near to God, negle6t not thy prayers, morning and evening with thy fervants, as God will help thee: read and pray befyde that in privat. Put Rob to the fchool; teach him and Harie both fome little beginnings of God's feare; have a care of my little Lillie. I pray thee wryte to me how thow and they are. My Ladie [Montgomery,] to whom I prefent my heartie affe6tions, will inclofe thy letters with her owne to My Lord, who will daylie [have] occafion with the poft of the Committee at Newcaftle, to fend them to me. Remember what I defyred thee to doe at part-270	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
ing before Munkirdin [Monkridding]. Send me word in thy firft letter that it is done ; it will fomewhat eafe my mind.
Thy awne,
R. Baylie.
Newcaflle, November 5th, 1640.
[To the Same.]
My Heart,
Thow fees I flip no occalion. I wrote to thee yeflernight from Newcaflle; this night I am in Durham, verie weell, rejoycing in God's good providence. After I clofed my letters, my boy Jamie was earnefl to goe with me; fo, notwithstanding of my former resolution to fend him home, I was content to take him with me; I fpake the Generall, and put in his name, as my man, in the fafe condu6l: bot when I was to loup on he failed me, and would goe no farder; I could not there ftryve; I gave him his leave, and a dollor to carrie him home : his follie did me a great wrong ; for if I ftiould have gone back to fpeak ane other, I would have lofTed my companie ; fo, without troubling my felf, I went forward with my companie manlefs. Bot behold the gracious providence of my God, as I enter in Durham, one of my old fchollars, a preacher to Colonell Ramfay's regiment of horfe, meets with me before I light, will have me to his chamber, gives me his chamber, flable fervant, a cup of fack, and all courtefie, gets me a religious youth, a trouper, readie with a good horfe to goe with me to-morrow to London. Generall-Major Baylie makes me, and all the Com-miflioners that were there, fup with him, and gives the youth his pafTe to goe with me. Mr. Archbald Johnfloun afTures me for his charges as weell as my owne; fo my man James's foolifli unthank-fullnefs is turned about for my ten tymes better proviiion ; I take this for a prefage and ane erles of God's goodnefs towards me all this voyage.
I wrote in one of my letters, of my Lord Saye's death, for fo Durie allured the committee of Edinburgh ; bot thanks to God, he is recovering weell, and now in reafonable health. Northumberland is not dead bot ficklie. The Archbifhop of York, Dr. Neill, a great enemie to us, was buried, as they fay, the lafl week. Some thinks all was faid of the Danifti armies landing was bot miflakes.1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	2fl
We hope that Lowdoun's defluxion ftiall not hinder him to take journey on Tuefday. The morrow we minde hot one other poll to Darntoun, and there ftay till the Great Seall come to us. The Lord be with thee, and my babies, and all my flock and friends. Thy awne,
R. Baylie.
Durham, 6th November [1640.] Fry day.
[To the Same.]
My Heart,
I know thow does now long to hear from me. I wrote to thee on Saturday was eight days from Durham. That day we went to Darntoun, where Mr. Alexander Henderfon and Mr. Robert Blair did preach to us on Sonday. At fupper, on Sonday, the poft with the Great Seall of England for our fafe condu6t, came to us, with the Earle Briltol's letter to Lowdoun, intreating us to make hafte. On Monday we came, before we lighted, to Boroubrig, twentie-fyve myles. On Tuefday we rode three ftiort pofts, Ferribrig, Toxford, and Duncafter. There I was content to buy a bobin (3) wailcoat. On Wednefday we came ane other good journey to Newwark on Trent, where we caufed Dr. Moyflie fup with us. On Thurfday we came to Stamfoord; on Fry day to Huntingtown ; on Saturday to Ware, where we refted the Sabbath, and heard the minilter, after we were warned of the ending of the fervice, preach two good fermons. On Monday morning we came that tuentie myle to London before fun-ryfeing; all weell, horfe and men, as we could wifh; diverfe merchands and their fervants with us, on little naigs ; the way extreamlie foule and deep, the journies long and continued, fundrie of us unaccullomed with travell, we took it for God's lingular goodnefs that all of us were fo preferved; none in the companie held better out than I and my man, and our little noble naigs. From Killwinning to London I did not fo much as Humble : this is the fruit of your prayers. I was alfo all the way fall of courage, and comforted with the fenfe of God's prefence with my fpirit. We were by the way great expences ; their inns are all like palaces ; no marvell they extors their guefts: for three
(3) In the transcript woven : It was probably a waistcoat ornamented with lace.272 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1640.
mealls, courfe enough, we would pay, together with our horfes, fixteen or feventeen pound Sterling. Some three difh of creeviflies, like little partans, two and fourty fhillings Sterling. Our lodgeings here were taken in the common garden: Rothes, Mr. Archbald Johnlloun in one; Dumfermling, Mr. Alexander Henderfoun in one ; the threeBarrouns in one; the three Burgeffes in one; Low-doun, whom we expe6t this night, in a fifth, where Mr. Blair hes a chamber, I another, our men a third: our houfe maills everie week above eleven pound Sterling. The Citie is defyreous we lhould lodge with them ; fo, to-morrow I think we muft flitt.
All things here goes as our heart could wifh. The Lieutenant of Ireland came bot on Monday to toun late ; on Tuefday refted; on Wednesday came to Parliament; bot ere night, he was caged. Intolerable pryde and oppreffion cryes to Heaven for a vengeance. The Lower Houfe clofed their doores; the Speaker keeped the keyes till his accufation was concluded. Thereafter, Mr. Pym went up, with a number at his back, to the Higher Houfe, and, in a prettie fhort fpeech, did, in name of the Lower Houfe, and in name of the Commons of all England, accufe Thomas Earle of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, of high treafone, and required his perfon to be arreifled till probation might be heard. So Pym and his back were removed; the Lords began to confult on that ftrange and unexpected motion. The word goes in hafte to the Lord Lieutenant, where he was with the King: with fpeed he comes to the Houfe ; he calls rudelie at the doore, James Maxwell keeper of the Black-Rod, opens ; his Lordfhip, with a proud glouming countenance, makes towards his place at the boord-head: bot at once manie bids him void the Houfe; fo he is forced in confufion to goe to doore till he was called. After confutation, being called in, he ftands, bot is commanded to kneell, and, on his knees, to hear the fentence. Being on his knees, he is delyvered to the keeper of the Black-Rod, to be prifoner till he was cleared of thefe crymes the Houfe of Commons did charge him with. He offered to fpeak, bot was commanded to be gone without a word. In the outer roome James Maxwell required him, as prifoner, to deliver his fword; when he had gotten it, he cryes, with a loud voyce, for his man to carrie my Lord Lieutenant's fword. This done, he makes through a number of people towards his coatch, all gazeing, no man capping to him, before whom that morning the greateft of England would have flood difcovered: all crying, What is the matter ? He faid, A fmall matter I warrand yow!1640.
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573
They replyed, Yes indeed, high treafon is a fmall matter ! Coming to the place where he expe6ted his coatch, it was not there; fo he behooved to returne that fame way through a world of gazeing people. When at laft he had found his coatch, and was entering, James Maxwell told him, Your Lordftiip is my prifoner, and muft goe in my coatch; fo he behooved to doe. For fome dayes too manie went to vifit him, bot fince, the Parliament hes commanded his keeping to be ftraiter. Purfevants were difpatched to Ireland, to open all the ports, and to proclaime that all who had grievances might come over ; alfo to fetch over Sir George Ratcliffe, who will be caufed to depone manie things. The chief is, his intention with the Irifh armie, and fo manie as the King could make, to fall on the Englifh lords, who are the countrie way; his cruell monopolies, whereby he fucked up, for his own ufe, the whole fubftance of Ireland. My Lord Montnoris, Sir John Clatworthie, the Chancellor, hes been chief informers. The King was much commoved ; the Marqueis, by the deliverie of Pym his fpeech, did fomewhat calme him. The Parliament of Ireland is fitting: a remonftrance frofff them, without anie knowledge of things done here, came this day to the King, which, they fay, hes calmed him much, and turned his minde fomewhat from the Deputie.
We were extreamlie welcome here. The Parliament hes granted ane hundred thoufand pound Sterling, whereof we fhall have near fourtie in prefent money, to pay our armie fix weekes, without prejudice to exa6l what, according to our bargain, is more due to us from the four Ihyres. Burton, I hear, is come to toun; Baft wick and Prin are coming, as they were fent for; Lightoun hes been twyce heard, and on Fryday, is hoped, fall be abfolved. Lincolne, on Saturday, did fitt in Parliament; and his petition, to have his caufe difcuffed in Parliament, receaved. The King, in his firft fpeech, did call us rebels ; bot much murmuring being at that ftyle, he thought good, two dayes thereafter, to make a fpeech to excufe that phrafe, and to acknowledge us his fubje£ts, to whom he had fent his Great Seall, and with whom he was in treatie, to fettle a perfe6l agreement, with their confent and approbation.
On Tuyfday laft was here a fall: Mr. Blair and I preached to our commiffioners at home ; for we had no cloathes for outgoing. Manie minifters ufed greater freedome than ever here was heard of. Epif-copacie it felf beginning to be cryed down, and a Covenant cried up, and the Liturgie to be fcorned. The Toun of London, and a world of men, minds to prefent a petition, which I have feen, for
vol. i.	s274 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1640.
the abolition of Bifhops, Deanes, and all their aperteanances. It is thought good to delay it till the Parliament have pulled doun Canterburie and fome prime Bifhops, which they minde to doe fo foon as the King hes a little digefled the bitternefs of his Lieutenant's cenfure. Hudge things are here in working : The mighty hand of God be about this great work ! We hope this fhall be the joyfull harveft of the teares that thir manie yeares hes been fawin in thir kingdomes. All here are wearie of Bifhops. This day a committee of ten noblemen, and three of the mofl innocent Bifhops, Carlile, Salifburie, Winchefler, are appointed to cognofce by what meanes our pacification was broken, and who advyfed the King, when he had no money, to enter in warre without confent of his State. We hope all fhall goe weell above our hopes. I hope they will not negle6l me ; prayer is our befl help : for albeit all things goes on here above our expectation; yet how foone, if God would but wink, might the devill, and his manifold inflruments here watching, turn our hopes in fear! When we are mofl humble, and dependant on God, whofe hand alone hes brought this great work to the prefent pafTe, we are then mofl fafe. This day I have heard that Canterburie hes ane Apologie at the preffe; if it be fo, at once I will have more to doe.
R. Baylie.
London, November 18th [1640.]
[To the Presbytery of Irvine.]
Reverend and Dear Britherin,
The laft pofl went from us the 23d of November. I wryt to you at length of all our bygone proceedings ; fince that time, till now, none hes gone from us. The firfl night we came, Warwick and other Lords came and told us, that money for our armie was agreed upon by Parliament, and with all diligence would be fent. Our Commiflioners knowing the flrait of our armie, ufed their befl meanes to have it hafled; yet it is not gone, and before it were in the way, we had no will to wryte anie thing. One Lower Houfe man, of mean qualitie, Harifoun, a farmer of cuflomes, and not efteemed wealthie, one day the laft week, feeing the payment of the promifed fowmes draw long, offered publi6llie in the Houfe to provyde for his part fifty thoufand pound, which is the one-half of the fowme ; and fo we hear he hes done. They fay at laft twentie-1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	275
five thoufand pound is put in coffers, to goe away to-morrow for our armie; that the other twentie-five thoufand {hall, within two or three dayes, follow. All things here goes weell, blefled be God. The petition againft Epifcopacie, fubfcryved with fome thoufands of hands, as manie fayes, had been given in, and preffed hard before now, had not friends in both the Houfes, as more than the two part are, advyfed to fpare the preffing of that conclufion till firft they had put the whole Biihops and their Convocation in a prsemo-nire, for their laft illegall Canons, which now they are about; alfo till they had brought doun fome of the prime Biihops for private faults, which they had not will to affay till they had clofed the pro-cefle of the Lieutenant, about which they have been thir manie dayes. They have paft ane A 61 of great confequence in him, to be a leading cafe to Canterburie and others, but with great dispute, that all the Peers and everie Privie Counfeller {hall be oblifh-ed to witnefs, on their oath, of all the evill counfells they have heard given to the King, even in Counfell. It is expedled daylie when Canterburie fhall be brought in. Thir two dayes they have been prepareing matter for Windibanks proceffe ; yet he is not accufed. The courage of this people grows daylie, and the number, not onlie of people, but preachers, who are rooting out of Epifcopacie: all are for bringing them verie low ; bot who will not root them clean away, are not refpe£ted. Not one I hear of, either in the Univerfities or in dignities, does fpeak as yet. Holf-worth, Ward, Feitly, Brommerik, Prideaux, or any famous for learning, nothing is expe6ted from them ; bot there is great appearance that God will doe his own work, without thefe Rabbies help. That which is much feared, is like to doe no fkaith. Sey and Brook in the Higher Houfe, and thefe alone, and fome leading men in the Lower, were fufpe6led, by their inclination to the Separatifts, would divide from the Prefbyterians, and fo weaken the partie oppofed to bifhops ; bot fo farr as yet can be perceaved, that partie inclineable to feparation will not be confiderable ; and whatever it be, thefe and the reft who are for the Scotts Difcipline, do amicablie confpyre in one, to overthrow the Biftiops and Ceremonies, hoping when thefe rudera are put away, that they lhall weell agree to build a new houfe, when the ground is weell fweeped. Nothing frayes all here fo much as our quick agreeing with the King, and the diflbanding of our armie thereupon. Under God, they all every where profeffe that they are aughtin to that armie their religion, liberties, parliaments, and all they have; that if we take276	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1640.
conditions for our felves, they fay they are undone. Much fair fpeech they give us, bot for their deeds we yet fee nought: yet there is good hope of moneyes for our armie, fo long as the treatie may continue, and with the better will the longer it continue; good hopes alfo of repairing our loffes with a large foume. In our treatie, we prefaced with a declaration in wryte, that our try fling there was no fubmiffion to the Inglifh Parliament, nor any farcler acknowledgement of any priviledge they could have above us, than we could claime over them, if fo be- the commiffioners of their Parliament would come to Edinburgh, the King being refident there, to treat with our commiffioners in tyme of our Parliament: this was accepted. Againft our Firft demand, the publifhing of our ACts of Parliament, fome objections were made againft two or three aCts ; which we anfwered to the King's contentment: bot thereafter, as we were informed, Regifter, Prefident, Secretar, Galloway, Airly, etc. put the King, with their defpytefull words, in ane evill mood : fo on the laft Thurfday, a paper is given, of thefe incendiaries dyt-ing, by the King to the Englifh Lords, and by them to us, for this [is] the fafhion, continowing objections againft a number of the ACts of Parliament. The way of proceeding was fafhious both to ours and the Englifh Commiffioners ; fo the nixt day, Friday, ours gave in a large and fharp anfwer to everie objection. This fatiffied the Englifh fo fullie, that they went to the King, told him the fenfe of dif-grace if fo frivolous objections were dyted by fuch men to be proponed by them to the Scots ; they made the King fhortlie content to promife, that to-morrow, at nyne of [the] clock, he would call for us, and grant us our whole Eirft demand fimplie, and would crave back the paper of his objections, and delyver our anfwers, that both might be deftroyed. This was done on Saturday accordingly, to our great joy; for the Firft demand is of farr greateft dif-ficultie, the.reft are bot corolaries and appendices to it. The word went through the City that our treatie was near ended, and we making home. On Mononday our Commiffioners did kiffe the Queen's hand, bot without any word of difcourfe. There was there who could have fpoken; bot they were informed, it was not the fafhion to fpeak at thefe occafions ; yet all repented they did not ufe fome complement, in the afternoone. We thought good to gett wryte of the King's agreement to our Firft demand; fo we re-ceaved it, fubfcryved with the clerk's hand. When the King granted the matter of our demands, he referred the manner of publifhing thefe ACts to us, to be done fo much for his honour, and fav-1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	277
ing of his prerogative, as might be. We gave in our draught for this end, which did pleafe all the Englifh verie weell: bot when it was brought to the King, and our good patriots, (we hear not bot the Marqueis and Traquair both doe us all the good they can, and would amend bygones by fair play now, to efchew the ftorme of incendiaries, if it were poffible,) it mightilie difpleafed them ; fo on Tuefday the King gives in a wryte, wherein he would have, under the manner of publifliing our A6ls in ane honourable way, underftood the real cleftroying of the firft, fecond, third, and fome more of the moft materiall of our A6ts. [By] this he difpleafed both ours and the Englifh Commiffioners ; fo this day we have given a quick anfwer to that paper, fhewing, that we have neither power nor commiflion to pafle from any A6t of Parliament, efpeciallie having the King's grant of them all, both by word and wryte. So all things here are changeable: our treatie which all did believe, was farr advanced fome dayes ago, is now, by a contrare tyde of evill information, juft where it was at firft; bot we doubt not bot at once we (hall have all our demands ; for the God of Heaven is clearlie with us, incouradges daylie our friends, amazes our enemies, and confounds them. I have fent yow fome few parliament fpeeches, and two Gazets for foraign news.
Dear Britherin, have a care of my flock; be affured, albeit I live here, and all our company every way as we could wifh, yet my heart is there among yow ; and fo foon as I can purchafe leave, I will hafte home: bot for the prefent I have both my armes full of my old friend, his little Grace (5) as they ftyle him : if his proceffe were once clofed, which yet is not begun, the moft of my eirand here were at a poynt. Yow fee I wearie not to wryte, though it be near twelve at night, and this be the firft of all my letters. The Lord be with yow, blefs yow all, and God's work in your hands. Stirr up your felves and your flocks now to pray for this mighty work in hand. On Saturday Burton and Prin came through the moft of the citie triumpliantlie: never here fuch a like ftiow ; about a thouiand horfe, and as fome of good note fayes, above four thoufand ; above a hundred coatches, and, as manie fayes, above two hundred; with a world of foott, every one with their rofemary branch. Baftwick is not yet come from Sillie [Scilly.] This galled the Bifhops exceedinglie.
London, December 2d [1640.]	R. Baillie.
(3) Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury.'278
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
[To Mrs. Baillie at Kilwinning.]
My Heart,
All of us are very weell. Our treatie goes weell on ; we hope to bring with us a happie and folid peace. The Parliament of England goes on very graciouflie; none fad here bot the fa6tion that long made manie grieved : truelie it is now verie buffie. It is laid upon me to give his little Grace the laft Itroak, to make, as we hope, his funerall, our remonftrance againft him as the pryme incendiarie : Windiebanks is fled. Our treatie is prolonged to the 16th of January; our firft three demands are fatiffied; to-morrow we craved the play, for we are not ready for the firft article of the Incendiaries till Mononday. I mull break off.
R. Baillie.
London, December 4th [1640.]
[To the Same.]
My Heart,
I am, praifed be God, in the old falhion, as weell in health as any in the company; aflifted by God in all that I have to doe; everie way weell as thy heart could wifti. I pray day lie to God it may fo be with thee and my little ones. Hudge manie, and great things here in hand; we truft this is the acceptable tyme when we lhall reap the labours of manie Saints, who before us of old here, and latelie alfo, hes been fowen in manie teares ; good hopes to get Bifhops, Ceremonies, and all away, and that con-formitie which the King hes ever been vexing himfelf and us to obtain betuixt his dominions, to obtain it now, and by it a moft heartie nation of the Kingdomes. Negle6l not reading and prayer in the houfe, and to be teaching, as thow can inftru6t and they can learne, both Robert and Harie and Lillie, in fome beginning of reverence and love to God. If God be pleafed to beftow his grace on thee and thyne, it is the higheft wifti I have for you.
Robert Baillie.
London, December 12th [1640.]1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	279
[To the Presbytery of Irvine.]
Reverend and Dear Britherin,
On Fryday was eight dayes I wryt to yow fullie all that 1 remembered had pad : fince, all hes gone on, praifed be God, weell. Our Firft demand of publifhing in the King's name all our A6ts of Parliament, without exception or limitation, together with thefe which in the nixt Seflion of this current Parliament fhall be concluded, we receaved with thanks. Our Second demand, about the Caftells, was declared to be granted in the firft. Our Third alfo was given us on Mononday in wryte. The oathes whereby our countrie-men in England and Ireland hes been prefled againft our Covenant, are declared illegall, and perfons imprifoned therefore to be releafed ; aflureance made, that no illegall oath hereafter fhall be urged, and oathes approvin by Parliament to be urged only on thefe our countriemen who fhall be ordinar refidenters in England or Ireland. About the Fourth, of the Incendiaries, the laft four dayes hes been fpent; our method in it was fyllogiftick : We proponed firft a major, " Whoever fhall be found incendiaries, that they may be proceeded againft by the two Parliaments refpe&ive :" When this was made faft we were readie to affume, " But fo it is, we inftru6l, by fuch and fuch reafons, that the Archbifhop of Canterburie and the Lieutenant, that the Thefaurer, Regifter, Prefident, Balcanquall, are fuch." The conclufion of fentence we were to leave to the two Parliaments : As yet we have not gone beyond the major. Befyde all privie dealing, the King one day fent for our Noblemen, another, for all our Commiflioners together, the third, for Rothes alone, wherein he dealt fo effe6luallie as might be, to pafTe over this article, or to referr it to himfelf; bot when their inftru6lions, and a thoufand reafones, did permitt them here to grant nothing, the King in his paper gave anfwer to the demand, that he would not hinder his Parliaments to doe juftice againft any fubje6l who fhould be found guiltie; but withall gave in a paper, wherein he required, that Tra-quair, being his Commiffioner, might have his caufe difcufTed before himfelf. We gave in our reafons in wryte, why with this we could not be fatiffied. The King's reply will be given this afternoon. We doubt not, whatever fafheries Traquair putts us to, bot to obtain all at once. If the major were made once fure, then our Scot-tifh incendiaries would quicklie be fent home to our Parliament.280
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1640.
Balcanquall gave in a fupplication to the King and the Lords, re-quefting he might be heard before them to produce his commands from the King and Counfell for the wryting of that book, and the particular warrands he had for the palTages queftioned therein : bot our Commiffioners would look neither on the paper nor man. Our pieces againft Canterburie and the Lieutennant are now ready. The firft moulding of both was laid on me ; when all had perufed my two draughts, and our friends in the Lower Houfe conlidered them, the one was given to Mr. Alexander [Henderfon,] the other to Lowdoun and Mr. Archbald [Johnftone,] to abridge and polilh. Both we and the Inglifh are panting for thefe two proceffes. The Parliament hold off to meddle with thefe two men till we be readie till joyn. It was refolved, that the petition againft Epifcopacie, root and branches, fhould be delayed till firft we had gotten Canterburie downe, and the Parliament had removed all the reft out of the Houfe by a prsemonire for their Canons ; yet we are fo long dwangecl, by Traquair's fenceing for his own head, ere we can come to the minor, where Canterburie ftands to be concluded, as we hope in a deep bocardo, that the people's patience could no longer [keep] in; fo yefterday a world of honeft citizens, in their beft apparell, in a very modeft way, went to the Houfe of Commons, fent in two aldermen with their petition, fubfcryved as we hear, by 15,000 hands, for removing Epifcopacie, the Service-Book, and other fuch fcandalls, out of their Church. It was weell received : they were defyred to goe in peace, and to fend fome three or four of their number on Thurfday next, to attend fome anfwer. Againft that tyme, we, God willing, will be in hands with his little Grace ; and fundrie petitions of feverall fhyres, to everie one whereof fome thou-fands of hands are put, will be given in againft Epifcopacie : God fpeed all weell. Never fuch a Parliament in England : all is to be re6lified; for all is much out of right. The affaires of Scotland, thefe of Ireland, all their Courts at home, the Convocation, the High Commiffion, the Starr Chamber, the King's Bench, the Uni-verfities, befyde a hudge number of particular affaires, it is no mar-veil they proceed llowlie. For our affaires they have granted two fubfidies, about 200,000 pound Sterling for the prefent, mainelie for the maintainance of our army. We are offended, that the monie decreed, and daylie preffed by us, and as oft promifed by them, is }ret gone away bot in fo fmall a proportion. They confeffe that army is their own, and a moft happie meane for all their defyres; that the diffolving of it were their ruine ; that for the keeping of it on foot1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	281
and all our bygone lofies, what would they not doe! Yet we tell them all is but fair words : they, by their wayes, hes oft put us near extreame neceffitie, either to difband or plunder: yet, if it may pleafe God to give our poor fojours a little patience, we hope all fhall goe well.
For the Irifh affaires, ten of their Commiffioners are come. Sir James Montgomerie and the other two of the thirteen, are left a little behind for the gleaning of grievances. In June, the fecond feffion of their Parliament, ane petition was granted, that the col-le6ting of the fix fubfidies, which the firft feffion had granted for the Scottifti warre, fhould be gathered after the old falhion; not that a certaine rate fhould be put on every committee, as the Lieutenant had done in the former Parliament, and, at the Coun-cell-table, after the ryfeing of the firft feffion, had decreed fhould now be : The cancelling of that Councell a6t did pafle, and was regiftrate in the Parliament-books of that fecond feffion. The Lieutenant, 9th of November, two dayes before his delyverie to the Black-Rod, moved the King to wryte over to the Parliament of Ireland, then in their third feffion, that their zeale to his fervice, which they kythed in the beginning, was now decreafing; that he ordered (4) the Deputie Wentford (advanced from a mean man by the Lieutenant to that degree,) to teare out of the Parliament-book that a6t for gathering of the fubfidies made in their fecond feffion, and to revive that cancelled a6t of Councell, and prorogate their farder fitting till Eafter, when the Lieutenant fhould come over for righting all was wrong. Before the coming of this letter, Deputie Wentford had adjourned the Parliament. Yet the Houf'e of Commons held faft their doores, and would hear of no advertisement of prorogation, till their remonftrance was drawn up, and eight Commiffioners appointed for prefenting of it: thereafter they were contentit to difiblve. The Deputie, before fome of both Houfes, as the King commanded, tare out the a6l before named; difcharged upon their alleadgeance any commiffioners to goe to England: Bot, behold, fo loon as he heard of the Lieutenant's committment to the Black-Rod, he fell feek; and when Mr. Scinder came to bring over Ratcliffe and King; for
(4) Baillie's amanuensis has written Vieit, evidently mistaking this for some word signifying ordered or authorised ; and Lord-Deputy Wandesforde he calls Wentford. When Wentworth Earl of Strafforde was advanced to be Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, his successor, as Lord-Deputy, was Christopher Wandesforde, Master of the Rolls, who died 3cl of December 1640.282	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1640.
King is the reporter that Ratcliffe vented the Lieutenant's intention, by his Irifh and Englifh armie, to reforme the government of England, and put all fimplie under the King's free will; fo foone as the Deputie faw the articles of the Lower Houfe, and heard of the Lieutenant's taking to the barre, he founded, and tomorrow died. The Lieutenant had obtained from the King his houfes and royall ftuffe in the Tower; all came to him who pleafed, bot after Windibanks efcape, our good kinde countrieman, the Lieutenant of the Tower, Sir William Balfour, was fent for by the Lower Houfe, and enjoyned to keep his prifoner ftraiter : fo he hes now bot the libertie of three roomes, in the outmoft whereof there is a guard : no man at all comes to him bot by the Lieutenant's fpeciall permiffion. Since he heard of Ratcliffe prifoned, and Wentford's death, his two ftoups, his heart is a little fallen :. The nixt week he may be procelTed. The Convocation meets twyce a-week, bot doe nothing at all; for as yet they have gotten no commiffion from the King to doe any bufinefs. We hear there is fome thirtie of them, weell minded for removing of Epifcopacie, and monie moe for pairing of Bifhops nailles, and armes too. Montague and Mannering does not compear; bot will be fent for: Never a word of corrupted do6trine in the Convocation ; the leffe good they intend the better ; the more eafilie they will be gotten overthrown; for both the Convocation, and High Commiffion, and Starre Chamber, and officiall courts, are hoped to be gotten abolifhed. Sundrie countrie minifters, who meets with us, are on a remonltrance, to the which the Self-Convi6tion, as they confeiTe, gives them much help, which, in name of the Church, lhall fhort-lie be prefented againft the Biftiops.
The Separatifts are like to be fome help to hold up the Bifliops through their impertinencie; but we trull, by God's bleffing on our labour, to preveene that evill. This week they have been moft in hand with the Judges and Lord Keeper: they have found their fentence for ftiip-money to the King illegall; they have pall ane a6l of the propertie of goods, fo that no impofition ffiall be laid on them bot by A61 of Parliament; a favour that, as I heard [from] a nobleman who underftood weell, they fhould have coft with ane hundred thoufand pound Sterling a-year, for tuentie year to come ; yea, the King, to paffe them the fliip-money alone, required in the late Parliament, as the leaft he could moderate, twelve hundred thoufand pound Sterling. This much they are in our debt in this one particular : in their printed ballads they con-1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	283
fefs no lefle; for their binding word is ever, " Gramercies, good Scott." There is a Committee for proceffing the Judges and my Lord Keeper Finch for their unjuft decreet. That night, when the Keeper was moft prefled, he came to the King, and on his knees requefted, as the greateft favour, that his Majeftie would never take notice of his trouble, bot permitt him and the Parliament to deall it betuixt them, that he might ftand and fall as his innocencie fhould be. This noble courage was thought a better policie to ingadge the King, and obtain favour from the Parliament, than all the prayers which Canterburie, Traquair, and the reft, makes night and day to the King for their prote6tion. The Committee for the Univerfities has fent fome with a warrand, both to Cambridge and Oxford, to receave moft particular informations of all their new do6lrines and fuperftitions there: the charge is given to men who will not flight it. Baftwick came into the City this day eight days; tuentie-feven coatches, a thou-fand horfe for his convoy, trumpetts founding from diverfe win-dowes, numbers of torches about him, and a world of people on all the way. Canterburie will ftand his alone in the Privie Chamber ; and, when no man will draw near him, goe his way alone. The bifhops will goe through Weftminfter Hall, as they fay, and no man cape to them. God is makeing here a new world; no fear yet of raifeing the Parliament, fo long as the lads about New-caftle fitts ftill. God is wonderfullie gracious ; he would be ear-neftlie fought to ; all this happinefs may foone evanilh ; a gloom of the King's brow would difperfe this feeble people for any thing yet we fee, if the terror of God and us afrayed not their enemies, if help from God and us did not continue their courage.
I truft, Dear Britherin, ye will pray for me, and for the caufe, and our poor armie, and this Parliament; and will not be negligent to provide for my fweet people. The Lord be with them and yow,
Your Brother,
London, December 12th [1640.]	R. Baillie.
[To the Same.]
Reverend and Dear Britherin,
I am loath to let any occaflon flip of wryting to yow, whatever elfe I may have to doe. I long much to hear from fome of yow,284
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both of your owne and the countrie's eftates, and efpeciallie of the provifion of my church ; my ignorance hereof, for from none of yow have I heard fince my departure, made me plead to be dif-miffed here, that I might wait on my flock, which I knew not how it was provyded. Mr. Blair did plead for the fame to himfelf, bot neither of us for fome tyme can obtaine our defyres ; bot be affured, fo foone as, with the Commiffioner's good leave, I can obtaine a dimiffion, ye fhall not be burdened, by God's grace, with my charge. In the meane tyme, I humblie intreat your diligent care for that congregation for which now I can doe nothing bot praie to God, and fupplicat yow for fupplie. My book here is weell lyked, and much fearched for ; all our copies are fpent; ane new edition from Amfterdam by my knowledge is come over : I am on a Supplement. I hear no appearance of any reply.
For our publick affaires I can wryte little more than in my lafl the 19th of December. We flick yet on the Fourth, demand, of Incendiaries: all the papers that paft on that article I have fent to my Lady Montgomerie. Yow will fee in the generall anfuers, our replies, and their duplies, that faine they would fhift and elude us with generalities. We did much fufpe6l Traquair a& the author of thefe editions; bot on Wednefday, before the Englifh Lords, on his knees, he craved of the King to be fent doun to Scotland, and permitted to abide the fentence of the Parliament, whatfoever it might be, and with it rather to fall into any inconvenience, than to be reputed ane author of divifion betuixt his Majeftie and his people. It feems, that the Lieutenant's letters from the Tower procures the length of this article ; for his head, and the reft of the Englifh incendiaries, depends upon it. If the King declare to us what we urge, that thefe whom our Parliament fhall fentence, he fhall not protedt, maintaine, nor countenance, a clear preparative paffes for their undoeing; albeit it is faid the Engliih refolves, and hes told the King as much, as, upon the neck of their Parliament's fentence, they mind not to delay execution. On Thurfday the 24th, the King fent, for ane finall anfuer, a paper fhewing that he was confident the Parliament fhould not proceed with thefe who were called Incendiaries ; that he and they Ihould fullie agree ; and that before it were no reafon to preffe him to any prselimitation of his juftice and mercie. This did not pleafe us ; fo in word we (that is, our Commiffioners ; ye know I am none, bot it is my ordinar ftill [ftyle] for fhortnefs, fo to wryte) did fhew the Englifh, that their commiffion was from the King and the Parliament, and1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	285
we did treat with them in that qualitie ; therefore we required them to communicat with the Parliament that long debaited difference, being hopefull, that that wyfe counfell would advyfe his Majeftie to grant us our demand, as carrying evident reafon. This was our laft and fure refuge.
On Fryday, Saturday, Sunday, being the great joy-dayes, was a vacation both to Parliament and treatie. Monday at two hours was appoynted for our treaters to meet, and to-morrow the Parliament to fit down againe. For all that, this day we had no meeting. The reafon, I hear, was, that the King, feeing the difference would goe to the Parliament of England, was drawn a ftep farder, and had prepared for anfuer a promife in this article to follow the Parliament of Scotland's advyce ; bot the Englifli Lords, being wearie with this longfome debate, told his Majeftie, that we would not be content with that fair generall; and if the queftion went to the Houfes of Parliament, doubtlefs all there would be for the Scotts demand. The King therefore took it to his advyfement till to-morrow what to fay farder. If this were clofed, the Fifth demand, upon the reftitution of the ftiips and goods, it is hoped there will not be any ftay; bot on the Sixth, for our charges, much debate is feared before the Parliament be brought to the generall grant; then the particular foume, then the perfons payable, then the fecuritie. The reafons of the demand, drawn firft be Mr. Archibald [Johnftone,] then by Rothes, and laftlie perfyted by Mr. A.(5), in a verie prettie paper I hope to fend with the next. They are now in the hands of the Englilh, our friends, to be helped, as they fhall think fitt. The Seventh demand, about the difmantilling of Berwick and Carlile, diffurnilhing them of fojours, will not be long (as it is hoped) ftuck upon. Bot the laft, about a folid peace and union of the nations, fo farr as can be, will not faill to draw long; for here will fall in a number of articles of molt weightie confider-ation. The Englifli, of purpofe, would be glad to draw all out to the full; for they have much to doe : the difplanting the Court, the overthrow of Epifcopacie, the planting of the Court, the fet-tleing of a new government in the Church, the putting downe a world of grievances publi6l, the fatiffying of infinite private complaints ; for the doeing of thefe things, and manie moe, long tyme is requyrit. So long as our armie ftayes, it feems they will fitt ftill on all hazards ; yet their great charges, fiftie thoufand pound
(5) " Mr. A."—Mr. Alexander Henderson.286
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in the moneth for the armies, will force them to clofe one Seflion, and end the moll of their greateft affaires, that both armies may be difmiffed: bot this cannot be in hafte. The Lieutenant is not yet heard; his witneffes manie are examined; his proceffe is daylie going on. Matter is making readie for Canterburie's challenge, that one of thir dayes he may be delyvered by James Maxwell to Sir William Balfour. What we have libelled againft both, my Lady Montgomrie will fhew it. We are not yet called to give in our proofs ; bot are readie. Cottingtoun is expe6led will be challenged next; if he follow not the Keeper and Secretar to France, he may bear the Lieutenant company on the Tower Hill: So there will few of that faction remaine. Vaine is bot new come on, and not much complained of; Wren, Coufins, and Helen [Heylin], are under baile ; Pierce Bifhop of Bath is fled; B[ifhop] Montague and B[ifhop] Manering are fent for; as alfo Potter, and moe of their Do6tors. The City's petition for the rooting out of Epifcopacie, at which are above fifteen thoufand hands, my Lady Montgomerie will fhow it yow, it will be anfuered in tyme. Dr. Douning, my familiar freind's verie quick difcourfe, my Lord Eglin-toun will communicat. Yow fee what libertie is here, when fuch bookes dare bear the names of the author, printer, and feller. The Convocation houfe of bifhops and clerks meets once a-week, bot never fayes or does any thing : they have not yet any commif-fion, either from God or the King, to doe any good, and Satan his hands are bound in this feafon of the Lord's favour from doing any evill. The Lower Houfe has condemned all their canons, both old and new, and fo hes cutt the cords of their Egyptian yoke. The Epifcopall Clergie are made vile in the eyes of all: manifold mod fhamefull pra6tifes of harlotrie, drunkennefs, and all prophanenefs, is found in their hand ; they are like to contribute as much to their own ruine as the abbots and friers did of old to theirs. Balcanquall is thought a vile man. A fhort petition is formed by all the weell affected clergie for the overthrow of Epifcopacie ; readilie with the next yow fhall have it : it is in my Lady Montgomerie's papers. It is now polling through the land for hands to make it ftark; againft it can come back it will be a fourtnight, at which tyme a large remonftrance, by fome dozen of hands chofen out of the whole number, will be readie, againft the Bifhops corruptions in do6lrine, difcipline, life, and all : to thefe they confeffe the Self-Conviction gives them good help. At that tyme the root of Epifcopacie will be1640.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	287
affaulted with the ftrangeft blaft it ever felt in England. Let your heartie prayers be joyned with mine, and of manie millions, that the breath of the Lord's noftrills may joyne with the endeavours of weak men to blow up that old gourd wicked oak. The Primate of Ireland, and a great fa6tion with him, will be for a limited good and James Mitchell's calked Epifcopacie.; but fince, to this day, not one of thefe men hes had fo much grace as to open their mouth againft any of the Canterburian abominations, which all the world here cryes out upon, I truft they cannot thryve in any of their defignes. There was fome fear for thefe of the new way, who are for the Independent congregations ; bot after much conference, thanks be to God, we hope they will joyne to overthrow Epifcopacie, ere6t Prefbyterian government and Affemblies, and, in any difference they have, to be filent, upon hope either of fatiffa6lion when we gett more leafure, or of toleration, on their good and peaceable behaviour. The farr greateft part are for our difcipline ; for all the confiderable parts of it, they will draw up a modell of their own, with our advyce, to be confidered upon by Commiffioners of the Church, and others appoynted by Parliament, and, if God fhall blefs this land, by thefe Commiffioners to be fettled in everie congregation at this extraordinarie tyme, till afterward, the Church being conftitute, a Generall Affemblie may be called to perfyte it. At this tyme a Generall Affemblie would fpoyle all, the farr moll of their clergie being verie corrupt. If all this were done, we might be gone ; for the reft, the Parliament might be doing in other Seffions as their latters : If the Court and Church were reformed, they are not much feared for breaking up of the Parliament: The King's ne-ceffities are verie great; all the monopolies and ftiipmoneys are evanifhed, or going faft in fmoak; befyde his Court, and that of his Queen and her mother, and the Prince, and the reft of his children and filter, his debts are hudge, they fpeak of thirtie or fortie hunder-thoufand pound Sterling : all this mult be defrayed ; and the Parliament gives fair words to finde wayes for all. Like-lie the bifhopricks muft make fome help ; for here the moft of the wonted money is away ; little had this three year; the fear of the warrs made all the bankers tranfport to Holland what they were able. The four fubfidies alreadie granted will be little enough for the armies ere they diffolve. I hope gratitude will fee them make for other fix for our charges. I know not if any Parliament before hes gone beyond ten fubfidies; whence then fhall288	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1640.
the other thirtie come for the King's debt ?—It is two a'clock ; my candle is alfo failling.
For forraigne news, no Gazets are printed this week. The Earle of Brederod, and other two ambaffadours, are come over from the States, to fute the King's third daughter for the young Prince of Orinzes. The fecond was buried fince we came. The rebellion of Catalonia goes on. John of Braganza is crowned King of Portugal. Banier and the moft of the Sueddifh armie is making faft to their winter quarters in Bohem. France is taking hudge foumes from all his fubje6ls, for the warrs in the fpring. The Lord be with yow all, Dear Britherin : much need had yow to ftirr up your felves and your congregations both to praife and pray.
This day Alderman Penningtoun, with a number of his brether came, with fome alfo of the toun-captains, and fome from the Inns of Court, to our lodgeing for complementing our Commiflioners : He told them roundlie, that they were aughten us the redemption of their liberties, eftates, religion and lyves. One Ward, in a Latine lecture in Sion Colledge, at our firfl comeing, had railed at us as rebells ; upon our complaint he was fufpended, and yesterday made his publick recantation in the Church. The Bifliops of Glafgow, Brechin, and Aberdeen, are here in great povertie and miferie, with their families. Our fugitive Clergie are in verie evill cafe ; thefe few who hes gotten places hes bot poor things; and thefe with hatred of all: the moft can get nought. Mr. Patrick Maxwell, for all the mountaines of gold he hoped for, is yet waiting on for a fellowfhip in Cambridge, which when gotten, is no great matter. The great Lord, in his own tyme, clofe this his own work of hudge mercie, according to the fair appearances and great hopes of all his faints here. The Lord be with yow.
Your Brother,
R. Baillie.
London, December 28th [1640.]
[To the Same.]
Reverend and Dear Britherin,
The reafon why this three weeks I have wry ten none to you, was my expectation partlie of fome matter of weight to wryte, and partlie of letters from fome [of] yow, bearing your receipt and ac-1641. ^	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
289
ceptance of thefe I had formerlie written. And now, by my Lord Eglintoun's and Mr. John Bell's, the hinder-end of December, underftanding your care for my flock, I will delay no longer, bot in teftimonie of my thankfull[nefs], which is all now I can render for your loving refpe6l and care of my charge, yow fhall have ane accompt of our affaires lince my lad with my Lord Mont-gomerie, fo far as my knowledge and memorie will furnifh.
Our firft Fyve Demands being obtained, our great fear, and our enemies equall hope, was upon the Sixth, of our charges fince the late Pacification. Great care was ufit to fet it down in fo fmooth, and yet fo effe6tive termes as was poflible. Johnftone, Rothes, Henderfone, our chief friends of the Englifh of both Houfes in Parliament, did rypelie advyfe on all the words and fyllabs, till at laft Mr. Alexander put it in that forme I have fent yow : it was fo compofed of reafon, that the King, when he faw it, had no farder hopes that the Englilh and we Ihould difcord upon that demand. The particular compt was given with the demand : a fcrole of two hundred and fiftie thoufand pound Sterling, which we putt out of compt five hundred and fourteen thoufand pound [Scots,] whereof we offered to bear ourfelf fuch a proportion as the Parliament fhould find reasonable, or us able. The particular compt was delivered by us to none, for caufes, bot thefe whom it concerned. The reafons of the demand were put in fo manie hands as we were able to provide with copies. When it was given to the Peers, Briftoll, their fpeaker, gave in a verie captious queftion in wryte, Whether our demand was pofitive; or we intended, by our compt, to obtain fome kinde fupply from the Parliament ? Our Commiflioners, after a little advyfement in their retireing chamber, gave fo wife ane anfuer in wryte, that Briftoll gladlie would have taken back his propofition ; bot this we refused : fo both the queftion and anfuer was fubfcryved by the clerks. Sundrie dayes thereafter were fpent, Briftoll preffing oft with more vehemence than we thought was needfull, the cafting of the Sixth demand to the laft place; bot this in difcreet yet peremptor ex~ preflions, we refuifed it at laft. Briftoll fett down his propofition in wryte, backed with the fubfcriptions of the Englifh peers, of their defyre to us, to go on in the mean tyme to the article of the peace, while the Parliament might have time to confult how to fatiffie our Sixth demand. With great care ane anfuer was penned by Mr. A. [Henderfon] to that verie dangerous propofition : yow have it in the inclofed paper: All was delyvered to the Parliament. Both vol. i.	t290	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
the Houfes being called together, Briftoll made a verie pertinent and favourable report of all had paft, and by this good office did put away that fufpicion which we began to conceave of his too hot reafoning againft us in the treatie. Mandaveele read, with the beft toone he could, the reafons of our demand : Paget and Whar-toun, our good friends, read our two anfuers to Briftoll's two propofitiones: All was receaved in filence, with fome favour by the farre moft part. The greatnefs of the matter itfelf, and manie other weightie affaires, hindered the Parliament to make any conclufion therein ; fo our treaters had a vacation : yet were they not idle, bot verie diligent in folifting and informing the members of the Houfes. Our enemies were not idle here ; diverfe in both Houfes were not a little averfe from this demand, and bruft out into words, in feverall places, of diflyke; yet God keeped us in this difficultie. The matter comeing to the Lower Houfe on Thurf-day the 21ft [of January,] it was much debated pro and contra,, and referred to the nixt day. At which tyme, after fome hot reafoning by our fure friends, it was voyced firft, that our demand fhould be voyced; then that it fhould be voyced inftantly; and, thirdly, by the moft part it was carryed, that ane fupply, and fuftenance for our loffes and charges, fhould be granted to us, referving the mea-fure to their farder confideration. Of this we are verie glad, and blefles God for his favour; for this all men took for the greateft difficultie we had : fo our treatie will goe on. Our Commiflioners and the Peers mull conferre on the quantitie, and way of payment, and fecuritie of what cannot prefentlie be given, which the Parliament thereafter will cognofce upon. Ane unhappie overture of Traquair, our conftant good friend, that in Scotland, from the King and the Bifhops rents, he could fhortlie make up ane hundred thouland pound Sterling, will doe us no good. We fear three hundred thoufand fhall be the moft we will obtain. We hope, that in this moneth of the treatie we might have clofit; bot now it feemes notpoffible. Both the Englifh and we had a great minde to have done fo, we being wearied with ft ay, they with the charges of the armie ; bot fuch a world of great affairs being yet in their hands, and the fpeciall articles of our treatie falling in the laft head, it feemes impoffible, before the 15th of February, to get the half dis-cuffed, yea the third.
The Parliament being fenfible of their fpending of tyme, without great difpatch, made ane ordinance, that no private affair fhould be taken in till the more publick were brought to a con-1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	291
clufion. Thefe publick they exprefled in fome twelve or fifteen heads : The Lieutenant and the Irifh affaires, Canterburie and the Canons, the Keeper and the Judges, Windibanks and the Papifts, Goring and the Monopolies, etc. When thefe were clofed, they intended to clofe a Seffion, and difmifs the armies. Sundrie of the great affaires are clofed, and the reft are coming on thick. For the fecret reafon why the caufe of the Lieutenant and Canterburie is fo long delayed, fome gueffes one and fome another; the molt thinks, that more by witnefs long agoe is deponed than might take manie heads; yet they defyre more, frae more daylie be coming in. Some thinks, their death would facilitat the overthrow of Epifcopacie, and the thorough reformation of Church and State. Others feares, that diverfe grit men, if thefe two were execute, would be freed their feare, and become hopefull of their place, and defireous more to pacifie the irritat Prince, and to comply with his defyre in keeping up Bilhops and other things : fo that the Houfe, of purpofe, keeps thefe men alive, to make their feare, fo long as they live, a band to knitt all together for the common good : However, verie fhortlie the Lieutenant is expe6ted on the ftage, and the Bifhop at his back. The other day it paft the Lower Houfe unanimouflie, that they fhould have annuall Parliaments, or at leift trienniall; and if the King did not call them, the Sheriffs Ihould give out letters for choofing Commiflioners in the fhyres againft fuch a day. If the Sheriff did not fummond, if the per-fons chofen did not compear at the tyme and place named, it fhould be fellonie, loffe of life and lands ; that for fiftie dayes, upon no difcharge, they fhould rife : A terrible a6t! nothing yet done in Scotland that feemes to ftrike fo much at royall prerogative. It is thought it will paffe the Higher Houfe alfo, albeit-with fome more difficultie. A number of pamphlets comes out dailie about Epifcopacie, fome to hold it up, fome to ding it downe: how this matter will goe, the Lord knowes ; great hopes, great feares on all fydes. The godlie here, in great numbers, meets oft in private houfes, for in publick they dare not, fafts and prayes, and hears gracious fermons, for whole dayes, fundrie tymes in the week: truelie thefe heartie and humble prayers are our greateft confidence ; in the adverfe partie we hear of little devotion in the beft of them.
Saturday the 23d [of January.] This day fundrie things con-liderable paft. The minifters petition, which I fent yow before, fub-fcryved with above eight hundred minifters hands, was given in292
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to the Lower Houfe, by fixteen of the eldeft and graveft of the number, together with their remonftrance of all the corruptions of that Church, in do6lrine, difcipline, lyfe, and all, in twentie fheets of paper. The petition was read, and weell taken ; the remonftrance is appointed to be read on Mononday, a day of fafting in private, over all the Citie and manie moe places; for that day is appointed to confider the hard queftion of Epifcopacie. This day the new Keeper, Littletoun, raid in ftate, as the fafhion is of their inftallment, to Weftminfter: he was before Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas. Banks, the King's Attorney, hes gotten his place ; Herbert, the Queen's Solicitor, has fucceeded to Banks ; Gardner, the Recorder of London, to Herbert. Few are pleafed with thir promotions : the men are none of them beloved ; the Queen is (aid to be the caufe of their advancement. It is expe6ted the King, by the Marqueis advyfe, fhall make a better choyfe of his other officers ; that Bedfoord fhall be Thefaurer, etc. The King this day called both the Houfes to the Banquetting-roome at Whythall: he had a fpeech, which fhortlie I hope to gett, encourageing them to goe on to help the abufes that were both in Church and State ; referred to their confideration the providing for of the {hips, the walls of the kingdome ; the haftening the clofe of the treatie, that armies might not lie in the bofome of the land : their bill anent Parliaments he lyked in fubftance, bot not in fome circumftances ; he could not endure that his prerogative in calling of Parliaments fhould be put in the hand of fheriffs, conftables, and he knew not whom : bot by a meflage on Mononday he hoped herein to give them all contentment. Alfo about the motion of removeing Bifhops, he told them exprefflie, he would never permitt that State to be putt down, or removed from the Parliament; abufes, in their government, he would be content were re6lified and reduced to the order in ufe in Queen Elizabeth's dayes; bot difcharged them to make any farder motion. To this part of the fpeech was no hum, no ap-plaufe as to the reft. This declaration will doe no evill; manie who inclyned to keep Bifhops being put off ftate, and brought low, while they fee they muft continue Lords of Parliament, will joyn themfelves more heartilie to thefe who will afTay to draw up their roots. At the defy re of the Englifh minifters, Mr. Alexander [Henderfon] hes wryten fome verie good reafons for their removeall out of the Church : they are printed this day ; readilie yow may get them with this poft. I minde to give in my myte alfo, in my Supplement of the Self-Convi<5lion, which at once yow pofiiblie1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	293
may fee. Ane old Jefuit,(4) who was manie yeares agoe condemned for feduceing of people here, was fent away, with certification, if he returned, he Ihould be execute, was latelie taken, and for new crimes condemned. Yefterday he fhould have been hanged for example ; the King repryved him ; the Citie does grudge, that in the face of Parliament juftice againft Jefuites fhould be flopped. They had promifed to give this day fixtie thoufand pound for the armies provifion, bot now they refufe. The Houfes took it to their confideration, informed the King: it is hoped he will deliver the Jefuite over to juftice.
In diverfe churches, the people raifed Pfalmes to fing out the fervice, and in fome they pulled down the railles before the altars. Some of the Separation being found at their conventicles, did fpeak difgracefullie of the King, Parliament, and lawes : of thefe things the Bifhop of London, the lafl Saturday, the 16th, did make a greivous complaint in the Higher Houfe. Bifhop Hall could not remember his fhamefull putting to the barre for the loufeneffe of his tongue upon my Lord Sey the lafl Parliament, bot behooved againe to aflay [affert ?] (5) the refufeing of his advyce the other day, by the meanes of fome Lords there, was the caufe of that miforder. They prefTed the Bifhop to name the man: he named Mandaveell. Prefentlie he was put to the barre ; and his brother Lincolne behooved to put a jeft on him heavier than his cenfure, That his acknowledgement of his fault behooved to be formed to him in wryte, left his rhetorick in his confeflion fhould aggravat his fault, as it had done before. All this cannot make that man quiet; this week he hes put out a remonftrance to the Parliament for keeping up of Bifhops and Liturgies, without a word of any connexion. The King lykes it weele, bot all elfe pities it as a moft poore piece. The Higher Houfe alwayes made ane order, which is read in the churches, that none prefume, at their own hand to alter any cuf-tomes eflablifhed by law : this procured ordinance does not dif-courage any man.
Coofins, yefterday, for all his devotions, was pronounced in-
(4)	John Goodman, Priest and Jesuit: see the Journals of the House of Lords, and Commons; but in the latter, he is at first erroneously called Thomas Goodman.
(5)	The meaning of this passage, relating to Joseph Hall, then Bishop of Exeter, is not very intelligible, and possibly some words have been omitted. It evidently, however, refers to what occurred in the House of Lords, 16th of January 1641, when " A Bishop speaking injuriously of a Temporal Lord^ confesses his fault, and is reconciled." (See Journals, vol. IV, p. 134.)294
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capable of any office in England, and charge appointed to be made againfl his life for his contumelious fpeeches of the King's authoritie. Twentie-four thoufand pound fterling was decerned to be payed by him and the High Commiffioners of York to Smart (6) for his loffes and charges in the prifon. There is a bitter book come yefter-day from Ireland to our hands againfl the Affemblie of Glafgow ; it is thought by Bilhop Maxwell: it may coft him and fome other dear: if we had leafure, it would quicklie be anfwered. The Am-baffadors of Holland, Brederode Earl of Wian, Aerfen (7) the Secre-tar of the State, and Somerdyk one of the Lords, with the ordi-nare AmbalTador, were receaved in the Banquetting Houfe by the King, Queen, Prince, Duke of York, two daughters, and hudge number of noblemen and gentlemen. Aerfen made a long and eloquent harrangue in French : though I was verie near, yet I did not hear diftin6llie. They have fundrie audiences before the Counfell of England. It is the King's eldeft daughter which the States fuites for the young Prince of Orange : it is thought he. may get her. They fpeak of thirtie thoufand pound of joynture; whileas the Palatine gave to Princefle Elizabeth bot ten. The young Prince is expe6led fhortlie : Durham Houfe is preparing for him.
For forraigne news, I have fent yow the Englifh Gazets for the laft feven weeks. The Hates of Brabant hes given in a re-monftrance to the Cardinal Infant to procure a peace with France and Holland, or elfe they will be forced to fee to their own fafetie. The French are fore beaten in Catilognia; bot the people are nothing the more difcouraged. The King of Portugal increafes in ftrength: numbers from Caftile joynes with him. There is a revolt feared in France, fo great and exceffive are the taxes there on all the people. They fpeak of Banier's befiedging of Amberdge, in the Upper Palatinate. Great tilings every where in hand. We had much need to deal with the Lord, that the end of all may be the profperitie of the Gofpell. Manie here are verie gracious people ; they farr goe beyond us in private fallings. This Monday is almoft a folemn day for private humiliation, over all the Citie and their land, for rooting out of Epifcopacie. We truft a gracious anfwer ftiall now fhortlie come from heaven. It becomes all of yow there, who thinks to partake of Sion's joy, to joyne
(6)	Peter Smart, one of the Prebends of Durham.
(7)	Van Aerssen, Lord of Sommelsdykej in Holland.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	295
yourfelves with her mourning fupplicants ; if they fall not, the molt here yet experts no good dayes to either of the nations. The people throngs to our fermon, as ever yow faw any to Irwin communion; their crowd daylie increafes. Six of us, Mr. Blair, Mr. Henderfon, Mr. Borthick, Mr. Gillefpie, Mr. Smith, and I, preaches our tour about on Sonday and Thurfday. In my laft tour, on the 3d verfe of the 126th Pfalm, " The Lord hes done great things for us," I fpent much of ane hour in ane hiftorik narration, the bell I could penn, of all that God had done for us, fra the maids commotion in the Cathedrall of Edinburgh to that prefent day : manie teares of compaffion and joy did fall from the eyes of the Engltfh.
Our poll has ftayed fome dayes longer than we expe6ted. We had no meeting in our treatie thir two or three dayes, for we preffed hard not to proceed till the quantitie was once named. This at laft, in both Houfes of Parliament, is yielded unto ; we expe6t, within a day or two, the Houfes determination of a particular foume which may doe us all good. The matter of the Jefuite draws deeper than any man expected; the man is ane apoftate, he had been ane preacher at London; he was banifhedbefore; the King's repryveing of him, being condemned in the tyme of Parliament, was taken by all to have been done of purpofe, for a preparative to fave the life of the Lieutenant and Canterburie ; therefore, albeit there did never anie Jefuite die before in England for religion alone, yet both the Houfes hes moft unanimouflie confented to petition the King this day, that he may be execute ; alfo that fevere order may be taken with all the Papifts in the land, of whom the Parliament before did not take much notice. Yefterday, they called before them four of the moft noted papifts here, Sir Killum [Kenelm] Digbie, Sir Thomas Winter the Queen's Secretar, the fonnes of Digbie and Winter the powder plotters, Walter Montacu Mandaveell's brother, Sir Bafill Brook. They have confeffed their collecting of contribu • tionfrom the Papifts of England to the King, againft us : this day they are to appear again; it is thought it will lie heavie on them all. The Queen is fpeaking of her goeing to France, to the bains of Lorrain, for her health, and for the reconcileing of her Mother with her Brother. However, the Parliament's a6tions puts no fmall dif-content and fear to her ftomach. Queen Mother hes gotten little thir three moneth: her plate and jewells are felling; no marvell fhe ftiould wryte, as they fay, humble letters of fubmiflion to her296
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fon to live in France where and how he pleafes. Yefterday Mr. Pym gave in to the Higher Houfe, in 20 flieet of paper or thereabout, the charge of the Lieutenant: a world of foule poynts are proven. Before it can be wryten over in parchment, as the.fafhion is, it will be Tuefday ; then it is like he fhall be called, get two or three dayes to anfwer, and then be execute. While his head goe, the Bifhop is lyke to dwell ftill with Mr. Maxwell, under his Black-Rod, bot no longer. The King's heart is no whit changed from thefe men ; but we trull tyme will let him fee the truth : we pray God, in the mean tyme, fave him from courfes that he and we all may repent. The minifters petition and remonftrance is remitted till Mononday : I think it mull be delayed longer. There was a contrare petition drawn up for Epifcopacie, which I have alfo fent yow, and the King's Speech : hands in the citie were getting to it, as they fay, chieflie by Pembrok the Chamberlaine's meanes: bot it is thought they have let it fall, in defpaire of fucceffe. There is a petition to the Lower Houfe, without the knowledge, fo farr as I hear, of anie of us, albeit all of us be weell pleafed therewith, that none of our fugitives brook benefite in England till firft they have fatiffied our Church : this bill it is no doubt will paffe. No more for the prefent comes in my minde. The Lord be with yow all. Dear Brethren, yow will have a care of my defolate flock; and as thir tymes requyre, if ever anie, yow will be diligent to {tin-up your felves and your flockes to wreftling with God for a happie end of all our hopes, feares, cares, and travells.
Your Brother and Servant, London, January 29th [1641.]	R. Baillie.
[To Mrs. Baillie at Kilwinning.]
My Heart,
The laft week I wryt to thee and all friends at length: at this tyme I write to thee alone, that thou may know I am verie weell as thow could wifh. I had never, (praifed be God,) flnce I faw thee, the leift trouble, either of bodie or minde, or in any affair concerned me, fo good hes the Lord been to me. Onlie in my long abfence from my flock, houfe, and friends there, does whyles annoy mee, bot neceflitie makes me quiet, and my confcience of doeing fome good in the public affaires, that concernes the glory of God,1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	297
and the weell of the whole Ifle and pofteritie, does comfort me in that perplexitie. It is like I fhall not win home till we come altogether, which will be, I hope, fometyme in March.
This day, [the 6th of February,] the treatie is prolonged ane other moneth from the midfl of February to the midfl of March. We hope ere that be ended, that all our affaires fhall be clofed, and the greateft adoes of the Englifh Parliament alfo, to our great joy and of the Englifh alfo. The other day, our foume was determined : all that paft in that difficult demand, I fent it inclofed in my laft letters; with the nixt, I fhall fend the fame to my Lord in print; for our charge againfl Canterburie and the Lieutenant, with our Sixth demand, is call in print; bot this carrier is not for it. Thow hes here inclofit the happie clofure, which is not printed. Our Commiffioners did ftronglie folift all their friends in both Houfes : we had fundrie oppofites ; yet when it came to voyceing, not manie kythed. Three hundred thoufand pound Sterling, four and fifty hundred thoufand merks Scotts,(8) is a prettie foume in our land, befyde the eighteen hundred thoufand merks for our armie, thefe laft four months, and tuentie-fyve thoufand pound Sterling for the fifth month comeing. Yet the heartie giving of it to us, as to their brethren, did refrefh us as much as the money itfelf. Thou may read the a6t of the Lower Houfe, and the paper of our thankfgiving. Our Seventh article, for the recalling of all the King's proclamations and declarations againfl us, will be paft without difficultie in a day or two ; fo we come to the laft, anent a folid peace betwixt the nations : This we will make long or fhort, according as the neceffities of our good friends in England does require; for they are ftill in that fray, that if we and our armie were gone, they yet were undone.
The Lieutenant the laft Saturday [30th of January] was fent for; he came from the Tower by water, with a guard of muf-queteers; the world wondering, and at his going out and coming in, fhouting and curfeing him to his face. Coming in to the Higher Houfe, his long charge, in manie fheets of paper, was read to him: for a while, he fatt on his knees before the barr; thereafter, they caufed him fitt. doun at the barr; for it was eight a'clock before all was read. He craved a moneth to anfwer; they ordained him to return on Monday with the reafon of that his demand. On Monday he fent his petition in wryte, alleadging the
(8) A merk was equal to 13Jd. Sterling; and thus one pound Sterling contained 18 merks Scotish money.298 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1641.
gutt for his abfence. Wednesday come a fourtnight was appointed him to fay, by word or wryte, for himfelf what he is able: what the event will be we will then know ; while he be at a poynt, Canterburie will reft under the Black-Rod. On Wednefday [3d of February] both the Houfes were called to receave the King's anfwer anent the Jefuite; the copie of the fpeech we have not yet gotten: it hes given verie great fatiffa6tion to all; with much humming was it receaved. He told, that the reafon of his repryv-ing of that Jefuite was not for affronting juftice, or ftaying the execution of any law, bot becaufe in his Father's and Queen Elizabeth's reigne, no perfon had ever been execute for their confcience alone : however, he did remitt the man fimplie to their difcretion, being confident they were wife to confider what might be the con-fequences of his execution in forraign parts, where thefe of our religion were under the power of Popifh princes. He protefted his own fincere affe6lion towards the true religion; promifed by prefent proclamation to banifh all priefts out of the land within a moneth, under the pain of death to all that fhall remaine or ever returne. He gave affureance that none at all fhould be permitted to come to the Queens their chappells, bot alone their domeftick fervants. The Pope's agent with his Queen, he affured, lhould quicklie be difmiffed, and none again be receaved. On Thursday [fbe] fent a gracious meffage to the Lower Houfe, that was alfo verie well taken, excufeing herfelf, that through ignorance of their law, fhe had moved thefe of her religion to contribute fome moneys for the King's affaires; affureing fhe would doe fo no more ; alfo that fhe conceaved, that the libertie of her religion contra6ted to her, permitted her to keep open intelligence with the Pope, and to admitt to her chappell thefe of her own profef-fion : bot fince fhe found them herewith offended, promifed it fhould be fo no more. Her voyadge to France for ten moneth, to preveen a confumption alreadie begun, and the marriage of Lady Mary with the Prince of Orange fhortlie, is more and more fpoken of; and manie begins to think, that poffiblie both their intentions are reall.
All here, praifed be God, goes according to our prayers, if we could be quyte of Bifhops ; about them we are all in perplexitie : we truft God will putt them doun, bot the difficultie to gett all the tapouns of their roots pulled up are yet infuperable by the arme of man. The deans and prebends, and other not-preaching minif-ters rents, will be taken away; for otherwife the country will never1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	299
be able to fupplie the King's neceffitie, and bear their other burdens ; bot thefe fuperfluous rents will doe all abundantlie. Yefter-day ane order was given out to putt all churchmen out of the com-mifiion to the juftices of peace. The Minifters remonftrance thefe dayes bygone have been read in the Houfe by parts ; for it is long: They defyre not ane anfwer in hafte; for they fear their friends in the Houfe be not ftrong enough to pull up that old oak ; bot manie teares here are weeklie fowne for that end ; we hope a harveft of fruits are comeing. We pray, preach, and print againft them what we are able moll freelie : manie a fore thrift getts both men and women thronging in to our fermons. This day Mr. Hen-derfone had a verie fweet conference with the King their alone, for the helping of our Univerfities from the Bifhops rents. I hope it fhall be obtained. A pitie bot that fweet Prince had good com pany about him. We hear no farder news than I wryt to my Lord from abroad ; onlie it is faid, that Baneer is beliedgeing the Emperor in Ratifbon, with a mightier armie than the enemie is like in hafte to oppofe.
R. Baillie.
London February 6th [1641].
[To the Same.]
My Heart,
I am everie way fo weell as thou could wifh, and none in the companie better; yea, I know none bot hes had fome fafhries bot myfelf. God continews his indulgence towards me. If there be any continuance beyond the midft of March, Mr. Blair and I re-folves to preffe a dimiffion. God's hand is clear leading on, peice and peice, men againft their purpofes, towards his ends. No book here cryed up fo much by the adverfe partie, their Bifhops and Do6lors, as " The Canterburian's Self-Convi6tion" : it is now at the preffe againe with a large Supplement. I have fundrie other things readie for the prefs. Have a care of thy familie exercife ; caft all thy cair on God ; learne to fpeak to him, and to rejoyce in his countenance. I love him, bleffed be his name better than ever, and committs all that concernes me to his good hand. Thou and I may daylie meet in him.
R. Baillie.
February 22d [1641.]300	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
[To the Presbytery of Irvine.]
Reverend and Dear Brethren,
Though yow before this fhould be wearie of provyding my place, I confeffe it is no marvell; yet I mult intreat yow earneftlie not to give over that labour. I fliould long ere now have returned to that charge myfelf, if thefe here, who have power to command, would have permitted ; however, I hope now a little tyme fhall fend us all home in peace and joy.
The clofure of the Sixth demand, and things that paft that week, I fent home in a letter to my wife; with the which you are before this, I hope, acquaint. A ftationer hes made bold, as all things now are printed, [to print] thefe our charges againft Canter-burie and the Lieutenant, with all that paft on our Sixth demand, which here I fend to you with two of the laft Gazets for forraigne occurrences. There is a world of pamphlets here befyde, wherewith I may not burden the poft. Our Seventh demand was paft fhortlie without much queftion : we would have had prefentlie all the proclamations, declarations, and pamphlets revoked; bot they would have us delay till the full clofure of the treatie ; to this we acquiefced as reafon. They would have it reciprocall: this we thought dangerous ; bot we were content, if they would be pleafed to make the Scotts Parliament judge what wrytes of ours fhould be revoked ; for we knew of none; and our proteftations being alone for our juftification behooved to ftand : to this they acquiefced. You may fee the demand and anfwer here inclofed.
For the Eighth grit demand fome dayes were fpent in preparations. The firft article of it, concerning the garifons and fortifications of Carlile and Berwick, though it carried no difficultie, yet the Peers finding, that all the articles of the Eighth demand did concerne the whole nation for all tyme coming, fhew they behooved, before any anfwer, to acquaint both the Houfes of Parliament with all we proponed : So they intreated, that we might give in fo much as we might together, that the Parliament might not be too oft moved by too manie feverall articles, which might be conjoyned. The King and Briftoll alfo did much preffe, that we would give in all at once we did require in our laft demand; bot this being not poflible for us, nor conducefull for the ends of the Englifh, who required no fuch liafte, it was agreed we fhould give in fo manie1641.
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of our articles on that demand at once, as might be a fitt fubjedl for the Parliament's confideration and anfwer: fo with the firfl, we gave in the fecond. That daintie paper anent the King and Prince's relidence with us at fome tymes, yow have it here inclosed. The truth is, albeit we had no hope to obtaine much of that reasonable defyre, yet it was thought meet to preffe it, to be a ground and means to obtain the reft we were to defyre, as being too little a recompence for want of the King's perfon. The King was very well pleafed with the motion ; bot the Parliament appeared as if they had been much difpleafed : for their fatiffa6tion, we gave in the laft, here inclofed, as ane explanation of our intention in this article. As yet the Parliament hes had no leafure to give us any anfwer ; bot we expe6l it this day. The laft Tuefday, as I remember, the King came to the Higher Houfe in his robes: after he had remembered them of their flownefs, and how little they yet had done in any thing concerned him, he declared his willingnefs to fatiffie them in their defyre of annuall or trienniall Parliaments. So he defyred the Lord Keeper to lignifie his pleafure anent that A6t, as it was conceaved by both the Houfes. The way of conception I wryt in a former letter. The Keeper's fpeech was not long: 11 Roy le veut> was all. This did fill the two Houfes and City with fuch joy, that they required permiffion, and obtained it, to exprefle the fenfe of it, by ringing of all their bells, above a thoufand, and fetting out their bone-fyres. Bot as no worldlie joy is unmixed, fo to-morrow there fell fome discontentment betuixt the two Houfes. On the Mononday, the Earle of Strafford had fent his petition to the Higher Houfe for fome longer tyme. My Lord Sey fpake fomewhat for the petition ; bot Eflex againft it. On Tuefday, the Lower Houfe fent up a mes-fage by Mr. Pym, requireing, that no more tyme might be granted. Notwithftanding, on Wednefday, when Strafford appeared, his gutt and gravell, and pertinent fpeech, bot molt of all his lawyers oath, that they had done all diligence to have their anfwers perfyte, and that yet it lay not in their power, for fome days to come, to have them in any readinefs ; all this obtained him eight dayes more tyme. This granted did fo extreamlie grieve the Lower Houfe, that they were near to have broken up, and give over all fitting, at leaft till Strafford were at ane end. When that motion was laid by, they were near to a proteftation againft the Higher Houfe, as hurting the priviledges of their Houfe, by granting to any they had charged with high treafon any delay of proceffe, any benefite of councell,302	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
or ufe of lawyers advice, any permifiion to anfwer by wryte : yet they did not proteft; onlie did notifie their grievances with great paflion.
The Londoners, who had promifed long agoe fixtie thoufand pound Sterling, and had it [in] readinefs, keeps it ftill in hand. The Jefuite's repryving was the firfl occafion; and yet when the King hes given him over to their will, there is no more word of him, and I think they lhall difmifs him ; and now while they have reafon of Strafford, they will give no money: this is their great weapon; fo both the armies are in their third moneth. The Englilh fojours, we hear, plunders the countrey without reproof. The favour granted to Strafford is laid moll on the back of the good Lord Sey: he did indeed moft fpeak for it; but no doubt thefe who were moft for granting him bygone courtefies, will be his fmalleft friends when he comes to judgement. The Higher Houfe, for fatiffa6tion of the Lower, fent to the Tower to advertife Strafford, that he come on Wednefday fullie inftru6led, for no longer delay will be granted upon any alleadgencie.
The week before there was a great commotion in the Lower Houfe, when the petition of London came to be confidered. My Lord Digbie and Vifcount Falkland, with a prepared companie about them, laboured, by premeditat fpeeches, and hott difputts, to have that petition call out of the Houfe without a hearing, as craving the rooting out of Epifcopacie againft fo manie eftab-lifhed lawes. The other partie was not prepared ; yet they con-tefted on together, from eight a'cloack till fix at night. All that night our partie folifted as hard as they could. To-morrow, fome thoufands of the citizens, bot in a verie peaceable way, went down to Weftminfter Hall to countenance their petition. It was voyced, Whether the petition fhould be committed, or Not ? by thirty-fix or feven voyces, our partie carried it, that it fhould be referred to the Committee of Religion; to which were fome four or fix more added, young Sir Harrie Vaine, Mr. Fynes, and fome more, our firm friends. This Committee was appointed to confider all the remonftrance, all that was in the London petition, or in any other petition from the countrie, and of all to make their report, without determinating of any thing ; alfo they were difcharged to medle as yet with the queftion of removeing the office. Before this Committee, everie other day, fome eight or ten of the Remonftrants appears. Do6tor Burgefle commonlie is their mouth; we did fufpe6t him as too much Epifcopal], and wifhed he had not been of the1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	303
number; bot he hes fuch a hand among the miniftrie, and others, that it was not thought meet to decairt him; yea, he hes caryed himfelf fo bravelie, that we doe repent of our fufpicions. The paffages of the remonftrance that yet hes been called for, he hes cleared to the full contentment of all the Committee, except Mr. Selden, the avowed pro6lor for the Bifhops. How this matter will goe, the Lord knowes : all [are] for the ere6ling of a kind of Pref-bytries, and for bringing doun the Bifhops in all things, fpirituall and temporall, fo low as can be with any fubfiftance; bot their utter abolition, which is the onlie aime of the mofl godlie, is the knott of the queftion ; wee muft have it cutted by the axe of prayer : God, we trull, will doe it. The treatife I fent yow, of the Unlawfullnefs of Limited Epifcopacie, is anfwered. They have fett me on a reply, which I have now ended: readilie yow may fee it in print at once with a new edition of the Canterburians, much augmented. Think not we live any of us here to be idle ; Mr. Hen-derfone hes readie now a fhort treatife, much called for, of our Church difcipline ; Mr. Gillefpie hes the grounds of Prefbyteriall government well afferted ; Mr. Blair, a pertinent anfwer to Hall's remonflrance: all thefe are readie for the preffe. Dr. Twiffe, to jrtir great comfort, is here turned a Remonftrant. The convocation-men meet everie Wednesday, and reads their Latine Lettanie, and fo departs till the next week ; they have yet gotten no com-miffion from the King to medle with any thing. Their motion to petition the Parliament, that fifteen of them might be heard to debate matters with fifteen of the Remonftrant minifters is evanifh--ed ; as alfo the petition for upholding of the Bifhops is flrucken in the lift; albeit ane folid and pertinent anfwer to it be Mr. Barroues [Burroughs] and his colleagues, with Mr. Henderfone's preface, is walking up and doun the earth, which here I fend to yow. Dr. TwifTe, if there be any difputt, offers to be one; he-is doubtlels the mofl able difputter in England. We are, in this point, betwixt great hope and great fear; bot faith helps the one, and diminifhes the other. Yow had need there to aflift us much by your earneft prayers, and the prayers of all the godlie in your flock. The matter will fhortlie come to fome conclufion : all parties longs to be at ane end. If Strafford were once away, Can-terburie will make no flay. Then things will runn ; bot if all can be done before the fifteenth of March, it is hard to fay.
The King hes fpoken at length with all our Commiflioners apart, verie fweetlie and pleafantlie. Johnftoun and Loudoun ufed great304	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
freedome, and was weell underftood. Rothes, and Loudoun, and Henderfone, feems to have great favour: the Marquefs rules all the rod, and is much commended be all. The laft day, feven of the Englifh Lords, all Commonwealth's men, were fworne Privie Counsellors; Effex, Hertfoord, Bedfoord, Briftoll, Sey, Mandaveell, SaviH. The Peers required we might fend for any of our nation we thought meet to be at the conclufion of the treatie, bot efpecial-lie Argyle : In this, I think, we fhall doe their defyre. Some of the Lower Houfe hes been inftant with our Commiffioners to fignifie the truth concerning our fugitive minifters and regents, a roll of whom they fent to us ; to whom they preffed us to add fo manie more as we knew in the kingdome. Our advyce was, that none ftiould be troubled who would, under their hand, give fome toller-able fatiffa6tion to the next Generall Affemblies. It is like there ihall be no more reft for thefe men in England and Ireland than in Scotland. Ane ordinance the other day paft both the Houfes, for diffolving prefentlie the Irifh armie ; for two more fubfidies, befyde the former four for difarming the Papifts. The Queen's voyadge to France, and the marriage with Holland, yet holds. The combination of the Papifts with Strafford's Irifh armie, to have landed, not in Scotland, but Wales, where the Earle Worcefter, a prime head of the Popilh fa6lion, had commiffion to receave them : thefe things are more and more fpoken of. Duke de Vanden [Vendofme], the Queen's bafe brother, for fear of the Cardinally is here at Court.
Ro. Baillie.
London, February 28th [1641.]
[To the Same.]
Reverend and Dear Brethren,
Thefe twentie dayes and above my minde did not ferve me to write any thing to yow, not fo much for the multitude of affaires, whereof, believe me, I have had no fcant ever fince I came here, as that I expe6ted everie other week to fee our maine bufinefs come to fome clofe, that fo a man might have pronounced what was likelie to have been the end of all thefe commotions ; bot be-caufe that week does not yet appear, left you be too long waiting for my letters, I doe now force myfelf to wryte how things1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	305
goes for the prefent. The Marqueis [of Hamilton] being through-lie reconciled to the Englifh, who not long agoe were little better affedled towards him than to the Lieutenant and Canterburie, found it meet to bring fome of the chief of them upon the Counfell. The firft motion of it was bitterlie rejected by the King; yet the Marqueis, by his wifdome, brought him unto it: fo, as I wryt before, feven of the mod leading of the Lords, who were malcontent for the mifgovernment of the Bifhops, were fworne Counsellors : Briftoll, Effex, Bedfoord, Hertfoord, Mandaveele, Savill, and Sev. This, for two or three dayes, did pleafe all the world ; and to whom was England fo much oblidged as to the Marqueis, who had brought thefe men fo near the King whom the countrey did moft affect ? bot incontinent fra fome of thefe new Counsellors were found to plead publicklie for fome delay to Strafford's pro-cefle, and to look upon the Scottifh affaires not altogether fo plea-fantlie as they wont, all began to turn their note, that it was rafh imprudence fo foon to put thefe men in poffeflion of the honours which fome of them wer thought alone to feek. Our Commif-fioners were deeplie cenfured for advyfeing the Marqueis to promote thefe men untymouflie, (albeit I heard Lowdoun deeplie fwear he never knew of any fuch motion till it was ended :) They were fclandered as if they alfo had been to be admitted Counfel-lors of England and bedchamber-men, I mean Rothes and Lowdoun : a foolifh phanfie which was never thought of, let be fpoken. The Scotts were everie where faid, for all their former zeal, to be fo farr broken by the King, that they were willing to paffe from the perfuit of Canterburie, an^ the Lieutenant, and Epifcopacie in England. Some of our countrie, according to their naturall facul-tie, were thought to be the inventors and chief fpreaders of thefe dangerous lies. The matter went on fo farre, that the Londoners, after the money was colle6ted, refufed to give one pennie of it for our armie. Affaires thus ftanding, our Commiffioners prefentlie, with fome peice of paflion, caufed Mr. Alexander penn that little quick paper, proclaiming, againft malice, the conftancie of our zeall againft Epifcopacie, and the two Incendiaries. This we gave in to the Peers, requireing them with diligence to communicat it to the Parliament. A copie of it fell in the ftationer Mr. Butter's hand, who put it to the preffe, and fo through the city. The citizens were infinitlie weell pleafed with it; their fainting courage returned. Bot Briftoll, the Speaker for the Engliih Peers of the treatie, was much difpleafed with our quarrelling of Epifcopacie in vol. i.	u306
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England, and prefled us much to pafle from this motion. When we perfifted, he gave our paper to the King. To-morrow the King was enraged at it: hot after, by reafon, he was a little calmed; the paper in print being put in hand, not by Briftoll, as the word went, bot by Holland, our good friend, mynding, as we know all, no evill to us. The King was fo inflamed as he was never before in his tyme for any other bufinefs ; for the keeping up of Epifcopacie in England, which we ftrove to have down, is the verie apple of his eye. This furie for fome dayes did in nothing relent; the printer was committed ; the paper was called ane hundred tymes feditious. The King told us we had in juftice forfaulted our privi-ledges ; our old friends, the new counfellers, fpake nothing for us ; our old enemies of the Popifh and Epifcopall fa6tion fett out their faces ; manie of whom, we never doubted, did joyne with them to maligne us : diverfe of our true friends did think us too ralh, and though they loved not the Bifliops, yet, for the honor of their nation, they would keep them up rather than that we ftrangers fhould pull them down. That fa6tion grew in a moment fo ftrong, that in the verie Lower Houfe we were made aflured by the molt intelligent of our fafteft friends, they would be the greater partie. This put us all in fome peice of perplexitie : our armie could not fubfift without moneys ; fuch a light accident had put all our enemies on their tiptoes, made fundrie of our feeming friends turn their countenance, and too manie of our true friends faint for fear. All this came juftlie upon us. What yow dow there, I know not; bot we here were fallen half afleep in a deep fecuritie, dreaming of nothing bot a prefent obtaining of all our defyres without diffi-cultie. The Commiflioners had fent for Argyle to be at the end of the treatie. The Marqueis had written for Lindefay. Amont had gotten a warrand to come up ; bot at once, by poft upon pofl, we defyred all to ftay till a new advertifement. By this blaft God wakened us ; we fled to our wonted refuge, to draw near to God; the godlie in the city, in diverfe private focieties, ran to falling and praying: by thefe our old and belt weapons, we are beginning to prevaill, praife be to his holie name ! By earneft en-treatie, the King was moved to hold in his proclamation, wherein he faid, he would call in our printed paper as feditious. We gave in a mollifieing explanation of our meaning ; which with the printed paper, I fent home in my laft letter to my Ladie Montgomerie. Here we were put in a new pickle : the Englifh Peers were minded to have caufe printed our explanation ; this doubtlefs this ralh and1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	307
ignorant people would have taken for a recantation of what we had printed before; fo the laft evills had been worfe than the firft. Bot in the end of that explanation, we had profeffed, that we had yet more to fay to the Parliament, according to our in-ftru6tions, againft Epifcopacie : fo before we had faid all out, the King thought meet neither to publifh his proclamation nor our explanation. Evill will had we to fay out all our minde about Epifcopacie, till the Englifh were readie to joyne with us in that greateft of queftions; bot there was no remead; the King urged that paper. Good Mr. Alexander being fomewhat grieved with the event of the former wryte, fett himfelf with the more diligence to the accurat frameing of the nixt; and, after fome dayes delay, gave out that moft dilligat expreflion of our defyres of unitie in the ecclefiaftick government in all the King's dominions, which here I fend yow. Briftoll was not weell pleafed with it, and the King worfe : yet the former furie was paft ; neither was there here any provocation ; for our defyre is proponed in great modeftie of fpeech, albeit with a mightie ftrength of unanfwerable reafones. All that they replyed, after fome nights advyfement, yow may read in their fhort paper, defireing us to defift, and not to move the Parliament in that matter. The reafons why we cannot acquiefce to their defire bot moft have the Parliament's anfwer, are to be prefented in the Treatie to-morrow; fo our paper, we hope, fhall goe to the Houfes one of thir dayes, who then will be in a prettie readinefs for it.
As for the Englilh affaires, thus they ftand. Yow heard [in] my former the great debate in the Lower Houfe about the Minifters remonftrance, and Cities petition. My Lord Digbie, the Vifcount of Falkland, Sir Benjamin Ridiers [Rudyerd], as yow may read in their fpeeches here inclofed, one in print two in wryte, did de-claime moft acutelie, as we could have wilhed, againft the corruptions of Bifhops ; bot their conclufion was, the keeping in of a limited Epifcopacie. Learned Selden, and a great fa6tion in the Houfe, ran all their way; yet God carried it againft them, that not onlie the Remonftrance, bot alfo the Cities petition, which required the rooting out of all Epifcopacie, fhould be committed. The Committee mett thryfe a-week in the afternoon; fome fixteen of the Remonftrant minifters attended them. They required fatif-fa6tion pun6tuallie in that head which concerned the government: it feems the complaints againft the do6trine, the worfhip, and other things, were fo clear, that they needed no farder probation. The308	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
Minifters, by their Speaker, Dr. Burgefse, gave to the Committee full contentment, and fo much the greater by my Lord Digbie and Mr. Selden's frequent oppolition; the citizens alfo made good all the parts of their Petition, which the Committee required to be proven. All this, after long tyme, being done, Mr. Crew, who was in the chair of that Committee, made a favourable report to the Houfe, That they had found the Bifhops fole ordination and jurifdi&ion, their intermedling with fecular affairs, their too great rents, and manie other things concerning them, to be true grievances. Here it was where the better fyde beftirred themfelves, and God ftranglie did aflift them : to propone the rooting out of the Bifhops had been by pluralitie of voyces to have eftablifhed them : they therefore refolved to proceed ordine refolutivo, to take doun the roof firft to come to the walls, and, if God would help, not to ftay till they raifed the foundation : However to goe on fo farr as was poffible ; leaving, without any legall confirmation, what now they cannot winne to till a better tyme. On Tuefday the 9th, as I remember, they gave them their firft wound : after a long debaite, at laft unanimouflie, not ten contradicting, the Lower Houfe decreed to move the Higher Houfe, by bill to take from them voyce in parliament. The nixt day they did the fame for the Starr-Chamber, High Commiflion, Counfell, and all other fecular courts. One of thefe dayes they are to call doun their cathedrall-deanries, and prebendries ; alfo to fpoyll them of their ufurped ordination and jurifdi6lion, to ere6t prefby tries in all the land, and diftribute, in ane equall proportion, the rents among all the paroches for preaching minifters. Thefe things being concluded below, as it is expe6ted they fhall be unanimouflie, let Selden and fome few others gnafh their teeth as they will, all will be caft in one bill, and be given in to the Higher Houfe, where it is hoped it will gett a good hearing. When Epifcopacie is made a poor plucked craw, whether our paper, and the Citie's, and many other, will at this tyme gett the neck of it clean thrawn off, only God does know. We are fomewhat hopefull, and would be more, if more earneft prayers were made to God for that effe6l. The Bifhops, to fave the life of their office, hes invented a trick which we truft fhall irritat the Lower Houfe the more againft them : they have moved the Higher Houfe to appoint a committee for religion, to confider both of innovations, and what of the old is meet to be reformed, confifting of eight or ten Earles, as many Lords, and as many Bifhops, with power to the Bifhop of Lincolne, who fhall fitt1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	309
in the chyre of that committee, to fummond, againft Friday, fome of thefe who are reputed the moft able and orthodox divines of the land, to witt, The Primate of Armaugh, Prideaux, Ward, Brommerik [Brownrigg ?] Holfwoorth, Featly, Haket, and Weft-field ; and of the Remonftrants, Twiffe, Burgeffe, Young our learned countreyman, Whyte, Marlhall, [and] Hill, to be prefent and give their advice. It is expe6ted that this will be a fpurr to the Commons, not by their accuftomed flownefs to fuffer their committees to be prevented, and fo fruftrate, by this new devifed one.
Bot that which is the great remora to all matters is the head of Strafford: as for poor Canterburie he is fo contemptible that all cafts him by out of their thoughts, as a pendicle at the Lieutenant's eare. The charge which the Houfe of Commons gave in to the Houfe of Peers againft both, yow have here in print. So great dealing in this long delay of tyme hes been ufed for Strafford, that himfelf and his friends became infolentlie confident of his efcapeing at leaft with life : yet their courage is fomewhat cooled, beholding, on Saturday laft, after long, fharp, and dangerous debaites, the Houfes weell near fullie agreed, that on his tryall, both the Houfes fliall fitt together in the large outer-hall of Weftminfter: that the Lower Houfe fhall litt there, not as a Houfe, with their Speaker, bot as a Committee, without their Speaker, to remove when they will to their own Houfe ; that they fliall manage the proceffe and witneffes as they find meet; that for matter of fact there fliall be no counfell; that in matter of right, when his counfell fliall interpret a law againft their minde, that in that cafe they will retire to their Houfe ; and being undoubtedlie conjun6l makers of lawes with the Peers, they will be alfo conjun6t interpreters of everie contravened law. Mr. Stroud, the other day, fell on a notion, to which the moft did greedilie gryp, that is like to end the longfome debates about Strafford's counfell or pleaders. He told the Houfe, that they had charged Strafford of High Treafon; that they had found the articles of the charge treafonable; that they had voyced their witneffes depofitions to be fatiffa6lorie : fo it concerned them to charge as confpirators in the fame treafon, all who had before, or Ihould thereafter, plead in that caufe. If this hold, Strafford's counfell will be rare. This day the carpenters are buffie to fett up the feats for both the Houfes ; when that is done, the Lieutenant muft come to his fentence, and then all affaires will runn. When at once the head of Strafford and the root of Epifcopacie are ftrokin310	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
at, there is fome blind feares that the King, not being yet able to abide it, may yet hazard the breaking up of the Parliament. The Irifh armie is not like to diffolve. Worcefter will not come to the Parliament, pretending ficknefs. Herbert, his fone, is much at Court; the papifts in Wales follows him much. The proclamation againft papifts, as yow may read it in print, is fliarp enough, yet it is feared they are bot too ftrong, and too weell armed. The King's armie in Yorke is thought to be in fome better pofture than before. Some furmifes divilions in Scotland. The noife of the Queen's voyadge to France is dilled downe; no moneys for her furniture will be gottin in hafte; and the Cardinall hes no will of her Mother. All thefe things, if we be not mad, will fet us on our watch. God, in his meer mercie, mull end what he hes begun, or yet all may goe verie quicklie to a horrible confufion: never was tears and prayers more feafonable and more neceflar. We were not weell pleafed with the manner, albeit exceeding weell with the matter, that the Lower Houfe fhould have joyned with the King and the Higher Houfe, to have required us to give in all the articles of our laft demand together. We would be molt gladlie at an end ; yet, if we were readie to goe, as we cannot be in hafte, they know and proclaime that they were undone ; yet the unftabillitie and fearfullnefs, and cleaving to their moneys of too many of them, will make us truft them lefTe, and fee the more to our own affaires. The index of our laft demand, and all that yet is paft upon it, yow have here. When my Lord Eglintoun hes perufed them, I know his Lordfhip will communicat all, both wryte and print, to yow.
The Marqueis, whatever he hes been, yet now is the beft inftru-ment we have to keep the King's minde in fome tollerable temper; bot malice and envy will not let him goe on to do in both nations all good fervice in quiet. The Lieutenant's friends finding it his apparent good to have the Marqueis joyned with him in danger, laboured to have him accufed of treafon alfo. The Popifh-Epif-copal fa6tion feeing him evidentlie unite with the countrey to draw the King from them, did co-operate with all their power; bot the articles were fo frivolous which they could invent againft him, and his favourers in both Houfes fo many and mightie, that he was glad and defyreous to have that accufation difcuffed; bot the in-tenders of it grew fo faint, that their purpofe feems now to be evanifhed. Yet behold he fell in a greater danger : by his friends in the Houfes he had obtained, for the King's pleafure, fome delay1641.
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of tyme for Strafford's anfwer; by this they made the King believe that his power in both the Houfes was fo great, as it was eaiie for him, if he would endeavour it, to gett Strafford's life faved. They wrought it fo, that if he denyed to deall for Strafford he fhould offend the King; if he affayed to deall farder for him, he fhould lofe the Parliament and us all. Yet it is lyke the man, in his great wifdome, will gett both the King and the Parliament keeped, and let Strafford goe where he deferves.
All the Englifh minifters of Holland, who are for New-England way, are now here : how ftrong their party will be here, it is di-verfelie reported ; they are all in good termes with us : Our only confiderable difference will be about the jurifdi6lion of Synods and Prefbyteries. As for Brownifts, and Separatifts of many kynds, here they miflyke them weell near as much as we : of thefe there is no confiderable partie. Anent private meetings, we know here no difference we have with anie: Our queftions with them of the new way, we hope to get determined to our mutuall fatiffa6lion, if we were ridd of Bifhops ; and till then, we ha/ve agreed to fpeak nothing of any thing wherein we differ. Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Baroues [Burroughs], Mr. Simonds, have all written verie gracious treatifes of fan6tification, which I minde to bring with me ; all of them are learned, difcreet, and zealous men, weell feen in cafes of confcience. It were all the pities in the world that wee and they fhould differ in anie thing, efpeciallie in that one, which albeit verie fmall in fpeculation, yet in pra6tife of verie hudge con-fequence: for, make me everie congregation ane abfolute and independent Church, over which Prefby tries and Generall Aflem-blies have no power of cenfure, bot onlie of charitable admonition, my witt fees not how incontinent a Nationall Church ftiould not fall into unfpeakable confufions, as I am confident the good-nefs of God will never permit fo gracious men to be the occafions of, let be the authors.
How matters goe abroad, you may fee in the printed Gazets I fend. The Portugal! Ambaffador here getts no audience; he is labouring privilie for it: if he cannot obtain it, he goes for Holland, whither onlie he gives out he is dire6led, and comes into England alone by wind and weather. The Hollanders hes a prettie navie, with men and munition, readie for Lifbon. The Duke of Lorrain hes been now fome weeks in Paris, fullie reconciled with the French King; for Lorrain, they fay, he muft be content with Auverne, and fome other lands in the heart of France, where he fhall not312
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be able to fturre: bot to make all lure, the King keeps his firfl wife from him, the heretrix of Lorrain, to whom he mindes to be heir, letting the Duke enjoy his fecond wife, which he did marrie in the Emperour's fervice, when the other did ft ay behind him in France. The King of France, as yow may fee in the Gazet, hes gotten a Frenchman governor of Brifack; by this meane all Bernard of Weymar's conquiefes in Alfatia, are joyned with Lorrain to his crown. The fair Spanifh province of Catilonia hes taken him not only for their prote6tor, but for their true King. He is like, by his too great growth, to draw on himfelf the fear and invy which before was peculiar to Spaine. This is the reafon why Holland, jealous of the French greatnefs, are fo earneft for allyance with England. Every other week the young Prince of Orange is here expedted with his royall and very pompuous traine. The Palatine was bot very drylie welcomed at his firft comeing : the King had written to him not to come fo foone, bot the letters miffed him ; yet, now the King begins to fpeak of his help.
This is all comes in my minde for the prefent. The Treatie is continued to the midft of Aprill: it feemes ere then all will be clofed that concerns us : I will affay to be difmiffed before. I truft yow will not faill to continue your care for my flock ; I thank yow all, Dear Brethren, for your bygone affiftance. I promife, by God's grace, if I were at home to give to every one of yow the lyke affiftance on occafion. The Lord be with yow all. Yow muft not faill, as ye love the glory of God, and the weelfare of the Church and State in all the King's dominions, both in your own dayes and for after generations, to ftirr up your own foules, and thefe of your flocks, to earneft fupplications ; for all now is in ane apparent way of profpering as we could wifli; and yet there are fecret ways in hand, more than we know, and will fpeak of, to un-doe all. Bot there is a God who hes done great things for us, and will triumph over the devih, and all the wickednefs of men be who they will: Let us only have a confcience that, come what will, may comfort with the fweet remembrance of our endeavours to doe our duty, and to call upon his name for the weelfare of Sion.
Your Brother and fervant,
R. Baillie.
London, Mononday March 15th [1641.]1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	313
Our poft lies flayed beyond our expectation. After long delay, all the anfwer the Peers gave to our long paper of Epifcopacie, was a defyre not to give it in to the Parliament: to this their paper you fee our replie. At laft, after manie paffionat words from Briftoll, we were advyfed it wes our good to lay by our paper of Epifcopacie till Strafford's bulinefs was ended; and fo we have done. The feats and lofts, or, as they call them, the fcaffolds of Weftminfter-hall, are now readie. Mononday is the firft day of Strafford's caufe ; fome thinks his proceffe will be fhort: you lhall know with the nixt. To mollifie the King, they have given him, the other day, the tunnadge and poundage for the nixt three yeares, and fome three fubfidies, which, with the former, makes nyne. The flop of trade here,, through men's unwillingnefs to venture thefe three or four yeares bygone, hes made this people much poorer than ordinare : they will no wayes be able to beare their burden if the Cathedralls fall not. On the Committee for religion in the Higher Houfe, are all the bed Lords : we are made to hope, that againft the intention of the inventors of it, it may prove a good meane of undoeing the Biftiops. The Portugall Ambaffador is over to Holland ; one exprefflie for England is landed: after long debate at the Councill-table, it is refolved he fhall have audience, efpeciallie fince the King of Spaine did receave the Bavarian Am-baffadors, as of the Prince Ele6lor Palatine, for all that Briftoll, then in Spain, could fay to the contrair, bot moft of all becaufe the Portugall offers libertie of religion, and other fair conditions, to the Englifh merchants. They are fpeaking of Sir Thomas Roe going to Ratifbone yet once from the King. They wryte that Burgundie hes fent to Parife, to treat for their fubje6tion to the Crowne of France.
Fryday, 19th [of March, 1641.]
[Letter to the Presbytery of Irvine, containing a Journal of the Earl of Strafford's Trial.]
Reverend and Dear Brethren,
Since, much befyde my expectation, my ftay here is continued, my letters to yow would have been more frequent, except I had been waiting to have feen bufinefs come at laft towards fome finall314 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1641.
conclufion, or at leaft to fuch a poynt that a man might have made fome certain conje6ture when and in what fafhion the end was likelie to be; hot this, after fo long expectation, not yet being pof-fible, I mult leave it to farder tyme, and give yow fome accompt of what is paft fince my laft, about the 18th of March.
Yow heard of our ingyving the Index of all the articles of our laft demand, and of our earneft defyre to have the Treatie concluded fo foon as they could wifh. For fome dayes there was hot contefts betwixt our Commiffioners and my Lord of Briftoll for our paper of Epifcopacie ; he requireing we would paffe it by, or elfe draw it fhort to a fimple propofition without reafons, fo that it behooved us to have in that paper to the Houfes of Parliament, as it ftood for our exoneration before God and man, and that we would acquiefce to the Parliament's anfuer therein, whatever it might be. At laft, being advertifed that the prefent giving in of that paper, might move divifion in both Houfes, betuixt thefe who were diverflie affe6ted towards Epifcopacie, and that any divifion among them, till Strafford's proceffe were clofed, might prove un-happie; we were contented to lay by for a time that article till Strafford's affair were over, and go on in the reft of our articles concerning our laft demand: and, to the end we might make good our word of our defire to be at ane end, the Commiffioners divided the articles among them, and before the end of March had all reddie. We gave all in before any anfuer could be gotten to any one of them. I have fent all to yow here in fome four or five flieets of paper. Since, we have been prefling them from tyme to tyme to give us anfuers, who before urged us to give in our pro-pofitions ; bot to this day no anfuer fatiffa6lorie to one poynt can be obtained. The world now feeth that the delay is alone upon their fide. Their conftant attendance on Strafford is pretended to be the caufe ; and truelie it is a great part of the reafon why our bufineffe, and all other elfe, have been fo long fufpended. Among manie moe, I have been ane affiduous afiiftant of that nation, and therefore I will offer to give you fome accompt of a part I have heard and feen in that moft notable proceffe.
Weftminfter Hall is a roome as long as broad if not more than the outer houfe of the High Church of Glafgow, fupponing the pillars wer removed. In the midft of it was ere6led a ftage like to that prepared for the Affemblie of Glafgow, but much more large, taking up the breadth of the whole Houfe from wall to wall, and of the length more than a thrid part. At the north end was fet a1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	315
throne for the King, and a chayre for the Prince; before it lay a large wooll-feck, covered with green, for my Lord Steward, the Earle of Arundaill; beneath it lay two other fecks for my Lord Keeper and the Judges, with the reft of the Chancerie, all in 'their red robes. Beneath this a little table for four or fyve Clerks of the Parliament in their black gouns ; round about thefe fome furmes covered with green freefe, whereupon the Earles and Lords did litt in their red robes, of that fame falhion, lyned with the fame whyte ermin Ikinnes, as yow fee the robes of our Lords when they ryde in Parliament; the Lords on their right fleeve having two barres of whyte Ikinnes, the Vifcounts two and ane half, the Earles three, the Marquefs of Wincefter three and ane half. England hath no more Marquefles : and he bot one late upftart of creature of Queen Elizabeth's. Hamilton goes here bot among the Earles, and that a late one. Dukes, they have none in Parliament: York, Richmond, and Buckinghame are but boyes ; Lennox goeth among the late Earles. Behinde the formes where the Lords fitt, there is a barr covered with green : at the one end ftandeth the Committee of eight or ten gentlemen, appoynted by the Houfe of Commons to purfue ; at the midft there is a little dafk, where the pri-foner Strafford ftands and fitts as he pleafeth, together with his keeper, Sir William Balfour, the Lieutenant of the Tower. At the back of this is a dalk, for Strafford's four fecretars, who carries his papers and affifts him in writing and reading; at their fide is a voyd for witnefles to ftand ; and behinde them a long dalk at the wall of the room for Strafford's counfell-at-law, fome five or fix able lawers, who were [not] permitted to difputt in matter of fa6t, bot queftions of right, if any Ihould be incident. This is the order of the Houfe below on the floore ; the fame that is ufed dailie in the Higher Houfe. Upon the two fides of the Houfe, eaft and weft, there arofe a ftage of elevin ranks of formes, the higheft touching almoft the roof; everie one of thefe formes went from the one end of the roome to the other, and contained about fortie 'men; the two higheft were divided from the reft by a raill, and a raill cutted off at everie end fome featts. The gentlemen of the Lower Houfe did fitt within the raile, others without. All the doores were keeped verie ftraitlie with guards ; we alwayes behooved to be there a little after five in the morning. My Lord Willoughbie Earle of Lindefay, Lord Chamberland of England, (Pembroke is Chamberland of the Court,) ordered the Houfe, with great difficultie. James Maxwell, Black-Rod, was great ulher;316	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
a number of other fervant gentlemen and knights aflifted. By favour we got place within the raile, among the Commons. The Houfe was full dailie before feven ; againft eight the Earle of Strafford came in his barge from the Tower, accompanied with the Lieutenant and a guard of mufqueteers and halberders. The Lords, in their robes, were fett about eight; the King was ufuallie halfe ane howre before them : he came not into his throne, for that would have marred the action ; for it is the order of England, that when the King appears, he fpeaks what he will, bot no other fpeaks in his prefence. At the back of the throne, there was two roomes on the two fydes ; in the one did Duke de Vanden, Duke de Vallet, and other French nobles litt; in the other, the King, the Queen, Princeffe Mary, the Prince Elector, and fome Court ladies; the tirlies, that made them to be fecret, the King brake doun with his own hands ; fo they fatt in the eye of all, bot little more regarded than if they had been abfent; for the Lords fatt all covered; thefe of the Lower Houfe, and all other except the French noblemen, fatt difcovered when the Lords came, not elfe. A number of ladies wes in boxes, above the railes, for which they payed much money. It was dailie the moft glorious Affemblie the Ifle could afford ; yet the gravitie not fuch as I expe6ted; oft great clamour without about the doores; in the intervalles, while Strafford was making readie for anfwers, the Lords gott alwayes to their feet, walked and clattered ; the Lower Houfe men too loud clattering ; after ten houres, much publi6t eating, not onlie of confe6tions, bot of flefh and bread, bottles of beer and wine going thick from mouth to mouth without cups, and all this in the King's eye ; yea, manie but turned their back, and lett water goe through the formes they fatt on: there was no outgoing to returne ; and oft the fitting was till two, or three, or four a'clock.
1. The firft Seffion was on Mononday the 22d of March. All being fett, as I have faid, the Prince in his robes on a little chyre at the fyde of the throne, the Chamberland and Black-Rod went and fetched in my Lord Strafford; he was alwayes in the fame fute of black, as in doole. At the entrie he gave a low courtefie, proceeding a little, he gave a fecond, when he came to his dafk a third, then at the barr, the fore-face of his dafk, he kneeled ; ryfe-ing quicklie, he faluted both fydes of the Houfes, and then fatt doun. Some few of the Lords lifted their hatts to him: this was his dailie carriage. My Lord Steward, in a fentence or two, fliew1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	317
that the Houfe of Commons had accufed the Earle of Strafford of High Treafon, that he was there to anfuer; that they might manadge their evidence as they thought meet. They defyred one of the clerks to read their impeachment. I fent yow long agoe the printed copie. The firft nine articles, being hot generalities, were paft; the twentie-eight of the farder impeachment wer all read. The clerk's voyce was fmall, and after the midft, being broken, was not heard by manie. My Lord of Strafford was, in his anfwer, verie large, accurat, and eloquent; confifting of a preamble, wherein he fhew, of eight or nine articles, the good fervice he had done to the Crowne and countrey dureing the tyme of his employment, and of particular anfuers to the twentie-eight articles of the charge. The reading of it took up large three houres. His friends was fo wary that they made three clerks read by turnes, that all might hear. I marked that he did ftryve to call all the blame upon Sir Harie Vaine; alfo that the Irifti armie was to land at the Troon, and to goe firft to Aire ; and that they had fpyes in our armie before Newburne, who told them our great ftraits for want of vi6tuall; alfo that he laboured to clear Traquair of the caufe of the laft warre, as if Traquair had onlie made a narration according to a prior difcourfe, which in the Privie Councill was made by a noble and great perfonadge ; whether the Marquis, or the Earle Holland, or who elfe, we know not: onlie he diffembled, that that prior difcourfe, made by whomsoever, was taken out of information from Scotland, which are to be feen in tyme and place. After all, Strafford craved leave to fpeak ; bot the day being fo far fpent, to two or three a'clock, he was refufed, and the Lord Steward (6) adjourned the Houfe till the morrow at eight of cloak.
2. The fecond Seflion on Tuefday 23d. The King and Queen, and all, being fett as the day before, Mr. Pym had a long and eloquent oration, onlie againft the preamble of his anfwer, wherein he laboured to ftiew, that all thefe meritorious a6ts whereof Strafford did glorie, were nothing but differvices; that no praife of making good lawes in Ireland could be due to him, who made his own will above all law; the Parliaments he had keeped there, though they were more in number than that land had feen in fiftie
(6) In the following Journal of the Earl of Strafford's Trial, it has not been thought necessary to retain the peculiar orthography of Baillie's amanuensis, in regard to many of the names mentioned; such, for instance, as Lord Stewart, Glen, Queim, Lofties, Bramble, &c. for the Lord High Steward, Glyn, Gwyn, Loftus, Bramhall, &c.318	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
years before him, yet they were no benefite, fince Parliamentarie freedome was fuppreffed in them. This was proven by a number of witneffes. Sir John Clotworthie, my Lord Ranulagh, and others, being called, came to the barr, kiffed the book, prefented to them by one of the Clerks of the Parliament; deponed that fundrie who had voyced or reafoned againft bills prefented by the Deputie in Parliament, were threatened by him, or his inteer friend Sir George Ratcliffe. The firft witnefs, Sir Pierce Crofbie, who, for voyceing againft the bill of powder, had been by Strafford call out of the Councill, was excepted againft, as one who pretended to be wronged and grieved. The Lords adjourned his depofition till the morrow ; at which tyme they decerned, that although Sir Pierce had been degraded, and was prifoned by Strafford, and was lyable to anfwer for breaking of ward, and fleeing out of the land, yet treafon being the King's caufe, and he acquireing no benefite to himfelf by his teftimonie, his depofition fliould be receaved, bot with confidera-tion. This was a precedent; fo that thereafter no exception of wrongs, either receaved or alleadged, did fett any witnes. What he bragged, of advanceing the King's rent, and making it fufficient to defray the King's ordinar expence in Ireland, which before him was not; of his advancing the cuftomes; of benefiteing the Church; all this by witneffes was proven to be naught; that, long before his comeing, no monie came out of the Inglifh Treafurie for the Irtfh affaires after the year 1621, except feven thoufand pound a-year for maintainance of fome fhipping on the Irifh coaft, which yet was defrayed by the Irifh rent or contribution the year before liis over-comeing. No marvell he had payed ane hundred thoufand pound that the King was aughtin there, and left in the Treafurie ane other hundred thoufand pound; for he had gotten firft fix fubfidies, and then four fubfidies, notwithftanding the King in Ireland was for the prefent in great debt; that he had advanced the cuftomes from two to fifteen thoufand pound a-year, bot for more gain to himfelf than to the King ; that he [had] taken out of the Treafurie fundrie great foumes of money for his own ufe ; that he advanced the Church-rents indeed, bot that he did it onlie to pleafe Canterburie ; that he did it againft law, that rapine of men's eftates was no facrifice pleafant to God; that his care of the Church. might be feen in the perfons whom he had advanced, Bramhall, Athertoun, Gwyn, my Lord Cork's under-coatchman; that how weell law and juftice was adminiftred by him, the Remon-ftrance of the Irifh Parliament did declare, which they required1641.
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to be read as a teftimonie of his great injuftice. He excepted, that he was not charged with their remonftrance; that it was to prove a charge by a charge; that there was a correfpondence and confpiracie betuixt thefe of Ireland and thefe of England againft him. Maynard preffed, that the Remonftrance might be read, not as a charge, bot as a public teftimonie of his unjuftice, to contra-di6t what he faid in his preamble of his juftice in Ireland: He craved juftice in name of all the Commons of England, who were fclandred as confpirators by my Lord of Strafford. For this rafh-nefs, Strafford on his knees craved pardon, and declared on his oath, though few believed him, that he underftood none in the Honourable Houfe of Commons, either Englifti or Irifh, bot fome of both kingdomes, not members of Parliament. The Lords fand the gentlemen of the Houfe of Commons defyre to have that Remonftrance read reafonable. So when one at the barr had kifled the book, which is the order of their oath, and attefted the prefent paper to be a true copie, which was ever done in all the papers that were read, one of the clerks did read it: by hearing of this Remonftrance, Strafford lofed much of his reputation.
When Pym had ended, the Earle required tyme, if it were bot to the morrow, to anfwer fo heavie charges, manie whereof was new. After debate pro and contra, one of the Lords fpake of the adjourning their houfe, and preffed their priviledge, that at the motion of any one Lord the Houfe behooved to be adjourned; fo the Lords did all retire to their own Houfe above, and debaited among themfelves the queftioun for a large half-houre. During their abfence, though in the eye of the King, all fell in clattering, walking, eating, toying; bot Strafford, in the midft of all the noife, was ferious with his Secretars, conferring their notes and wryting. The Lords returned, the Steward pronounced their interloqutor, That the matters fpoken being all of fa6l, and that onlie in anfwer to his own preamble, he ftiould make ane anfwer without any delay. So, without figne of repining, the Earle anfwered fomething to all had been faid; inftanced fome of his good lawes ; made fome appologie for Bramhall, Athertoun, Gwyn ; read a lift of good divynes which he had fent for from England, and had pro-vyded weell; confeffed he had taken out of the Treafurie fifteen thoufand pound, wherewith he had bought to the King lands of two thoufand pound rent; alfo, that he had borrowed from the Thefaurer twentie-four thoufand pound, which was now repayed : bot for that he produced a warrand under the King's hand to take320	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
out of the Treafurie fortie thoufand pound for fetting up a magazine of tobacco. It was thought that letter was hot latelie pur-chafed. He fhew, he had a greater heart than to make my Lord of Canterburie's pleafure the end of his actions ; that he took his prefent afflictions from God for his other fins ; that he was confident to take off the evill opinion which the Honourable Houfe of Commons had conceaved of him. He protefted, he was the fame man [he was] before when he was one of their number, and well refpe&ed among them. Mr. Pym replyed fhortlie and weell, referring the generalls to be proven by particulars, as they fell in the charge to be handled.
3. Wednefday 24th. Mr. Maynard handled the firft of the twentie-eight articles. By way of preface, he relumed, to make Strafford odious, the chief of the things fpoken the former day, preffing the grievoufnefs of his cryme, to bring in, by force of armes, in England and Ireland, ane arbitrarie government. The Lower Houfe had appointed fome eight of .their number in a Committee to fland at the barr and plead by turne, as they thought meet to divide the articles. On the firft, fundrie fworn witneffes did depone, his threatening to obtaine ane larger power to punifh than was before ; alfo, that in his new commiffion and inftru6tions were infert claufes of a power of the Chancerie and Starr Chamber, whereby he and his colleagues were enabled to decyde any kinde of caufes otherwayes than the law did provyde, which no prefident of Yorke before had ever attempted. Befyde, that he had obtained ane article in his inftruCtions, to hinder prohibitions or appeals from his Court to any other, and had committed fundrie for bringing of prohibitions, even before thefe inftructions were obtained. In his anfuer, he required permillion, to retire a little to ane other roome, for collecting of himfelf, and better preparation to anfwer every article: this was refufed. He proved, he was in Ireland, or at leaft not in York, after the tyme they alleadged thefe inftrudtions were purchafed. It was replyed, they preffed, and had proven the matter, whatever became of the precife circumftance of tyme : it was alyke whether he or his deputies did execute ane illegall commiffion obtained by him. He made ane generall anfwer, and almoft in every article repeated it; though the poynt alleadged were proven, yet it would be bot a mifdemeanour ; that ane hundred mifdemeanours would not make one fellonie, and ane hundred fellonies not one treafon, being a cryme of a diverfe kinde and nature. It was alfe often anfwered, that his treafon was the fubver-1641.
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fion of all the fundamentall lawes, and introducing ane arbitrarie and tyrannick government; that eyerie article was hot ane evidence of his words and deeds to evince this his purpofe and endeavour. He alleadged, that what was charged in the firft article, was bot ane enlargement of his own jurifdi&ion ; and this in a judge was a very chafte ambition. It were tedious to report all their quick pafiages.
The third article, That he would make the King's little finger heavier than the loynes of the law, this was proven by fundrie. Among other, Sir David Fowles, whom he had crufhed, came to depone. He excepted againft him as one who had a quarrell againft him. Maynard produced his own decree, fubfcryved by his own hand, That whereas Sir David had brought before him the fame exception againft a witnefs, he had decerned, that a witnefs for the King and Commonwealth behooved to be receaved, notwithftand-ing any private quarrells. When he faw his own hand, he faid no more, bot, in a jefting way, Yow are wyfer, my Lord, than to be ruled by any of my a6tions as paterns. For the matter, he pro-tefted, he had fpoken the clean contrare : that they had found the little finger of the law heavier than the loynes of the King; fpeak-ing to thefe who, by law, and pleading againft the fhip-moneys, had fpent much more than the King had required of them :—for this he produced Sir William Pennyman for a witnefs, who both here, and manie tymes elfe, deponed poynt blank all he requyred. This knight was one of the Lower Houfe. Mr. Maynard de-fyred him to be pofed, (for no man there did fpeak to any other, bot all the fpeech was dire6led to my Lord Steward : all the questions any requyred to be alked, were alked all by him onlie :) Maynard requyred Sir William to be pofed, when, and at what tyme, he was brought to the remembrance of thefe words of my Lord Strafford's ? All of us thought it a verie needlefs motion. Sir William anfwered, Since the firft fpeaking of them they were in his memorie, bot he called them moft to remembrance fince my Lord Strafford was charged with them. Maynard prefentlie catched him, That he behoved to be anfwerable to the Houfe for negle6l of dutie, not being only filent, bot voyceing with the reft to this article, wherein Strafford was charged with words whereof he knew he was free. There arofe with the word fo great an hifiing in the Houfe, that the gentleman was confounded, and fell a-weeping. Strafford protefted, he would rather committ himfelf to the mercie of Gocl alone, giving over to ufe anie witnefs in his
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defence, before anie, for witneffing the truth in his behalf, fhould in-curr anie danger or difgrace.
4. Thurfday the 25th of March, the firft day of the year in England, Maynard handled the third article, Ihew, that Ireland by di-verfe laws had all the priviledges of Magna Charta, and was governed by the common law in England, being for the mod part Ingliih blood; yet that my Lord Strafford had avowed them to be a conquered nation, whom the King might ufe as he pleafed, and that the chartours of Dubline were annuled ; notwithftanding that the Irifh Commiffioners had obtained, in the year 1621, in-ftru6tions from King James to Deputie Falkland, bearing the government to be by the common law, and the Deputie or Coun-cill fhould not medle with anie a6tions of inheritance, except thefe that concerned the Church, or the firft plantation, or which were recommended from the Councill of England. My Lord Cork was firft called to depone. Strafford excepted, and required ane information againft him to be read: bot being a councillor in Ireland, he was receaved, and no information againft him was heard. He and other three or four deponed clearlie the words of the article ; adding, that Strafford had repeated them in the face of both Houfes of Parliament; faying farder, that the inftru6lions were drawn from King James by narrow-hearted petitioners who did not underftand the rules of government.
My Lord Strafford required farder to anfwer to things obje6ted the former day; bot was refufed. He required permilfion to retire and advyfe about the prefent obje6tions; bot all which could be obtained was a little tyme's advyfement in the place he was in. So hereafter it was Strafford's conftant cuftome, after the end of his adversaries fpeech, to petition for tyme of recollection ; and, obtaining it, to litt down with his back to the Lords, and molt dili-gentlie to read his notes, and wryte anfwers, he and his fecretars, for ane halfe hour, in the midft of a great noife and confufion, which continowed ever till he arofe againe to fpeak. He prefaced the miffortune of the moft of his predeceffors the Deputies of Ireland, who, after their beft fervices, have fallen into publi6l challenges ; alfo the great infirmitie of his body, and greater of his fpirit; that he wifhed earneftlie to fee ane end of this caufe ; that were it not for the caufe of his motherlefs children, he rather would loffe his life, than with fuch a longfome and bitter toyle in his fpirit to defend it; that the article, though proven, was not treafonable ; that words, according to the ftatute of Edward the Sixth, not1641.
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challenged in 30 dayes after their fpeaking, were no treafon; that the conqueffe of Ireland, and power to the firft conqueifors to im-pofe lawes, was not doubtfull; that he had fpoken this of King Charles ; that he had remembered, in the beginning of the Parliament, this antient condition of that kingdome, to amplifie fo much the more their prefent happinefs under the legall reign of King Charles that the chartours of Dublin were truelie faultie in manie things, and prejudiciall both to the Crowne, to the Religion, and wealth of the land, and City itfelf, yet that he had never queftion-ed them. Maynard replyed to all ex tempore verie weell: I did marvell much at firft of their memories, that could anfwer and reply to fo manie large alleadgeances, without the miffing of anie one poynt; bot I marked, that both the Lieutenant when they fpake, and they when he fpake, did wryte their notes, and in their fpeeches did look on thefe papers; yea, the moft of the Lords and Lower Houfe did wryte much dailie, and none more than the King. That is ftrange in this great judicatorie, that nothing at all is dyted, bot in a continued fpeech all fpoken, and the clerks take what they can; fo that in the pronouncing of the fentences, the Judges who wants their own wryte-notes, hath much to doe in their memorie. So long as Maynard was principall fpeaker, Mr. Glyn lay at the wait, and ufwallie obferved fome one thing or other, and uttered it fo pertinentlie, that fix or feven tymes in end he gott great applaufe by the whole Houfe.
5. Fryday 26th. Mr. Glyn handled the fourth article, of de-cideing at the Councill-table caufes of inheritance, as that of my Lord of Cork's, upon paper petitions, and equalling A6ts of Coun-cill to A6ts of Parliament. The day before, Mr. Glyn had begun to difcourfe on the article, and called my Lord Ranulagh, a privie councillor of Ireland, to depone. Strafford requyred he might be interrogat, Whether or not it was the cuftome of Deputies before him, to decide fuch caufes at the Councill-table ? and whether or not it was not his oune ufwall pra6tice, in Connaught, where he was prefident, on paper petitions to decide caufes ? Glyn excepted, that he fhould not be pofed with fuch queftions, being felf accu-fations. When this grew to ane hot conteft, and the Houfe was goeing to adjourn, the Lower Houfe wes content to referr all to the morrow. So at the beginning, my Lord Steward fhew the Lords opinions, which was allwayes a decree, that my Lord Ranulagh Ihould depone his knowledge of the pra6tife of the De-putie at Councill and fuperiour judicatories, bot fhould not be324 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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queftioned anent the pra6life of inferiour judicatories and his oune. My Lord Cork, the richefl by farr of the King's fubjecls, fatt among the Lords with his hat on dailie, hot in' his black cloak : he fpake foftlie, bot eyill; bot witneffed fullie and to a word, as Strafford told him after. All this was in the charge : other three alfo did fo.
Strafford, after his halfhoures delay, came to his anfwer, regrated (as oft before and after) the want of tyme to bring his papers and witnefles out of Ireland: yet, as Glyn could weell tell, there was few, either men or papers, he could have ufe of, bot they were alwayes, by one good luck or other, readie at the barr. He re-quyred a certificat to be redd from the Councill-table of Ireland ; bot was refufed, becaufe none could attefl on oath the truth of the copie; bot he obtained the reading of ane order of the Lower Houfe in Ireland, for feafing on his papers, on his tobacco, and the moll of the goods he had there, as if he had been alreadie condemned traitor. Of this outrage he complained tragicallie; bot Glyn fhew, that the matter belonged nothing to the purpofe in hand, and that there had been no more done, bot fome of his goods feafed for fecuritie of great foumes, whereof he and his officers was indebted to the Crowne. He triumphed, that by accident he had gotten a certificat that morning, that Gwyn, the coatchman-vicar was Mr. of Arts, and required it to be read; bot was reje6led as impertinent. The Councill-table's order againft my Lord Cork was read : It proved no more, bot that the Coun-cill had joyned with him in that, as in manie other illegall a6liones. He fhew, that the Councill of Ireland had much more power than the Councill of England; that it was neceffarie to be fo, for the governing of that barbarous and unquiet people. He fell out here in a daintie difcourfe of keeping the King's prerogative and priviledges of the people in ane equall ballance ; fhew, that however King James's inflru6tions had reflri6led the power of the Councill of Ireland in manie things, yet that exprefllie the determination of ecclefiaftick poffeffions, fuch as thefe of my Lord of Cork was, remained in their power. For his words magnifying the Councill A6ts too much, they were proven, he faid, bot by one witnefs : as for Sir Pierce Crofbie, he valued not his teftimonie; he had never regarded him fo much as to fpeak to him at table fo familiarlie: for this he called my Lord Caftlehaven, who, at the tyme alleadged, was at the table, to witnefs. He deponed, that fome fuch thing was fpoken at that tyme to Crofbie by Strafford.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	325
He vilified alfo the teftimonie of my Lord Killmallock againft him ; becaufe he had fworne that Ratcliffe was his echo, a thing im-poffible. My Lord Digbie made a grave replie to this, that the oath of a witnefs is not to be applyed to every feverall word of his depofition ; that the words challenged might have a good and true fenfe. Strafford did extenuate his own words; that he might have faid ane A61 of Councill was binding, to witt, in cafes not pro-vyded for by Parliament, and to the tyme a Parliament fhould provyde. Glyn and Maynard replyed ftiarplie, that his defigne was weell manifefted by thefe his words, to bring in ane arbitrarie government without law; and how much he fcorned lawes, they called for another witnefs to depone. This he vehementlie op-pofed, that no referved witnefs, after the examination was clofed, fhould be heard. They alleadged the pra6tife in all courts, to call for witneffes, ever while the probation of the charge was clofed ; that all the articles were bot ane and the fame charge; befyde, that he, in his anfwer, had brought new matter, which they behoved to refute by thefe witneffes. Briftoll required the adjourning the Houfe; the Lords, after half ane houre's abfence in their own Houfe, returned, and found it reafonable that their witnefs ought and fhould be heard. He deponed, that when the Lower Houfe of the Irifh Parliament had oppofed the Deputie's bill concerning the felling of powder, he faid, he did not regard it; for he would make ane A61 of Councill thereanent, which Ihould be as binding as ane Act of Parliament. It were tedious to fett down what paffed day lie, aim oil from eight to three ; I onlie poynt at fome principall things, which I brought away on my memory, without any wryting.
6. Saturday, the 6th Seffion, 27th of March, the day of Coronation : We were deived all day with the ringing of bells. The Lords that day waited half ane hour, and the King a whole [hour], before Strafford came : at laft he came, and excufed his delay with the contrarietie both of wind and tyde. Glyn fell on the fifth article, his pra<Stifeing of his arbitrarie government according to his word; his fentenceing a peer of the land, my Lord Montnorris, to death; his hanging of a fouldiour in Dubline, by martiall law, in a councill of war. My Lord Montnorris was called to depone: for all Strafford his exception, yet the caufe of treafon being the King's, and having no gaine by his teftimonie, was admitted. He made a long and pitiful! narration of Strafford's opprefiion : That being at table with my Lord Moore and my Lord Loftus, difcourfe falling326
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in concerning the Deputie's fcutching of a gentleman, with a rod, of his name, and of the gentleman's treading by accident on the Deputie's guttie toes, it was alleadged he had faid, that man had a brother in England who would not be content with fuch a revenge for fuch ane affront; that of thefe words fpoken in Aprile, he heard nought to September, wher one night he re-ceaveth from a meffenger a warrand to be at Councill to-morrow in the Caflle chamber: when he came there, he inquired of other Councillors the reafon of the meeting, bot none could tell him. When the Deputie came, he fhew, he had called the Councill of Warre to take order with my Lord Montnorris, one of the crouners of the armie, for his mutinous words againfl him the Generall; that then he arofe, and flood at the table-end ; thereafter the King's letter to the Councill, to fee the Deputie repaired in the dangerous wrong he heard was done him by my Lord Montnorris, was read ; at the reading whereof, he faid he fell on his knees much amazed. Being called to anfwer, he requyred a copie of his charge, fome tyme to advyfe, and counfell to plead for him. All thefe was re-fufed, and he inflantlie requyred to confeffe his words; or, if he denyed them, he had my Lord Moore's and my Lord Loftus's depofition, fubfcryved, to convince him. He was readie to have fworn that he had not fpoken the alleadged words ; bot having no tyme granted, he would neither confeffe nor deny, and fo he was removed. The Deputie required prefent fentence. Moore and Loftus deponed; he was found to have offended againfl two articles of difcipline, the one importing banifhment, the other death. Manie inclyned to make him culpable of the firfl; bot the Deputie urged both or neither: fo he is called in, the fentence of death pronunced againfl him, the Deputie promifeing nothing fhall aile his life ; bot in the mean tyme committeth him to clofe prifon, wherewith in a few dayes, with grief and difpleafour, he fell in danger of prefent death. Upon the phyfitian's oath, he is permitted to goe to his oune houfe; bot fo foon as he recovers, he is committed again ; he is divefled of four eminent places he poffeffed in the flate ; his wife mofl hardlie could efcape to England to compleane to the King: when fhe had gotten the King's letter for her hufband's deliverie, and on her knees in the flreets had fupplicat the Deputie in that behalfe, nothing could be obtained till he had fubfcryved the juflice of the fentence againfl him: this for a long tyme refufeing, at lafl he fubfcryved the forme was fent him, without reading it, and fo came out of prifon. The moll of all1641.
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this was witneffed by my Lord Ranulagh, and my Lord Dillon, privie counsellors.
The other part of the article, his executing one Tho. Denwitt, who after a long want of pay, craving it from his captain, was bidden be gone to the gallows ; he went his way, bot was brought back, and faid to have ftollen ane quarter of beefe: for this he is fentenced to die; and albeit fome noblemen had moved the Deputie's lady to be earneft for his life, yet, without mercie, he was execute.
In his anfwer, Strafford alleadged, that martiall law was in ufe in Ireland, albeit not in England ; that his commiffion carried him to ufe it; that he had put in no other article for mutineers, than my Lord Wilmott had done before him; that in my Lord Arun-daill's articles the laft year, and in my Lord Northumberland's this year, were the fame claufes; that for example it were neceflare that fugitives and thieves lhould die ; that in that Councill his voyce was bot one. As concerning my Lord Montnorris, he alleadged the confefiion of his fault under his own hand ; that his mutinous words were dangerous, the armie being on foot, and in motion : the King's letter for his puniftiment was read; that his cenfure concerned not him, he had no voyce into it; the Councill's letter to the King was read ; that no evill was done to him, and nothing intended bot the amendment of his verie loofe tongue : if the gentlemen of the Commons Houfe intended no more bot the correction of his foolilh tongue, he would heartilie give them thanks; that his not denying a ftiare of that fentence, was not ane confefiion of his voyceing in it, or his procureing of it, bot his honour repaired thereby ; that my Lady Montnorris courtefie was to him above all meafour difpleafing; that the King intended him not pardon till he ftiould reallie acknowledge his overfight.
To all this Maynard and Glyn made a fatiffa6lorie reply, That martiall law had no more place in Ireland nor in England; that the benefite of Magna Charta, ordaining no man to be fentenced to death bot by a jurie, was common alyke to both. They required my Lord Loftus, late Chancellor, who fourtie yeares together had been a proveft-martiall, in what cafes he had ufed martiall-law ? Strafford oppofed much the hearing of fupplementall witnefles: his great friend, Clair, Briftoll, and Savill, did difpute fo much for that, that the Houfe was almoft adjourned upon it; bot my Lord Steward preffed the other dayes decree, that when the defendant, in his anfwer, furnifhed new matter, the accufer lhould have libertie328
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upon it to examine new witneffes. So Loftus teftified he had never ufed mart.iall law, bot upon manifeft rebells; and that my Lord Falkland's inftru6tions carried expreflie the cafes of warre and rebellions. My Lord Ranulagh witneffed, that the armie was no more on foot or motion than it wont to be ; that alone four companies of foot, and two troupes of horfes were now and then training at Dublin. They preffed that no danger fhould come by words fix moneths after they were fpoken ; that the King's letter was procured by Strafford; that he was the procurer and urger of the fentence; that though he voyced not, bot fatt difcovered, yet he did not remove with my Lord Montnorris ; that the Councill's letter to the King, makes him the chief author of that judgement; that the King required onlie reparation ; that the death of a Peer was too much for the fpeaking of the treading upon his toes; that ane illegall commiffion fliould not be taken from the King. Finding the unexpe6led length of the proceffe, they fhew their purpofe to omitt fome articles for giving of tyme. Strafford refufed to confent, unlefs they forewarned him of the article they were to fall upon two nights before. They fhew it was reafonable he Ihould be readie always to anfwer on all; bot however not obliedged they would ever forewarn him a night before, of the articles the day following to be handled.
7. Mononday 29th. Glyn handled the fixth article, the difpoffef-fing of my Lord Montnorris of a portion of land, upon Ralfton's paper petition. We did all think that half ane hour would eafilie have difcuffed that little article, but it fpent all that day. Ralfton's petition was read, the decreet thereupon ; witneffes were heard for Montnorris poffeffion, and for his difpoffeffion without farder law. They profeffed they would not examine the equitie nor the inequitie of the matter, bot onlie the forme of proceeding againft the flatute, againlt King James's inftru6tions, difchargeing the Deputie or Councill to meddle with caufes of inheritance; they preffed onlie his fubje6ling the goods of the Peers to his will, without law.
In his anfwer, he cunninglie brake in upon that which they ex-preffiie declyned, the equitie of the matter. My Lord Montnorris, by clear coofenage and oppreflion, having fpoiled Ralfton of thefe lands, he read fome articles of his commiffion, which enabled him to doe juftice upon fuch petitions by himfelf, either in a Court of Requests or in a Court of Chancerie; he caufed read a letter of the King's, revocking thefe inftrudtions, which were never keeped,1641.
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nor could never be keeped; for fuch was the povertie and barbarous ignorance of manie there, that to follow the ordinarie longfome courfe of law were their utter undoeing. He produced manie judgements of Deputie Falkland, and the late Lord Juftices, in the lyke cafes ; he would have done the lyke in the precedents and afiifes, bot was flopped; for the lyke pra6tife, in former Deputies, he brought fundrie witnefles; he required the Primate of Armagh's depofition to be read : Upon this rofe ane long conteft. He had moved, on Saturday, that his witnefles that through ficknefs might not come to the barr, a commiflion might be granted to fome Lord to goe and take their oaths. This was not much oppofed ; fo in the afternoon he obtained ane order in wryte for this end. The Commons was not content with this: He prefled that the order might be obeyed. Atlaftthey urged his tranfgreflion of the order, and of all equitie, it not onlie being obtained without their adver-tifement, bot alfo ufed without their knowledge ; either the words or mind of the order behoved to be according to the pra6tife of all Courts, that the contrare parties fliould be prefent at the examination to give in their crofle interrogatories : by this reafon Armagh's depofition was not read. He alleadged no benefite accrefled to him-felfe by his decree to Ralfton; and falling again on Montnorris's im-prifonment, brought in witnefles to prove, that the caufe of his long imprisonment, was not his contempt of the Councill of Warre, bot debaits in the Starr-Chamber. The order in all the procefle was, for the Commons to prove their article; when they brought witnefles, he obje6ted what he pleafed ; when they had ended, he, after half ane hour's colle6tion, did anfwer, without interruption, fo long as he pleafed : onlie when he brought his witnefles, bot not on oath, they oppofed what they thought meet: when he did clofe his anfwer, they made ever the laft replie, for that is their priviledge who pleads for the King, againft which he might fay nothing, except fome matter clearlie new were brought, which they did not except he gave occafion, as here it fell out. He had gloried much in his innocencie of that decreet of Ralfton, that no profite came to him by that judgement. Glyn ftiew, that day lie there came to their hands fo much new matter of Strafford's unjuftice, that if they had their articles to frame againe, they would give in as manie new as old. Strafford ftormed at that, and proclaimed them ane open defiance. Glyn took him at his word, and offered inftantlie to name three and twentie cafes of injuftice, wherein his own gaine was clear. He began quicklie his catalogue with Parker's paper peti-330
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tion, whereupon he difpoffeffed a certain Vifcount of a good portion of land, for his own ufe. Strafford finding himfelf in ane ill taking, did foone repent of his paffionate defiance, and required he might anfwer to no more than he was charged with in his libell; onlie he protefted, that in that Parker's land, his name was onlie ufed ; that he was onlie intrufted in that bargaine for the ufe of another. They brought diverfe negative witneffes to depone, they had never known caufes of inheritance difcuffed by the Deputie or the Coun-cill before Strafford. One of his witneffes they proved infamous and perjured, by ane Act of the Councill of Ireland; of this he profeffed his difremembrance. The King's letter, revocking his father's inftru6tions, they faid, was procured by his mifinforma-tion, and that he did not keep the tenor of it. The flatute al-leadged by him of the King's prerogative, Maynard fhew was to be underftood, not of anie new judicatorie, bot of the power the King's agents had to plead anie of his caufes before what legall Court they pleafed, without aftri6tion to anie one. Mr. Stroud was applauded for his quick remark, That Strafford did oppreffe Montnorris, not onlie in his life, honours, libertie, lands, bot in his verie foull, keeping him prifoner till he forced him to fubfcryve, againft his confcience, the juftice of his own condemnation.
Mr. Glyn offered to goe on to another article. My Lord Strafford pleaded his infirmitie. The Steward compleaned of the ex-pence of tyme. The Advocats preffed for the Commons expedition. Strafford, That however his bodilie infirmitie was great, and the charge of treafon lay heavie on his mind, yet that his accufation came from the Honourable Houfe of Commons did mofl of all pierce through his foull. Maynard told, that by the flow of his eloquence, he fpent tyme to gaine affe6tion ; as indeed, with the more fimple fort, efpeciallie the ladies, he gained daylie much. He replyed quicklie, that rhetorick was proper to thefe gentlemen, and learning alfo ; that betwixt thefe two he was lyke to have a hard bargain. Briftoll was buffie in the mean tyme, goeing up and doune, and whifpering in my Lord Steward's eare; whereupon others not content, cryed, To your places, To your places, my Lords. At laft the Houfe was adjourned till the next morning.
8. Tuefday the 30th of March. Glyn fhew, that however they would not declyne nor mince any part of any their articles, yet for faving the great expence of tyme, they would paffe the feventh article, and the firfl part of the eighth: on the latter part thereof, he infifted, dilaiting my Lady Hibbots's caufe, the [widow] of the1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	331
late Chanceller of the Irifh Exchequer. Her hufband had left to her a leafe of the molt of his lands for 99 years ; the heir, one Thomas Hibbots, a lillie old fool, is glad to bargaine with her, for the hereditable right of twentie-five hundred pound a year for eighteen thoufand pound Sterling. When the wrytes are making in Dub-line, one offers him fyve hundred pound more; of this he fhew the Ladie ; fhe is willing to give him that much : when the wrytes are made, fhe is informed, that it was neceflare for her fecuritie to have from him a wryte of recoverie : becaufe the wryte required fome tyme, and his defyre to be in England was great, he would not wait upon it; whereupon the Ladie refufeth to pay the money. He petitions the Deputie to caufe her keep condition. Sir Robert Meredith prefents a petition in the limple man's name, not onlie for his money, bot by his knowledge for breaking the bargaine. The Ladie is fummoned before the Councill; the bargaine is declared null; Ihe is ordained to put the old man in prefent pofleffion of the land, or elfe goe to prifon; and everie moneth fhe delayed to fulfill the order, to have her fyne of fyve hundreth pound Sterling doubled. When the old man is put in pofleffion, Meredith, for my Lord Strafford's oun ufe, buyes the land for three thoufand pound, and from the Lady's fone receaveth feven thoufand pound; fo of this injuftice my Lord Strafford receaveth four thoufand pound of vantage. All this was clearlie proven by old Hibbots himfelf, Mr. Hoy, the lady's fone, who payd the moneys. My Lord Montnorris deponed, that the mofl of the Councill was for the Ladie. My Lord Dillon deponed, it was fo as he heard. My Lord Cork could not fpeak of the number, bot that the Deputie fpake in paffion, that if he had thought they would have made a partie againfl him, he needed not have brought that a6lion there.
In his anfwer he faid for fpareing of tyme, he would clofle to the poynt, and anfwer to nothing bot to the charge alone: and good reafon had he fo to doe; for he had found himfelf oft catched in extravagancies : he would fpeak nothing of the juftice or injuftice of the fa6t, that being a caufe depending in another Court; that the Deputie had power to determine of petitions, as from his com-mifiion, and pra6life of former Deputies of Ireland, he proved before; that this order, as all others of Councill, was according to the voyces of the mofl part; that his threats to prifon and fine the Lady for difobedience to the Councill, was juft; that Meredith's bargaine was for his ufe he denyed; bot finallie, whatevir mifdemeanour was in it, there was no treafon wherewith he was332	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
charged. Maynard aflumed all, applyed it vehementlie, that he had fubverted law, and brought in ane arbitrarie power on the fubje6l's goods, for his own gaine.
He went to the nixt article, a commiflion to the Bifhop of Doune to imprifon all of the meaner fort, who refufed to come to compear to his Courts; or when they compeared, to fatiffie all his orders. A copie of this commiflion was defyred to be read; he oppofed, that a copie of a warrand could not make faith. They told, if it were fo, the principall not being recorded, bot in his power to be called in when he would, it fhould never be poffible to prove any warrand, when the partie had fupprefled the principall. Sir James Montgomerie attefted the truth of the copie, and his knowledge of the great vexation that came to verie manie by it for three yeares. Mr. Glyn fhew, that the Earle Strafford was now better nor his word; he had not only made A6ts of State equall to A6ts of Parliament, bot alfo his own A6ls above both, in giving power to Bifhops againft law, to vex and imprifon the bodies of the King's fubje6ts. He anfwered, that his warrand was not produced; that fuch letters of affiftance to Bifhops had been given before him: for this end my Lord Primat's depofition was read. He required, that fome paffages of my Lord Falkland's book ihould be read; bot that book being bot the private record of ane fecretarie, was reje6ted. His fecretarie Little deponed, that he had drawne that order to the Bifhop of Doune, according to a prior paterne he had feen. Strafford confefled, on the Bifhop's defyre, he had fent him fuch ane order, bot had done it to no other ; and hearing it was not altogether legall, he had recalled it; that the gentleman had made him better and worfe than his word, as he conceaved it to make for his purpofe. Glyn applyed it, fhew that the Primate teftified onlie that he heard his predeceffor the Bifhop of Meath fay, that at the papifls defyre, to fave the proceffe of excommunication, he had gotten letters of affiftance which did not fquare with the cafe in hand; that his Secretar's teflimonie was not to be heeded, he being himfelf guiltie.
He offered to goe on to the next article ; bot Strafford defyred to have that article fuperceeded till my Lord Cottingtoun (who was fick) his depofition might be had. After fome debate, the Houfe was adjourned till the morrow.
9th Seffion, Wednesday, March 31ft. This day I was abfent; for being Moderator of our Seffion, I behoved to call a meeting to advyfe anent the order of the Faft, wherein we were advertifed1641.
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from Newcaftle, to joyn with our nation on the 4th and 6th of Aprile : bot, as I heard, the matters that paffed that [day] were thefe. Mr. Maynard handled the tenth article, concerning his ex-traordinarie gaine in the farming the Cuftomes. It was clearlie proven, that yearlie he would have thirtie thoufand pound advantage. His anfwer was, that the bargain of the Cuftomes was put upon him againft his will. My Lord Cottingtoun deponed, that when my Lord Strafford moved fome of the Londoners to offer fifteen thoufand pound for the cuftomes of Ireland, to my Lord Portland Theafurer, that they quicklie repented, being much more than ever thefe cuftomes had payed before; that no man would come near that offer, yet at lall Sir Arthure Ingram had come and offered ane hundred pound more, if fo be my Lord Strafford would be a partner with him; that my Lord, with much dealing both of my Lord Portland and the King, was made to joyne. He faid, that the augmenting of the book of rates was againft his advyce, and that, before he medled with thefe cuftomes, while the Lady Dutchefs of Buckinghame's leafe did ftand ; that if the cuftomes were raifed, the traffique could not be diminiftied ; that the making of a good bargain was no treafon. Maynard fummed up all, That as he found out a ftrange difcipline of the tongue in my Lord Mont-norris's cafe, by a fentence of cutting off the head, fo he had made in a few years, by good compt, large three hundred thoufand pound Sterling off the King ; the rates was heighted before he gott the cuftomes bot onlie one moneth ; if he were againft it, why was [he] the firft and fole exadtor of that augmentation ? and why did he thruft out Sir Arthur, the firft bargainer, fo foon as the years of hudge gain did come ?
The eleventh article they paffed. The twelfth they made it very odious, That tobacco, whereof they proved was fold yearlie. in Ireland five hundred tunne, which payed to King James but ten pound cuftome, and never more then twentie, was raifed by my Lord Strafford, to pay to the King five thoufand, and then ten thoufand pound, bot to himfelf at leift a hundred pound a year much more than the King's rent. He faid much for his defence: that he had oft loffe of it; that the regulating that fuperfluous com-moditie was by the King's letter committed to him; that it was bot a monopolie at moll; that any pillored or whipped was for per-jurie; that there was proclamations in England for landing tobacco no where bot in London; that the orders of the Lower Houfe in Ireland were a6ts of tyrannick and arbitrarie power, to feaze on334
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his goods and magazine. In their replie they remembered his flan-dering of the Parliament in Ireland.
10th Sefiion, Thurfday, Aprill 1st. Maynard opened the thirteenth article. The proclamations were read, difchargeing to fell any yarne but reeled in fuch a fafhion ; the warrand of my Lord read, to feafe for ufe all that could be found otherwayes dreffed than the proclamation appointed ; proven by many witnefles, that the warrand in many places was execute; that publi6t mercats were deferted ; that carts full of fpoyll were carried to Dublin, and delivered to my Lord Strafford's fervants ; that the officers brack up many houfes; that they ftrake poor women, holding their yarne, till fome died; that matters were difappointed of their rents ; that thoufands ftarved through his oppreffions; that Sir John Clot-worthie hardlie efcaped punilhment for wryting to the Deputie of thefe evills. He anfwered, That his intention in this matter was certainlie good; he found in Ireland great {tore of fheep, which, if weell ufed, might much prejudge the chief trade of England : that to putt down the wooll trade, he fett himfelf to countenance the trade of flax ; that feeing the people, through their barbarous un-fkilfulnefs, hurt their own profite, he ftrove to direct them ; that the proclamations were not his, bot the Councill's ; that warrands to fecond proclamations were neceffare and ordinare ; that when he found the people's untowardnefs to learn, he gave over the de-figne ; that after his accompts, he had no profite, bot fome one hundred pounds of lofle by his trade ; that for the mifdemeanour of officers he could not anfwer. Maynard concluded, that intentions cleared not illegall actions; that his giving over before ten thoufand was fterved, maketh him not innocent of the killing of thoufands ; that the concurrence of the Councill excufeth not him who led them.
The fourteenth article was paft : the fifteenth, as moft important, was accuratelie handled. Mr. Palmer, one of the eight on the Committee for the Commons, a materiall man, bot not eloquent, nor quick, nor vehement, opened the article; ftiew it alone was treafon, and more than the proof of the whole charge. He took onlie the mid part of it, concerning Savill's warrand to foldiers; fhew that the Statute of Edward the Third and Henry the Sixth made at Dubline, did, in exprefie termes, make the leavying of fouldiers, and laying of them on the King's fubje6ts, to be treafon, violating the King's protection, and fo his crown and perfon ; that it was ordinar for my Lord to execute his unlawfull jurifdi6tion, his1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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decrees on paper petitions, by this unlawfull power; giving a war-rand dormant to a ferjeant at armes, to lay one officer, and three, five, or ten fouldiers of the nixt garifon on any who difobeyed his orders, to eat up all they had till they had obeyed. A copy of a warrand to Savill was read. Strafford alleadged, a copy could make no faith in fo high a bufinefs ; bot this was rejedled. Savill was required to atteft the copie. He fware it was his fubfcrip-tion, and a true copie of his warrand for the fubftance, bot that he had not conferred the wryts. Maynard prefled it was enough, if witnefs did prove the warrand given by my Lord Strafford's autho-ritie, whether by a word or wryte. The Houfe adjourned upon this debate. My Lord Steward at returne pleafed both parties ; refufed the reading of this copie, as not being fufficientlie attefted, bot permitting them to prove by witnefs, the matter of any warrand. This they did abundantlie; efpeciallie in the cafe of one Berne, who, on a paper petition, was charged to appear before my Lord Deputie to pay ane hundred pound debt, which he might have componed for fyve pound, bot refufed, not thinking it due. By Strafford's warrand, ten of his troupers at Dubline came upon the man's lands, eat to him the worth of five hundred pound, burned the mod of his houfe, forced him to leave the countrie, and ferve as a fouldier in Flanders, being unable any more to keep houfe.
My Lord Strafford, feeling the weight of this article, after half ane houre's advifement, and retireing for eafement, returned as a man loadened in mind. He anfuered ane hundred fhifts, and faid as much as any man could; bot little, in my judgement, to the poynt. He remembered his impoffibilitie to bring his proofs from Ireland, his obliedgement to be judged there, and by the Irifh law; however, he was willing to fubmit ane hundred lyves, if he had them, to their Lordfhips equitie: he produced a number of witnefies to depone, it was ordinarie there for the Deputie to give warrand for preffing of fouldiers pay, and contribution monie : bot not one of them all deponed the cafe of ordinarie debts, or decreets on paper petitions. He alleadged, that the a6ts alleadged were old and antiquat; bot I underftood not his probation. He faid, that in thefe ftatutes the King was not included, becaufe not exprefflie mentioned, and fo the King's Deputie was in the fame cafe ; alfo that Queen Elizabeth's Itatute permitted the Deputie to leavie warre ; that it was a poor and unheard of warre which three or five or ten fouldiers could make ; that he laid on no fouldiers,336
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whatever others did by his pretended warrand; that no warrand could be fhewn; that he was in Ireland at the tyme of the execution ; and a number of moe fubterfugies: after all, he referved himfelf to his Councill for his legall cafe. Palmer replyed to all prettie weell, that Ireland was a portion of the Englifh Crowne; that he did anfwer there according to the Irifh law ; that his taking of regall and foveraigne power and priviledge was the charge; that the Deputie hath power to levie warre bot upon rebells, not in tyme of peace on the King's peaceable fubje6ts, anfwerable to legall Courts ; that he declyneth alfo the queftion of law to be agitat by ane other in due place. . Strafford offered to anfwer the firft part of the article, bot was flopped: he oft triumphed, that they had al-leadged crymes againft him, which they were not able to make good. He humblie did fupplicat the Houfe of Commons to grant him one day of eafe : this he obtained ; for all were overwearied with fo conftant and long attendance ; fo the Houfe was adjourned till Saturday. On Fryday, both the Houfes mett in their own places, and advyfed about other affaires.
11th Seffion, Saturday, April] 3d. Palmer opened the fixteenth article; His way to keep himfelf in poffeffion of that arbitrarie power of his ; his ftopeing all to goe to England bot by his licenfe ; his proportion for his power to the Councill-table of England was read ; his proclamation alfo in Ireland for that end was read; wit-neffes brought to prove : his refufing of licence to fundrie who were going to complaine of his injuries; and of his fyning in five hundred pound, and imprifoning of Parrie, for following his mafter the Chancellour to England. He anfwered, There was manie ftatutes for the refidence of the fubje6ts in Ireland; that in England no noblemen went abroad without leave ; that his propofition to the Englifti table is grounded upon clear reafon, the Hopping of needlefs clamorous complaints; that the proclamation was by the whole Councill, and procured by the King's letter; that thoufands went over without challenge ; that if they were not reftrained, they would goe to Jefuit's colledges, and keep correfpondence with O'Neell and Tirconell.
Palmer replyed weell to all; That the ftatutes alleadged, none of them did imported a perfonall reftraint of complaints of the Deputie ; that this keeped all the Judges in a dependence upon him; that by his proclamation his Deputie had hindered the Committee of Parliament to come over ; that there is no O'Neell nor Jefuite colledge in England; that no complainers could1641.
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get over, whatever became of others; he was to be anfwerable, as he profeffed in his proportion, for the juftice of Ireland; fo the Councill's concurrence prejudges them, bot excufeth not him ; the Broad Seall excufed not the Marqueis, who accepted of mixtum et merum imperium from his milinformed King.
It was Mr. Whitlock's turne to fpeak nixt: He paffed the Seventeenth and eighteenth article, and opened the nineteenth, anent the Scottiih Oath; he fhew he had heard how he had ufed the Irifh fubje6ts, and now he would declare his ufage' towards the Scotts, who were under the fame prote6lion with the Irilh and Englifh ; that ane new oath cannot be formed without ane A6t of Parliament; that he framed, and put on the Scotts ane new and illegall oath, which they did not defyre, as he faith in his anfwer. Sir James Montgomerie was called to witnefs. He made at the barre a verie long narration, That all the Scotts of any note were written for by the Deputie ; that he mett them in my Lord of Airds' lodgeing; he faid, it was expe6ted they Ihould clear their difaffe&ion to the wayes of their countreymen; that the bifhops motioned the expediencie of ane oath ; that many of them thought that which he fpoke, that to offer ane oath were to make themfelves fubje6t to fufpition before they committed any fault; that Strafford replyed, Who would not take an oath fhould do worfe ; that Rat-cliffe brought to them to-morrow two draughts, the one mere railing, the other more mild; this, he faid, he might not change, for the Deputie had feen it; yet they went to the Deputie's lodgeing, and required a copie for advyfement; this was refufed ; the Deputie was content to put in the claufe of equalitie with the reft of the fubje6ls, bot the claufe of juft and reafonable commands he would not hear ; that he adminiftrat the Oath at the Councill-table him-felf to all the Scotts who were prefent; that his commiffion was to take the oath of all above fixteene years; that the inftru6lions bare women alfe weell as men ; that the refufers were prifoned and fyned; that manie fled, and left their cornes and cattells ; (this Sir John Clotworthie and others teftified; one Salmon, ane fchoolmafter here, and John Loftus, witneffed the fentence-ing of Henry Stewart, and the reft;) that the Deputie declared the oath extended to all the ecclefiaftick ceremonies prefent and to come; that he would profecute to the blood thefe that would refufe; that the Scotts were traitors, rebells, and mad; that he would pull them up root and branch, if he [re]turned to that kingdom e..
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He anfwered, That the tyme of that oath did carrie great appearance of feares from the Scotts; that there was of them in Ireland above ane hundred thoufand ; that one Trueman was execute for a defigne to deliver up the Caflle of Knockfergus to a great Lord in Scotland ; that the Councill thought it neceffarie to fecure the countrey from that fear; that they were privie to his letter and the oath ; that all the Scotts took it chearfullie, except Sir James Montgomerie ; that thefe who went away for this caufe he would never ftay ; that he knew not ane a6l of parliament to be neceflar for ane oath at fuch ane neceflare occafion; that the fame oath was preffed in England ; that he had the King's letter, under his own hand, for frameing that oath, which before he never revealed : if this was a treafon, being informed as he was, it behoved him to be a traitor over againe if he had the lyke occafion; the greatnefs of Henry Stewart's fyne was for the greatnefs of the offence ; it was not exadled, and his [fyne] was ever readie to be releaved when obedient; that the Primate will teftifie, he declared that no part of it concerned the church affaires ; that he was not fo farr diverted of reafon as to fpeak like a madman of his Mailer's nation, manie whereof hath done him courtefies, and none anie wrong; that the fchoolmafter was not to be valued; he had fworn I fpoke thefe words the tenth of 06tober, wheras I was in England the twentieth of September; in a diftance, he hath miftaken faction for nation : I might have fpoken of my putting out of Ireland the fa6lion of thefe who refufed to fwear alledgeance to the King ; that he fpoke not of root or branch, or of the nation. He brought fundrie to depone they did not remember of any fuch words.
Whitlock reponed in reply, That the witnefles depofitions were contrare to his affertions ; that whatever the danger was, he Ihould not ufe any unlawfull mean to oppofe it; that the oath of alleadge-ance would have fatiffied the King's defyre; that his oath was a pattern to England; that his ingratitude was the greater, fince the Scotts never wronged him; that his negative witnefie miftak-ing a circumftance of tyme did not weaken the fubftance of his teftimonie; Loftus concurring with him in the matter of it. Sir John Clotworthie being put to it, named a number of the Scotts who had fled, and left all; alfo, to my great contentment, he cleared the foule flander of Trueman, fhewing, that one Captain Giles, being fent to trap all he could find inclyned to the Scotts, infinuate with this lillie man, and obtained from him a letter of1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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recommendation to fome in Scotland to employ him as a foldier; this letter being produced, made Giles be believed in all he pleafed to alleadge of this Ample man, without farder proofs ; that Strafford did conciliat the Primat and Derrie; the Primate would have the refufing of the firft part of the oath to be treafon ; the Bifhop of Derrie faid, the refufing of the fecond part of ecclefiafticall injunctions was treafonable; the Deputie would have both treafon-able; that the penaltie of ane Premunire is juft; bot his new oath of not protefling againft any of his commands, carrying the King's name, was ftrange, and the punifhment of it alfo : he ufurps a power here more than royall; for non est penes principem Jolum to frame ane new oath, in all a6ts of parliament, you, my Lords, and the Commons, have [an] intereft. Mr. Stroud took notice of Strafford's profefiion to do this over againe. He faid, he weell believed him; but that they knew what the kingdom fuffered when Gaveftone came to rea6t himfelf.
My Lord Strafford regrated to the Lords the great ftraits of his eftate. If true, it was the remarkable judgment of God. He faid, he had nothing there bot as he borrowed; yet dailie he gave to the guard that convoyed him ten pound: by which he conciliat much favour, for thefe fellows were dailie changed; and where they lived, having gotten his money, they commended his liberalitie. He told, his familie were in Ireland two hundred and fixtie per-fones ; that the Houfe of Commons there had feafed all his goods ; he fupplicat, that the Lords might take courfe to loufe that arrieft from fo much of his goods as might fultaine his wife and children in fome tolerable way. If this was not falfe, alone to conciliat confederation, behold the power of God bringing that man, the moll Itatelie houfe-keeper that ever Ireland did fee, to that miferie, in a moment, whereto he brought manie.
Sunday, the 4th of Aprile, was a day of humiliation to us. Mr. Henderfone, Mr. Blair, Mr. Gillefpie did preach ; and on Tuefday thereafter I, Mr. Borthwick, and Mr. Smith, to ane fair congregation ; fo manie confiderable people as our roomes could hold. God helped us all, that we gott ever full libertie to powre out our foule, with our nation, to God : we truft God heard yow and us ; and ever fince we are getting our anfwers. The plotts of our enemies lince hath been kything, and God goeing on to confound them in his own way, above man's witt and Itrength, as it may be you (hall hear Ihortlie.
12th Sefiion. Mononday Aprile 5th. I could not be prefent;340
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denyed he remembered fuch words of my Lord Strafford's. Sir for I was prepareing for Tuefday's exercife ; hot I heard the matters handled were thefe. Mr. Whitlock proponed, for the conjunction of the matters, and faving of tyme, to open together the twentieth, twentie-firft, twentie-fecond, twentie-third, and twentie-fourth articles. Strafford preffed long to handle them feverallie one by one, as before it was pra6tifed and agreed. Glyn told him round-lie, that it belonged not to a prifoner to prefcryve the order of his proceffe; they were to manage the proofes as they thought fitt, let him anfwer in what order he pleafed. This they obtained. Whitlock difcourfed upon all, firft in generall: That as, after the pacification of Berwick, in Stewart's fentence, he had called the Scotts traitors and rebells ; fo, at his comeing to England, he had incenfed the King againft them ; and when the Parliament of England re-fufed moneyes, he ftirred up the King to invade with his Irifh armie thefe of England, who would not be fubje6l to his will. The firfl witnefs is my Lord Traquair. Being pofed, What he heard my Lord Strafford fay concerning the Scottifh warre ? He faid, he could not anfwer to fo generall a queftion. Being pofed anent his difcourfe at the councill-table after his relations at Whitehall and at York, he defyred to fee his depofitions, for the refrelhing of his memorie : for all the witnefies had deponed before the Committee of the Lower Houfe long agoe : yea, fome of that Committee, Dig-bie, as it is thought, had given particular information to Strafford of all their depofitions. After all thefe prefaces, all that Traquair deponed was, That at York, his relation being repeated, Strafford faid, that the injuftice of thefe demands is a fufficient ground why the King Ihould putt himfelf in pofture of warre ; that at the firft relation at Whitehall, he heard him fay no more, and that all the number did fullie agree with him in that conclufion ; bot he knew not who fpoke firft. Finding that not fo much was deponed now by Traquair, as before by my Lord Digbie, motioned, that they referred themfelves to what was deponed in wryte. After ferious recollecting, Strafford replyed, That this was not the pra6tife of any court where the witneffe was heard viva voce. My Lord Mortoun was fick ; bot his depofition was read. It did beare, that after my Lord Traquair's relation, once and againe, and the third tyme, Strafford avowed, that the Scotts demands were a fufficient ground for the King to make warre ; although Mortoun contradicted, fhewing, that fince the King had permitted the SGotts to petition againft all their grievances, their petitioning could be no ground1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	341
of warre before the reafons of their petition were heard ; and the King exprefilie faid, Mortoun had reafon. Traquair being afked, ftarie Vane, Mr. Secretary, deponed, that the 5th of May, after the breaking up of the Parliament, when he proponed a defenfive warre, Strafford was for ane offenfive. Northumberland was lick ; his depofition did bear, that Strafford perfuaded his Majeftie to goe vigoroufiie to ane offenfive warre. The Lord Thefaurer, Bifhop of London, deponed, that Strafford's opinion was for ane offenfive warre, and that the Scotts fhould be reduced by force, after Tra-quair's narration, and that he marked no difference of judgement in any of that committee.
Concerning his defigne in England, Primate Uftier deponed, he heard him fay, in Dubline, in cafe of necefiitie, the King, by his prerogative, might leavie moneyes as he pleafed, having firft tried his Parliament, if it fupplied him not. My Lord Conway deponed, he faid if the Parliament gave not thefe twelve fubfidies, the King was juftifiable before God and man to take fome other courfe to fupplie himfelf, though againft their will:—Sir Harie Vane, that if the Parliament did not fucceed, he would be readie to ferve the King any other way :—Sir Robert King, that Sir George Ratcliffe, Strafford's intimate friend, faid, the King had thirtie thoufand men, and four hundred thoufand pound in his purfe, and a fword at his fyde; if he fhould want monie, who fhould pitie him ? that with the Scotts they might have peace when they pleafed:—Sir Thomas Barrington, that he heard Sir George Wentworth, Strafford's brother, fay, he conceaved the Parliament would give no money; that the Commonwealth was fick of peace; it will never be weell till it be conquered againe. Briftoll witneffed, that Strafford faid to him, after the diffolving of the Parliament, that he liked not his difcourfe, of calling another Parliament, the danger admitted not fo flow a remedie ; the Parliament had refufed to fupplie the King; he behoved to take another courfe ; that the King was not to fuffer himfelf to be maftered by the frowardnefs and undutifullnefs of his fubje6ls, or rather the diffaffe&ion of fome particulars. Newburgh and Holland witneffed the fame words. Northumberland and Vane deponed, that in the committee of eight for the Scotts affairs, he faid, that his Majeftie having tryed all wayes, and being refufed; in this cafe of necefiitie, and in defence of the kingdome, he was ab-folved before God and man, and all rules of government; h«342	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
had ane armie in Ireland, which he might imploy for reduceing this kingdome. The Earle of Clare, and others, debaited with Vane ftiarplie, what this kingdome did meane ? Maynard quicklie lilenced him, Doe yow alk, my Lord, if this kingdome be this kingdome, or not ?
In his anfwer, he went through eyerie article feverallie, extenuated moft of his words. What he faid of the King, he meaned ever of his juft proceeding ; for it was to be prefuppofed, that he would never doe nor command in any other way ; that in Councill he behoved to voyce according to his opinion; that opinions might make ane heretick, if pertinacious, bot never a traitor ; that chamber and table difcourfe, for argument, flum-flams, and fanfares, could not be treafons ; that words of fuch a nature in King Edward the Sixth's days, were decreed otherwyfe to be puntfhed. It hes been the wifdome of this fpirit to fecure weell the fubje6ts from treafon. We would be loath to let loofe that lyon which would de-voure us and our pofteritie, if treafon be made as ordinarie as tref-pafles. Much adoe made for the laft words witnefled by Vane. He fwore he fpake them not; made the Marqueis, the Thefaurer, and Lord Cottingtoun, depone they heard no fuch thing ; and bore him witnefle, that he faid, the King behoved to ufe his prerogative ; that he marvelled at the goodnefs of Mr. Thefaurer's memorie, better than his owne, and all the companie. Whitlock marked the fliortnefs of Cottingtoun's memorie, who faid he heard not Strafford fpeak of extraordinarie wayes, which yet he confefled. He avowed no illegall a6tion, neither from the King nor him ; and followed on his counfell, that words of his brother, or Rat-cliffe, concerned not him. The deligne of the Irifh army was for Scotland, as the Marqueis, Northumberland, Sir Thomas Lucas, and Slingfbie did depone ; that he intended to fortifie Aire, and from thence to make all the countrey till Edinburgh pay contribution. Whitlock replyed at length, That the words were to be taken as they were proven, and not as, by his commentaries, they were eluded.
13th Seflion. Tuefday, there was no fitting. On Wednefday, the 7th Aprile, Maynard did open the twenty-fifth article. The Lord Thefaurer deponed, that Strafford, after the Parliament, ad-vyfed to goe on rigorouflie and effe6tuallie with the Ship-moneys. Strafford confefled, he had not learned to be wifer nor his teachers, or to difputt what was pronounced by the Judges. Maynard re-1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	343
plyed, that it was never judged, that for refufe of loan men fhould be prifoned, fyned, hanged. Wifeman deponed, that Strafford faid they would gett no good of the citizens till fome of the aldermen were fyned and prifoned. He confeffed, according to the Earle of Berkfhyre's teftimonie, that he thought the aldermen's refufeing, in fo neceffare a tyme, to give up the names of thefe they conceav-ed able to lend moneys, made them lyable to fyne and ranfome. Garaway, mayor the laft year, deponed, that to the beft of his remembrance, he faid, no good would be gotten till fome of the aldermen were hanged. While Strafford took vantage at the words " the beft of my remembrance," Garaway ftoutlie turned to him, and told out pun6luallie, " My Lord, you did fay it." He faid, he fhould anfwer with alfe great truth, albeit not with fo great confidence as that gentleman, to the beft of his remembrance he did not fpeak fo ; bot if he did, he trufted their goodnefs would eafilie pardon fuch a rafli and foolifh word. It was alfo bot a fingle teftimonie; and the law provyds, that on fingle teftimonie no man (hall be condemned of treafon. Glyn remembered them what fen-tence he had procured on Montnorris for ralh words anent his toes. Maynard fhew their charge was hot one, that fingle witneffe for feverall circumftances made manie for the whole.
In the twenty-fixth article, they had no witnefs to prove his con-cealling" the feafing on the Mint, the imbafeing of the money ; bot by diverfe proved his avowing of the Citie's unthankfullnefs, and their deferving of much worfe for their greater readineffe to help rebells than the King ; of his letter from Leicefter, that the King of France fearched merchants books, and laid horfemen upon them till they payed what portion of their eftate he pleafed to demand ; that if the King would doe foe, he had example of other princes ; that this was a poynt worthie my Lord Cottingtoun's con-fideration. He confeffed, the fenfe of his Mafter's fervice made him ufe expreffions of the Citie's unthankfullnefs ; that of all his charge thefe words of the Citie's helping of the rebells were worft, and fince the gentleman deponed them, he would take with them and crave humble pardon; that he fpake not to my Lord Cot-tingtoun ; that he faid our King was more pious than to ufe fuch courfes as wes mentioned in that foolifh letter of my Lord Leicefter's fecretarie.
The twenty-feventh article, of leavying money on Yorkfhire by fouldiers, was proved by fundrie. To thefe he anfvvered, it was344 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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by confent of moft of the-gentlemen, who delyvered to him, by my Lord Whartoun, a petition to represent their grievances to the King, and croune, and parliament, that fo they would contribute for the entertainment of two regiments for one moneth; that he made them delete that claufe of a Parliament, knowing the King's refolution to call it of his own goodneffe, without petition from any ; that he had the King's confent and direction for levying of that pay, in prefence of the peers ; fome confenting, none contra-di6ling, which he took for their full confent; that his commiffion carried him to leavie fo manie of the trained bands as he thought meet; that thefe who' would not ferve in perfon, were bound, in all reafon, to fupplie thefe who did.
Maynard and Glyn replyed, that it was a leavying of warre upon the fubje6ts by force of fouldiers, to exa6t moneys by fojours ; that it was not [with] confent of the Ihyre; manie were gone out of toune, fundrie diffented, diverfe were papifts ; thefe confented bot for one moneth; his commiffion gave him power to call per-fons to ferve the King, bot not for fervice to exa6l monie: that the peers difclaimed all fuch warrand. '
14th Seffionv Thurfday 8th Aprile, the twenty-eight article they paffed. All being fett, and the Deputie brought to the barr on his knees, after the accuftomed manner, he was defyred to fay for himfelf what he would, that fo the Houfe of Commons may fum up all before the fentence. He faid, he was prepared to anfwer the particular articles omitted, and that they would be pleafed to fay farder ; bot for the fumming up of all his anfwers, he was not prepared to anfwer, and for that craved humblie tyme till the morrow. They oppofed that, lhewing he had much more tyme for his defence than ever any, and the caufe did allow : yet the Lords, after fome debaite, did grant it. Alwayes in the afternoons, when there remained any tyme, committees, efpeciallie for the enormities of churchmen, did meet and fitt fome houres.
15th Seffion. Friday the ninth Aprile. All being mett, and waiting on, about nine Sir George Wentworth came, and declared to the Lords, that all the laft night his Brother was fo afflicted with the Hone, that this morning albeit much better, yet he was allutterlie unable to fturr out of bed. Maynard and Glyn preffed they might goe on ; that the excufe was bot fained; and however, being heard on all the articles, his prefence was needlefs. The Lieutenant of the Tower being put to his oath, deponed, that1641.
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Strafford faid to him, he was unable to come. This fo great un-weellnefs was fo much the more doubted, as for the witneffing of it, he fent onlie the groome of his chamber, a poor footman within lixteen years; and that to-morrow he was as vigorous as any day before. However, the conclulion was, that to-morrow, whether he was abfent or prefent, they fhould not fail to go on.
16th Seffion. Saturday, 10th Aprile. All being fett, before the Deputie began to fpeak, Mr. Glyn preffed to hear fome witneffes that they had referved exprefflie on the twentie-firft article. Strafford preffed for the lyke favour, that he might, on fome preceeding articles, gett leave to examine- witneffes ; thereupon aryfeth a long debaite. The Lords adjourneth. When they returned, their decreet was, the Commons fhould call what witneffes they pleafed ; and Strafford alfo. This the Commons ftormed at. After much dangleing, Glyn declared, they were content Strafford fhould in this [have] equall favour with them; that they fought no more but witneffes to be examined upon ane article, and that thefe onlie which they had exprefflie referved in the tyme : to grant more favour to Strafford than they craved, was manifefl unjuftice.
The matter was, young Sir Harrie Vane had fallen, by accident, among his Father's papers, on a note wrytten by him as Se-cretarie, the day of diffolving the laft Parliament, wherein was contained the voyces which the Lieutenant, and Canterburie, and Cottingtoun, had given at the councill-board the fifth of May, the day when the Parliament was diffolved, for the Scotts warre, and for the illegall leavying of moneys. Mr. Pym had come in on Sir Harrie Vane in the tyme, and perfuaded him to take a double of that note. The principall and all other papers concerning the dif-folution of the laft Parliament, at the fitting down of this, were burned. The copie by him was produced in the Houfe, and did much confirm the mindes of all Strafford's witneffes ; yet for young Sir Harrie's caufe, a very gracious youth, they refolved to make no ufe in publi6t of his teftimonie, except in cafe of neceffitie, which then they conqeaved was clear. The Lords adjourned one houre large: at their returne, their decree was againft the expectation of all. It kythed Strafford's friends were ftrongeft in the Higher Houfe; yea, to our great admiration, we learned that not a man bot Paget voyced otherwayes. My Lord Steward read the firft part of it, That the Lords conceaved, for gaining of tyme, that both the Commons and Strafford fhould ufe no farder witneffes.346	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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The Advocats refufed to give any anfwer, till they had the receipt of the decree ; fo my Lord Steward went on, and read, Bot if the Commons thought meet to examine further witneffes, they might doe it in all the articles ; and they, as equall judges to both, con-ceaved that Strafford might doe the fame. Att once the Commons began to grumble. Glyn pofed him on what articles he would examine witneffes, as if he had no more witneffes. Indeed, whatever he profeffed, he told them fadlie he had, and thefe he conceaved as advantagious to him, as any they had for them ; yet if they would goe on, he would be content to quite that advantage. They did not believe him, but put him to name the articles. He named one, another, a third, a fourth, and not being lyke to make ane end, the Commons, on both the lides of the Houfe, raife in a furie, with a fhout of Withdraw ! Withdraw ! Withdraw ! gett all to their feet, on with their hatts, cocked their beavers in the King's fight. We all did fear it fhould go to a prefent tumult. They went all away in confufion; Strafford flipped away to his barge, and to the Tower, glad to be gone left he fhould be torn in pieces ; the King went home in filence; the Lords to their Houfe.
In the afternoon the Commons mett, prefentlie refolved on a Bill of Attainture ; that is, to attaint and condemne Strafford in their owne Houfe as judges, and thereafter require the Lords and King to confirme their fentence ; if they refufed, to proteft, and declare to all their fhyres, that they had deferted the Parliament for denyall of juftice. While they were on this advyfement, the Lords fent a meffage to them for a conference. They fhew, they had no leafure to conferr with them : bot after their conclufion, they fent up fome to know the Lords minde ; for the matter was nothing concerning Strafford, for the Lords thought meet yet not to touch that wound, bot another matter, more pleafant to them, the entertainment of the Scotts army for another moneth. The other day, the Commons having found that the Lords, longer than ordinary, negle6led to agree with the Scotts Commiflioners for a further ceffation, fell in fear, left the King and Lords fhould keep the Scotts no longer, and fo they were undone; therefore the Houfe, which they had never done before, decreed to move the Lords to crave a furder ceffation bot only for a fortnight; which tyme did much difpleafe us, for we thought it fhew their defyre alfo to be quicklie ridd pf us : bot this difference betwixt1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	347
the Houfes made both at once faine to flatter us, and give us many good words, albeit no lilver ; yet they fay now that money in flore is coming.
On Sunday the 11th following, Dr. Bray, in Weftminfter Church, made his recantation fermon for licenfeing Pocklington's " Altare Chriftianum," and " Sunday no Sabboth." The Lower Houfe ordained the Mayor to fee them both burned at Cheaplide, and Bray the licenfer to read out of a paper, his condemnation of a number of errors, which he had licenfed. He did fo with a great deall of feigned repentance ; for the Lower Houfe this year makes many hypocrites.
On Mononday the 12th, with much adoe, the Houfes were gotten to accord, that the Lower Houfe Ihould come as before, by way of Committee, to follow what remained in their procefie, pafling the debate of new witnefies, and keeping their bill of attainture on foot at their pleafure.
17- On Tuefday the 13th, all being fett as before, Strafford made a fpeech large two hours and ane half; went through all the articles, both thefe three which imported ftatute-treafon, the fifteenth, twenty-firft, twenty-feventh, and others which was alleadged, as he fpake, for conftru6tive and confequentiall treafon: Firft the articles bearing his words, then thefe which had his councells and deeds. To all he repeated not [nought] new, bot the beft of his former anfwers; and, in the end, after fome lafhnefs and fagging, he made fuch ane pathetick oration, for ane halfe houre, as ever comedian did upon a ftage. The matter and expreflion was exceeding brave : doubtlefs, if he had grace or civill goodnefs, he is a moil eloquent man. The fpeech yow have it here in print. One pafladge made it moft fpoken of; his breaking off in weeping and filence, when he fpoke of his firft wife. Some took it for a true defe6l of his memorie ; others, and the moft part, for a notable part of his rhetorick; fome, that true grief, and remorfe at that remembrance, had flopped his mouth; for they fay, that his firft Lady, the Earl of Clare's After, being with child, and finding one of his whore's letters, brought it to him, and chide-ing him therefore, he ftroke her on the breaft, whereof fhortlie fhe died.
Mr. Glyn did follow with a fpeech three houres long; firft did keep his method, and anfwered what he brought to all, prettie weell; then after his own premeditate order, he went through all the twenty-eight articles as they lay, applying them well. The great length348	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1G41.
of the fpeech made him fagg in the end. He referred the odiouf-nefs of the cryme to the handeling of another. This was Mr. Pym, who truelie, to the confeffion of all, in halfe ane hour, made one of the moft eloquent, wife, free fpeeches, that ever we heard, or I think lhall ever hear. Some of the paffages of it, and no more hot fome, and thefe defaced, I fend yow in print, as they have been taken in fpeaking by fome common hand. To humble the man, God let his memorie faill him a little before the end. His papers he looked on ; bot they could not help him to a point or two, fo he behoved to paffe them : I believe the King never heard a le6ture of fo free language againft that his idolifed prerogative. Strafford, after all, craved the benefite of his counfell from the Lords ; the Commons faid they would advyfe.
The dayes following, there was daylie conference betwixt the Lords and the Commons to hear Strafford's counfell; at laft, on Friday, the Commons agreed to it; fo on Saturday the Houfes mett as before. Mr. Lane, the Prince's Attorney, fpake for ane half hour of the ftatutes of treafon, fhewing all he could, that none of Strafford's alleadged a6tions did come under them. After him, Mr. Gardner, Recorder of London, offered to handle any law queftion, when the Lords would propone a particular cafe ; bot till then they would fay no more at random. For diverfe dayes thereafter the Houfe of Commons went on with their Bill of attainture. When it was readie and read three diverfe dayes, at laft it was voyced and carried, only fifty-eight contradi6ting. For this there was great joy among us all, and Ipraife to God. Thefe friends of Strafford's were much difcountenanced by all honeft men. Some printed their names, and fixed them on pub-li6l wayes. My Lord Digbie, their chief, was very near put in the Tower ; bot with many fair words he gott himfelf off: yet his credite in the Houfe is gone ; whereof we are glad, for he is a great patron of Bifhops. The Lower Houfe is more united than ever, and they fay not far from a Covenant. They went with a bill to the Higher Houfe. It was bot coldlie receaved there. My Lord Savill, one of the ftouteft Lords in all England for the countrey and our caufe at firft, bot fince we made him a councillour* clearlie the court-way for Strafford and all the court-defignes ;. he thought the receaving of the bill into the Houfe prejudiciall to the priviledge of the Peers. Eflex took him prefentlie up, and required him to explaine himfelf: while he is doeing it, Stamford admonifheth him, he did not explaine the words he fpake, bot1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	349
others. He replyed, that Stamford durft not fpeak fo to him in another place. He anfwered,*if both were without the barre, he would fpeak fo to him in another place ; and he durft not challenge it. The reft cryeth on them to withdraw. Stamford readilie re-moveth, Savill fat ftill till Effex cryed to him to remove. They packed it up betwixt themfelves thus and fua. In the mean tyme the Commons was voyceing downe the prefidencie of York, as a needlefs and hurtfull court. This ftroke Savill to the heart; for it was his great defigne to be Prefident in Strafford's ftead. When the Commons the other day voyced the Convocation-men in a fyne one hundred and, fixty thoufand pound fterling, Canterburie in twenty thoufand, Yorke's benefice in ten thoufand, Wren in five thoufand, the reft proportionablie, and their benefices to be fe-queftred till that money be paid to the Lords of the Scotts Treatie : they excepted Savill from the fafhrie of that receipt, being taken up with the affaires of State, and laid that burden on Stamford, though none of the treaters. The Commons moved the Lords to crave the King's long delayed anfwer to their three propofi-tions. Yefterday they gott their anfwer, little to their contentment, (after we had given the Prince of Orange the complement,) we heard, in the Banquetting-houfe, where the King mett both the Houfes. To the firft, of removeing Papifts from Court, he faid he would doe it; bot with alfe little fcandall as can be. To the fecond, of difarming the Papifts, he was content it fhould be done according to law. To the third, the difbanding of the Irifh army, he faid, he had been thinking oft on it, bot there was difficulties in it; that it was his intention to diffolve all the armies, and r -11 his dominions in that peace wherein he receaved them from his father; bot for that end two things was neceffare, the fatiffa6tion of the Scotts grievances, and money. Of the laft they were the only mafters ; and the fooner they provyded for it, it was the better : In the firft, though he was judge, yet with their advyce, with all diligence he would take a finall courfe.
This day, Mr. St. John, the King's Solicitor, before both the Houfes, to fatiffie the fcruples which might marre the Lords in pafling the Commons Bill of attainture, did fhew, in a fpeech of three hours, how the fa6ts proven of Strafford were high treafon, exprefilie againft many ftatutes, and anfwered all the lawes feeming to import the contrarie : and however no law had made them treafon, yet by a number of examples in their law, he fhew how the Parliament might very legallie condemne his lingular cafe, of evert-350
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ing all law, of treafon. Upon fome feares of efcape, the Lords, at the Commons defyre, hath commanded Sir William Balfour to keep him clofe prifoner. Bot no more now adoe, hot the Lords, one of thefe dayes, to confirme the bill ; and then the King's confirmation mull be had. Unhappie men putts the King day lie in harder flraits. Had the Commons gone on in the former way of purfuit, the King might have been a patient, and only beheld the firiking off of Strafford's head; but now they have put them on a bill, which will force the King either to be our agent, and formall voycer to his death, or elfe doe the world knows not what.
The Prince of Orange's marriage is expe6led fhall be folem-nifed on Sunday nixt. Whether the Princeffe, of ten years old, lhall be fent to Holland prefentlie, we know not.
All foreign news yow have in four or five printed gazets. All the papers of our Treatie yow have alfo. Whether our Parliament keeps the date, and our Treatie ends prefentlie, I yet know not. They have now put the King on thoughts of comeing to Scotland in June ; Our unfriends are the authors of thefe counfells ; bot a very few dayes will open many fecretts. Pray to God for our caufe and Church: God will help us againfl all, men and devills: No man is to be trufted; the beft is naturallie falfe.
Dear Brethren, negle6l not my place, fain would I be at it to dilburden yow of that cure; you may believe me without oath. The length of this recompenfes the delay of it fo much the more, as preaching and printing gives me little fpare tyme. The Lord be with yow all, and fend us a blyth and fhort meeting.
Your Brother and fervant,
R. Baillie.
Our pofl hath flayed fome dayes longer than we expe6led ; fo know further, that on Saturday, the lft of May, the King came to the Higher Houfe, called for the Lower Houfe, declared to them, that in his confcience Strafford was free of all treafon. The fpeech yow have here, together with the Citie's laft petition for juflice. The Commons the day before had fent up to the Lords two bills ; one for the Turkifh pirates, which oft taketh flaves from the weft part of England; another for the Romifh pirates, to have the Cleargie out of all Civill power, and the Bifhops out of the Higher1641.
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Houfe. The King in private declared his refolution never to yield to fuch a motion. All thefe things comeing together on the Commons, put them in a high mood. They thought themfelves flighted in all things ; they faw, that Strafford's paper informations did yet guide all; they went down to their Houfe in great malcontentment. Mr. Pym, left they ftiould break out in fome rafh diftemper, advyfed to adjourne the houfe till Mononday, without fpeaking of any purposes. His counfell was followed.
On Sunday, in the King's chapell, both the Queens being pre-fent at fervice, the Prince of Wales and Duke of York led in Prin-cefie Mary to the chapell, convoyed with a number of ladies of her own age, of nine and ten years, all in cloath of filver. The Prince of Orange went in before, with the ambaffadors, and his coufins of Tremuill and Naffaw : the King gave him his bryde; good Bifliop Wren made the marriage. At night, before all the Court, they went to bed in the Queen's chamber. A little after the King and Queen had bidden the bridegroom good-night, as their fone, he, as it was appointed, arofe, and went to his bed in the King's chamber. The precipitation of this marriage is feared by manie.
We have mett at length fometimes with Dr. Rivett: he is one fullie in our minds, and againft the Bifhops. On Mononday, fome thoufands of citizens and prentiffes awaited all day at Weftminfter, cryed to everie Lord as they went out and in, in a loud and hideous voyce, for juftice againft Strafford, and all traitors. In the afternoon, being informed, that the Lieutenant of the Tower had re-ceaved a warrand to take in, upon his alleadgeance, ane hundred fouldiers, with a captain, who had been Strafford's page, they gave in a paper of this. The Lords was faine to mitigate them with good words ; alfo to fend for the guard of the Tower that night, Efiex, Brooke, and Newport, with five hundred of the trained band of the Hamlets. All this tyme the Lower Houfe was inclofed from feven in the morning to eight at night. After much debate, at laft, blelT-ed be the name of the Lord, they all fwore and fubfcryved the wryte which here you have, I hope in fubftance our Scottifh Covenant. God maketh our enemies the inftruments of all our good. We fee now, that it hath been in a happie tyme that fo much tyme hath been lofed about Strafford's head. Bot to-day, and hereafter, great things are expe6led, whereof you (hall be advertifed.
May 4th, Tuefday 1641.352
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This day was fpent on the fubfcryving and fwearing of the proteftation in the Higher Houfe. The Btfhops hes put their hand to it, and we lyke it all the worfe. We are perplexed onlie for one poynt of it, which was paffed partlie through inadvertance, partlie becaufe no more could be obtained. In the do6trine of the church of England, in the articles of their conclufion, both bilhops and ceremonies are expreft ; for which caufe diverfe of the beft refufe to fubfcryve in the Citie. Many commentars are fetcht to elude this ; bot the moft fatiffa6torie is, that at fwearing and fubfcryving in the Lower Houfe, it was declared exprefflie, by the do6trine they meaned not the government and ceremonies, and that quicklie they fhall declare this, by ingiving of Bills againft both. If this be, all is weell; elfe not. Wednefday a fudden bruite ran through the citie, that the Papifts had fett the Lower Houfe on fyre, and had befett it with armes : in a clap all the citie is in alarum; (hopes clofed; a world of people in armes runnes doun to Weftminfter. When they come, they find the report allutterlie groundlefs. The matter was, about ten of the clock fome coming out of the Lower Houfe, had faid there was hott work and a great fire within ; which being miftaken, putt the rafh and foolifh alarum abroad. The hott work was a moft weightie matter indeed, the debateing upon a defigne, which is alleadged the Englifh armie was fett on, to marche towards London for diffolving the Parliament. If this be true, it will be the moft dangerous peice for the Court that yet hes been fpoken of. However, all the fervants of the King and Queen are commanded to attend, and no where to depart till they be tryed in this ftrange affair. All thir things hold out our affaires as if they were not. This is a feeding ftorme. At fupper this night we hear that the Lower Houfe, in the afternoon, hes voyced, that it is a part of their fworne libertie, that no Parliament (hall be diffolved or adjourned without the confent of the Commons Houfe. The Higher Houfe hes, with one confent, voyced Strafford guiltie of the facts charged, efpeciallie in the fifteenth, twenty-firft, twenty-feventh articles; onlie nineteen, who were either his allyes or witneffes, went out before voyceing. To-morrow, it is thought, they will find thefe fa6ts treafon, and his head to be forfault. His petition to replie to St. John was rejected. Pembroke, Chamberland of the King's houfe, Dorfett of the Queen's, Newcaftle of the Prince's, came and arrefted all the fervants of the King, Queen,and Princte, both men and wo-1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	353
men, that they fturr not without the King and Parliament's leave; the faired way that can be to day the voyages (which they fay, was intended prefentlie after the Prince of Orange's difmifiion,) of the King's to the armie, of the Prince's to Wales, of the Queen's to Portfmouth, whether long agoe they fay her jewels went; a place, they fay, to be fortified for receaving of the French. Thefe things are like to draw deep. The King is now verie fad and penfive ; yet no man hes the lead intention againd him: if they had, the Scotts, for all their quarrels, would have their hearts blood : bot the farthed is the punilhing of falfe knaves, who hes too long abufed the King and us all. The Mayor is commanded to keep a flrong watch upon the Tower. Bot I mud break off, and leave fome-thing till the nixt.
Dear Brethren, have a care of my flock. I hope now to winn home fhortlie. My bed affe6tions to yow all, both brethren and elders. This letter hes twentie-four pages, the other papers hes fortie-two pages. I have fent to my Lord alfo the feven lad Gazets for forraign newes ; alfo Strafford's and Pym's fpeech, with the Covenant in print.
Your fervant in the Lord,
May 7th [1641.]	R. Baillie.
[To Mrs. Baillie at Kilwinning.]
My Sweit Heart,
Gravefend, twenty myles from London, is fcarce of paper. I am this farr in my way homeward, without any difcontentment, by God's gracious aflidance, lince I left thee, bot in everie thing by all perfons mett with as my heart could wifh. This day, the wind and tyde are all faire, our companie and drip is good, we have with us the King's wynes and beer; we are hopefull of a quick paffage. I have been much longing to hear of thy edate; and behold yef-terday, while I am readie to depart from London, I receave my good Lady's (') letter telling me that, on the twentieth of May, thow was, at four afternoon, delivered fafelie of a daughter ; wherein I much rejoyce and bleffes my good God for this favour joyned to all the red. My voyage will be much the lighter of this good
(*) Lady Mary Leslie, second daughter of John Earl of Rothes, was married to Hugh Lord Montgomery, afterwards Earl of Eglinton.
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news. For recompenfe, fhew to my Lady, and to her onlie, that my Lord, her Father, is lyke to change all the Court; that the King and Queen both begin much to affe6l him ; and if they goe on, he is lyke to be the greateft courteour either of Scotts or Englifh. Lykelie he will take a place in the Bed-chamber, and be little more a Scottilh man. If he pleafe, as it feems he inclynes, he may have my Lady Devonfhyre, (2) a verie wife lady with four thou-fand pound Sterling a-year. The wind now blows faire in his top-faile : I wifh it may long continue ; bot all things here are verie changeable.
My Sweit Heart have a care of thy health. It will be my great joy to finde at my comeing that thow and all my foure children, (the Lord bleffe them,) have been in good cafe in my abfence. The Lord be with thee, my Sweit Heart: I hope to preveene this letter.
Thy owne,
Gravefend, June 2d, [1641.]	R. Baillie.
Tuefday nine a'cloak in the morning.
[To Lord Montgomery.]
My Lord,
Gravefend is fcant of paper. I am now going to fhip. No more news than before. For the prefent, your Good-father is a good courteour : if it hold, he is lyke to be firft both with King and Queen; but fundrie thinks it is fo fudden and fo great a change that it cannot hold. The King feems yet refolut. to goe to Scotland, albeit the difficulties of the journey be great, and day lie on all hands increafes. It is like this week two hundred thoufand pound Sterling fhall be delyvered for difbanding of the mod of your armie, and good fecuritie given for the reft. They fpeak of keeping ftill in Newcaftle the halfe of yow ; bot I believe the Bill of abo-lifhing bifhops, to be agitat on Thurfday, may work a great alteration in manie things ; and to the end of this week nothing certain can be pronounced of any thing. I have taken courfe to be informed by letters how all goes. I have dire6ted to fend all my
(5) Lord Rothes at this time was a widower, his wife, Lady Anne Erskine, daughter of John Earl of Marr, having died 2d of May 1640. But he himself died in little more than two months after the date of this letter.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	355
letters to yow. Your Lordfhip, for your better information in my abfence, may break all up that is dire6led to me, and clofe all in a paper, to be fent to your Ladie with the firft occafion. It feems verie unexpedient yow fhould, on any occafion, leave the armie for a tuentie dayes; for in that time it is lyke manie things, now uncertain, fhall be determined. Your letters from the Gene-rail, from Balmerinoch, from the Committee, wryting for Mr. Robert Blair and me by name, made us to goe before it was meet. When we heard that Mr. Harie Rollock, Mr. James Bonner, Mr. James Bruce, and others, were come up, all here, commifiioners and others, thought our comeing to Newcaflle needlefs ; which your Lordfhip will declare, if any inquyre why we came not. They would gladlie have had us flaying when we were readie to goe ; bot being fo fairlie difmiffed once, we would not ingadge againe, being fo long abfent from our charges. My man, James Laurie, give my letters with him to the Generall-Major Baillie, to Meldrum and Durie; prevade not to obtaine him his pay; your Lordfhip mufl aflifl him with the Generall to obtaine my mofl reafonable defire. The mailer is calling us a fhipboard: I mufl break off. The Lord be with your Lordfhip.
Your Lordfhip's fervant,
Gravefend, June the 2d, [1641.]	R. Baillie.
Tuefday morning, ten a'cloak.
[To Mr. William Spang.]
Cousine,
Your letter with Robert Gray, and your book, I receaved, for which accept manie thanks. For fome part of recompence, re-ceave, herein inclofed, a compt of the mofl part of my voyage, in the autographes of thefe my letters, which I caufed keep for this verie end, that yow might underftand all that I had written, or the mofl part of it. My long letter anent the Lieutenant yow receaved before; fome of my letters are away, bot yow have here enough. Upon the fea we were fra Wednefday morning till Mononday. God was verie gracious to us in this mofl dangerous fea; we were once teddered on a fand-bed, had the wind been as it was the day before, or all the day after, our vefhell had been dung in fhards; as it was, we fpake to two catches [ketches] to ryde one on everie356
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fyde of us: it pleafed God the day fell calme, and when we had been prifoners fra fix houres in the morning, the evening tyde lifted us up and put us to the fea. After that, we had fome ftorme for fixteene houres, our fhip fell leek, it was verie evill ballaft, and heiled much; bot our chief danger was about the Holy Ifland: the wind ferved us not to go about the blind rocks, where there are frequent Ihipwracks, we behoved to go through them, we fell in a calme, fo at verie midnight we fell among them; great was the fear of the whole companie, yet God brought us through that death, bleffed be his name ! I refolve, if I may goe be land, never more to faile that coaft.
When we come to Edinburgh, we fand ane verie evill fpirit had been Itirring, and much prevailing both in Church and State, a wicked plott, defperate, devilifh, and new, to have accufed in the prefence of the King and Parliament, Hamiltoun, Argyle, and Rothes, of words at leaft of higheft treafon, and to have proven them by fuborned witneffes. The ground of this is not yet found out, you fhall hear more of it at once ; bot had it fucceeded, we had all fallen in a wOefull miferie and ane bloodie butcherie ; bot God ltrangelie discovering it, lies made it evanifh and turne much to our good. The fame evill fpirit was ftirring in our Church; great heat betuixt fundrie minifters and fundrie people ; great murmurings and fear as if divifions for Browniftick queftions had been apparent. I wondered to fee fo much dinn on no ground to compt of; I dealt earneftlie with Argyle to draw together fome of the wyfefl humors of both, and draw them to fome agreeance before the Affemblie. This I hope, before now, will be done, fo, in defpyte of the devill, we fhall have no trouble from thefe toyes. How all will goe expert to hear after the Affemblie. Argyle hes made Mr. Johnfloune to wryte to me to make hafte to come to Edinburgh for the fettleing of thefe things : I mynd to ryde to-morrow. This day our Parliament fitts down. The queflion of Epifcopacie letts not the King yet winn home; the Lower Houfe hes paffed the Bill for taking away root and branch, for which immortall glory be given to the name of the great God, who can doe all he pleafes, in his tyme, by meanes unexpe6ted. The Higher Houfe is expe6ted will let that fame Bill paffe; and that the King, who yet remaines mofl averfe from fwallowing down that moft bitter pill, will be at lafl brought to it. In the mean tyme, the event of that Bill and tryall of the plotts there to have violented the Parliament and City of London, holds all things fra conclufion. Traquair and Balcanquall1641.
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they fay are fled. Our Parliament is defyred by the King to goe on, for by no meanes we would hear of farder procraftination, with affureance of his coming down in the beginning of the nixt moneth. Our Aflemblie fitts down at St. Andrewes on Tuefday nixt. Glaf-gow is to prefle my tranfportation, I and all my friends are ftiortlie to oppofe : the event is the Lord's.
I have read bot parcells of your book; all that I hear fpeaks weell of it: I wilh fundrie words and phrafes were examined by fome there who hes fkill, if they be Jatis Latina: I doubt of fundrie, bot truelie my fkill in that facultie now is fo fmall that I dare fay nothing; however, polifh you flill, fo much as you may, that you may perfyte that work, which in my judgement will both bring profite to our caufe, honour to our countrey, and deferved commendation to you for ever; you fhall not want the belt information I, or any I can move, is able to furnifh. By all meanes prefle Paget by printing his book, alfo Rivett as he promifed, and what you can with Voetius, and Cloppenburgh. If my Paralell, my Antidote, my Queftione of Epifcopacie, my Replie to the Modeft Ad-vertifer, be not yet come to your hands, you muft%rite to London to Robert Inglifh, or fome other, to call for them at the fhop of Mr. Gillibrand in Paul's Churchyard, at the Brafen Serpent; they will be about ane flxpence the piece : the two laft were not printed out when I come away, bot now I hope they are. Continue to write at length your forrane occurrents. I was ever feared for a revolt in France, fo greivous hes that government been thefe manie years. If Caftilion be routed, and Lorrain played the falfe pultron, it is lyke France will be forced to let Spain draw breath, which were a great pitie. No appearance for help to the poor Palatine yet here; yet at laft it is lyke, when a new heart is put in our Court, as the face of it is much changed alreadie, there will be great and powerfull afliftance given to him from this. If the Swedds and confederats can keep the fields till the nixt Spring, it is lyke the Britilh Army may appear in Germany for fome better purpofe than hitherto.
I wifh how you could finde a way to get your great men fett on a profitable ftudie : a pitie that Salmafius, Voflius, and Heinfius ftiould fo trifle their dayes about toyes; I think Dr. Rivett, if he laid it to heart, could move the Prince and State, or elfe the Curatores Academics, or the provinciall Synods, or all of them, to interceed, fo farr as their prefling requeft or authoritie or rewards could goe, to have thefe great fpirits fett on work on thefe358	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
things which are moft profitable for the Reformed Churches, efpe-ciallie to vindicate antiquitie from the hands of Baronius and other Papifts; hot not in fuch a longfome, fruitlefs, humaniftick way as Cafaubon and Montague hes begun ; for this way is infinite, and one Centurie by all three lhall not be paft through till they die. A pitie of pities that there fliould be fo little witt, zeale, or autho-ritie in all thefe lands as to gett ufe made of all thefe treafures God hes given them. Sett your minde to fee what ye can doe to help it. I wifh Salmafius be no worfe employed than on the Pope againft Petavius: Yet it were better to contemne oppofites, and fett himfelf to delyver his own minde. Yow know that by fetting Stapleton, Durie, and others on Whittaker,(5) they diverted that man from farr better work ; but I mull end. The Lord be with yow and your wife.
Kilwinning, 15th July [1641.]	R. Baillie.
Thurfday.
[To Mr. William Spang.]
Cousin,
Since your laft, the firft of Auguft, you have, I think, receaved two of mine, and this is a third (if vertue were in length) worth any fix of yours. That fellow of Ran throw [Renfrew] yow wryte of, I tryed of the brethren of Dumbarton and Pafley to be ane flight man, without letters or good manners. All he fayes of his Irifh perfecutiones and teftimonies from us, feem to be allutter-lie falfe.
The carriage of our Affemblie was thus. Since the Affemblie of Aberdeen [1640] there was a continuall heart-burning betwixt the favourers of Mr. Harie Guthrie and Leckie ; as in my dif-courfe of that Affemblie yow may fee, I foretold. As I came from London through Edinburgh, I fand the mifunderftanding fo great, that I advyfed Argyle to take notice of it in tyme; and when Mr. Archibald Johnftoune came home, I wryt to him to draw fome of the parties together for advyfement how to preveene difcord. For all that both could doe, at my coming to Edinburgh, on Saturday the 17th of July, I fand Leckie, and many that favoured him,
(3) William Whitaker, D.D. an eminent English Divine, who distinguished himself by his Controversial Writings. He died in 1595.1641.
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peremptor, not only to accufe Mr. Harie Guthrie, bot to have the A<Sls of Aberdeen about meetings and read prayers cancelled. They were much galled with the flanders went upon them for the abufers of privie meetings, and other things falfelie fathered on them. On the other part, Mr. Harie, and many with him, were no leffe refolute to defend all that paffed in Aberdeen, and to have fharp cenfurs concluded in the nixt Affemblie againft all that were for novations, not approven by our Church. With thofe mindes went too many to St. Andrewes, as it had been a place of combate. Our only remedie againft fuch fcandalous debates were our prayers to God, which carefullie were offered, the Sabbath before we came from home, in a folemn humiliation for a blefling to the enfueing Affemblie. This labour we found was not for nought; for at once we fand the good hand of God with us above expe6tation.
The King had fent his warrand to my Lord Weems to fitt, with as ample a Commiflion as either Hamilton or Traquair. His Majeftie intended this fervice for Southelk, by Traquair's advyce, who yet had too great hand in affaires ; bot Mr. Henderfone diverted the King from that man, towards whom the countrey had fo evill ane eye. For what fpeciall refpefts Weems fell to be nixt, I doe not know; however the modeftie and fimplicitie of the man made him difpleafing to none.
When we came to St. Andrewes, our firft perplexitie was about a Moderator. Mr. Henderfon was paffionatelie defired in fo hard a tyme ; bot there was [no] certaintie of his prefence. Mr. Harrie Rollock, on whom the voyces would have fallen nixt, had of pur-pofe abfented himfelf. The reft whc were mett were efteemed fo far ingaged to the queftion to be debaited: judge what ftraite then of men was there, when the lyke of me, who to this day had declyned to moderate a Prefbyterie, was ftiored to be leeted for to moderate a Generall Affemblie. Yet, after much fecret ad-vyfement with his Grace the Commiflioner, on Mononday, with much adoe, that difficultie was overcome.
On Tuefday, the 20th, the firft day of the Affemblie, the laft moderator, Mr. Andrew Ramfay, preached the 122d Pfalme. According to his way, he went over it all. His much kything of lecture was not to all favourie ; bot his falling flatt on all the particular queftions in hand, eagerlie enough, as if our Kirk were pre-fentlie burning with fchifme, did favour to none of fo much prudence as the tyme did require. The matter was nothing helped360	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
in the afternoon ; Mr. David Dickfone, antecedent moderator, as appeared to many, too paffionatelie vindicating the credit of religious people from unjuft flanders, and urgeing the repentance of fuch Minifters, who, with their conformitie, had brought latelie our Church to the brink of ruine, did highlie offend very many who were not farr from challenging him publicklie, as contradi6torious to Mr. Andrew [Ramfay.] The firfl day of our Affemblie is appointed for falling and humiliation. Of this difpofltion there was not fo much this day among us as needed. After fermons we mett in the hall of the Old Colledge. Mr. Andrew did pray ; the commillions receaved by Mr. Archibald [Johnftoune] ; many of the commiffioners were members of parliament; diverfe others alfo, upon the certain expectation of the Affemblie's tranflation to Edinburgh, had not come over. His Grace's commiffion in Latine was read ; one claufe thereof importing the Affemblie's tranflation, at the Commiffioner's advyce, was demurred on by the Clerk, as intrinfhing on the Affemblie's liberties ; yet it was not publicklie queftioned. A letter from his Majeftie to the Affemblie, fo full of grace and favour as we could have wiflied, was read : the copie yow have at (A). The anfwering of it was laid on Mr. David Lin-defay of Belhelvie. His draught in the end of Edinburgh Affemblie was read ; bot it was fo long and luxuriant, that our Mr. Hen-derfone was caufed to make that fhort, decifed, and nervous anfwer you have at (B).
The Parliament had fent over a Commiffioner to us, one from ilk Eftate, Caffills, Auldbar, Provoft of Dyfart, intreating, without any prefcription, that, in regard many of them were members of the Affemblie, [but] could not, without detriment to the publick, attend at St. Andrewes, we would be pleafed to tranflate the Affemblie to Edinburgh; alfo that we would be pleafed to enter in no weightie a6tion, efpeciallie in choofing a Moderator, wherein they defyred to have voyce, before we returned to Edinburgh. In the tranflation there was no difficultie, bot in the delay to choofe a Moderator the difficultie was hudge. The moft thought the Affemblie could not be conftitute, and was fo incapable to perform any a6l, let be fo great a one as to move a tranflation, before a Moderator was chofen. Some leading men, who would have had the moderation to themfelves, or to thefe who did favour their intentions, did urge a prefent ele6tion. The matter was remitted to the nixt feflion; wherein, to our great comfort, it was determined with farr greater eafe than any expelled. Many of us thinking the delay impof-1641.
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lible to be obtained, had concluded to voyce to [for] Mr. James Boner; yet to-morrow, the earneftnefs of the Commiffioners from the Parliament, the Clerk finding in the Regifler fome fuch old prac-tick, the certain hopes of Mr. Henderfone's near return, his Grace permitting the matter to our own option, (whileas before fome about him had made him declare oft, that that delay would legallie evacuate his commiffion,) Mr. David Dagleifh overcoming in bold-nefs his good friend Mr. Harie Guthrie, and ftoutlie reafoning the fufficient formalitie of continewing, by voyces, the old Moderator, ad hunc a&am, to tranfferre, .and to choyfe a new Moderator in the beginning of the tranflated Affemblie, by pluralitie of voyces it was clearlie caried. We took that for a certain prefage of God's affiftance in all fubfequent purpofes.
The nixt Seflion was appointed to be holden at Edinburgh, the 27th. No more bot a fupplication of D. Houy (4) read, wherein he compleaned, that after his long fervice in the Kirk and Divinitie-fchools, he had been made to demitt his place, by threats, in his extreame old age and extreame povertie. The cafe was very invidious, and refle6led much on his colleagues in the Town and New Colledge. The matter, I heard, was, that he, as Principal!, had given warrand for lifting of the New Colledge rent, whiles to a wicked knave his fon, whiles to Dr. Panter, and to others ; fo that no compt could be made by him of much money. Mr. Samuel Rutherfoord, I think, caufed complean of this to the Committee of Eflates when we were at London. They fent over Newton and William Ridg (5) with a commiffion, rigorous enough, either to gett a compt of him, or to lay him in ward. Upon the fear of this evill, he offered to demitt his place; and his dimiffion was taken, referving fyve hundreth merks a year to him for his intertainment. When his fupplication came to be confidered in Edinburgh, his good friend Mr. Henderfone guided it fo, that, with ane great deall of commendation to the old man, large as great, I am fure, as he ever deferved, it was voyced, that his dimiffion fhould be rendered to him ; that, according to the a6ls of our old Affemblies anent failed miniflers or profeffors, he fhould all his life tyme enjoy his full rent and honour, without any diminution.
(1) Dr. Robert Howie. He was brought from Dundee, in July 1607, to succeed Andrew Melville as Professor of Divinity, and Provost of St. Mary's or the New College, St. Andrews.
(5) Sir John Leslie of Newton and William Rigg of Athernie.362	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
When we came back to Edinburgh, to our great joy we found Mr. Henderfone and Mr. Gillefpie come home. That week was fpent in privie confultations for accommodating the feared differences. Argyle and Cafiills drew together in Loudoun's chamber the Minifters of Edinburgh, Mr. David Dickfone, Mr. Blair, Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Cant, me, and fome others. All the Minifters of Edinburgh were chaffed at their people's carriage toward them : they would have been at the limple difcharge of all privie meetings, bot thofe of a familie ; and for this the A6t of Aberdeen was al-leadged by them and many moe: for this the other partie would have had that A61 recalled or exponed. I marvell much of both their forgetting the meaning and occafion of that A 61, fett down at length to you in my letters. Then it was at laft agreed, that Aberdeen A6ls fhould be altogether milkend ; that a draught fhould be made for ordering thefe meetings now in queftion. The paper drawne up by Mr.4Henderfone the 10th of June, which pleafed all weell that I had conferred with, bot miflyked [by] the Miniftrie of Edinburgh, and above all Mr. David Calderwood could not abyd it : the claufe into it of the number, which I lyked beft, did moft miflyke them ; they alleadged the permitting of any to meet, in the fmalleft number, was ane eftablifhing by ane a6l the thing itfelf. Many meetings there was for little pur-pofe. It was appointed, that Mr. Dickfone and Mr. Blair fhould meet with. Mr. Henderfone and Mr. William Colvin, and fett down their mindes. Their draught was long, and too generall. It was laid again on Mr. David Dickfone, with whom he pleafed, to wryte down his minde. That forme alfo did not pleafe. At laft Mr. Henderfone affayed it. His modell lyked us beft ; yet Mr. David Calderwood ftarted mightilie at it. We defyred Mr. David to dyte what he pleafed: notwithftanding we were all refrefhed with a cer-taine hope of a folid agreement; for Mr. David Dickfone, Mr. Blair, and the reft who were fufpe6led of innovating, did purge themfelves fullie of all fuch intentions, and were readie to receave any of the modells any had proponed. And being pofed, what was their minde anent all the novations ? Mr. Andrew Ramfay could enumerate fuch as, omitting Glory to the Eather, Kneeling in the pulpit, difcountenancing read prayers, and the reft. They gave anfwer to fatiffa6tion, that betwixt us and them there was no difcrepancie at all. At laft Mr. Henderfone fell on that modell, which thereafter was voyced and printed. This happie concord, whereof Argyle and Mr. Henderfone were the happie1641.
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inftruments, will, we truft, have a great bleffing to this whole land, which every where began to be falhed with idle toyes and fcruples.
On Tuefday, the 27th of July, we mett before noon in the Grayfriers. After prayer, Mr. Andrew Fairfoull required that his commiffion might be given to Mr. Henderfone, in regard that the Prefbytrie had chofen Mr. Andrew Ramfay, Mr. Harie Rol-lock, and Mr. Alexander Henderfone if he fhould be prefent, and him only in cafe of Mr. Henderfone's abfence; fo, albeit Mr. John Adamfone had, at his own hand, put in his own name in the commiffion, at the firft meeting in St. Andrewes, and he had voyced there as commiffioner, yet Mr. Henderfone being now prefent, he required to be free of the burden, which he had undertaken only in cafe of his abfence. While the matter is going to voyce-ing, Mr. David Calderwood, albeit no commiffioner, did reafon very paffionatelie, that Mr. Henderfone was incapable of a commiffion ; in this Mr. Henderfone did fecond him : alwayes, when it came to voyceing, Mr. Henderfone's commiffion was unanimouflie receaved. The nixt queftion was, about the lite for a new Moderator. The old fafhion was, that the former Moderator lited whom he would, and the Affemblie added whom they pleafed : Ane overture had pad att Aberdeen, that every Provinciall Synod fhould have one of their number to be on the lites for Moderator, one to be on the committee of Bills, one for the Reports, and one for the Overtures. The Northlandmen preffed much to have it fo ; bot it was found unreafonable ; and that overture, not being an a6l, and not being booked, was reje6ted. Yet they got Belhelvie eiked to the lite which Mr. Andrew [Ramfay] gave in. Mr. Henderfone declined earneftlie the burden of Moderation: alwayes the moft of the votes fell on him. The noblemen were for Mr. Harie Rollock, fome for Bonner, fome for Belhelvie, none at all for Adamfone, Dagliefh, Somervell, Mr. A. Blackhall. No more was done in that feffion ; only Argyle told us, that the Parliament was content to have bot one feffion in the day, and that in the after-noone, hopeing the Affemblie would be pleafed to make bot one feffion alfo, and that in the forenoon, that fo the Commiffioners might gett both Affemblie and Parliament attended. This was agreed to.
Wednefday 28th. The Moderator read the overtures which I had drawn up, and were enabled at Aberdeen, for ordering of the364	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
Houfe. He did preffe them all; yet, through negligence to exa6t them thereafter, we fell at once into our old miforders. Alwayes we expert that the exa6l order the Parliament hes now taken for ruleing of their houfe, will make us, ere long, follow their good example. He read alfo a lift of names for the committees of Bills and Reports. Now for the Overtures : till thofe of Aberdeen were confidered, verie hardlie would he permitt any to be added to thofe of his own number : for affeffors to himfelf, he fhew, he would advertife privilie thofe whom moft he needed. Four were named to appoint preachers for all the Churches, of which Mr. James Bonner, my good friend, being chief, by his favour I gott my felf fhifted of that burden, as in all this Affemblie I did what I could to hold my felf quiet, and weell near mute. Mr. David Calder-wood fell on again impertinentlie, and verie peevifhlie, as if it had been almoft a null, an evill conftitute meeting, for being tranflated without a Moderator permanent, and choofing of him for Moderator who had no commiffion. Mr. Henderfone dealt verie patientlie, and refpe6tfullie with him : at laft his Grace commanded him to filence.
The Moderator did caufe read fome letters, which was given him in England for the Affemblie. The firft was from a number of our gracious brethren of the miniftrie at London and about it, congratulating our happie proceeding, fhewing their hopes to gett our difcipline eftablifhed there, telling that fome of their brethren, who were for Independencie of congregations, were great hinderance to that defigne; alfo that they did give out that fome of the moft eminent men in the miniftrie with us, inclined their way. The men they meaned be (Mr. Henderfone told us) were Mr. David Dickfone, and Mr. Andrew Cant; bot none in all the Affemblie were more againft Independancie than thefe two. The matters, after fome dayes, were voyced ; all in one voice reje6ted that con-clufion, (6) as contrare dire6tlie to our Covenant; and appointed Mr. Henderfone to wryte a courteous anfwer to our Inglifh brethren ; which he did verie accuratelie : if I can, yow fhall have the co pie thereof. The nixt was from one Mr. Durie, for affiftance to his Negociation of peace among Proteftants. Whill fome were beginning to fay fomewhat to the man's prejudice, I excufed all, fo
(6) As to Independancy. In the MS., it is " Rejected that confusion." The Letter there referred to " from some Ministers in England," dated 12th of July, and the Assembly's Answer, 9th of August, are printed in the Acts of the General Assembly 1641.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	365
that his motion was receaved; and it was laid on Mr. Andrew Ramfay, Mr. Blair, Mr. Gillefpie, and me, to frame ane anfwer. We left the labour to Mr. Blair, who did it weell enough, in a fair gentile generall, appointing him, when he pleafed, to keep correfpondence with the minifters of Edinburgh. A third was from Dr. Sibbald of Aberdeen, fupplicating for his books, which at the prior Affemblie were taken from him. It was granted he Ihould have all except fome of his fermons, whereon a part of his proceffe was grounded. A fourth was from Mr. John Guthrie, Bifliop of Murray, fupplicating that his place, for a little tyme more, might be keeped for him. It was rejected as unreasonable, and his Prelbytrie ordained to plant his place; yea, order was given, that none who had delayed fo long to come in the Covenant fliould be receaved, without a lingular meafure of fatiffa6tion and try all, to be approven by the Generall Affemblie. The Moderator did fall on a notable motion, of drawing up a Confefiion of Faith, a Catechifme, a Dire6lorie for all the parts of the publick wor-fhip, and a Platforme of Government, wherein pofiiblie England and we might agree. All did approve the motion ; and thereafter the burden of that labour was laid on the back of the mover, with libertie to vake from preaching whenever he pleafed, and to take help of whom he thought meet. He did declyne to undertake it, yet it will lie on him ; and readilie in this he may doe 1ome good.
Thurfday 29th. The Moderators of the Committees had no matter prepared for the Affemblie ; fo we putt off that feffion with generall difcourfes, efpeciallie upon the matter of tranflation, which had moft troubled us in bygone Synods, and was lyke to doe fo in this alfo. Ane Committee was appointed to find out overtures for that difficult matter. Leift I fliould be prejudged, I got on it my Lord Eglintoun and Mr. Robert Barclay. Glafgow alfo, by their importunitie, gott on Dr. Strang and Mr. David Dickfone. The Prefbyterie of Glafgow, it were long to tell vow the way how they fhifted both Mr. David Dickfone and Mr. Robert Ramfay from being commiflioners. This was verie evill taken by the whole countrey, and turned over to Glafgow's prejudice : yet Mr. David was ufed no other wayes by the Affemblie, nor if he had been a prime commiflioner. This Committee did nothing for a day or two, and that, it was publicklie compleaned, becaufe Dr. Strang and Mr. David, for their own intereft, did marr the reft; fo they, and with them my Lord Eglintoun and Mr. Robert Barclay, were366	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
removed from that Committee. Thereafter they blocked a number of tolerable overtures; the conclulion whereof was remitted to the next Generall Affemblie. The Moderator advyfed the Towne of Edinburgh, and other prime Burrowes, to intertain abroad fome good fpirits, who might be their owne, if they proved /apt for their fervice. Alfo he ihew the expediencie of calling home one Mr. Thomas Young (7) from England, the author of Dies Dominica, and of the SynSlymnias [ Sme&ymnnus] for the moll part; and of Mr. Colvin from Sedan, to whofe commendation he fpake much : If he hath done any thing in print, let us have it, and wryte what yow know of his abilities. There was a Committee appointed to confider the Hate of our farre remote Churches of the Ifles, of Lochquaber, of Orknay, and Shetland. Some prefent courfe was taken for Lochquaber, and it was laid on Mr. Robert Blair and Mr. Andrew Afileit [Affleck], to goe in the fpring and vifit Arran and fome near Ifles. There was a Committee appointed to confider the advancement of the weell of Colledges and Schools. All their confultations we hope in tyme will produce good effe6ls.
Fryday 30th, came in a number of particular bills : yea, fome dayes thereafter, there came more than two hundred, for augmentation of ftipends, for dividing or changeing of churches ; all which, without reading, were referred to the Parliament: regraits for the increafe of enormous finnes in the land, the removeing of monuments of fuperftition, from diverfe parts of the countrie, yet remaining, was recommended to the Prefbytries. Mr. John Guthrie, Biftiop of Murray, fent out of the tolbooth, to the Affemblie, a fupplication to conferre with the Moderator, and fome others. All the fubje6t of his difcourfe with them, as alfo of diverfe conferences he had before with the Minifters of Edinburgh, was onlie a ftiff wrangling about the formalitie of the proceffe of his excommunication. He fent in another fupplication thereafter for the fame end, bot was negle6ted; for he and others of thofe men, feems to be obdured in perverfnefs: yet it is lyke, that if the King
(7) This learned Divine probably never received such a call to settle in his native country. He was afterwards a Member of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and for some years Master of Jesus College, Cambridge. He died at Stow-market in 1655. But what in our day may be regarded as his chiefest distinction, he was private preceptor to Milton; and of his pupil's affection for his early tutor, his Fourth Elegy " Ad Thomam Junium praeceptorem suum," &c. and two Latin Epistles, are public testimonies.—(Todd's Edition of Milton, vol. i. p. 5 ; vol. vi. p. 197- Lond. 1826 )1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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and we had fettled fure in Parliament, there is few of them, if any, bot will fpplicat to be permitted to doe all that fhall be pre-fcryved.
Saturday 31ft, onlie particular bufinefs was handled, not worth the wryting. Aberdeen, in their commiflion from the Generall Affemblie, had mett and decerned Mr. George Gillefpie, then at London, for their towne-minifter, and Mr. Edward Wright for their divinitie-profeffor, in Marifhall Colledge. Mr. George's caufe came then to be handled. His Grace (8) did plead, that thofe fifty years he and his people had been vexed with a moll weak minifter; that he had gotten Mr. George admitted the firft in Scotland without the Bifhops confent. Mr. George fpake weell for himfelf; that he nor his people were never advertifed till the decreet was paft, and diverfe other things. The difpute was long and hott: it was remitted to the nixt fefiion. Argyle fpake of the regrate manie minifters made [refpe6ting the] under payment of their ftipends, defired the Affemblie to find overtures for re-mead, and promifed the Parliament would confider what Ihould be proponed.
On Sunday afternoone, 'before the commillioners, 1 heard Mr. Blair teach very gravelie for peace, and abftinence from all fuch meetings, as in former tymes had been very profitable, bot now were unexpedient, unlawfull, and fchifmaticall. This fome did miftake, bot the moft tooke it very weell from him. Truelie, I bear that man record, that in all his Englifh voyages, in manie paffages of the Affemblie, private and publick, he did contribute as much to the pacifieing of our differences as any, and much more than manie. That day ane very unhappie accident fell in the hand of a minifter, Mr. Thomas Lamb, who had been depofed by the blind Bifhop of Galloway, for diverfe quarrells. The miniftrie of Edinburgh had obtained to him a church in the Prefbytrie of Peebles. The man had alwayes been of a verie contentious humour. They fay he had ftriken a man, whereof he died. However his Prefbytrie, for his perverfnefs and contentions, had fufpended him. He had appealled to the Generall Affemblie. The committee, on Saturday, had agreed them, and remitted him to the Prefbytrie. On Sunday, after both fermons in Leith, he told Mr. James Power that he was difpleafed with that accord, and would com-
(8) The Commissioner to the Assembly, John Earl of Wemyss. Mr. George Gillespie continued as Minister of the parish of Wemyss until his removal to Edinburgh in 1642.368
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plean to the Affemblie, both of the committee and his Prelbytrie. Immediatelie goeing to eafe himfelf among the ftuffe, a young man to whom the ftuffe belonged, fell upon him with evill language, taking up his cloake and gloves : after fome mutuall jarring, when he had gotten his cloak and gloves again, he fell in fome quarrelling with the young man, and with his whinger ftroke him, whereof prefentlie he died. He wrote a pitifull fupplication to the Affemblie, to obtain fome delay of his execution, till his wife and friends might come to him. This was granted. He obtained eafilie a letter of Sleans from the partie ; bot we think the Conftable will caufe execute him ; and fo much the more, becaufe he a minifter, on the Sabboth-day, had committed that villanie in the tyme of the Affemblie and Parliament.
Mononday, the 2d of Auguft, the Parliament fatt not, fo wee had two feffions. The forenoon was taken up with the bufinefs of Aberdeen. Mr. Andrew Cant laid out Aberdeen's neceffities patheticklie ; Mr. David Lindfay and Proveft Leflie, fhew their proceeding in Mr. Gillefpie's ele6tion to have been punctuallie according to the words of the commifiion. Notwithftanding the Moderator, defyreing Mr. George's ftay ftill in Fyfe for the ufe of St. Andrewes, did fo ftate the queftion, for all the Northlandmen could fay to the contrare, and notwithftanding alfo of Argyle's evident feconding them, his abode at Weems was carried by plura-litie of voyces. Yea, when they preffed Mr. Edward Wright's tranfportation, albeit all that favoured Mr. David Dickfone did voyce for them, yet they loft that caufe alfo; in regard [it was] manifeft, that before the meeting of that committee Mr. Edward was admitted to the church of Glafgow, and before his citation to come to that committee, or his knowledge of Aberdeen's intention, he was agreed with Glafgow, and had obtained his difmiffion from the Prelbytrie of Stirling. Mr. Robert Ramfay had fett the town of Glafgow on that man, whereof now I fufpe6l he repents: the man is learned and blamelefs ; bot it is not lyke Mr. David's way, nor among the moil prudent. Fa6tions among that people and Prelbytrie is lyke to grow : I wilh they come not to a fliamefull hearing, and that quicklie, on the occafion of Mr. Hew Blair's ele6tion to that toun's miniftrie. Sir John Scot's petition, to have a defcription of our Shyredomes, by fome in everie Prefbytrie, to be fett before the mappes (9) yow have in hand, is granted.
(9) Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, was a chief promoter of the important scheme for illustrating the Topography of Scotland, by the publication of a series of1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	369
In the afternoon Mr. Andrew Keer, minifter at [Carriden,] being tranfported by the Provinciall Synod of Louthian to the burrough of Lithgow, had appealled to the Generall Affemblie. His appeall was voyced null. This preparative made Glafgow too eager to call my caufe; bot they found the cafe manie waves unlyke. At Aberdeen there had been much adoe for planting of Innerneffe. The Laird of Streichan, patron, had prefented Mr. James Anan. More than the two part of the parifh fpeaking Irifh, obtained Mr. Murdoch Mackainze, a bold weell-fpoken man, to be conjoyned to ane equall ftipend and burden. This equalitie Mr. Murdoch urged and refufed to preach to the Irifh congregation bot day about, fo everie other Sunday they fang dumb. After fome dayes travell, it was thus agreed, that a third man fhould be gotten to thofe who had never more nor one before, to preach in Irifh upon fyve hundereth merks, the Towne to pay three, the two miniflers each one. We being agreed privatlie, the Moderator thought it tyme to move the queftione about Meetings, and regrated the finifler rumors thereanent. It was remitted to a committee in the Moderator's chamber. After two afternoons conference, Mr. Hen-derfone fell on the m'odell yow have in print, (D.) On Wednef-day he read it once, twyce, thrice. Many required delay to voyce till to-morrow, and a copie of the wryte. All delay was flatlie refufed ; bot anie man was permitted to fay what he would, if it were to ten at night. Mr. David Calderwood was impertinent flill in his oppofition. Mr. Harie Guthrie, and thefe who were in this poynt, were feared fhould be more oppofite than he had been. All called, to the Committee, and read at length. Some who craved delay were fhortly taken up. Fear of a-ryfeing and fomenting needlefle fcruples, if that paper had run a-fhowing through the city, before it had been concluded, made the Moderator peremptorilie refufe that which now is every day pra6lifed in our Parliament, and I think were more neceffare to be pra6lifed in our Affemblie, except in fome few extraordinar cafes. The paper that day was voyced, and unanimouflie affented unto; yet fun-drie voyced it too generall and inefficient.
Tuefday, the 3d of Augufl, was taken up by a very fa6tious
County Maps, from original surveys, accompanied with Descriptions. The Maps, at this time, were engraving in Holland; and the work, which was completed in 1654, formed the fifth volume of Ulaeu's " Theatrum Orbis Terrarum," or the sixth of the " Atlas Major, sive Cosmographia Blaviana," when republished at Amsterdam, in 1662.
VOL. I.	2 A370	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
queftion of your good friend Sir John Scot. He had promifed to Mr. Mungo Law, fecond minifler at Dyfart, in the prefbyterie of Kirkaldie, a prefentation to the Kirk of Kilrinnie, in the pref-bytrie of St. Andrewes. The Prefbytrie of St. Andrewes not very curious to crave his tranfportation, Sir John, in the Provincial, of Fyfe, urges his tranfportation. In the voyceing, not only the whole Prefbytrie of Kirkaldie getts voyces, bot fome borrowes two ruleing-elders getts voyce. Upon this, and fome other informalities, Sir John did appeall to the Generall Affemblie. By flrong folicitation, by a world of mirrie tales in the face of the Affemblie, he getts a fentence for his appellation, to the great indignation of the Synod of Fyfe, and the Moderator's malcontentment. Sir John held him with that advantage, and durfl not purfue his maine poynt, anent the minifler's tranfportation, which made manie take him bot for a wrangler, who did feek more the Synod's difgrace than another contentment. Overtures for planting of univerlities, burrows, fchools, were read; alfo a letter of the King's to the Affemblie, in favour of Panmure, requyreing the Minifler of Monikey to be tranfported [to] fome other church of his Majefties prefentation: the defyre, with the man's own confent, was granted.
Wednefday, the 4th : Mr. William Bennet was ordained, according to the A61 of Aberdeen, to tranfport to Edinburgh. Mr. John Colines, after long oppofition of the prefbytrie and parochine, was ordained to be receaved to the church of Campfie. His prefentation to the tack of Chancellor of the Chapter, wherein alfo he was obliedged to ratifie the patron's tack, was ordained to be re6lified. Mr. Andrew Logie, depofed at Aberdeen according to the Provinciall [Synod's] appointment, was reflored to his owne kirk: Sir Alexander Abercrumbie of Birkenboug fafhed the Affemblie much, that he [Logie] might be obliedged to receave a new prefentation, that a new edi6lum might be ferved, and fo, that the Affemblie's a6t of reponing him to his own church fhould be eva-cuat; bot his motion being found to be from particular refpedls, it was mifregarded.
Thurfday, the 5th : Aberdeen did fupplicat for Mr. Andrew [Honeyman's] tranfportation to their Colledge. Arthure Arfkine, had, of his own liberalitie, given him five* hundred pound during ane old man's life, the man was but twenty-four years, and ex-treame unwilling to flitt. Arthur Arfkine, a weell deferving gentleman in our caufe, when he began to plead, was fo choaked with tears, that he became filent, and removed. This accident1641.
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made the Affemblie fo compafiionat towards him, that, by plurali-tie of voyces, he obtained his poynt. Thofe three rebuts in end weell near efferat Aberdeene : by way of indignation they crave leave to have back their depofed Do6lors; yet they gave in the fourth bill for Mr. John Ofall [Ofwald] of Penketland. His mif-fortoun was to be laft, elfe he had better reafons of Hay than any of the former three; yet to pleafe Aberdeen, all he could fay was mifregarded; and he, full fore againft his heart, was ordained to flitt.
Here came in my long-delayed a6lion. After much altercation betwixt the pafiionat parties, and fome calme difpute betwixt the Principall and me, by the favour of the Moderator, I got the invidious queftion efchewed anent my appeal, and the ftate made, Tranfport, or Abide ; when, after I had read the Reafons (D.) I here fend yow, there was not twentie voices of the whole for my tranfportation. I did forefee that this favour may readilie tranfport me, ere it be long, to places where my life will be much more miferable than it is like it would have been in Glafgow ; bot yet I thought it was incumbent to me, in confcience, to ufe all lawfull meanes to keep me with my people. I took it to have been a finne to have negle6led this dutie for the preveening of croffes never fo apparent. The Laird of Leckie gave in to the Committee of Bills a complaint of Mr. Harie Guthrie's flandering of him at Aberdeen. Of this Mr. Harie complained in the face of the Affemblie. This was like to blow up that fyre again which we thought had been extinguifhed ; yet even here alfo God was favourable to us. That matter was referred to us the Moderator's Affeffors. We laboured fo into it fome nights, that at laft we gott the parties agreed, both in a wryte, read to the Affemblie, under their hands, declareing their good opinions each of other : for Leckie did truelie witnefs, that he knew no blame to Mr. Harie, neither in do6trine nor lyffe ; and Mr. Harie teftified, that he never had a thought that Leckie, or any of his familie, was guiltie of thefe fianders he complained of. Of this pacification we were all moft glad.
Being defirous to have the Affemblie at an end, it was appointed to keep her fefiions twice in the day, and to difpenfe with the ab-fence of fo manie of our Parliamentarie members as could not be prefent in the afternoon with us. The reft of that day, and much alfo of pofterior fefiions, was miffpent with the altercation of that bardifh man Mr. David Dagleilh, and the young Conftable of Dun-die. He had obtained from his father to Mr. David a prefentation372	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
to the perfonage of Dundie. The cuftome was, that of all the tithes, the Conftable payed hot to the church five hundred pound, the Towne gave to the parfon's fupplie five hundred merk. The Toune not having much will of Mr. David's miniftrie, refufes to pay the old five. hundred merk. Mr. David refufes to tranfport from Cowper till the Conftable fecure him in a fufficient ftipend. The Affemblie of Aberdeen ordains Mr. David to tranfport with diligence, and referrs the queftion of Itipend to the decifion of the Committee of Eftates. The Conftable fupplicats the Affemblie to move Mr. David either to accept the charge, or give back the presentation. This Mr. David peremptorilie refufed, intending by his prefentation to ere6t a ftipend to that place, and then readilie to leave it, if all doe not imbrace him. Mr. David's ftrang (') replyes to the Moderator would have been taken in worfe part, if the Conftable' s naughtinefs, in proclaiming, of the whole perfonage four or fyve chalders of vi6tuall was too much for him to pay to the church's ufe, had not offended us all. My Lord Fleeming's petition, to have a new Prefbytrie ere6ted in Biggart, of thirteen near adjacent churches of Lanerk and Peebles, was referred to the vifitation of the bounds. It was regrated by the Moderator, that Mr. David Calderwood, who deferved fo weell of our Church, was fo long negledted: He was recommended to the firft commodious vacant roome. Lykelie he fhall not be in hafte provided (*) : the man is fixtie-fix years; his utterance is unpleafant; his carriage about the meetings in this Affemblie, and before, hes made him lefs confiderable to diverfe of his former benefactors. The cafe alfo [of] Mr. James Fairley, late Bifhop of Argyle, was much regrait-ed ; that he having given fo long agoe all fatiffa6tion, that yet no place could be gotten to him(3) to deliver him from that extreamitie of povertie wherewith long he had been vexed.
Fryday the 6th: A world of Bills came in to be referred to the Parliament. Among the reft, one of Anna Inglifli, complaining, that her hufband, young Aiket Cunninghame, having receaved above fortie thoufand merks in portion with her, had deferted her, after frequent tormenting her with ftroakes and hunger, he debofti-
(') Not " Mr. David Strang replyes" as in the printed copy, but " Mr. David's ^David Dalgleish's^ Strang or bitter replyes/' Sic.
(2) The transportation of John Oswald to Aberdeen (see the previous page) made room at Pencaitland for the venerable Historian of our Church in his declining years.
(5) Fairley soon after this was appointed Minister of Lasswade.1641.
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ing all with harlots in Paflay. We fent two with this bill to the Parliament to get pre fent order. The juftice of God was in this matter. The damfel's father had left her to be married to Mr. H. Montgomrie of Hafilhead, his wife's near coufine. After, his wife falls in a conceit with Allan Lockhart, and gives herfelf to him; and, by his perfuafion, makes her daughter, when fcarce twelve years, without proclamation, to be married to his coufine Aiket. For her reward, her hufband Allan leaves her to pay ten thoufand merks of his debt, which made her a poor vexed widow, and her fuccefs, as yow heard. Wee were fafhed with a bill of young Savill, a fyne gentleman, who required, that ane Littetour, (4) whom the patron Lindores had thruft on his church, fhould be t.ranfported. The gentleman, for the weell deferving of his houfe, was much pitied; yet, feeing the young man was admitted, and the moft of the paroche did accept him, it could not be helped, till the young man found commoditie to tranfport, which was not like to be fudden. The Preflbyterie of Wigtoun compleaned of their moleftation by one Magie, a notar, a criminous fellow, too much fupported by that good man the Earl of Galloway. This bill being referred to the Parliament, they enjoyned the Earl of Galloway to goe home without delay, and fetch in that knave to fuffer juftice. There was no remead; his Lordftiip behoved to goe away to that unpleafant fervice. One Thomas Frazer in the Tolbooth, being condemned to die for murther, did fupplicat us to be relaxed, before his death, from the fentence of excommunication : fome was fent to vifit him. His true repentance being reported, Mr. Andrew Cant was ordained, on the Sabbath, after his fermon in the great church, to relax him. On Mononday he died penitent. Dr. Scro-gie of Aberdeen fupplicat to be admitted to our Covenant. The tryall of his repentance was remitted to the Provinciall Synod. In the afternoon, manie overtures by Mr. George Young, clerk of the References, were read. Clappertoun's fupplication, to enter in our Covenant, was referred to the Provinciall [Synod] of the Merfe.
Saturday the 7th: When Mr. David Dickfone, in the queftion of my tranfportation, had declared his intention to have als much help from me, in profefling in the Colledge, as he gave by his miniftrie to the towne, the Moderator, and others then there, not generallie lykeing of mixing thefe two offices, everie one whereof required a whole man, Mr. David, left anie rub or marr from this
(4) So in the MS.—Query, John Littlejohn, Minister of Collessie.374	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
fhould come to him in his minillrie, which verie profitable he did difcharge, gave in a bill to have the matter cleared. It was gladlie condefcended, that it fhould be leafume for him to exercife fo much of the miniftrie there as he fand himfelf able without detriment to his profeffion ; the Principall not being fore-acquaint with that bill, except[ed] fomewhat for the preparative, wherewith Mr. David was not weell pleafed. It was moved, that the declarations which the Earle of Traquair had alleadged he had made in the AfTemblie, but verie falflie, and had obtained to be regiltrate in the books of Councill, fhould be tome out and cancelled. This was referred to the Parliament; who, after the confideration of the truth of our alleadgeance, fufficientlie verified by manie witneffes, did caufe rent out of the Councill-books, according as we required, thefe full [falfe ?] declarations. Two motions came in here, which was like to procure us great fafhrie; yet, both by God's help, were brought to a peaceable conclufion.
The Parliament fent in to us the Earle of Louthian, one from the Barrons, [and] one from the Burrowes, requireing our judgement of the Band; the tennor whereof was read. The reafon why they required our declaration in that matter, was, becaufe they faid the Earle of Montrofe had profeffed, the other night in his examination before the Committee, that however that band was burnt, yet all the fubfcryvers were yet by oath obliedged to the matter of it; alfo they read a paper in our audience, written by Montrofe's hand, after the burning of the Band, full of vaine... (5) humanities, magnifieing to the fkyes his own courfes, and de-bafeing to the hells his oppofites. Here great wifdome was requi-fite. It was remitted firfl to the afternoon, and then till Monon-day. Sundrie of the banded Lords compeared : we feared their flirring. Montrofe's advocate required to be heard. A fupplica-tion to us, wryten by his hand, was read, defyreing our good opinion of him, offering to anfwer all we could lay to his charge, to our full fatiffa6lion. He faid, that Band was deflroyed by the Committees of Parliament; that the paper was but a private memorandum for himfelf, never to have gone without his charter-kifl, had not my Lord Sinclair been pleafed to make it publick ; that which was alleadged of his words in the Committee was not
(5) A blank space of half a line occurs in the MS. between the two words " vaine " and " humanities/' and a similar blank, (fourteen lines below) between "obligation" and cf onlie," but probably nothing material is wanting in either place.1641.
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anie part of his written depofition; that he had onlie fpoken of a common guiltinefs of all the fubfcryvers with him; that he had fpoken of their obligation...onlie in relation to his accufation. Balmerinoch, moderator of that Committee, fpake verie pathetick-lie for the truth of Montrofe's words. The Affemblie paffed by what concerned Montrofe, or any particular perfon ; and, in an-fwer to the Parliament's queftion, a Committee appointed for that end, drew up that wyfe anfwer, penned by the Moderator, as yow have it, (E.) making that Band to be unlawfull, and not obligatorie of anie; making thofe that will not fubfcryve this cenfureable, and palling in thofe who fubfcryves, what is bygane and weell buried by the Committee of Parliament. The banders that were prefent, Kinghorne, Seaforth, Lour, did prefentlie fubfcryve. Mr. Blair and Mr. Rollock was fent up to Montrofe to acquaint him with what was paffed. He fpake to them with a great deall of refpe6l to the Affemblie, feemed to inlinuate his willingnefs to fubfcryve what the Moderator and Clerk would require. Some made the motion, which the Moderator did much applaud, that as fome from the Parliament had been verie happie inftruments to take fome differences away, which were lyke to aryfe in the Affemblie ; fo it were meet to offer to the Parliament the labours of anie they thought meet in the Affemblie, to help to remove what difference was betwixt the members of Parliament. This motion was from zeall to peace, bot not upon confideration of prefent circumftances ; that the difference was not betwixt anie particular men, bot alleadged crymes of high treafon againft the State, which could not be [by] counfells, being cited, and they ftanding to their defence. Yet Dr. Strang and Mr. Andrew Cant, who were to carrie our anfwer to the Parliament's queftion anent the Band, were burdened with the forefaid overtures ; the imperti-nencie whereof the Parliament mifkent, and paft without ane anfwer. All this paft on Mononday before noone.
The other motion, which on Saturday before noon perplext us, was the Moderator's petition of libertie to tranfport from Edinburgh. At the beginning we took it bot for jeft; bot it proved earneft. He affured us, his voyce was for no church of the Towne ; that continuallie he was [unhealthie] there, and not fo anie where elfe ; that to keep him there were to kill him; that in the a6t of his tranfportation from Leuchars, there was ane expreffe claufe of libertie for him to tranfport when the publick commotions were fettled, if he found that towne difagree with his health. The376
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Towne of Edinburgh was extream averfe ; befyde tlie loffe of that incomparable man, thought it a dangerous preparative to have anie of their minifters tranfported by Affemblies. They offered to buy him a houfe, with good air and yards ; to preach onlie when he would ; to goe freelie, if his health were not toller-able. They were fo much the more averfe, becaufe St. Andrewes fue at that tyme in a bill for his tranfportation to be Principal! of their Colledge. He preffed his libertie, fhewing his great earend out of England was [to obtain this relief] from the Affemblie. (6) Some imputed his earnellnefs to fome malcontentment from fome of the wyves fpeeches, the laft year, of him [when confulting] for their weell, againft their humour in innovating; bot he affirmed health was the onlie ground of his petition, and if it fhould not faill, notwithftanding of his libertie, he fhould not remove; and if he did remove, he would not go to St. Andrewes, bot [to] fome quiet little landward charge.
After noone there was a long debate for the Prefbytrie of Sky. Glafgow Affemblie had annexed it to the Provinciall [Synod] of Argyle. Upon the petition of one, Edinburgh had annexed it to the Provinciall [Synod] of Rofs. They had keeped neither. Argyle pleaded for the renewing of the A6t of Glafgow ; Seaforth for the fealling of the A6t of Edinburgh. After long debaiting of reafons, it was referred to the Commiffioners of the Affemblie to the Parliament to determine.
Mononday the 9th, before noone, befydes the things alreadie faid, the Prefbytrie of Newcaftle wrote a letter of complaint, that there was a great negle6t in manie Prefbytries to fupplie the armie with minifters : It was provyded for. The afternoone was our laft Seffion. The anfwers to the King's letter, to the Englifh letters, to Durie's letter, were read. The drawing up the Dire6tory, of [the] Catechifme, of the Confeffion, [and] of the Form of Government, that was laid on Mr. Alexander [Henderfon]. His libertie was voyced, and granted,(7) to the no fmall mifcontent of Edinburgh. Hence thanks were given to God for his fenfible and mofl fpeciall affiftance; 23d Pfalm fung. Nixt Affemblie voyced [to be held] at St. Andrewes the 27th of July [1642.] Commiffioners
(6)	This sentence in the MS. reads, showing his great earend (errand) out of England was troublesome this reason from the Assemblie," which has no intelligible meaning.
(7)	Henderson, it is well known, never availed himself of this liberty to leave Edinburgh.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	377
[appointed,] to the number of thirtie or fourtie, with fome elders lixteen. Thofe of a province might ferve by turnes ; fo, after the firfl meeting, I got leave to goe home.
Yow have here an accompt of the Affemblie, fo farr as my weak memorie, without anie notes to count of, can furnifh. What I fhall hear of the Parliament, of Montrofe's procefie, of the King's proceedings, who came here, to our great joy, on Saturday the 14th, yow ftiall ftiortlie receave. What information I got from London, yow have here inclofed; the evill illegible wryte [of] Sir Thomas Difhintoun contains a journall of that Parliament for fome weeks.
Your Couline to ferve yow and your wife, and all others,
[Robert Baillie.]
Killwinning, Auguft 20th, 1641.
[Some Account of the Proceedings of the Parliament of Scotland, in July and August 1641.]
The proceedings of our Parliament, if you defy re to know particulate, crave them at other hands ; for the prefent, take thofe from me. A fumme of the Clerk's minutes, and other papers and conferences, gave me information.
On the 15th of July, the day agreed upon in our treatie at London for the fitting of our Parliament, the Nobilitie in a reasonable number, the Commiffioners of fhyres and burrows fo full as ordinarlie, mett in the New Parliament Houfe, weell prepared and hung, without ryding or robes. The firft a6tion, after prayer to God, was the ele6tion of my Lord Burghlie to be Prefes. The Committee of Parliament had fent long agoe for fome of the Commiffioners at Court. Dumfermling and Loudoun, at their parting, had receaved letters and inftru6tions from his Majeftie. The letter was ane earneft defy re of fome farder prorogation : you have the copie of it at ( G.) The inftru6tions had fome demands, that the Parliament would be content of the artickle in the Treatie concerning the ele6lion of the Officers of State, as he had expreffed it; that they would accept of Traquair's fubmiffion, the double whereof yow have at (H.) together with Traquair's earneft defyre to be tryed of thofe things Walter Stewart had deponed againft him : His Majeftie demanded alfo to pafie from all that were cited to the378	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
Parliament, unlefs fome crymes fhould be proven againft them ; in fpeciall, that the keepers of the Caftles of Edinburgh [and] Dumbarton might be reftored to their dignitie and late eftates ; that no more new A6ls lhould be proponed which might derogate to his Royall power, honour, or benefite ; lykewayes they delyvered all the articles of the Treatie, that they might be taken to con-lideration. Here was matter enough for manie dayes debaite ; yet that fame day, and fome following, it was refolved, that the Parliament could be no longer prorogate ; onlie, for the King's fatiffa6tion, it was promifed, till the 17th of Auguft, they lhould pafle no definitive fentence on anie matter of weight, unlefs ne-ceffitie conftrained them, onlie they would agitate and prepare matters. Traquair's fubmiffion they did reje6t: to the demand, they thought meet to fufpend a particular anfwer till it were given to his Majeftie in perfon, or to his Commiflioner; as for the Treatie, they gave doubles of it to everie Eftate for their tryall with diligence. Thefe things they fignified to his Majeftie in a letter, fubfcryved by fome of everie Eftate, appointed for that end. When thefe things were voyced and concluded, my Lord Loudoun fhew, that the defyre of prorogation had come from the Englifti Parliament; that his Majeftie had given him warrand to fhew his contentment for their fitting for prepareing of matters, if their affaires did permitt no delay.
The 16th of July, a committee was appointed for ordering of the Houfe : Kinghorn, for the Conftable, his pupill, Marr, for the Marilhall, his nephew, not yet come ; Louthian and Almond for the noblemen ; Power (8) and Dun for the barrons ; Glafgow and Dundee for the burghs. Their orders were very pun6tuall and acurat: none to be abfent or late without a fyne, none to be pre-fent bot the members of the Houfe. Durie and Craighall intreated, that the Lords of the Seflion, as thofe who were Judges to the lawes, might be prefent at their making, according to the old ufe and wont: it was flatlie denyed. Mr. Archibald Johnftoune required, that fome of the Minifters, commiflioners of the Generall Aflemblie, might have place for hearing: that motion was reje6ted by Argyle with ftorme, as makeing way for churchmens voyces in Parliament. Bot the greateft difficultie, the young Noblemen they were very malecontent to be removed from thefe places
(8) According to Sir James Balfour, the Members of this Committee, for the Barons were (Forbes) Laird of Craigievar, and (Erskine) Laird of Dun, and for the Burghs, the Commissioners of Aberdeen and Dundee.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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where their birth called them at once to be judges after their fathers death; bot there the Barrons were peremptor to have roome for the affeffors: if any of the noblemen's fones got place, in this they were fo ftrait, that one day they refufed to voyce while [until] Angus, Montgomerie, and Maitland, were removed out of the Houfe. The young noblemen were fo much the more moved, as they forefaw the Barrons intentions, by this preparative, to quef-tion their places of dignitie, which both of late they had gotten; for before King James went to England, noblemens eldeft fonnes were bot Matters, and their younger brethren pretended not to take places of Barrons. This unexpe6led motion was lyke much to increafe our divifions; which, without that occafion, were enough before. Yet, on all hazards, the Members of Parliament ftood to their mark, refolving to have all prejudiciall novations reformed. The young noblemen, left they ftiould have feemed to be for any other new or old faction, fatt ftill in their malcontent-ment, till the King, the fountaine of their honour, lhould come and decyde the queftion.
That day Erfkine, Fleeming, and the Mailer of Naper, prefent-ed fupplications, in name of Montrofe, Naper, and Keir, that they might have full audience in Parliament. This motion fpent much tyme in diverfe feffions. Firft, the fupplications were refufed till fubfcry ved by the parties fupplicant. After the fubfcription, it was granted they ftiould all be heard, at what tyme the Parliament thought it convenient; bot in the mean tyme they fand it reasonable to hear the information of the Committee, anent the caufes of their imprisonment, and all their proceedings with them. Thereafter they called Montrofe. When he came, he demanded what they had to fay to him ? It was replyed, that upon his oft and earneft Supplicating for a hearing, they had fent for him to give him a full audience. All he did fay was two or three fair gene-rails, that they would find him innocent of all that was furmifed againft him. Having ended, they fent him back again to the Caftell, and heard read a verie odious lybell againft him ; whereupon they voyced him to be cited to anfwer within fifteen dayes. Naper and Keir fpake, bot the fame purpofe, in generalls, of their innocencie, and confidence to anfwer Satiffa6torilie to all challenges. They descended to no particular : [whether] becaufe they thought not expedient as yet, or becaufe they were commanded to deScend to no particular of their caufe, wherein they were to be heard in tyme and place to the full, I doe not know; bot concerning their procefte,380	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641,
and their plott, fo farr as I am informed, yow fhall hear hereafter ; for yet all is not discovered.
In the afternoone the Incendiaries that were all called. Sir Lewis Stewart compeared, defired to know what he was charged for, and offered to anfwer. He was remitted to the Parliament's bell conveniencie. Loudoun fpake for him, telling the King had defyred him to affure the Parliament, that Sir Lewis had ever given him counfell of peace. Loudoun fo honeftlie and effe6tuallie did difcharge himfelf of the King's commandment towards the Parliament, diverfe began to mifunderftand him, as if he had turned ane agent for the King: yea, this molt falfe fufpicion did fo farr increafe with fome, and my Lord Dumfermling's earneftnefs to be back to Court for his private affaires was fo great, that Loudoun had weell neer been fhuffled of a commiffion to returne ; which exceedinglie had prejudged us in our common affaires ; for the Englifh did deall with none of our Commiffioners with that trull they dealt with Loudoun: alfo his moft ingenuous freedome ever with the King, keeped him from that meafure of favor which a little complacencie might eafilie obtained. Yea, fo farr was that moft happie and gracious inftrument grieved with the ungrate mifconftru<5tions of fome, that he petitioned the Parliament to be discharged of his commiffion, to be exonered of his negotiations bygone, if they found him faithfull. This made Argyle and friends, yea all, awake. They anfwered, that of his faithfullnefs none did doubt; that to exhoner him of his commiffion, they could not till the Treatie were clofed ; that he behoved to returne with the Treatie when it was revifed, as after fome dayes he did, and he onlie. As for Dum-fermling, Argyle obtained to him fome ten dayes, after that he alfo fhould be fent up with fome inftru6tions for difbanding of the armie. It was appointed that fome of everie Eftate fhould goe to St. Andrewes, and intreat the Affemblie might tranfport to Edinburgh.
Saturday 17th : My Lord Weems prefented a commiffion from his Majeftie, to attend, in his place, the Generall Affemblie. He defyred a warrand from the Great- Seal: it was granted. The reft of the day was fpent on the Treatie, and ordering the Houfe.
Mononday the 19th: Orders for the houfe were voyced and concluded. A letter, to the Commiffioners with Loudoun, to deall with the Englifli Parliament, for fending home the Incendiaries, and to complaine of the compts of their lhyres, which were lyke to exhauft much of their brotherlie affiftance.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	381
Tuefday 20th : The Articles of the Treatie were read. After-noone, the letter to his Majeftie, and the Commiflioners with Loudoun, read and fubfcryved. Two of ilk (late ordained to receave the bills offered to the Parliament. Argyle and the Advocat petition that a warrand may be given to the Jultice- Court, lince all courts in tyme of Parliament, without a warrant, did vaike, to litt on Mr. John Stewart. It was granted ; and affeffors alfo appointed to fitt with the Juftice-Deputs in that caufe; Elphing-ftone, Edernie, Dumbartan, and Balcolumie, (9) for the Lords of Seffion.
Wednefday 21ft: Before and afternoone was fpent on the articles of the Treatie; on my Lord Balmerinoch his demand in name of the Committee, to have their proceedings with thefe in the Caftle approven or difproven.
Friday 23d : A proclamation voyced for difpenceing Sheriff and Burrowe Courts to fitt till the lad of Auguft. Afternoone, it was voyced that the artickles produced by the Committee, were fuffi-cient grounds of citeing the Earl of Montrofe, Lord Naper, Lairds of Keir, Blackhall, and Captaine Walter Stewart. The advocats which the Committees had appointed for the publick, Mr. Roger Mowat, Alexander Perfone, James Baird, Thomas Nicolfone, together with Sir Thomas Nicolfone, and the King's Advocat, were ordained to draw up the fummonds, and every poynt of the lybell to perfue.
Saturday 24th : Mr. John Stewart condemned to die, by ane old a6t of Parliament, he fupplicat the Parliament for mitigation of his cenfure. It is true that none ever died for no tranfgrefiions of that a6t, and Balmerinoch being condemned for ane alleadged tranf-grefiion, was thought to have gotten great wrong, and the preparative may prove very dangerous. Whereupon fome of the Juftices were verie fcrupulous to pronounce fentence. Yet Mr. John was Itryving with [at] the life of Argyle, Hamilton, and Rothes ; and by confequence at the overthrow of our Treatie of the peace, and welfare of the whole I fie. It was therefore thought neceffare to make ane example; fo much the more, as his friends, for whofe pleafure his lies were invented, were giving out, that all was bot collufion betwixt him and Argyle, who undoubtedlie would purchafe him a free remiflion. Thofe tales made Mr. John be remitted to the
(9) These Assessors were Lord Elphingstone, William Rigg of Atherny, John Semple commissioner for Dumbarton, and Sir James Learmonth of Balcomie, one of the Lords of Session.382 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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Judges, who would nor could not difpence with his execution. Blair, Cunninghamehead, [and] Caldwell, my neighbours, gave in fupplications to have their wards and marriages pall to themfelves gratis, feeing their fathers had died of ficknefs contracted in the publick fervice : their defyres were granted. Articles of the Treatie were put in mind, and by voyces concluded, and Inftru6lions formed for the Commiffioner carrier thereof. Diverfe bills dailie of particular perfons were read and anfwered.
Tuefday 27th : The Prefes and Clerk ordained, to fubfcryve a warrand for two of everie ftate to fubfcryve the Treatie. Ordained, in the tyme of the Affemblie, the Parliament fhould have bot one feflion a day. In the afternoon, Montrofe, Keir, and Naper wes heard, as was faid. Blackhall was voiced to have a chamber in the Caftle. The reafon of his long libertie was thought to be Argyle's favour, to whom, they fay, he made confeffion of fundrie of the plotters myfteries. Committees for the Incendiaries, and other purpofes, appointed.
Wednefday the 28th : Committees appointed for thefe in the Caftle, for the Incendiaries, for the Bills, for anfwering our Com-miffioners letters, anent difbanding of the armie, and delay of payment of eighty thoufand pound. Montrofe petitioned to have Mr. John Gilmore, Mr. John Nifbitt, and Mr. Lues Stewart, appointed to plead for him. It was granted, that all advocats fhould be appointed to confult who were required, except thefe who were required to perfue ; as for pleading, it was taken to farder advyfe-ment.
Thurfday 29th : It was denyed to Montrofe to meet for confutation with Naper, Blackhall, and Keir ; alfo it was appointed that they fhould anfwer to what interrogatories the Committee pleafed to propone to them ; though after their citation it was ordained, that all the members of Committees who were abfent, or came after the hours, fliould be fyned in the fame penalties which were ordained for abfence or latenefs in the I^arliament. Every Committee had power to doe all things they thought neceffare for their bufinefs, provyding they determined nothing, bot onlie prepared matters to be reported in face of Parliament.
Friday 30th : Inftrudlions to our Commiflioners at London, and the armie, and payment of eight[y] thoufand pound, alfo for a commiffion to them to examine witnefTes at London upon the Incendiaries, were twyce read and voyced, and my Lord Dum-fermling voyced to be their carrier. Stevin Boys warranted to take1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
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up Itill the Caftle rewls [rents] for paying to Colonell Lindfay his two hundred merks a moneth, and to his fojours their payes. Colonell Lindfay was dire6ted to admitt my Lord Montrofe's friends who pleafed to come to him ; yet in fuch a number at once as he might command; alfo, that it was not needfull for him to be prefent with the advocates confultations. The Lieutenant-Ge-nerall was ordained to make proclamation, that all officers and fojours not members of Parliament, fhould repaire to the armie with diligence.
Saturday 31ft, Sunday 1ft of Auguft, Mononday the 2d, no fitting.
Tuefday the 3d: A fupplication was given in by the Earl of Arroll Conftable, that the Toune of Edinburgh fhould be caufed to delyver to him Mr. Thomas Lamb, for his flaughter committed in tyme of Parliament. After fome dayes debate, the Town of Edinburgh, protefting that no dammage hereby lhould befall their privileges, was made to delyver the faid criminall; efpeciallie fince they acknowledged the flaughter to have been committed without the bounds of their jurifdi6lion. Fyntrie gave in a fupplication in Montrofe's name, to have the double of the depofitions of Mr. Robert Murray, Mr. John Robertfoun, Naper, Keir, Blackhall, Walter Stewart, and Mr. John [Stewart,] and [Col.] Cochrane, and of his owne. It was voyced, that Montrofe ftiould firft anfwer to his interrogatorie, before he gott thofe depofitions. Monroe fupplicat that monies at laft might be provided for his regiment. Juftice-deputs petition for the Parliament's advyce, in giving out their fentence againft Edward Skular, who was convi6l by ane aflife, albeit the probations were bot prefumptions. The petition, after voyces, was remitted to the Juftices, and they ordained to proceed according to law.
Wednefday 4th: The Eftates ordained, that the half of every Eftate, in a committee, fhould make a quorum ; alfo that the Committee of Bills fhould have power to fubfcryve fummonds for citation of parties and witneffe. It was proponed by the Committee for the Incendiaries, and agreed to by the Eftates, that the Incendiaries, if they did not, at their firft comeing, prefent themfelves to the Parliament, fhould be imprifoned by any Judge-ordinare ; that who did conceall them, fhould be punifhed as contemners of the orders of Parliament; alfo that any member of Parliament fhould be ufed as a witnefs, without prejudice of his voyce as a judge. Caflills, Durie, and Irwine, were ordained to interrogate Riccar-384
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toune. His fupplication and proceffe before the Committee, and his intercepted letters, were read.
Thurfday 5th : Sundrie fupplications, anent paffing of fignators, anfwered. Upon the Prefbytrie of Wigton's fupplication, the Earle of Galloway ordained to bring in within fifteen dayes, one Magie, a troublefome knave. Balmerinoch complained, that Keir had re-fufed to anfwer fome interrogatories of the Committee : The Eftates ordained him to anfwer to all.
Tuefday the 10th : Loudoun's letter the fixth of this inftantfrom London, and the reft of the Commiffioners, except Rothes who then was dangerouflie fick, was read, bearing the King's refolution to take journey the tenth, and to be in Edinburgh on Friday the thirteenth; alfo the fending away of all the arriers in carts, and forty-one thoufand pound to be payed prefentlie, the reft of the eighty thoufand pound to be given for the armies debts in the North-countreys ; the finifliing alfo the Treatie, except what concerned the trade, which behoved to be referred to a Committee. Argyle, Marifhall, and Almond, were ordained to meet the King, with the beft horfe of Merfe and the three Louthians, on Gladf-mure, neir Haddingtoun, on Friday. For to make all the members of Parliament fo fafl to the Church and State as "was poffible, and to be without danger of temptation and Court corruption, ane oath, after long advyfement, was agreed upon, in manie things the fame with the Englifh proteftation, to be taken, now and ever hereafter, by all the members of Parliament, before they get leave to fitt and voyce; the firfl draught of this oath yow have at (K.), thereafter it was mended in fome words, and ordained to be printed. A warrand given to Zefter, Kerfe, Aberdeen, with Mr. Archibald Johnftone, Mr. William Hay, Mr. James Durham, to fee the rolls and Exchequer-compts lince the year 1630, to make their reports before the Committee for Incendiaries. Lykelie from them ane great eik will be putt to Traquair's proceffe, which before was long and odious aneugh. Poffiblie I may fend yow the abreviat of it, if it were once clofed.
Wednefday the 11th: The Commiffioners of the Generall Affem-blie craved, that the declarations of the Earl of Traquair [which he] had caufed regifler in the Counfell-books, being contrare to his true declarations in the face of the Generall Affemblie, might be torn out of thefe regifters. After tryall this was granted ; and, in face of Parliament, they were torne out, their double yow have at (KK.) Colonell Lindefay being fick, he gott warrand to put in his1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	385
place, for charge of the caftle, any for whom he would be anfwer-able. He named Steven Boyd, his predeceffor, whom the Committee, for his too great refpe6l to his prifoners, had Ihifted of that charge. Prelident Spotfwood offering himfelf to the Parliament's tryall, yit a frie ward in the partie (?) caftle.
Thurfday the 12th: It was agreed that a Prefes every Parliament fhould be chofen, and continued till the ele6tion of a new one; likewayes that no particular bulinefs ftiould be handled till the generall were ended. Sundrie fupplications read and anfwered.
Fry day 13th: Two of every eftate, to witt, Argyle, Almond, Innes, (*) Kers, St. Andrewes, Aberdeen, together with the Prelident and Clerk, were appointed to give the King information of all that had pad in this Seflion of Parliament. A proclamation ordained, that no Nobleman cited to the Parliament, lhould claime to litt or voyce before he be tryed ; and that no Nobleman who has been out of the countrey, though not cited, be permitted to fitt or voyce before they fwear the covenant, alfo the band to maintain the a6ts of Parliament, and the oath, in face of Parliament. Noblemen, Officers of State, ordained to take place according to their creation, except the Chancellor. It is declared, that the a6t of conftitution of the Parliament excludes all Officers of Eftates.
Saturday 14th: Advocats for the State calls the Earle of Mon-trofe: he offered himfelf to anfwer, and defyred no continuation. The Eftates thought meet to delay till the 24th day. To the committee for redreffing of infolencies of the North, many fupplications referred. Langtoun's bill to have Wigtoun difcharged the office of Ufherie, referred to a committee.
His Majeftie, on Fry day, dyned with the Generall in his houfe at Newcaftle, did give a good countenance to all he faw. On Saturday came to Edinburgh; bot with a fmall traine: yet the Palatine, Duke of Lennox, • Hamiltoun, Lord Willoughbie, was with him. On Sunday, Mr. Alexander Henderfoun, on the 11th of the Rom. ult., had a good fermone to him in the forenoon in the Abbay church. Afternoon he came not; whereof being advertised by Mr. Alexander, he promifed not to do foe againe. Mr. Alexander in the morning, and evening before fupper, does daylie fay prayer, read a chapter, ling a pfalm, and fay prayer
(l) In the MS. " James, Kers/' &c.—The persons nominated for the Barons were the Laird of Innes and Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse. vol. i.	2 b386	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
againe. The King hears all duelie, and we hear none of his complaints for want of a Liturgie, or any Ceremonies. On Mononday the King came not abroad.
Tuefday 17th: After Mr. A. Ramfay's long fermon on Rom-5. " Being juftified," &c. the King came in coatch to the Parliament Houfe. He fpake very graciouflie : The Prefes, and then Argyle, anfuered him with cordiall harrangues of welcomes. His Majeftie offered prefentlie, without delay, to put his fcepter to the thirty-nine A6ts of Parliament enjoyned in the Treatie. He was intreated, accordingto the order of the Houfe, to fufpend till the morrow : at which tyme he prefTed againe that he might ratifie the A6ls. He was intreated to delay till the returne of the Com-miflioners who were prefent at the Treatie : at laft he was intreated fo to doe. The queftion of the Ufherie depending, Langtoun too rafhlie takes a rod, and putts himfelf in pofleffion of the place : The King herewith offended, commands to committ him for his prefumption. It was agreed on, at Argyle's motion, that when any matter of debate did occurr, two of everie ftate fhould be appointed to acquaint his Majeftie. This was done in the afternoon ; for they told the King, it was hardlie taken that Langtoun, a member of the Houfe, fhould be committed without advyce of Parliament; and did require, it fhould be ena6ted and recorded, that neither he, nor any of his fucceffors, fhould committ any Member of Parliament, without the Parliament's advyce.
Wednefday 18th : The Covenant, oath, and band, was read in prefence of his Majeftie, and approven. The Marqueis Hamiltoun, Mortoun, Roxburgh, Lanerick, and others, did fubfcryve and fwear as before the King and Parliament. Burghlie the prefes required to dimit his place, as was conditioned to him, in confideration of his weaknefs. His Majeftie fpake to his commendation : He obtained ane a6l of exoneration and approbation of all his carriage in that charge. His Majeftie did nominat, to be ele6ted in Parliament, for prefes, Balmerinoch : to him went all the voices.
Thurfday [19th] : The Duke of Lennox, Earles Annandale and Dumfreis, did fwear the covenant, band, and oath, and fo took their places. The Commiffioners at London their letter, for difbanding of the armie the 20th of this inftant, was read. After fome motion of the King, that they fhould march on a bridge of boats, over Tweed, it was concluded, with his Majeftie's confent, they fhould come alongft Berwick bridge. No Parliament man wras permitted to goe to the army bot the Lieutenant-Generall. It was appoynt-1641.
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	387
ed that everie Eftate fliould meet dailie from feven a'cloak to nyne; that the fefiion fhould be from nyne to twelve; that the committee Ihould fitt from three to fix; with power to call any member of Parliament before them, or other, and to remoye them alfo; lykewayes, that any member of Parliament Ihould be permitted to fitt in their owne place, in any committee. The Procurator for the Church was ordained to prefent for the Church what he thought fitt. Sir John Hay offers himfelf, but fupplicats he might be permitted, for his health, to keep his own houfe for fome dayes. Dr. Arnot and Maclure are appointed to vifit him, and to report, on their oath.
Fry day 20th: His Majeftie prefented a manifefto, emitted by him in favours of the Palatine, there recommended by the Parliament of England to the Parliament of Scotland. It was read, and taken to confideration. The petition of the Noblemens eldeft fonnes, to fitt and hear in Parliament, [with] the overtures from the Generall Aflemblie for univerfities, churches, and fchooles, were lykewayes taken to advyfement, alfo overtures anent the Commiflariots.
Saturday 21ft : Montrofe's petition to have [his] caufe difcuffed, was referred to his committee. After manie deliberations, fince he refufed to fubfcryve the fubmiflion, which the King did fee, and not difallow, the cognition of his caufe was caft by till the Parliament had difpatched their more weightie affaires. Some of every Eftate was appointed to meet in the Duke of Lennox's chamber, for the Palatine's affair. They drew up a heartie confent to the King's defyre, which the Parliament did ina6t, their readinefs to affift his Majeftie in a parliamentarie way, to regaine the Palatinate when ever he requyred. The controverfie betuixt the Mari-fhall and Conftable, alfo betuixt the Marifliall and Macers, were referred to. Committees.
Tuefday the 24th : My Lord Loudoun afked inftrument of his production, in face of Parliament, of ane exemplification of ane A61 of the Englifh Parliament, wherein they ratifie the Treatie; alfo ane exemplification of ane other A6t, for fecureing the payment^) of the two hundred and twentie-one thoufand pound fterling, the remainder of the brotherlie afiiftance; both which A6ts were under the Great Seall of England. Alfo that he produced the copie of the Treatie, which at his laft goeing to England was delyvered to him by the Parliament of Scotland. The Eftates are appointed to
(2) In the MS. " for securing by public of" &c.388
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
meet, by themfelves at two o'clock, and all together at three. In the afternoon they agreed upon, and fubfcryved the inftructions to the Generall for paying of the Armie.
Wednefday, the 25th of Auguft [1641.]
[To Mr. William Spang.)
Cousine,
As in my laft I promifed, have now what comes to my mind of the courfe of our publick affaires fince the 25th of Auguft, where my Diurnall of our Parliament did end. The tyme now is fo long,(3) and my memorie fo weak, that the courfe of weeks, let be dayes, I cannot follow ; bot of the matters of greateft moment have a part, as I can remember.
Before I came from London, his Majeftie's voyage for Scotland wasrefolved; upon what grounds, it is bot onlie conje6tured. My Lord Rothes was become a great courtiour.(4) The Queen began to fpeak honourablie and affe6tionatlie of our nation, and, in found earned, to think of her convoying the King to Scotland. It was thought the heartie agreeance, and fullie fatiffieing of our needleflie irritat land, would be a foveraigne help of the continuall harftie ran-counters of the Englifh Parliament. Befydes, as it appeared afterward, about that tyme Walter Stewart's informations had come to the King, giving probable affureances for convinceing of Hamiltoun and Argyle of capitall crymes, if the countenance of a prefent King-might favour the accufers. Our Commiffioners of the bell nott, and the leaders of the Englifh Parliament, by all meanes laboured to make the King's voyage difficult. Few did believe it poffible ; notwithftanding he was peremptor, and did goe. The firft thing his Majeftie affayed in Parliament was, to touch without all delay with his fcepter the thirty-nine a6ls of the former Seffion. To the molt the motion was very plaufible. It was given out to be ane a6l of forward zeall to perform what was promifed in the Treatie;
(3)	This letter has no date in the MS.; but it must have been written either at the close of 1641, or the beginning of the year following.
(4)	It is singular that JBaillie should thus make mention of the Earl of Rothes, and take no notice of his death, which happened at Richmond upon Thames, on the 23d of August 1641.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
389
onlie fome two or three efpyed the danger of this a6tion ; who incontinent drew up firfl a fhort nott, then a larger paper, demon-ftrating the great prejudice that the treatie of peace, and the libertie of the land, would receave, by fuch ane unreafonable and undefyred ratification. You have the firfl at (A.), the next at (B.) Thefe informed fo weell the Parliament, that the King's offer was firfl fhifted for a tyme, and then clean laid by as prejudiciall; and after much debate, the forme of publifhing both thefe A6ls, and of the whole Treatie, which yow did fee in print, was agreed upon. For ane fafe proceeding in all things, before the King's comeing, there was fundrie cautions ena6led, whereof I writ to yow before, excellent orders for the Houfe, which yet are not come to my hands, whereby the Officers of Eftate for the moft part, all the Lords of Seflion, all not members of Parliament, were excluded. Earles eldefl fones took this in verie evill part; feeing the Barrons, by' that beginning intended to fpoyle them of that honour, which latelie, by the King's favour, had been beftowed on them, and to reduce them to the old Hate of mere Matters : yet they refolved patience ; for the leading young nobles were Angus, Montgomerie, Maitland, who, for fear of increafing divifion, were content to fwal-low down their grudge. It was much feared that the Burrowes fhould fall foule with the Barrons, who did claim everie one a full voyce; while as, in King James's dayes, the two Commifiioners of a Ihyre had been in poffeflion of one onlie fuffrage: (5) yet this difference was quietlie carried, for love of peace, in fo dangerous ane tyme. Sundry papers alfo were fcattered, for holding the members of Parliament right, and ordering of affaires before the King's comeing ; one whereof you have at (C.) Bot the tough difpute betuixt the King and Parliament was about the.ele6lion of the Officers of State, of the Counfell, and of the Seflion. Upon this poynt much difpute had been in the treatie at London. We alleadged it was our law, and old cuflome, to have all thefe ele6led by the advyce of Parliament; that the ele6lion of thq/e by the King alone had been the fountain of our evills, and was lyke to be a conftant root of corruption, both in Kirk and State, if not feen to. His Majeftietook the nomination of thefe to be afpeciall part of his prerogative, a great finew of his government, the long pof-feffion of Kings in Scotland, the unqueflionable right of the Kings in England. Much difpute in private and publick wes for this great matter. The equitie of our States demand yow may fee at
(5) In the MS. u cne onlie suffering yet" &c.390	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641,
(D.) yea, thefe good hands whilk were alwayes readie to caft in write reafons for all that we craved, caufed difperfe lykewayes other two papers ; one, for the precedencie of noblemen according to their creation to ftatefmen (E.) ; another, for exclufion of all ftatefmen from voyce in Parliament, except the Chancellour (F.) When thefe things with great difficultie were obtained, there fell in for the nomination of the perfones to the places vaiking, queftions unextri-cable. For the Counfell and Seffion there was not much difpute; neither for the continuance of Roxburgh in the Privie Seall, or the Advocat, Thefaurer-depute, or Juftice-clerk : bot all the queftion was for the Chancellour, the Theafurer, and Regifter. The King made no queftion to fatiffie that defyre, which was univerfall, about my Lord Loudoun's advancement; it was refolved he fhould be Thefaurer. Bot when his Majeftie found it more eafie to find abilities for the Theafurie, than the Chancerie, he changed, and declared Loudoun Chancellour, againft both his own mind and his friends. The obje6ted difficultie of the fmallnefs of that office fees, was prefentlie helped by the addition of ane penfion of ane thou-fand pound fterling. For the other two offices arofe unhappie debates. For their quiet fettleing, it was propounded, and long preff-ed, that the verie nomination fhould be by the advyce of the States ; the reafons you may read at (G.) . When little here could be gotten obtained, it was urged, that the States, in their advyce, for efchewing perfonall offences, might voyce by lheduls, as yow may lie at (H.) ; bot this was counted a noveltie, and reje6led. Factions began here evidentlie to appear. The mod and beft part of the Eftates were content to have Argyle Thefaurer; bot others efteeming that ane infupportable greatnefs, did make the King peremptor in refufeing that motion. Upon this rock there was a long fticking. The King did nominate one day, in face of Parliament, [the Earl of Mortoun], whill Argyle topes this nomination, as of man unmeet, becaufe of irrefponfablenefs to the law for his debts, there fell a verie foule flyting betwixt the two ; the end was that Mortoun was pall by. So much the leffe lykeing had the States to him, in regard of fome contumelious words caft by him fome dayes before upon their prefident, Balmerinoch, who took them in verie evill part, and refufed to proceed till Mortoun was forced to give him publick fatiffadlion. The nixt on whom his Majeftie pitched was Almond. This motion was alfo reje6led. Argyle had been before allwayes to that man a moft fpeciall friend ; bot he faid, he behooved to preferr the publick good to private1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	391
friendfhip, and fo did avowedlie oppofe that motion; as indeed it was thought Almond, in that place, might have 'been also good a head and leader to his old friends, the banders and malecontents, as any other of our nation.
Upon thefe jarres whole moneths were mifpent. It was generally thought, that from thefe divifions the laft plotts which brake out did either arife originallie, or were refumed, when for a while they had fleeped, and were laid afyde, when before his Majeftie's coming, all what was alleadged, about Montrofe's intentiouns to accufe Hamiltoun and Argyle in face of Parliament, was made grofflie odious; and by the beheading of Mr. John Stewart, the confeft calumniator, the progrefle of thefe defignes were chocked. Behold, at this tyme, thefe fame, or the like counfells, are taken up againe. My Lord Kerr, in God's mercie, makes vent to them in his drunkennefs before their maturitie. That very infolent youth, without all provocation, one day, after too much drink, will bot car-tell the Marqueis of Hamiltoun as a juglar with the King, and a traitor both to him and to his countrie. This meffage he fends to the Marqueis with his no less furious and drunken fecond, the Earle of Crauford. The Marqueis receaved the challenge in the chamber of prefence; bot finding Crauford in drink, he anfwers modeftlie, that gif to-morrow he would returne, he would give him ane anfwer. This filled the whole Parliament with high indignation, that a member of theirs, of the Marqueis's qualitie, fhould be fo abufed, at his Majeftie's elbow, by drunken fooles. While in face of Parliament, a complaint is made of it to the King, the Marqueis* on his knee, did fupplicat the King for Kerr; to whofe father he profefied his manifold obligations: He excufed Crauford, as if he could doe no lefle than delyver his commerad's meflage; bot with-all the wife man did make ufe of the injurie, and humblie required his Majeftie's and the Parliament's declaration of their judgements in the matter itfelf. By this meanes he obtaines, by way of a£t of Parliament, both from the King and State unanimouflie, a declaration of his moll loyall and faithfull fervice to that day ; and my Lord Kerr is commanded to crave him pardon in thefe words,(J.) prefcryved, and regiftrat in the records of Parliament for Kerr his perpetuall infamie.
Sundrie wyfe men even then did begin to fmell fome worfe thing; bot at once there brake out ane noyfe of one of the moft wicked and horrible plotts that hes been heard of, that putt us all for fome dayes in a mightie fear. It was noifed everie where, that upon392	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
Captain Walter Stewart's relation, that Hamiltoun, Argyle, and Lanerick, onlie for companie, ftiould have been called for out of their bed, that fame night it was revealed, by Almont, as it were to the King's bed-chamber; when they ftiould have come, they were to have been arrefted as traitors, and to have been delyvered to the Earle of Crauford, waiting on with armed fojours at the foot of the back ftairs (6) in the garden, by them to be call in a clofe coatch, and carried to the fhore ; for there was a boat attending for their convoy to one of the King's fhipps, which for fome weekes had been in the Road, for no other purpofe that was known, that ftiould have been the prifon out of the which they were to be brought before the Parliament to anfwer challenges of the higheft treafon; bot if in their arrefting, they ftiould have made any re-fiftance, Crauford and his fojours were readie to have {tabbed them. Cochrane was faid to have given affureance for bringing his regiment from Muflelburgh to command the caufey of Edinburgh; and that night, with' the afliftance of manie friends in the toune, to have made fall, or killed, if need had been, fo manie of the Parliament men as were fufpe6led might have been headie for the prifoners relief. Wayes were made to delyver the caftell to Montrofe and his fellow-prifoners. The Kerrs, Humes, Johnftouns, and the moft of the borderers, were faid to be in readinefs, and under warning, to march towards Edinburgh; the fojours of Berwick alfo, who yet were not dilbanded. Thefe horrible defignes breaking out, all the citie was in a flought. Hamiltoun, Argyle, [and] Lanerick, took a ftiort good night with the King, and fled to Kinneill. The citizens keeped a ftrong guard that night. Manie of the weel-affe6ted noblemen caufed watch their houfes. To-morrow the King came up in a coatch to the Parliament, and near fyve hundred of fojours, and the worft affe6ted men about him, with their armes in a minace-ing way : they brake in to the midft, near hand of the Parliament's outer hall. The States were mightilie offended, and would not be pacified till Lefslie had gotten a commiffion, verie abfolute, to guard the Parliament, with all the bands of the citie, and regiments yet on foot, and fome troups of horfe, which, according to his printed warrand, he did quicklie and diligentlie. Crauford, Cochrane, and others, were made faft. Great adoe there was for their tryall. The King complained much of the vyle flander which Hamiltoun's
(6) So in the 4to. MS. and no doubt correctly. In the later MSS., fi at the foot of the Blackfriars/' &c. But the passage evidently alludes to the garden behind the Palace of Holyrood.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	393
needlefs flight and fear had brought upon him. He profeft to deteft all fuch bafe treacheries as were fpoken of; urged a prefent tryall, in face of Parliament, for the more clearing of his innocencie. Yet this way was reje6led as verie unmeet, for the reafons at (K.) ; and a committee appointed for a more accurate tryall in private than could have been publick. Manie evill favoured things were found ; yet in the papers that went abroad we found nothing that touched the King, neither much which did refle6l on the Duke, Almond, or William Murray. A part of the confeflion of the ac-cufed yow have at (L.) The Parliament in England fell in great feares at the fame tyme of fome mifchievous plotts for the lyves of their pryme men: bot fo foone as our ftories had come to their eares, they fett the trained bands about the doores to be their guard, and fent down inftructions (M.) to their Commiflioners to make known their deep refenting of our affaires. .My Lord W. Howard, and fome four of the Lower Houfe, had been attending all this while in Edinburgh, for keeping good correfpondence betwixt the Nations and Parliaments ; the King had refufed to fett his feall to their commiffion; wherefore the Englifh Parliament took offence at the Duke of Lennox and William Murray, who were thought at that tyme to guide all the Court much at their pleafure.
In the meantyme, Hamiltoun, Argyle, and his nephew Gordoun, lay quietlie at Hamiltoun without any convocation of friends. The King vented much malcontentment againft Hamiltoun; and if the late Declaration had not fecured him, was near to have intended a citation of him to anfwer for poynts of treafon : yet for his clearing, this paper was fent amongft the hands of the States (N.) ; and after fome two or three weeks abfence, upon the King and Parliament's letters, which you have at (O.) they all returned, and at once feemed to have als great confidence in the King as ever. Sure their late danger was the meane to increafe their favour with the Parliament ; fo whatever ruleing they had before it was then multiplied. The Marqueis did not much meddle ; bot the leading men of the Barrons and Burrowes did daylie con-fult with Argyle. He had been verie forward for accommodating the bufinefs both erf the Incendiaries and plotters with Montrofe, and thefe who were cited to the Parliament. He had, the day he fled, brought all things verie near to that poynt the King defyred. At his return, he began where he left. The great knott was, that the oath which he had invented, obliedged the Parliament, in394	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
dire6t termes, to ane accurate tryall of all Incendiaries and plotters. To elude this oath, the accommodators ufed manie diftinc-tions. About it Mr. Henderfoun and Mr. Blair had been in con-trare termes : In our meeting, who were commiffioners for the Church, Mr. Henderfoun fpake for the palling of the tryall; I contradi6led him at fome length. Mr. Archibald Johnftoun was verie infirme, and dangerouflie lick for the tyme ; yet I moved him to draw up that paper, as he did manie moe, which yow have at (P.); for all that we were troubled with the queftion. Sundrie of the Parliament would have the invie of refufeing the King's demand to fall on the Church ; bot by ane overture call in by our good friend Mr. George Young, we gott the thorne put in the right foot; for they had ftated, by good Southelk's advyce, a verie captious queftion to us, Whether, in confcience, the tryall of the Incendiaries or plotters might by the Parliament be difpenfed with? If fo they did conceive the paffing of that tryall was the meane of the countrie's peace, &c. We required, before we could give ane anfwer, our interrogators declaration, Whether they in con- • fcience, thought, that the paffing of that tryall was a fure meane of peace, without which it could not be had ? Upon this, without farder troubleing of us, the States refolved, as yow have in the printed a6t, for taking the tryall, for their oathes fake, bot remitting the fentence to the King. A little before the King was like to be verie peremptor ; for he menaced to raife or leave the Parliament in confufion, if they would not yield to his demand of a publick tryall of that plott was alleadged againft Hamiltoun and the reft. Bot herein he had ane hard enough rancounter ; for a verie ftrang declaration was drawn up, which yow have at (Q.) and had paft the Committees of Burrowes and Barrons, which fo moved his Majeftie and his cabbin-councill, that, without farder delay, they yielded to the tryall of a private committee, whereat the King fhould not be prefent, and all the members lhould be fworn fecrecie till the tryall were ended.
All this while the common affairs were interrupted, as yow may mark in the dates of the A6ts of Parliament. We had obtained fome triffling A6ts for the Church ; bot that which we molt intended verie hardlie could be obtained, our Commiffion for fettle-ing the churches and fchooles. We had here few or no reall friends. The Advocate, (7) with his idle curiofitie, put us to infinite difficulties. When we had gotten him fomewhat fatiffied, then
(7) Sir Thomas Hope of Craighall, Lord Advocate.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
395
fundrie of all the Eltates carped for their own intereft at everie other claufe of it. All that we could obtaine was that forme yow fee in print, and fuch men on it as we have hot fmall confidence in, as fince it hes proven ; for when we expe6ted, that Church-buflinefs fhould have been taken in the firft place, upon pretence of the publick affaires, all that concerned us was reje6ted to June's flow feffion; yea, the churches of the Weft will not come in thefe two yeares yet to come. This I took for a great overfight in fome from whom I expe6ted, in wifdome towards their own ftanding, more favour towards the Church. We were at that tyme preaching fome of us verie zealouflie againft both the old and new Plotters; for which we gott thanks. One fermone I had in the Parliament Houfe which was weell lyked. Good Mr. Henderfoun all this while was verie filent, and under mifconftru6tion with the chief of his old friends, as if he had been too fpareing with his Majeftie in thefe dangerous occafions, and that in his fermones fome fentences did fall from him prejudiciall to the States proceedings. Bot furelie that man is moft gracious : he was a good inftrument, after much difficultie, to obtaine to the Univerfitie of Edinburgh both the Bifhoprick and Priorie. Glafgow was pitifullie crofted by the Duke [of Lennox], who mult needs have the Temporalitie of that Bifhoprick ; the Spiritualitie fell to the Towne-miniftrie, which is bot a fmall thing. Bot, to content Glafgow, the Bifhoprick of Galloway was given to the Colledge, deduceing a ftipend to its Cathe-drall, and what will fall to the augmentation of Minifters. Aberdeen Univerfitie got the Bifhoprick. Edinburgh had gotten the gift of their own, and of Orkney ; bot they fand that both were all fpoyled by prior gifts; fo they took themfelves to be near difap-poynted. Richard "Maxwell, to ingadge his hammermen to the King, got to their Meddlen Chappell, (8) the moft of Dunkell. The Deanrie of the Chappell, (9) fome four thoufand. merks a-year, fell to Mr. Henderfoun. Argyle, Ifles, I fufpect to Argyle. Rofie, Murray, and Caithnefs, are divided to Northland gentlemen and minifters, who are bot of verie fmall deferving. The Bifhopricks were fo quicklie, and fo much againft our mindes dilapidat, that we were near to have made a proteftation in Parliament in the
(8)	Magdalene Chapel in Edinburgh. See the " Ratification in favouris of the beidmen of the Hospitall callit the Magdalene Chappell, (quhairof the Hammermen of Edinburgh ar Patrones.)" November 17th, 1641. (Acta Pari, vol. IV. p. 6.)
(9)	The Chapel Royal at Holyrood.396	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
Church's name. The fear of this proteftation made our Univerfi-ties to come the better fpeed.
The queftion about the Offices of State did here againe waken. Moft adoe was for the Regifter. Hamiltoun was bent to have it for Orbiftoun ; but Durie, by William Murray, gott the King and the Duke to be paffionatlie for him. The bodie of the weell affe6ted Eftates thought that place the juft reward of Mr. John-ftoun's great and verie happie labours. Manie papers rann againft Durie, amongft the reft this at (R.) ; notwithftanding, by Argyle his meanes moft, whereof manie wondered, Durie (') gott the prize; and Mr. Archibald was made content with knighthood, and a place in the Seffion, and two hundred pounds of penfion. For the Thefaurie, fince it could not be gotten to Argyle, it was agreed to keep it vacant till the King might be gotten drawn; and, in the meane tyme, after the Englifh falhion,'to ferve it by a commiflion of fyve, two of Hamiltoun's friends, Glencairne and Lindefay, the Chanceller, and Argyle himfelf, with the Thefaurer-Deput.
Att this tyme it was when the Irifh Rebellion brake out. (z) At the firft hearing, our Eftates offered to the King and the Englifh Parliament, to fend over in hafte ten thoufand weli-armed men; the way of raifing you have at (S.) If prefent ufe had been made of that offer, manie a life of our friends had been faved ; bot manie miferable impediments have hindered that to this day. There are not over of our men above five thoufand, who yet does among the rebells what they will. This Rebellion made both the King and us to hafte all affaires ; fo in fome eight dayes as great and precipitat hafte was ufed, as in three moneths before there had been needlefs protra6lion. A committee was appointed ; the minute whereof, the 4th and 5th of November, fee at (S 2.) which in two or three nights did agree all things privatelie with the King, moft according to Argyle's minde; whereupon the number of malcontents in all eftates grew againft him ; bot without anie juft caufe : fo our Parliament ended, after fo long fitting, fomewhat abruptlie. The King behooved to be gone ; and yet he made no fuch fpeed as was expe6led ; for at York he ftayed fome dayes, and wes long
(*) Sir Alexander Gibson, younger of Durie, was appointed Lord Clerk-Register, 13th November 1641.
(2) The news of the breaking out of the Irish Rebellion was communicated to the Scotish Parliament by the King in person at the morning session on the 28th of October.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	397
ere he came to the Parliament, which prefentlie hes the mouths of all, that the Irifh Rebellion, and new plotts in England againft the Parliament, were invented by the Queen, and not againft the King's mind : bot in manie declarations his Majeftie hes fince put all fuch fufpitions out of everie equitable minde : however, too manie to this day will not take fatiffadlion.
There was appointed a Committee of our Eftates to attend the Parliament of England, not fo much for the perfe6ting of our Treatie, as to keep correfpondence in fo needfull a tyme. None of the former commiffioners were employed, bot Sir Archibald Johnftoune, and Sir John Smyth ; for the molt of all the reft were fallen in the countrey's diflyke, complying too much with the King. Certainlie Dumfermling, Waughtoun, SherrifF of Teviotdale, Rick-artoune, Clerk of Dundie, did tyne all credite with the Eftates. Our new Commiffioners obtained warrand of Parliament to choofe for their fervice what minifters they thought meet. They agreed on Mr. Harie Rolloek, and Mr. Borthuick. It was thought the King was evill furnifhed of preachers ; for his ftay was long : Mr. Henderfoun, on whom it lay to provide for two everie Sabboth, and one upon the Tuefday, could not get men according to his mind. The Commiffioners of the Aflemblie behooved to make fome of their number to pray daylie in the Parliament, at the entrie and in the end of the a6tion. Thefe who were molt hable, did declyne both preaching and prayer, and thefe who wer leaft hable, were fooneft intreated. In the end of the Parliament, the Advocate's idleneffe put the King on ane humour of protefting of faving his right. This dangerous noveltie, of cafting all loofe, his Majeftie at laft was moved to give over, mod by Mortoun's perfuafion. The author, for this, and other his needlefs offices, obtained to his fone Sir Thomas,(3) not onlie a place in the Seffion, bot alfo, to the indignation of the nobilitie, a patent to the Generall Jufticiarie, at leaft for one year. Poor Mr. Elphingftoun, who had it before, was caft by without anie challenge, as a man contemned by all. The King made all the hafte he could, and ftrove to give contentment to all. Manie moe penfions given than ever will be payed. Sun-drie Earles and Lords, bot a world of Knights, were created. Among manie referrs from our Generall Affemblie to the Parliament, there was one verie good, for ordering of the levies of our
(3) Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse, the second son of the Lord Advocate, Sir Thomas Hope of Craighall, was appointed one of the Lords of Session, and Justice-General, in November 1641.398 LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
1641.
countrey men who went abroad to ferve Popifh Princes, as yow may fee at (T.) It had been a pitie bot the Parliament had taken fome notice of it.
Alfo the Parliament was in a fair way, before the breaking out of our wicked plotts, to have put over fea, to Germanie, ten thou-fand brave and well armed fouldiers for the Palatine. And for the advancement of that fervice, this letter (W.) was drawn up by Robin Meldrum, (who is yet a man altogether, bot verie unjuftlie and imprudentlie, negle6led by our State,) and fent away be the King to the Queen of Swedden: bot mifcheant inftruments, as thefe twentie years bygane, fo to this day, mifleads fo the Court, that nothing can be gotten done for that poor Prince. Never fuch order in anie Parliament among us. The whole States mett daylie in the forenoon, and fometyme in the afternoon alfo. Oft the fe-verall States had their afternoone, and ever the committees, which were manie, for facilitating of all buffineffes of importance. No A6t pall till it were firft read to the whole States, and doubles of it given to everie State for advyfement, at leaft for one day, except in the laft two or three dayes, where manie a6ls could not, it feemes, for hafte have that leafurelie confideration.
A Memorandum from Mr. Robert Baillie for the Towne
and colledge of glasgow. (4).
Firft Defyre.—That the Towne may have a new warrand, under the King's hand, for ele6tion of their Magiftrates.
Reafons.—1. This power is common to all Regall Burghs, fuch as their old Chartours makes them. 2. The King, in their late lignatour, hes expreffed particulate that favour. 3. Their fervice deferves it, as weell as any burgh in Scotland, as my Lord Marqueis [of Hamilton] can weell inftru6t. 4. If it ftiould be denyed, it would call that City on the dependance of fome Noble family or Statefman, which might be an occafion, as of old it was, of great trouble to that countrey fyde.
Second Defyre.—That the King would be pleafed. to give affure-
(4) This paper occurs in the MS. immediately preceding Baillie's letter to his Wife, from Gravesend, on the 2d of June 1641:—it must evidently be some months later, probably in October, as it doubtless refers to the anticipated distribution of the Bishops Lands, which took place in November that year; see supra. page 395.1641.	LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	399
ance to maintain, out of the 'Bifhoprick, a Minifler in the High Church.
Reafons.—1. The Bifhops did ever, by themfelves or chaplaines, take upon them to fupplie that place s their fall ought not to prejudge the Church of one preacher at leaft, in their roome. 2. The Towne would be overburdened to provyde that place, being overcharged with the ftipends of fo many more, both minifters, readers, fchoolmafters, hofpitalls, and fuch publick works as exhauft their rents.
Third Defyre.—That the fair and famous High Church of Glafgow may not be permitted to decay : it is neither equitie nor poflibilitie for the Towne to keep it up. Fyve or fix chalders of bear, if it be prefentlie beflowed by the King, will uphold it; bot if long delayed, all the Bifhoprick will not repaire the ruines of that building, which is Scotland's only Paull's.
Fourth Defyre.—It is all the reafon in the world that the Bifhops Hofpitall (hould have a part of the Bifhoprick, if it were bot fome few chalders of vi6tuall. For the prefent, the full rent of it, in my opinion, is within fifteen pounds Sterline.
Fifth Defyre.—Whatever his Majeftie will be pleafed to beflow on a Preacher, on the fabrick of the High Church, on the Bifhops Hofpitall, it would be put in a fignatour for the Towne, to be defrayed out of the Bifhops milnes lying within and near the Towne.
Memorandum for the Universitie.
The King being willing to help all the Univerfities out of the Bifhopricks, your Lordfhip (5) have [has] reafon to fee Glafgow provided with the firfl.
It is founded by the Houfe of Hammiltoun, yow are one of its plants, the mofl of your friends have [had] their breeding there. It is verie poor for the maintainance of ane Principall, a ProfefTor of Divinitie, a ProfefTor of Phyfick, five Regents, fourteen or fifteen Burfars, a colle6lor, a fleward, a beddall, a porter, fome cookes ; I think about twenty-eight founded perfons : They have not for table and flipend four hundred pounds of rent. It were a pitie bot at the leaft four hundred pounds out of the Bifhoprick, and one
(5) James Marquis of Hamilton.400
LETTERS AND JOURNALS.	1641.
hundred pounds out of the Subdeanrie, might be gotten, for augmentation of ftipends alreadie founded, for the maintenance of three new Profeffors, (one for the Contraverfies of Divinitie, one for Mathematicks, one for the Orientall Tongues,) for at leaft fix Burfars of Divinitie, for fome yearlie rent to the Bibliothek, alfo for maintaining and enlargeing the fabrick of the Houfe: Whatever is gotten, God and the King and your Lordfhip fhall have the thanks.APPENDIX
TO
VOLUME FIRST
OF
BAILLIE'S LETTERS AND JOURNALS.APPENDIX No. I.
LIST OF PAPERS INSERTED IN VOLUME FIRST OF THE MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION OF BAILLIE'S LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
M.DC.XXXVII.—M.DC.XLI.
[The following is an accurate List of the several Papers which are interspersed in the MS. Collection of Baillie's Letters. A considerable number of these papers were printed at the time as separate Tracts ■ others obtained an extensive circulation in Manuscript, and many of these copies are still preserved. It has been thought sufficient, however, merely to indicate references to such as have been published in works that are easily accessible; or are included in No. II. of the Appendix. The titles of the abbreviated references are as follows:—
Acta Pari.—Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland. Mr. Thomson's edition.
Baillie,—Appendix No. II, of the present edition of Baillie's Letters and Journals.
Balfour,—Historical Works of Sir James Balfour of Denmylne. Edin. 1824, 4 vols. 8vo.
Burnet,—Memoires of the Dukes of Hamilton, by Gilbert Burnet, afterwards Bishop of Sarum. Lond. 1677» folio.
Large Declar.—His Majesty's Large Declaration concerning the late Tumults in Scotland, [by Walter Balcanquall, D. D.] Lond. 1639, folio.
Records,—Records of the Kirk of Scotland, &c. from the year 1638, by Alexander Peterkin. Edin. 1839, large 8vo.
Rothes,—Relation of Proceedings concerning the Affairs of the Kirk of Scotland, from August 1637 to July 1638, by John Earl of Rothes. (Presented as a Contribution to the Bannatyne Club, by James Nairne, Esq.) Edin. 1830, 4to.
Rushworth,—Historical Collections, &c. Lond. 1682-1701, 8 vols, folio.
Spalding,—History of the Troubles in Scotland and England from 1624 to 1645. (Bannatyne Club edition,) Edin. 1828, 2 vols. 4to.
Stevenson,—History of the Church and State of Scotland, from the Accession of Charles I. Edin. 1753-1757, 3 vols. 8vo.]404
LIST OF PAPERS.
1637.
1637.
C. 4. The Supplication of the Minifters of Fyfe given in to
the Counfell, 23d Aug. 1637, Vide Baillie, vol. i. page 19 Rothes, 45.—Rush worth, 2. 394.—Balfour 2. 227, and Records, 53, (copy abridged.)—Baillie, 1. 449-
Informations given to feverall Counsellors.	. 19
Rothes, 46—Baillie, 1. 450.
The A61 of Counfell after the Minifters Supplication, 25th Aug.	.	.	19
Stevenson, 2. 194,—Records, 53,—Baillie, 1. 449.
C. 5. The Counfell's Letter to the King, 25th Aug. . 19 Balfour, 2, 229,—Records, 53.—Baillie, 1. 451.
C. 6. The King's Letter to the Counfell, 10th Sept. . 21 Balfour, 2. 232,—Records, 54,—Baillie, 1. 452.
The Supplication prefented to the Counfell, 20th Sept. 21
C. 7. The fame Supplication, as corre6ted and fent up to
the King.	...	22
Rothes, 47.
C. 8. The Act of Counfell after the Supplication, 20th Sept. 22 Balfour, 2. 233,—Records, 54.
Conliderations for fuch as lay to heart the danger of this intended Liturgie ; (wherunto let every watchman and wyfe-hearted Reader adde as he thinks fitt:) with Motives and Overtures.	.	23
Stevenson, 2. 206-211.
F. Supplication of Noblemen, Barons, Burgeffes, Minifters, &c. to the Lords of Secret Counfell, 18th Oct. 36 Rothes, 49,—Large Declar., 42,—Rushworth, 2. 406.
Supplication to the King's Moll Excellent Majefty, [prefented in the year 1633.] Stevenson, 1. 104.
L. Declaration of the King's abhorrence of all fuperftitions
of Poperie, at Linlithgow, 7th Dec.	.	43
Large I")eclar., 46,—Rushworth, 2. 408,—Stevenson, 2. 236.
N. 5. The Clearing of thefe who have fubfcryved the Complaint againft the Prelates for undermyneing of Religion in the two Books of Canons and Common Prayer.	...	44
Stevenson, 2. 243.1637.
LIST OF PAPERS.
405
P. 1. Bill given in to the Lords of Secret Counfell, at Dalkeith, 20th [19th] Dec.	.	Vide page 26 P. 2. A61 of the Counfell, fame date. . . 45 H. A Power for (or granted to) Commifiioners. . 42 O. The Proteftation. (" It was reddie, but not prefentit.") 45 N. 1, 2, &c. " No Alteration,"—" No Alteration of the Words Archbiftiops and Bifhops,"—alfo " We cannot di-vyde." . . .44
The Heads of my Lord Loudoun his Speech to the Counfell, concerning the Controverfie depending for the Service-Book, Canons, High Commiflions, and other Innovations, preffed upon Scotland.	45
Balfour, 2. 240,—Records, 57,—See the fuller report in Baillie, 1. 455.
T. Mr. James Cunninghame's Speech. .	.	46
Balfour, 2. 246,—Stevenson, 2. 258. S. 1. & 2. Copie of the Bill prefented to the Counfell 21ft
Dec., and the Declinature given in the fame day. 46 Rothes, 50, 51.
V. Ane Act of Counfell, at Dalkeith, 21ft Dec. . 46 Rothes, 40,—Balfour, 2. 249,—Stevenson, 2. 262,— Records, 58.
Memorandum for thefe who did confer with the Coun-fellors, 15th Nov.	.	.	.41
G. 2. The Counfell's Letter to the Secretary, 17th Nov. 41
D. Letter from the Counfell to the King, 20th Sept.	33
Baillie, 1. 453.
Extra6ls of the Books of Secret Counfell, from the 20th December 1636 to 25th Auguft 1637.	32
Rothes, 201, 202.—Baillie, 1. 440, 447, 449.
The Supplication of the Prefbytery of Couper, 20th Sept. 1637,	.	.	32
Anonymous Letter, beginning " Moft Holy Father dated Madrid, 8th July 1623.
Meditation upon the Canterburian Faction, penned and given out fome fyve years agoe, (in Latin.) 113-114 A. Milfive Letter from His Majeftie for Eftablifhing the
Service Book ; dated 18th 061. 1636, - 31 Rushworth, 2. 343.—Balfour, 2. 224,—Records, 50. —Baillie, 1. 441.406
LIST OF PAPERS.
163V.
B. A6t of Horneing againft the Minifters to buy the Ser-
vice-Book, 13th June. .	.	Vide page 32
Records, 51.
E. 1. Anfwer from his Majeftie, 9th 061. .	.	35
Balfour, 2. 236—Records, 55. E. 2. Adfc for Diffolving the Counfell-day, 17th O61. . 35
Large Declar., 33.—Records, 55. G. 1. Letter to his Majeftie from the Counfell, 17th Nov. 41 K. Letter from his Majeftie to the Counfell, 15th Nov. 43
Balfour, 2. 237.—Records, 57. M. 1. A6t of Counfell, 7th Dec.	... 43
M. 2. Proclamation at Linlithgow. :	.	.	43
G. The way of Advertifing the Commiffioners of Shyres. 42 Q. The Counfell's Letter to the Secretary, 14th Dec. 45
Rothes, 44.—Baillie, 1. 454. R. The Earl of Loudoun's Speech to the Counfell, 21ft
Dec.	.....	45
Stevenson, 2. 251.—Baillie, 1. 455.
1638.
The Common Advertifement fent from the Commif-lioners and cheiffe men of the Shyres to all that are well affected, &c. 22d Febr. 1638.	.	59
Rothes, 68.
The King's Will proclaimed at the Croffes of Stirling and Edinburgh, 19th and 22d Febr. .	59
Rothes, 87.—Large Declar., 48.—Rushworth, 2. 731. —Stevenson (abridged) 2. 273.—Records, 59.
The Proteftation, 19th Febr. .	59
Rothes, 88,—Large Declar., 50,—Rushworth, 2. 732, —Records, 59.
Confiderations according to the Grounds of Conformity for thefe who are fcrupulous in fubfcryving the Covenant. (To this paper by Robert Baillie there are Additions at fol. 58 of the MS.)	.	93
The Confeflion of Faith fubfcryvit firft by the King's Majeftie and his Houfhold, the year of God 1580,— again in 1590 and 1638.	.	.	62
Large Declar., 55,—Rushworth, 2. 734,—Acta Pari. 5. 294.—And often elsewhere.1638.
LIST OF PAPERS.
407
Inftru6tions from his Majeftie's Counfell to the Lord Juftice-Clerk, whom they have ordained to goe to Court for his Majeftie's fervice: at Stirling, 5th March 1638.	.	.	Vide page 64
Rothes, 84,—Balfour, 2. 258,—Rushworth, 2. 742, —Burnet, 34,—Records, 60,—Baillie, 1. 460.
The Lawfulnes of the Subfcription to the Confeffion of Faith. ..... Rothes, 90.
The Leaft that can be alked to fettle this Church or Kingdome, in a folid and durable Peace. Rothes, 96,—Balfour, 2. 252.
Thefes de Majeftatis Jure. .	.	.114
3. The Noblemen's Letter to the Duke of Lennox, Mar-
queis of Hamiltoun, and Earl of Morton, 8th March. 64 Rothes, 83.
To the King's mod excellent Majeftie, the True Re-monftrance of the Nobility, Gentry, &c. (fame date.) 70 Rothes, 93.
Reafons for the Univerfitie of St. Andrewes, of their juft refufall of their Oath and Subfcription to that pretended Covenant, obtruded upon them amongft the reft of the leidges, 20th March. . . 62
Anfwer to Ten Articles oppofeing our Covenant, &c. given out under the name of the Univerfitie of St. Andrewes. .	.	.	.	.62
Eight Articles for the prefent peace of the Kirk and Kingdome of Scotland.	.	.	.70
Rothes, 100,—Rushworth, 2. 745, (only the first 3 Articles)—Burnet, 39,—Stevenson, 2. 318.
Memorandum refpe6ting Supplications, &c. to the Counfell.	..... 70
Rothes, 110,—Large Declar., 79,'—Stevenson, 2.323.
Letter dire6ted be the Noblemen under fubfcryvers, (Rothes, Montrofe, and Fleming), for themfelves, and in name of the reft, to the Duke of Lennox and Marqueis of Hamiltoun, with the Eight Articles forefaids. ...	64
Rothes, 99.
D. Mr. William Livingfton's Speach to the Commifiioner. 83 Rothes, 116,—Balfour, 2. 264,—Stevenson, 2. 342.
H. Propofitions anent the Treatie with the Commifiioner. 85408
LIST OF PAPERS.
1638.
C. Petition to the Counfellers for Subfcryving, by the
Minifters, .... Vide p. 82 Rothes, 117,—Large Declar., 88,—Rushworth, 2. 751. E» Reafons againft the rendering of our fworne and fub-fcryved Confeffion of Faith ; and Objections an-fwered, .	.	.	.84
Stevenson, 2. 345.
F.	Neceflity of Proteftation, ... 84
Rothes, 119,—Stevenson, 2. 353.
G.	Supplication to the Commiffioner, for calling an Affem-
blie and Parliament,	.	85
Rothes, 121.
L. a, Reafons for which the Service-Booke urged upon Scotland ought to be refufed,	.	.	.90
A.	Coppie of the Marqueiffe of Hamiltoun his Commiffion
(dated 20th May), delivered at Dalkeith, 6th June. 75 Large Declar. 77,—-Rushworth, 2. 747, (Instructions ibid. 746,—Burnet, 50,)—Records, 68, (Latin Commission.)
B.	a. b. Reafons to forbear attending thefe that are not joyned
in Covenant with us.—Reafons for forbearing, &c. 79 Rothes, 129, 130. J. To his Majeftie's Commiffioner, the Supplication of the Noblemen, Gentlemen, Burgeffes, Minifters, and Commons, here attending his Majefties gracious Anfwer of our former Petitions, Complaints, and Defyres, (23d June,)	...	86
Rothes, 123,—Large Declar., 108,—Balfour, 2. 266,—Rushworth, 2. 761,—Stevenson, 2. 357, —Records, 70.
K. Six Articles which the Marqueiffe of Hamiltoun was
requefted to agent with the King, .	.	87
Stevenson, 2. 358. L. b. Proclamation of the 28th June, made at Edinburgh 4th
July,.....91
Large Declar., 96,'—Rushworth, 2. 754,<—Stevenson, 2. 360, —Records^ 70. O. Ane A6t of Counfell confirming the Proclamations,
apud Halyroodhoufe, 4th July,	.	. 91
Rothes, 173.
N. Some few of many Reafons for quhilk the Proclamation the 4th of July fhould not be ratified in Counfell, 91 Rothes, 174,—Stevenson, 2. 362.1638.
LIST OF PAPERS.
409
Q. Reafons for a Generall Affemblie: Objections an-
fwered.	.... Vide p. 92
Stevenson, 2.387.
M. The Proteftation of the Noblemen, Barons, &c. when the King's Majeltie's Declaration was read at Edinburgh Oofs, 4th July.	. . . 91 Rushworth, 2. 756,—LargeDeclar., 98,—Records, 71.
P. A61 of Counfell at Halyroodhous, 5th July. . 92 Rothes, 182,—Records, 75.
R. To His Majeltie's Commiffioner, the Complaint and Supplication of His Majeltie's Subje6ts, heavilie greived. .....	94
Rothes, 179,—Stevenson (abridged,) 2. 365.
O. The Duke of Lennox his Speech, made before his
Majeftie, concerning Warre with Scotland.	105
Stevenson, 2. 305.
His Majeltie's Letter to the Profeffors and Preachers of both Aberdeens, 4th Auguft.	.	. 101
Spalding, 1. 62,—Rothes, 185.
Letter of the Marquefs of Hamilton to the Profeffors of both Aberdeens, 10th Auguft.	.	101
Spalding, 1. 63,—Rothes, 185.
Letters of the King and Marquefs of Hamilton to the Proveft, Baillies, and Counfell of Aberdeen, 31ft July and 10th Aug.	.	.	101
Spalding, 1. 62,—Rothes, 185, 186.
A. The Articles or Particulars proponed by His Majeltie's
Commiffioner ; and the Anfwers, 28th July. 98, 107 Large Declar., 116, 117.—Balfour, 2. 277, 279,— Stevenson, (Answers,) 2. 379,—Records, 76, 77.
D.	Letter of Noblemen, &c. to Prefbytries, in view of a
Generall Affemblie, 28th Auguft.	.	103
Baillie, 1. 470,—In Baillie's MS. this Letter has only five signatures, viz. Rothes, Cassillis, Lothian, Lindsay, Loudoun.
E.	F. Some Directions for Prefbytries,—Form of Commiffion
to the Generall Affemblie,—Of Ruling Elders,— Of Moderators of Prefbytries, &c.	.	103
Large Declar., 129,—Stevenson, 2. 398,—Records, 82,—Baillie, 1. 469-
G. A Note of the Private Articles, 27th Auguft. . 103 Stevenson, 2. 409,—Baillie, 1. 469-410
LIST OF PAPERS.
1638.
Inftru6tions for the Commiffioners of Shyres, for Pro-vilion of Armes.	.	.	Vide page
The Chriftian Faith and Profeffion of that ancient and powerfull preacher Mr. Humphrey Fenn, fometyme paftor of ane of the churches in Coventrie, 26th April 1631: .....
Extra6l from Tindall's Treatife of Obedience. I. Form of Commiffion from Seffions to ane Elder, with their Minifter, to Vote in the Prefbyterie in Electing Commiffioners to the Generall Aflemblie. 103 M. The Common Letter of Advertifement, . . 104 K. The Proclamation of the 9th and 22d Sept. . 104 Large Declar., 137,—Stevenson, 2. 419,—Rush-worth, 2. 762, [770],—Records, 81. L. The Form of Proteftation to be ufed at eyerie Burgh where the late Proclamation, at Edinburgh the 22d of Sept. 1638, fhall happen to be proclaimed. 104
The Generall Band, [fubfcribed in the year 1590.]
Rushworth, 2.778,—Large Declar. 143,—Burnet, 77.
A6t of Counfell, accepting the King's Declaration of 9th September, removing the Service Book, &c. 22d Sept. ..... 107
Balfour, 2. 288,—Large Declar., 153,—Rushworth, 2. 783,—Records, 84.
The Counfell's Subfcription of the Covenant of 2d March 1580-1; and the Band, with an Explanation, 22d Sept. ..... 107
Large Declar., 152,—Rushworth, 2. 781.
The Counfell's Letter to the King, announcing the above, 22d Sept. . . . .107 Balfour, 2. 290.—Large Declar., 154.—Rushworth, 2. 784.
Proclamation indidting the Affemblie to the 21ft November, dated 22d Sept. 1638.	.	. 103 Large Declar., 146,—Rushworth, 2. 781.
Proclamation for the Parliament to meet on the 15th May 1639, (fame date.)
Large Declar., 146.—Rushworth, 2. 782.
Proclamation for the Generall Subfcription of the King's Covenant, 24th Sept. 1638,	.	105
Large Declar., 147.—Rushworth, 2. 782.—Spalding, 1. 80,—Records, 90.1638.
LIST OF PAPERS.
411
A6t appointing perfons to receive Subfcriptions, 24th September.	.	.	. Vide page
Large Declar., 148. L. The Proteftation againft the above Subfcription. . 106 Rushworth, 3. App. 272.—SteveDSon, 2. 422.—Large Declar., 157.—Records, 84. Dire6lions from the Tables to Members of AlTemblie. 107
Large Declar., 238.—Records, 99. Reafons (by the Covenanters) againft the CounfelTs
engaging to maintain Epifcopacy with Caveats, 111 The Heads and Articles concerning the Difcipline of the Kirk, at the Generall AlTemblie held at Glaf-gow, 8th June 1610, to be obferved in all tyme comeing ; with the form of Oath of Intrants ; and Ratification of the A6ts and Conclufions of the above mentioned AlTemblie, by the Eftates, . 151 R. Lybell for the Archbilhop of Glafgow,	.	108
Records, 94, &c. The Proteftation of four Judges againft fubfcription of the Covenant, with the King's interpretation, Edin. lft Nov.	.... Ill, 118
The power of Elders proved from the Conftitutions of our Church.	.	. . . 137
Stevenson, 2. 401. The Deputy of Ireland's Letters to the Earl of Argyle, 28th Auguft and 25th Nov. and his Anfwers, in 061. and Dec.	.	.	.	.192
1639.
Mr. Alexander Henderfon's Inftru6tions for Defenfive Armes. ..... 189
Stevenson, 2. 686.
C. Inftru&ions from Edinburgh, 7th March 1639, . 191
B. Proclamation in all the Parifh Churches of England, 27th Febr. 1639,—to inform our loving fubje6ls of the feditious pra6tifes of fome in Scotland feeking to overthrow our Regall Power under the falfe pretences of Religion.	.	.	•	188 Rushworth, 2. 830.
H. Reafons (by Mr. Robert Baillie) why Mr. D. Dickfon
fould not be urged to tranfport from Irwin, . 170412
LIST OF PAPERS.
1639.
G. My Overtures to the Affemblie of Glafgow. Vide page 151 Anent Civill Pleaders in Generall Affemblies.
A. Anfwer to the Obje6tion of Horneing.	.	120
D. Anent the Affeffors Vote.	.	.	129
Stevenson, 2. 491.
C. Commiffion from the Prefbytrie of Irvine, of Members
to the Generall Affemblie, 25th Sept. 1638.	124
Baillie, 1. 473.
Mr. R. Baillie's Draught of an A61 of Oblivion to be pall in the Generall Affemblie,—and an A61 anent Prayer Meetings.	.	.	.	180
Reafons why Mr. Robert Baillie ought not to be tran-fported from Kilwinning to Glafgow.	.	225
Baillie, 2. 444.
Overtures on Various Subje6ts to the Affemblie, (anent Argyle and Ifles, Scots in foreign fervice, &c.)
T. The Indi6tion of the Generall Affemblie, 1ft July, to
be held in Auguft.	.	.	.	221
(Warrants, &c.)—Records, 230.
W. Proteftation againft Biftiops, &c. in the above Indi6tion,
lft July.	....	221
Records, 231.
Confiderations concerning Minifters voyce in Parliament. 223 Reafons to fliow how neceffare it is that there be ane Explanation of the Confeflion of Faith made by this Generall Affemblie [1639.]—The State of the Queftion,—Anfwer to Obje6tions,—Anfwers to the Acts reftoring Bifhops, 1597, 1606, 1609, 1612, —Anent the fyve Articles, and firft of kneeling: Off Festival dayes : Off the adminiftration of Sacraments in private houfes : Confirmation: Impofition. 157
A. King's Letter to the Englifh Nobilitie, requiring them to attend his ftandard at York on the lft April, dated 26th Jan.	.	.	.	188
Rushworth, 2. 791.
C.	2. Meafures for defence of the Country.	.	191
D.	The Pope's Inftru6lions from Rome, 13th April 1639,
to Monfigneur Cone.	.	.	199
Balfour, 2. 348.
E.	Proclamation againft the Covenanters, 25th April. 2021639.
LIST OF PAPERS.
413
F.	1. The Covenanters Letter to the Commiflioner againft pub-
lifhing the above Proclamation, 9th May. Vide page 202 Rushworth, 3. 931.—Burnet, 125.—Records, 217. 2. The Eftates of Scotland their Supplication, with Dr.
Moyfley.	.... 204
Records, 216.
G.	1. Letter from the Nobilitie of Scotland to the Earles of
Pembroke and Holland, Edinb. 11th May 1639. 204 Records, 218.
G.	2. Letter to the Commiffioner, 16th May,
Records, 220.
H.	Inftru6lions to Shyres and Burghs, at Edinburgh 18th
May.	.....
I.	The laft Proclamation fent by the trumpett, 14th
May. .	. . . .207
Records, 220.
The Earl of Holland's Letter to the Nobilitie, 22d May.
Records, 221. The Earl of Holland's Letter to Argyle, K. Letter from the Generall to the Committee at Edinburgh, and from thence to be fent to the whole Shyres.	..... 210
Baillie, 2. 438,
Letters from the Camp at Dumbar to the Committee at Edinburgh, 18th and 30th May.	.	210
. Baillie, 2. 439, 440. L. Supplication to the King, dated at Dunfe, 5th June
1639.	.	•	•	.215
Balfour, 2. 324.—Rushworth, 3. 938.—Records, 225.
Letter to the Englifh Nobility, (Earl of Holland, &c.) accompanying the Supplication, fame date.	215
Records, 222.
M. Initru&ions for Sir Edmund Vernham, 7th June. 215 Records, 226
N. The King's Anfwer to a Supplication written the 11th
June, by the Subje6ls of Scotland, 13th June. 217 Stevenson, 2. 738,—Rushworth; 3. 942, 1019,— Hardwicke's State Papers, 2. 139,—Records, 228.
O. The Queries propofed by the King ; and Anfwers. 217 Stevenson, 2. 739, 740.414
LIST OF PAPERS.
1639.
P, The King's Declaration, 18th June. .	page 218
Rushworth, 3. 944, 1020,—Spalding, 1. 157,— Burnet, 141,—Balfour, 2. 329,—Stevenson, 2. 742,—Records, 228.
Articles of Agreement, (fame date.) .	. 218
Balfour, 2. 327,—Stevenson, 2. 747,—Rushworth, 3. 945, 1022, —Burnet, 142,—Spalding, 1.158,159, —Records, 229.
Q. Some Heads of his Majefties Treatie with his Subje6ts in
Scotland before the EnglifhNobility, 17th June 1639- 218 Records, 230,—Stevenson, 2. 745.
R. Information againft miftaking the King's Declaration. 220 Stevenson, 2. 749-
S. Articles challenged by the King's Majeftie ; and Anfwers.	.....
Balfour, 2. 34,—Spalding, 1. 161.
Proclamation, publifhing ane A61 of State, and his Majefties command concerning ane fcandalous paper latelie difperfed among many of his Subjects, 11th Auguft.	.	.
Rushworth, 3. 965.
Letter to the Archbifhop of Canterbury, from the Pallors and ProfelTors of the Churches and Univer-fities of Zurick, Berne, Bafile, &c. and Laud's An-fwer to the Letter, 30th April. Baillie, 2. 431, 433.
Reafons for Prefbytries planting Kirks ufurped by Bifhops.	.....
Memorandum for the Noblemen, Barons, and Burgeffes, and the Articles before the voyceing the A6t anent the ele<5tion, and the power of the Articles. . 223
A6t of Refciffion.	....
Memorandum to the Noblemen, Barons, and Burrowes, anent the 14 voyces in Parliament, and 8 on the Articles.	....	223
A6t of Ratification.	....
The CouncelPs Letter to the King, 31ft Oft.
Supplication of the members of Aflemblie for his Majefties faij<5lion, 30th Aug.
Rushworth, 3. 964.—Records, 209.
Inftru6tions fent up with my Lord Loudoun, 1ft Nov. Baillie, 2. 540.1639.
LIST OP PAPERS.
415
Some few Cautions in cafe the Commiffioner goe up or diffolve the Parliament, without confent of the Eftates,—Reafons againlt confenting to, or the Commiffioner's prorogating theParliament, &c. Vide p.
Some Dire6lions anent the voyceing in this Parliament.
Letter for the Fall at Edinburgh, 1ft Nov.
Stevenson, 3. 813.
Letter ligned by the Moderator and Clerk, with extract of the A6t of the late Generall AlTemblie, holden at Edinburgh, concerning Catechiling and Family Worfhip, 25th Nov.
Letter from Meflrs. A. Ramfay, H. Rollock, and W. Colvill, to a limilar purpofe, 25th Nov.
. Baillie's Reafons to the Synod of Glafgow and Ayr,
againft his tranfportation to Glafgow.	. 225
Baillie, 2. 447.
The Caufe of the long fitting of this Parliament. 224
Ratification of the A6ts of the Kirk,—The conftitution of the Parliament anent the A6t of Refciflion,— The A6ls of Afiemblie, 17 th and 30th Auguft 1639, to be fimplie Ratified : Other articles to be paft in Parliament.	....
Acta Pari. 5. 291, &c.
The Refolution of Parliamentary Men.
The Remonftrance and Supplication of the Noblemen, Commiffioners of Shyres, Burrowes, his Majeftie's goodfubje6ls of the Kingdom of Scotland, 22d Nov.
Balfour, 2. 364.
Inftru6tions for Mr. William Cunynghame.
The Earl of Loudoun's Letter to the Marquefs of Hamilton, Edinburgh, 23d Nov.
Balfour, 2. 368.
Letter fent to the King's Commiffioner, John Earl of Traquair, by the Convention at Edinburgh, 23d Nov.	.....
Balfour, 2. 367.
Dile6to filio Tobiae Mathaeo, Societatis Jefu facerdoti, Urbanus Papa 06tavus : datum Rom®, pridie Idus Maij. .....
Rushworth, 3. 1324.416
LIST OF PAPERS.
1639.
To the Lord Deputie and Councell, the Humble Petition of diverfe Lords, Spirituall and Temporall, Knights, Gentlemen, and others, of the Scottifh Nation, inhabiting the Kingdome of Ireland. Vide page 337 Rushworth, 4. 501.
Oath impofed on the Scottifh race in Ireland and England.	.	.337
Stevenson, 3. 799—Rushworth, 3. 923, 4. 494, 53.
The Fourth Article of the King's Oath at his Coronation in Scotland, 1633.—The Bifhop's Demands ; the King's Anfwer; and the Earl of Loudoun's Reafons to diffuade the King from fwearing protection to the Biihops at his Coronation/ B. The Marquefs of Hamiltoun his Commiffion for holding the Affemblie of Glafgow.
Records, p. 21,—Large Declar., 234,—Rushworth, 2. 842.
The King's Ratification of thefe things the Marquefs granted at Glafgow, 29th Oct.	.	. 124
Rushworth, 2.843,—Stevenson, 2.539,—Records, 21.
The Supplication and Humble Remonftrance of the (Epifcopall) Minilters of the Church of Scotland, prefented to his Majefties High Commiffioner and Generall Affemblie, holden at Glafgow in November 1638.
Large Declar., 265.—Records, 115.
Anfwer to Mr. Mad-Cap in name of Sir John Suckling, (inverfe.)	....
Ex Literis D. Andrese Riveti, datis Hagae-Comitis pridie Idus Aprilis et nonis Septembris 1639.
The King's Condemnation of allTyrannick Government.
Information and Advertifement for our Friends in England.	....
1640.
Letter of the Minifters of Edinburgh to Prefbytries, 23d March.
Noticed by Stevenson, 3. 856,—JBaillie, 2. 461.
Overtures for the Vifitors of the Colledge of Glafgow, for Pietie, for Learning, for Discipline and Manners. Baillie, 2. 464.1640.
LIST OF PAPERS.
417
Grounds of God's Aime and Call to this Voyage as the meane to the end, (by Johnftone of Warriftoun.)
Vide page
An Abstract given by Stevenson, 3. 881.
A.	My [Baillie's] A6t at Edinburgh anent Meetings. 250
B.	Mr. Henderfon's Paper anent Meetings.	.	250
Stevenson, 3. 891, (abridged.)
C.	1. & 2. The King's Letter direct be my Lord Lanerick to
the Generall and the Committee, 11th Sept. 1640. 260 Balfour, 2. 402.
C. 3. Anfwer of the Earl of Lanerick's Letter, fent by Sir Peter Killigrew, 14th Sept.
C.	c. Letter fent from the Committee of Warre, immediatlie
after the Vi6torie the Lord gave them at New-burnford, to the Committee of Ellates at Edinburgh, 2d Sept. . . . .259 More at length in Balfour, 2.384.
D.	Supplication to the King fent by Mr. Hugh Cathcart,
2d Sept. .	... .	260
Balfour, 2. 394,—Burnet, 175,—Spalding, 1. 231,— Rush worth, 3. 1255,—Records, 300.
E.	Petition of Lord Bedford and other Englilh Peers, 260
Balfour, 2. 398,—Spalding, 1. 258,—Rushworth, 3. 1260.
F.	1. The Earl of Lanerick's Letter incloling the following,
5th Sept.	.	.
Burnet, 176,—Rushworth, 3. 1256.
F. 2. The King's Anfwer to the Supplication (D.) 5th Sept. 260 Burnet, 176,—Records, 300.
F.	3. The King's Anfwer to the Englifti Supplication (E.) 260
Spalding, 1.259.
G.	The Committee's Letter to the Earl of Lanerick, in
anfwer to the King's (F. 2.) 8th Sept. .	260
Rushworth, 3.1258,—Burnet, 177,—Records, 300.
H.	Proclamation to fummons all fuch, &c. againlt the
Scotts, 20th Auguft, .	.	.	260
Rushworth, 3. 1221.
I.	Proclamation declaring thofe of Scotland who have
entered, or fhall enter this Kingdome in a warlike manner, &c. to be traitors and rebells to his Majeftie, 20th Auguft, ....	261
Rushworth, 3. 1221. vol. I.	2D418
LIST OF PAPERS.
1640.
K. Papers by Prentifes, &c. in London, affixed with the above Proclamation, declaring the Scots honefl men. Six Articles : a Proclamation, 27th Augufl, Vide page 261 L. The King's Speech to the Peers conveened at York,
the 24th of September, .	.	.	261
Balfour, 2. 405,—Rushworth, 3. 1275,—Stevenson, 3. 934.
M. Letter from the Earl of Lanerick to the Committee,
appointing the conference at Rippon, 24th Sept. 261 Burnet, 178,—Rushworth, 3. 1277. N. 1. The Committee's Anfwer to Lanerick, containing the
names of the conferrers, and requefling fafe condu6l, 261 N. 2. Letter from the Earl of Lanerick to the Committee, 261 O. 1. The King's Letter of fafe conduft. .	. 261
O. 2. Letter from the Peers to the Committee to the fame
purpofe.	.	.	261
O. 3. Letter from the Committee to Lanerick, (in anfwer to
O. 1.)	.	261
O. 4. Letter from the Committee to the Peers, .	261
P. Papers of Intelligence, 5th Sept. .	.	262
Q. Abridgement of the Articles [Inflru6lions], publick and private, fent to our Commiflioners for the Treaty.	.	.	.	262
Balfour, 2. 408.
1641.
A.&B. The King's Letter to the Generall Affemblie, 10th
July 1641, and the Affemblies Anfwer, 9th Augufl. 360 Acts of Assembly, 1641—Records, 292, 296.
C.	Letter of London Miniflers to the Generall Affem-
blie, 12th July, and the Affemblie's Anfwer, 9th Augufl.	...	364
Records, 295.
D.	(l.)The Affemblie's A6ls, anent Meetings for Prayer, 4th
Aug.; and againfl Novations, 6th Augufl.	369
Stevenson, 3. 974, 976,—Records, 294. D.(2.)Reafons why Mr. Robert Baillie ought not to be tranf-ported from Kilwinning to Glafgow, or any where elfe.	.	.	.	371
Baillie, 2. 444.	B1641.
LIST OF PAPERS.
419
E. Declaration from the Generall AlTemblie anent the copy of the Band exhibit to them be the Parliament, 9th Aug.	.	.	Vi(M page 375 Records, 295 —Baillie, 2. 469-
G.	His Majefties Letter direct to the Parliament of the
Kingdom of Scotland, 30th June.	.	377
Acta Pari. 5. 340. The Parliament's Anfwer, 20th July. . 378, 381 Acta Pari. 5. 340.
H.	The Earl of Traquair's fubmiflion to the Parliament of
Scotland, &c.; and his earneft defyre to be brought to tryall, 9th July.	.	377
Acta Pari. 5. 335, 336. The King's Majeftie's Speech in the Parliament at Edinburgh, 17th Auguft.	.	.	386
Balfour, 3. 40,—Stevenson, 3. 998. K. Oath of Parliament, 18th Auguft. .	.	384
Acta Pari. 5. 363,—Stevenson, 3. 1001.
A.	Anent the King's Touching the A6ls of 1640 with the
Sceptre.	.	.	.	.	389
B.	Anent the Publifhing of the A6ts of Parliament, June
1640. ..... 389 Acta Pari. 5. 387.
C.	Advifes to the Parliament before the King's Sitting. 389
D.	1, 2, 3, 4, 5. Anent Ele6tion of the Councell in Parlia-
ment,—Anent the Prefuppolition of this Prefent and New Ele6tion of all Offices, &c.—Copy of the A61 of Seffion, againft Solicitation.	.	390
E.	Anent the Proteftation of Precedencie.	.	390
G.	Anent the Nomination of the Treafurer and Regifter. 390
F.	Anent Officers of State, their Voyceing in Parliament. 390
H.	Draught of the propofed A6t for choolmg the Officers
of State by Billets; and Lift of other A6ts prepared before the King's arrival in Scotland,	.	390
I.	The Oath of Alledgance of the Subje6ts of the King-* dom of Scotland,—The Generall Form of Oath,
for Perfons in Office, with uplifted hands. I. 1. Overtures anent the Union of Clydefdaill. I. 2. Lord Kerr's Apologie, [30th September 1641.] 391 Acta Pari. 5. 424.
K. Ane Syllogifme for the Private Committee. . 393 L. An Abridgement and Collection of the Depofitions, &c. 393420
LIST OF PAPERS.	* 1641.
M. Inftru&ions of the Lords and Commons in Parliament to the Commiflioners of both Houfes, now attending his Royall Majeftie in Scotland, 22d September.	.	.	. Vide page 393 Rushworth, (October 22,) 5. 391. N. Some Confiderations of the Prefent Bufinefs anent the
Marquefs of Hamilton and the Earl of Argyle. 393 O. Order from the Parliament recalling Hamiltoim and
Argyle to Parliament, 1ft November. .	393
Acta Pari. 5. 445.
P. Anfwers to the Queftions anent the Oath,	. 394
Q. Declaration to be made and read unto the Barrons. 394 R. Anent the Eleftion of the Clerk-Regifter.	. 396
S. Order of the Committee for Levying of Forces in Scotland to affift England, for Repreffing the Rebellion of Ireland. .	.	396 S. 2. Minutes of the Committee of Parliament, 4th and 5th
November 1641.	...	396
T. Overture to the Generall Affemblie for Petitioning Parliament that Scotfmen ferving in Foreign Armies may be provided with Minifters, and enjoy Liberty of Confcience. ....	398
W. Letter (in Latin) from King Charles to the Queen and
Regency of Sweden, 6th Oct. 1641. . . 398 Acta Pari. 5. 429.APPENDIX No. II.
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS CHIEFLY RELATING TO ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND, M.DC.XXXIII.—M.DC.XLI.
CHARLES THE FIRST TO BELLENDEN, BISHOP OF
DUNBLANE.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI, No. 12.—Adam Bellenden was consecrated Bishop of Dunblane in 1615. At this period, as the Deanry of the Chapel Royal was conjoined with that See, and the Bishop usually resided in Edinburgh, Bellenden was translated to Aberdeen in 1635, (as intimated in the letter No. XI.) to make room for Dr. Wedderburn, whom the King and Laud thought would be more serviceable as Dean of the Chapel, in promoting their views. See supra, page 161.]
Reverend Father in God, and Tnifty and Wel-beloued Counfellour, Wee greet yow well. Wee have thought goode, for the better ordering of Divine Service to be performed in Oure Chappell Royall there, to fett downe fome Articles vnder oure owne hand to be obferved therein, which Wee fend yow here enclofed. And it is oure fpeciall pleafure, That yow carefully fee everie thing performed, according as Wee have directed by thefe oure enclofed Articles; And likewife that yow certifie to the Lords of oure Privie Counfell, if any of thefe appointed by oure former letters to them to communicate in oure Chappell Royall, fliall not accordingly per-VOL. i.	2 E
I.
—t422 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1633.
forme the fame, to the effedt fuch order may be taken by oure Counfell therein, as by oure fayds former letters to them Wee did appointe. Wherein expecting your diligence and care, Wee bid yow farewell. From oure Court at Whitehall, the eight day of October 1633.
To the Reverend Father in God, and oure Right Trufty and Wel-beloued Counfelloure The Bifhope of Dumblane, Deane of oure Chappell Royall within oure Kingdome of Scotland.
[Indorsed.]—The Letter and Orders for the Chappell Royall.
II.
THE ARTICLES FOR HIS MAJESTIE'S CHAPEL-ROYAL.
Oftober the 8th, 1633.
[The Articles referred to in the preceding Letter, have not been preserved along with it; but they are inserted in Rusliworth's Collections, vol. ii. p. 205, from which they are here given. Rushworth introduces them with the following notice,—" The Bishop of London (Laud) being lately translated to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, he, by vertue of his place, as the greatest man in the Church, thought fit to advise His Majesty for a Reformation in the Church of Scotland, and began with the Royal Chappel in these following Articles sent in His Majesty's name, with a Letter to command obedience." He also subjoins a copy of the Letter, which corresponds with the original above printed.]
Charles Rex.
Our exprefs Will and pleafure is, That the Dean of our Chappel, that now is, and his fucceffors, lhall be Affiftant to the Right Reverend Father in God, the Archbiflhop of S11 Andrews, at the Coronation, fo often as it fliall happen.
That the Book of the Form of our Coronation lately ufed, be put in a little box, and laid into a ftandard, and committed to the care of the Dean of the Chappel fucceffively.
That there be Prayers twice a-day, with the Quire, as well in our ab-fence, as otherwife, according to the Englifh Liturgie, till fome courfe be taken for making one, that may fit the cuftom and conftitution of that Church.
That the Dean of the Chappel look carefully, that all that receive the Bleffed Sacrament there, receive it kneeling; and that there be a Communion held in that our Chappel, the firft Sunday of every month.
That the Dean of our Chappel that now is, and fo fuccefiively, come duly thither to prayers upon Sundays, and fuch Holy-days as that Church ob-1634. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 423
ferves, in his Whites, and preach fo, whenever he preacheth there; And that he be not abfent from thence, but upon necefiary occafion of his Diocefe, or other wife, according to the courfe of his preferment.
That thefe Orders fliall be Our Warrant to the Dean of our Chappel, That the Lords of our Privy Council, the Lords of the Seffions, the Advocates, Clerks, Writers to the Signet, and Members of our College of Juftice, be commanded to receive the Holy Communion, once every year at the leaft, in that our Chappel-Royal, and kneeling, for example fake to the Kingdom. And We likewife command the Dean aforefaid to make Report yearly to us, how We are obeyed therein," and by whom ; as alfo, if any man fhall refufe, in what manner he doth fo, and why ?
That the Copes which are confecrated to Our ufe, be delivered to the Dean to be kept upon inventary by him, and in a Standard provided for that purpofe ; and to be ufed at the celebration of the Sacrament in our Chapel-Royal.
III.
CHARLES THE FIRST TO THE LORDS OF COUNCIL AND SESSION IN SCOTLAND.
[This letter " Anent communicating in the Chapel Royal,11 is transcribed from the " Books of Sederunt,11 or the Register of the Court of Session. The Chapel Royal, says Rushworth, " being thus ordered, was declared to be for a pattern of the intended Reformation, to all Cathedrals, Chapels, and Parish-Churches in Scotland.11]
Charles R.
Right Trufty and Well-Beloved Coufin and Counfellor, and Trufty and Well-Beloved, Wee greet you well. Whereas Wee were formerly pleafed to require the Lords of our Privy Council to give order, by publick proclamation, or otherways, as they fould think fit, that they, and you .of our College of Juftice, and Members thereof, fould communicate twice [once] every year in our Chapell of H olyroodhoufe : Bot now, being willing, for good confiderations, that the Communion be oftner celebrated there, and to nominate fuch times as we have thought fit for that purpofe, IT is our pleafure, that every firft Sunday of the months of July and December yearly, you prepare and address yourfelves, with your Advocates, Clerks, Writers, and all other members of that Judicatory, (to whom you fhall caufe intimate this our pleafure,) to our faid Chapell, to participate of that Holy Sacrament, that others, by your example, may learn to obferve the laudable order in that cafe prefcribed: wherein faill you not, as you tender our princely refpeft and pleafure, and as you will anfwer to the contrary; for Wee will not fuffer you, who fould precede others by your good example, to be leaders of our other fubjefts to contemn and difobey the orders of the Church.424
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1634.
So, requiring you to caufe thefe our letters to be regiftered in your Books of Sederunt, Wee bid you farewel.
From our Manor of Greenwiche, 13th May 1634.
IV.
THE WARRANT OF CHARLES THE FIRST FOR ESTABLISHING THE COURT OF HIGH COMMISSION IN SCOTLAND,
October 1634.
[From a contemporary copy in Wodrow MSS., 4to. Vol. LXXVII. No. 16. The Original Warrant or Signature does not appear to have been preserved, but agreeably to this Warrant, a Commission (in Latin) was passed under the Great Seal, and is recorded in the Paper Register, (vol. iv. fol. 24;) which also presents similar blanks, in regard to the names of some of the Commissioners.]
Our Soverane Lord ordeanes a Commiffion to be granted vnder [his] Hienes Great Seall of the Kingdome of Scotland, making mentioun y1 quhair divers complaints have bene made to his Matie be the moft Reverend Fathers in God and the Reverend Fathers the Archbilhops afod Bilhopsof the Church of Scotland, vpon certane advocatiouns and fufpenfions granted by the Lords of his Maties Counfall and Sefiioun, at the inftant fute of pairties callit before the judicatories of church difcipline. For removing of that inconvenient, and to the effe£t no wicked, fcandalous, nor difobedient perfone pafs vncenfured and efcape without puniflhment, his Matie, as being Supreme Judge of all perfones and caufes, alfwele civill as ecclefiafticall, within the Kingdome and all vtheris his Maties dominions, have gevin and granted, lyk as his Matie, be the tennor heirof, geves and grants full power and commiffioun to the moft Reverend Fathers in God and his Maties right truftie and wele-beloved Counfallors, the Archbifhop of S1 Androis, Primat and Metrapolitane of Scotland, and the Archbifhop of Glafgow; to his Hienes truftie coufine and counfallors, George Erie of Kinnowll Lord High Chancellor, VVm Erie of Mortoun Lord High Thefaurer, Thomas Erie of Hadingtoun Lord Privie Seall, James Duik of Lennox, James Marques of Hammiltoun, William Erie of Merchell, George Erie of Wintoun, Alexr Erie of Linlithgow, Jon Erie of Wigtoun, Jon Erie of Kinghorne, Ro* Erie of Roxburgh, Alexr Erie of Galloway, John Erie of Annandaill, John Erie of Lauderdall, Wm Erie of Dumfreis, Wm Erie of Queinfberrie, Wm Erie of Stirling, David Erie of Southafk, John Erie of Traquair, Jon Erie of Weymes, Ko1 Erie of Ancrum ; To the Reverend Fatheris in God, the Bifhop of Edr, the Bilhop of Galloway, the Bifhop of Dunkell, the Bifhop1634. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 425
of Aberdene, the Bilhop of Murray, the Bilhop of Rofs, the Bilhop of Breichin, the Bilhop of Dumblane, the Bilhop of Argyll, the Bilhop of Caithnes, the Bilhop of the lies, and the Bilhop of Orkney; his Maties truftie coufing Mungo Vicount of Stormont, his Hienes truftie coufings and counfallors George Lord Gordoun, Archibald Lord Lorne, and Jon Lord Erlkin, and his Hienes right truftie and wel-beloved Ro4 Lord Dalzell, and Ro4 Lord Kirkcubru4; his Hienes truftie counfallors, Alex1" Maifter of Elphinftoun, Sir Archibald Achefon of Glencairne kny4 his Maties Secretar, Sr John Hay of Baro kny4 keiper of his Ma4ie1s Regifter and Rolls, Sr Thomas Hope of Craighall kny4 barronet his Matie1s Advocat, Sr James Carmichaell of that Ilk Juftice-Clerk, Sr James Galloway Mr of Requeifts, and to his Matie1s truftie and wele-belovit Sr Ro4 Spottifwood of Dunypace Kny4 Prefident of the Seffion, Sr John Scot of Scottiftarbet kny4 Diredtor of the Chancellerie, Sr Ro4 Gordoun knight barronet, Sr Jo. Scrymgeor of Dudope, Sr Wm Sinclare of Rolline, Sr Walter Stewart of Mynto, Sr John Spottifwod of Darfie, Sr Jon Hammiltoun of Bargeny, Sr Wm Cun-inghame of Capringtoun, Sr Ro4 Greir of Lag, Sr John Charters of Amif-feild, Sr Wm Mure of Rowallane, Sr Jn Max veil of Pollock, Sr Wm Douglas of Cavers, Sr Patrik Agnew of Lochnaw fhiref of Wigtoun, Sr John M°Dougall of Garthland, Sir James Baillie of Lochend, Jo11 Auchin-mowtie, of Gosfurd, Sr Ro4 Mongomrie younger of Skelmurelie, Sr James Lockhart younger of Ley, Sr Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck younger, Sir \Vm Scot of Harden, Sr Donnald McDonnald of Slait, Sr Ro4 Innes younger of Balveny knight barronet, Sr Thomas Vrquhart of Cromartie, knight, Jon McCloud of Herreis, Jon Campbell younger of Caddell, Campbell of Ardkinlafe,.	Lawmount younger of that Ilk; and to
his MatielB wel-belovit Dodtor Andro Bruce deane of S4 Andros, Mr James Hammiltoun deane of Glafgow, Dodtor Alexr Gladftanes archdeane of S4 Andros, Dodtor Theodor Hay archdeane of Glafgow, Dodtor Walter Whyt-furde fubdeane of Glafgow, Dodtor Ro4 Howie proveft of the New Colledge of S4 Andros, Dodtor George Martene proveft of the Auld Colledge of S4 Andros, Doftor Patrik Panther profeffor of Theologie in the New Colledge of S4 Andros, Po<£Vor John Strang principall of the Colledge of Glafgow, Dodlor John Douglas, Doctor David Monro perfone of Kinuchar, Mr James Hannay Deane of Edr, Mr Wm Wilhart perfone of Reftalrig, Dodtor Jon Mitchelfone minifter of Brunteland, Do&or George Wilhart minifter at S4 Andros, Doflor Henry Scrymgeor minifter at S4 Phillanes in Fyffe, Mr Coline Campbell minifter at Dundie, Dr Ro4 Barroun profeffor of Theologie in the Colledge of New Aberdene, Mr Wm Annand minifter at Air, Mr John Tennent perfone of C-alder, Mr Andro Ramfay and Mr David Mitchell minifters at Edr, Mr George Hannay minifter at Torphichen, Mr Wm Maxvell minifter at Stow, Mr James Logane minifter at Smailhame, Mr Patrik Durame deane of Ros, Mr George Monro chan-celler of Ros, Mr Thomas McKenzie minifter at Tarbet, Do&or James Eliot, Mre John Bell, Ro4 Wilkie, John Maxvell, and Zacharie Boyd, minifters at Glafgow, Mr John Hay perfone of Renfrew, Mr Wm Birlbane426 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1634.
perfone of Erfldn, Mr Walter Stewart minifter at Kilpatrick,
minifter at Cambufnethan, Mr Michael Wallace minifter at Kilmarnock, Mr George Lindfay perfone of	, Mr John Lindfay perfone of Carftairs, Mr Thomas Ramfay minifter of Dumfreis, Mr Jon Alexr perfone of Hoddom, Mr George Buchannan perfone of Kirkpatrik Juxta, Mr Wm Bennet perfone of Ancrum, Mr Jo11 Maitland perfone of Edilftoun, Mr Abraham Henderfone minifter at Whithorne, Mr Alex1- [Ham-miltoun] minifter at MongofF, Mr James Hammiltoun minifter at Wigtoun, Mr James Scott minifter at Tungland, Mr David Leitch minifter at Dun-drennan, Mr Henrie Guthrie minifter at Stirling, Mr Thomas Spittell perfone of Fawkirk, Mr Ro* Balcanq11 minifter at Tranent, Mr George Sydferle minifter at Colbrunfpeth, Mr James Burnet minifter at Lawder, Mr Alexr Kinneir perfon of Whitfon, Mr Murdo M°Kenzie perfon of Dinguell, Mr Dougall Campbell, minifter at Knapdaill, Mr Donald M°Gillinoriih minifter at Innerara, Frafer Deane of the lies, and Mr Patrik Stewart minifter at Bute, Conftable of the Threue, Sr Jerome Lindfay Sr Hendrie Hay, Mrs Ro* Nicolfone and Thomas Aikin-heid, Comiffars of Edr, Mr James Weymes comiflar of S* Andros, Mr James Sandilands, comiflar of Aberdene, the Comiffars of Elgin, Innernes, and Ros, present, and who fall be for the tyme being, Mr Ro1 Murray, comiflar of Stirling, Adame Cuninghame, comiflar of Dumfreis, the Comiflar and Proveift of the Citie of Glasgow, the Comiffars and Proveifts of Wigtoun and Kirkcubru*: Or to any fevin of them, ane Archbifhop or Bifhop being one of the number, to fumond or call before them, at quhatfomevir tyme or place it fall pleafe them to appoint, all and findrie perfones within the Kingdome of Scotland, and dwelling within the provinces of S4 Androis and Glafgow, that ar ather fcandalous in lyfe, doctrine, or religion, fpeci-allie all traffiquers, intercomouners, refetters of Jefuits or feminarie priefts, all herars of mafs, all excomunicat papifts, recufants or non-comunicants, all inceftuous or adulterous perfones, all obftinate contemners of the difcipline of the Church, or for that caus excomunicated, all abufers of religious perfones and places, and difturbers of divyne fervice, and things therevnto belonging, and all blafphemars, curfars, and fwerars; and not onlie to call the faids tranfgreffors, and everie ane of them, bot lykewayes all perfones quhatfomevir within the faid Kingdome fufpedted to be guiltie of the afoirfaid crymes, or any of them, and to try and to cognofce of the afoirfaid crymes and offences, and if they fall find any man guiltie and impenitent, to geve dire&ioun to the minifter of the parich quhair the faid impenitent perfone remaines, to proceed againft him or hir, and pronunce fentence of excomu-nication againft them ; and if the minifter difobey the faid diredtioun, to •fufpend, deprive, incarcerate, and punilh, as they fall think fitt. Attour, with power to them [to] punifli, incarcerat, fvne and confyne, any that fall be fund guiltie of the faids crymes and offences, or fall prove contumatious, or refufe to compier before them; with power lykwayes to the faids comif-fioners to call before them all minifters, preachers, Mre of fchoolles, col-ledges, and vniverfities, exhortars, and letterars, within the faids bounds,1634. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 427
that fall be deleat vnto them for preiching or fpeiking in publidt againft the prefent ftate and governement of the kingdome and church, or againft any of the conclufions of the bypaft Generall Affemblies, particularlie againft the A£ts concluded in the Generall Affemblie haldin at Perth in the moneth of Augull 1618 yeirs, and whom they fall try diffobeyars of the faids a£ts, writers of lybells and pamphlets againft any of the conftitutions of the Church, the imprinters of the faids lybells, pamphlets, or any vther bills, without his Maties licence and warrand, or the licence of thefe who fall be authorized by his Henes to that effeft, to cenfure and punifh, by fufpenfioun, deprivatioun, fyning, committing, and incarceration, according as they falj find the qualitie of ther offence to deferve. As alfo with power to receave and difcus all appellations made vnto them from any inferior ecclefiafticall judicatories, and to inhibite the faids inferior judicatories to proceed in any caufe that they fall judge impertenent, and not to belong to their cognition, and to cenfure the faids judges whom they fall find to behave themfelfs par-tiallie in any caufe concerning the foirfaids. Comanding the captane and levtennent of the guaird, the proveft and baillies of Burrowes qr it fall hap-pin the faids comiffioners to refide, the Shirefs and Baillies of regalities to fearch, feik, tak, and apprehend all fuch delinquents, and prefent them before the faids comiffioners, vpon the warrand of any fevin of them, ane Arch-bifhop or Bifliop being one of the number. Comanding lykwayes the cap-tanes and conftables of his Hienes caftles and houfes, and the keepers of prifons and vtheris places of firmance, to receave and deteane thefe that fall be directed vnto them by the faids commiffioners vpon warrand as faid is, As they will anfwer vpon their difobedience and vttermoft perrill; ordaning farther the Lords of Privie Counfall, vpon the certificat fubfcrivit by the faids Couimiffioners, or any fevin of them, an Archbiftiop or Bifhop being ane of the number, to direct letters of horning for payment of the fyne im-pofed by the faids Commiffioners, in cafe of the delinquents difobedience or refufall to compeir, when they are cited before them. Of which letters and charges, no fufpenfioun or relaxation fall be granted without the tefti-monie of ane of the Archbifhops or Bifliops beiring obedience to the decree of the commiffionars and fatiffadtioun of the pairties. And maks conftituts, and ordeanes Mr. Wm- Hay, comiffar-clerk of Edr, clerk of the faid High Commiffion during all the dayes of his lyftyme, with power to him to creat deputs vnder him, in ather of the faids tuo provinces requyring the faids Commiffioners, to receave the oath of the faid Mr- Wm., for dew admini-ftratioun of the faid office, with power to them to appoint fifcall, officers, and all vther members of Court, and to direct fumonds and precepts in his Hienes name, for citing quhatfomevir pairties or persones in any of the caufes forfaids; which precepts fall be fealled with ane of the Archbifhops or Bifhops fealls and fubfcryvit be the faids clerks, with power to fummond witnes in any of the forfaids caufes vnder the paine of fourtie punds money of Scotland ; and if the faids witneffis refuife to compeir, or the faids parties decerned in a fyne, delay to mak payment of the famyne, Ordaining the Lords of Privie Counfall to diredt charge vpon the certificat of the faid428 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1634.
comiflioners, as is above fpecifeit. Of the which fynes the ane half fall per-teane to his Matie, and the vther half to be imployed vpon the charges which the faids Commiffioners fall be forced to mak in the executing of the faid Commiflioun, and if any remainder fall be, the fame fall be bellowed to pious vfes, at the fight of the faids comiflioners. And generallie all and findrie vther things to doe and exerce that are neceffarie in the premifes, or may be thought onawayes requifite for his Hienes fervice, and according to the intentioun of this prefent commiffioun, inhibiting the Lords of Secret Counfall and Seflion to grant no advocation from the faids comiflioners in maters of the qualitie foirfaid, bot to remitt the tryall and cenfure therof to the faids comiflioners. Comanding, laftlie, all his Maties lieges whom thefe things may concerne, to anfwer and obey the faids Commiflioners, or any fevin of them, ane Archbifhop or Bilhop being an of the number, and their officers and minifters quhatfomevir vnder all hyeft paine that may follow, and ordeanes thir prefents to be an fufficient warrand to the Diretter of the Chancellarie for wryting of the fame to the Great Seall, and to the Lord Chancellor for appending the faid Seall thervnto, without any farder precepts to be direft thervpon.
Given at our Honnour of Hamptoun Court the twentie-ane of October, the yeir of God Im. VI°. threttie-four yeirs.
y.
ANE ACCOUNT OF PAPERS INTERCEPTED BETUIXT ARCHBISHOP LAUD AND THE SCOTS BISHOPS.
[From a contemporary MS. in the Editor's possession. The above title is'the indorsation of the paper, in a later hand, with the date 1637 added. It appears, however, that it was not before the year 1640 that the Papers here referred to came into the possession of the Covenanters.]
To Remark and remember God's providence in bringing to our hand fome principall authentick Autographes betuixt the B. of Canterbury and our Prelatis, quhilk contributes to the discovering of their plottis and pro-jettis. And firft, amongft utheris we haiff gone through, of memoires, intituled " Memoires for my Lord B. op Ross, op matteris to be proponed to his Majestie and my Lord Cant, his G.,11 all writtin and fubfcryvit by the Archbishop of St. Androis, Auguft 8, 1634; of the fame dait, and fubjoind with the firft draucht of the Book of Canones fent up to be corrected, and no doubt corrected with the fame hand to quhom it is fent; as fra the dait, fo fra the conjun&ione of the King and Canterbury in the title, ye may cleirlie perceave the fame, and the dependance of our Prelatis from Canterburry, to quhom, equallie with the King, they mak ane accompt of all things: As in the firft dirc&ione, they give ane accompt anent the Liturgie,1634. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 429
the Canones, and the Pfalmes. In the 2, anent the filling of voyd places in the Church. In the 3, anent the Communione in the Chappell. In the 4, anent reftraint of wageing to Communione. In the 5, anent the Hie Com-millioune to be a conftant judicatorie, or undoeing the Prefbyteriall difcip-line, whereupon the B. of Rofs obteinit a letter from the King to the Counfaill, fuperfcryvit be the King, 20th of October 1634, whereof we have the principal!. In the 6, 7, 8, 9, ane accompt gevine of all that was in-joyned at St. Androis; anent the featis of the Kirk; anent the comenfe-ment of the Univerfitie; anent the do&orateing of Clyft ane Inglifhman, and the degradeing of one Baftock. In the 10, anent the Commiffioun of Surranderis, that ane new injundtione be fent doune to prohibit all other churches but thefe of the Ere&ione. In the 11th, anent the Commiflariot of Argyle. In the 12, anent the B. of Edr. relift. In the 13, 14, 15, 16, anent the Pryorie of St. Androis, where mentione is maid of founding a Cathedrall in St. Androis, and in bringing the Pryorie to greater integritie after thefe dayes. In the 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, and 24, all anent the Exchequer for ane new Comiffioun to reforme it; that few noblemen be on it; that the Prefident sine quo non ; that the forme be conforme to that of Ingland; that the [office] of Thefaurer and Comptroller be feparated ; that the annuitie be put in ane churchman's hand to bring in church livingis againe ; that all fignators pas in Exchequer; that the manageing of hip rentis be intrufted to men refponfabill and comptrollabill. The 25 anent Balmerinoch and his lybell. The 26 anent the two comiffions for the Chappell rentis, the Erie Roxbruche's kirks. Be the quhilk Memoires, even in all fortis of matteris, fent by our chiefeft Prelat unto the B. Canterburry, yow may perceave his medling in all our effaires, and their abfolute depen-dance on him therein as the Primus and principall mover, author, and director, from quhom all did and raoft flow, efpecially wherin his Ma. was to haiff any hand, or give any countenance, and particularlie anent the Service-Book and Book of Canone?, wherin our greateft Prelate gewis ane accompt to the B. of Canterburry, as equally joyned with the King, ewen as fchol-laris does unto their mafteris.
Lykas we haiff ane uther autographone intituled, Memoires for my Lord B. R. (') all writtin and sub1 by the B. of St. Androis hand, but without a dait, quhilk beginnes thus, " My Lord Canty, defyred to be informit,11 and than goes one, In the firft article he fchowis both how the Chancellar had the place before St. Androis, and how it fuld be redreft be ane a£t of Counfaill. In the 2, anent the Liturgie, that they had done all that was poffibill. In the 4, anent the Canones, to gett a varrand for the printing. In the 5, anent the kirkis that are voyd, your Lo. will acquaynt my Lord Canterburry with our opinione. In the 6, anent the Comiffioun of Surranderis* that all continuatione of ere&it kirkis. In the 7, your Lop may tak occafion to fpeak of the Pryorie to my Lord Canterburry, and learne quhat is done, and fchow how necefarie it is. In the 9, that the Annuitie be ufed for buying of the eredtit Lordfchips, and a comiffioun grantit to fyve perfones therc-
(l) Lord B. 11__tliat is ilie Lord Bishop of Ross.430
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS.
1634.
for. In the 10, anent the reduttion of the laite Patronages, that Bifchops be difchargit to give collatione therupon. In the 12, anent Lindores to Mr. Andro Leirmonth. In the 13, that Wederburne be broucht to the Chap-pell. In the 14, that the loftis of the church of Edr be takine doune. In the 16, toutching my Lord Balmerinoch, ye fall fchow my opinion to my Lord Canterburry. Quherby he may perceave that nothing was done or micht be done in this Church quherof Canterburry was not the pryme and primum mobile ; efpecially anent Service-Book and Canones, and all other our church changes.
We haiff ane letter writtin all be the hand of the B. R., [Biihop of Rofs,] bot unfubfcryvit, to the B. of Canterburry, quhilk is the fcroll of the principall whilk he has lent away, quherin he acknowledgis and admires Canterbury's wifedome in the governing and directing of this Church, and all the eff'aires therof.
We haiff a letter of my Lord Sterling's to the B. R., 17th February 1636, quherin he fchawis my Lord Canterburry delyvered our new printed Book of Canones to the Kingis Majefty, with ane direction to him for tuo letters to be drawine up for the Kingis hand, concerning the authorizing of the Book. Quherby ye may perceave Canterburry medling theriri.
[The following Letters from Archbishop Laud to the Bishops Bellenden and Maxwell, says Lord Hailes, a were made part of the Charge by the Scottish Commissioners against the Archbishop in December 1640. It does not however appear, that they were ever produced in support of that charge. See Troubles and Trial of Laud, p. 89- 91. The Letters are now in a very imperfect condition; some parts of them are worn away, others much defaced; the Editor has, from conjecture, supplied a few words, and distinguished them by Italics(Memorials, &c. in the Reign of Charles the First, p. 3.) The Original Letters are now in a very frail, as well as a mutilated state, which rendered it desirable to have them printed in a more full and accurate manner than accorded with Lord Hailes's plan, who omitted several passages which he conceived did not " serve to illustrate the History of those times."" The words that have been supplied are now printed within brackets. It will be seen from the Inventory of these Papers, which is given in this Appendix under the date June 1641, that only a portion of them has been preserved.]1634. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 431
VI.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO BELLENDEN, BISHOP OF DUNBLANE.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 13.]
My very good Ld.	S. in Xpo. [Salutem in Christo.]
You are much beholding to my Ld. Sterlinge; and for my felfe, I did you the beft fervice I could, and am glad your troublefome fuites are at an end. I hope that w* ye Kinge hath now done will preferve you againft your preffing neceffityes, thurough wch I pray God fend you a good paflage: But for Weftminfter foes, they did very much wrong you, whoever they [were,] yt made thofe relations to you of yt great Sume; for my former [letters told] ye trueth to you.
Concerning your preferment, until any better] place falls, I can promife nothing ; but I allure [you, his Majeftie] hath a very good opinion both of you and your fervice; and therefore I [can not] doubt but yt he will take you and your eftate into his confideration. Att this time you have given his Matie good content, and he expe&s that you continue in y* courfe; and lett him ftill receive a note whoe they be that conforme, and whoe not, for I fee his Matie is refolved to goe conftantlie on, and therefore you mult not fayle.
I have confiderd howe much reafon you fpeake concerning y® poore Singing men, and have receivd their Petition wch you fent enclofd. I must needs fay their cafe deferves a great deale of commiferation ; and the very firft time yt I gott accefle to his Matie, after ye receipt of your letters, I acquainted him wth their neceffities, and he, like a gracious and a good Prince, was very much moved wth it, and commanded me to deliver theire Petition to my Ld Sterling, y* fome courfe might be taken for them ; and this, God willing, I will doe foe foone as ever I can meete wth y1 Ld, wch I hope will be this day, and foe foone as I can drive it to any good iflue, you fhall heare from me. Soe, in haft, I leave you to the Grace of God, and reft,
Your Ldps very lovinge ffrend and Brother,
Lambeth, Jan. 14, 1633 [1633-4].
To the Rl Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother the Ld Bp of Dunblane, at Eden-burrow, thefe.
[Indorfed.] Anent his encouragment, and anent non-communicants.432 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1634.
VII.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO THE SAME.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI, No. 15. William Forbes, the Bishop of Edinburgh, who is mentioned in this letter, died on the 1st of April 1634, or little than two months after the date of his patent. His successor in the Metropolitan See was David Lindesay, Bishop of Brechin.]
My veky good Lo.	S. in Xpo.
I am right forry for the death of ye Bishop of Edenburrow, the loss being veiy great both to the King and the Church. I acquainted his Matie how needfull it was to fill yt place with an able Successor; and when mention was made of divers men to fucceed, I did, as you defire, fhewe his Matie what your defires were, and what neceffityes lay vpon you. After much confideration of the bufynes, his Matie refolued to give the Bp.ricke of Edenburrowe to my Lo. of Brehen ; and for yourfelfe, he commanded me to write exprefly to you, y* he did not take it well, y*, contrary to his exprefs command, you had omitted prayers in his Chappell Royall, according to the English Litturgye, wth fome other omiffions there, wcb pleafed him not; befides, his Matie hath heard yt there have been lately fome differences in Edenburgh about ye Sufferings of Chrift, &c. and yt your Lordp was fome caufe of them; or, at leaft, fuch an occafion as might have bred much difturbance, if ye late Bifhop of Edenburrowe his care and temper had not moderated them ; and this his Matie is not well pleafed wth neither: And this hath been ye caufe, as I conceive, why his Matie,hath paft you over in this remove; and you fhall doe very well to applye your felfe better, both to his Maties fervice, and ye well ordering of y4 Church, leaft you give juft occafion to the Kinge to paffe you by when any other remove falls. I am very forry that I muft write thus unto you ; but y0 only way of helpe lyes in your felfe and your owne carriage ; and, therefore, if you will not be carefull of y\ I doe not fee what any freind can be able to doe for you. Therefore, not doubting but you will take thefe things into ferious confideration, for your owne good, I leave you to the Grace of God, and reft, Your Lordp1s very loveing Freind and Brother, Lambeth, Maye 6th	W : Cant :
1634.
To ye R* Reverend Father in God, my very good Lo. and Brother, ye Lo. Bifhop of Dunblane, att Edenburrowe, thefe.
[Indorfed.] Anent the Liturgie, and his Sermon.1634. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS.
433
VIII.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO THE SAME. [Orig—Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI, No. 16.]
My very good Lo.	S. in Xpo.
My haft att this time forces me to write very breefely: And thefe are to lett you knowe, that I writt nothing in my former letters but as the Kinge was enformed, and myfelf by him commanded. I have nowe read your Lordps letters to his Matie, wch hath in fome part fatiffyed him, but not altogether.
And for ye firft, his Matte faith, y4 though ye Gentlemen of y° Chappell Royall did abfent themfelves for feare of arrefts, having not to pay ; and ys that might hinder ye fervice in ye Chappell in a folemne and a formall way of finging by them ; yet his Matlc thinkes you might have gott a Chaplaine of your owne, to have read the Englilh Liturgye, that foe ye worke, for ye maine part of it, might have gone on ; And for ye payment of thofe menn, I thinke your Lordp knowes I have done all ye good offices I cann, but have it not in my power to mend all ye difficultyes of ye time.
Concerning ye difturbance y4 was in Edenburrowe, if any wrong was done your Lordp, y4 muft lye vpon yem whoe mifreported you to ye Kinge, whoe ere they were. And howfoeuer, ye Kinge took it not ill you advifed ye then Bifhop of Edenburrowe to appeafe ye differences, for that was very worthily and defervedly done by you. But as farre as I remember, ye charge layed upon you to the Kinge, was, y4 in your owne Sermon, woh you preach1 d about y4 time, you did rather fide w4 one partye, than either re-preffe or comepofe the difference. Though I muft needs confeffe to your Lordp, that, by reafon of the multitude of bufyneffes wch lye vpon me, I cannot charge my memorye wth ye particular.
You have done very well to acquaint the Lpa of Counfell and Seflion, &c. wth his M4ies refolution concerning ye Communion in ye Chappell Royall. And I doubt not, if you continue to doe y4 wch his Matie lookes for in ye courfe of yr Church, and wch is moft juft and fitt to be done, but y4 you will eaflly recover his Ma4ies favour, and finde ye good of it. Soe, in haft, I leave you to ye Grace of God, and reft
Your LordpB very loveing Freind and Brother,
Lambeth, July 1st,	W : Cant :
1634.
To the R4 Reverend Father in God, my very good Lo. and Brother, the Lord Bp. of Dvnblane, thefe.
[Indorfed] Anent Reading of the Liturgie, and his Sermon at Edinburgh.434 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1634.
IX.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO THE SAME.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI, No. 17.]
My very good Lo.	S. in Xpo.
I have a fecond time mou'd his Matie concerning yem y* obeyed or difobey'd his commands in receiueing ye Communion in ye Chappell att Hallyrudhoufe, and you fhall not fayle to receiue his Matie3 anfwere by my Lo. [of RofTe] ; foe y4 I fhall not need to be farther troublefome to you in y* parti[cular.]
His Matie is fully fatiffyed yt ye Englifh.........in
ye Chappell Royall before my Lo. of RofTe...........
........and in all things elfe, onl ........
............fatiffyed me concerning ......
................his Matie fuch fatiff . .
. . . . *...............doubt not but
your L ......................
foe much to your fi ..................
..... Your.................
. .......Gentlemen of the Chap.........
............to moue his M atie conce.....
................and he told me y4 a little
before his, . . . d fince y*5.....your Lordp halfe ye money
was payed unto yem. And y4 ye other halfe was payed before to one, I think of theire company, wliome themfelves employed to receive it; whoe, it feemes, was a Bancroft, and either runne away with their money or mifpent it, or elfe ferued his owne turne wth it. Now, what to fay to this, I cannot tell, for ye Chequer is not in y4 cafe y4 I can thinke it fitt, (or if I doe,) I am fure ye Lo. Treafurer will not thinke foe, y4 ye Kinge fhould paye ye fame fumme twice ; and yet, I muft confeffe, it falls very hard upon ye poore men to beare y® lofTe ; but they fhould have been wifer in ye choyce of their agent. Not-withftanding, if there can be any hope in this cafe to releeue yem, I fhall doe my beft, and, for ye future, my Lo. hath promifed me they shal be duly payd. Soe, I leau.e you to ye Grace of God, and reft,
Your Lordps loueing Freind and Brother, Croyden, Octobr 4,	W : Cant :
1634.
To the Rt Reve..........
my very good L.......
Lo. Bp. of Dun ....
[Indorfed] Againft thefe the .... municat.1635. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 435
X.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO THE SAME.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI, No. 14.]
[Mr. Edward Kellie, who is mentioned at the close of this letter, was by a writ under the Privy Seal, appointed Receiver of the Fees of the Chapel-Royal, 26th of November 1629. There is an original and interesting paper by him, preserved in the General Register House, entitled, " Information touching the Chappell-Royall of Scotland," dated at Whitehall 24th of January 1631, which has been printed in the Appendix to Mr. Dauney's " Ancient Scotish Melodies," p. 365. Edinb. 1838. 4to.]
My very good Lord,	S. in Xpo.
I am very very glad to heare your refolutions for the ordering of his Maties Chappell Royall, and y4 you are refolved to weare your Whites, notwith-ftanding the malicioufnes of foolifh men. I knowe his Matie will take your obedience and care very well; and being fully fatiffyed both concerning your Sermon, and all thinges elfe committed to your truft, you may, as opportunity ferues, expett from his Matie all reafonable thinges; and I fhall not be wanting to give you all ye afliftance y* I can vpon all occafions; of wch I heartily pray you not to doubt.
My Lo. ye Earle of Traquare is now come, and I fhall take ye firft opor-tunity I can to fpeake once more wth him about ye Gent, of ye Chappell, and fhall fhowe him what your Lordp writes concerning one Edward Kelly, whome you mention ; and what anfuere foever I can gett, you fhall receive from me. Soe, in haft, I leave you to the Grace of God, and reft,
Your Lordps very loveinge Friend and Brother, Lambeth, Jan. 12,	W : Cant :
1634 [1634-5].
I have fpoken wth my Lo. Traquare, and he tells me, (if I miftooke him not,) y4 paym4 was made to Kelly wth relation to the Gent, of the Chappell, and y4 your oune hand, as well as others, is to fome agreement y4 was made thereabout. The paper was not then about him, elfe he had fhewed it me. Your Lordp therefore fhall doe very well to fpeake wth him againe about this particular. As for the time to come, he hath assumed to me they fhall be duly paid.
To ye R4 Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bifhop of Dunblane, att Edenburrewe, thefe.
[Indorfed] Anent wearing of the Whites.436 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1635.
XI.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO THE SAME. [Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio. Vol. LXVI. No. 19.]
My very good Lo.	S. in Xpo.
The Kinge hath been acquainted with yor care of the Chappell Royall, and is very well pleafed wth ye conformity that hath been there att ye lait reception of ye bleffed Sacrament; and, for my part, I am heartyly glad to fee in what a faire way yr Church-bufynelTes now are in thofe parts. I hope, if ye Bpps be pleafed to continue theire good example, and their care, all thinges will fettle beyond expectation.
The Kinge hath declared his pleafure concerning ye Bp.rickes now void, and hath given yow ye Bp.ricke of Aberdeen, as yow well heare more att large by my Lord of Rofle. But being an Vniverlity, and a place of confe-quence, he will haue you refide there, and relyes much upon you for ye well ordering of y4 place. I am very glad ye Kinge hath been foe mindfull of you, and given you foe good a Teftimony vpon this occafion of your remove. Soe, I leave you to ye Grace of God, and reft,
Your Lordps very loveinge Freinde and Brother, Lambeth, May 19,	W: Cant :
1635.
To the R4 Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bifhop of Dunblane, att Eden burro we, thefe.
[Indorfed] Anent their encouragement.
XII.
ARCHBISHOP LAUD TO MAXWELL BISHOP OF ROSS.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 20.]
My verie good Lord,	S. in Xpo.
My Lo. Sterling is not yet come, but I have acquainted his Ma^ in what forwardnes your Liturgye there is, and with what approbation it is like to come forth. And, by ye King's command, I have fent for Yonge ye Printer, ye better to prepare him to make ready a blacke letter, and to bethinke himfelfe to fend - to his feruants att Edenburrowe, y4 foe, againft ye Lo. Sterling's comeing, all things might be in ye better readines, wch is all ye fervice I can doe till his Lordp come.1635. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 437
I am very glad your Canons are alfoe in foe good a readines, and y* the true meaning of }rt one Canone remaines ftill under ye Curtaine. I hope you will take care y* it may be fully printed and patted with ye reft: 'Twill be of great ufe for the fetleng of y4 Church.
I thanke you for your care of Dor Wedderbourne: He is very able to doe fervice, and will certanly doe it, if you can keepe up his heart. I was in good hope he had been confecrated, as well as my Lord of Brehen, but I perceive he is not; what ye reafon is [I know] not, but 'tis a thoufand pittyes y* thofe uncertantyes abide wth him. I pray [commend] my love to him, and tell him, I would not have him fticke att any thinge, for y° Kinge will not leave him long att Dunblane, after he hath once fettled y® Chappell right, which I fee will fettle apace, if he keepe his footing. My letters are gone to ye Bp. of Aberdeene, by the King's command, to diflert his proteftation concerning ye Chappell, [and] to leave ye rents prefently to Dr. Wedderbourne; and 'twill not be long ere letters come from ye Kinge to take of the Annats from ye Bp.ricks ; and Dor Forbes being y® late B1® Exequutor, being a worthy man, may be better confidered fome other way. As for ye Annats of y® Minifters, ye Kinge is refolued not to tuch y*™ att this time.
Concerning yl wch you mencion about fitting of ye Chappell, both wth filver veffells and other ornaments, upon y® fale now to be made of fome ftuffe of ye King's; I thinke my Lo. of St. Andrewes will very fhortly receive a letter, under the King's hand, to give power for all yl yow defire; and then, if you do not fee ye Chappell well furnifhed, y® blame for ever be yours.
The Bp. of Brehen is come, and my Ld of St. Andrewes hath written att large by [him,] and I have given my Lord's Grace anfwere to all y® particulars as well as I can. Indeed, my [Lord, I hold no]thing certaine in Court till it be done; yet I have that affiance in my Lo. Marquefle, [that I am confident, he will pafle Arbrothe, full and wholy, Praecindl and all; and his [Majefty is of the] fame opinion with me. Therefore I hope that both my Lo. of St. Andrewes feare [and yours is caufe]leffe.
[The next pafla]ge in your letter is only an expreffion of an apprehenfion wch you [have for your over]throwe, and that if they can bring you into difgrace wtu ye Kinge, [they will find eafier paffa]ge to damnify y° Church. I pray trouble not yourfelfe wth thefe [conceits; but f]erve God and the King, and leave ye reft to their protedtion. It may be fuch [a fear were] fitter for me, and perhaps I have jufter caufe of apprehenlions, would I give way to [fuch thoughts ]
In the next palTage you are more confident; hold you there, & lett no man ftagger [you in the fer]wife of God and ye King. But wheras you write y* fome wch have promifed, and [protelled f]aire to me concerning y® Church, have, in all Judigatures, fince your laft return, gone [againft] y® Church, I pray name yem; for I am loth to miftake perfons, and then I (hall not [fpare] to acquaint ye Kinge wth what they doe; and, in ye mean time, you have noe caufe to doubt, either ye change of ye King's counte-
VOL. I.	3 F438 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1635.
nance, or his giving full credit to any againft ye Church, till ye Church be heard.
You need not feare any thing in my Lo. of Roxborough's bufyneffe, for I doe not beleeue ye King will erect any other Bp.rick in haft. God blifle him, and make him able to better thofe which are already, and ftand in need of helpe. I doe not heare of any alteration to ye leffe or yg more about y0 Exchequer there; but fhould there be any, I haue moued his Matie y4 no thing be concluded till my Lo. of St. Andrewes judgment be knowne, according as yow defire. As for ye inftance you make, in ye Annuity of Tithes, I read y* alfoe to ye King; and you cannot but remember y* ye King hath faid enough to you in y4 particular : Let this] be enough.
My Lo. for ye clofe of your letter all yl I can fay is this, my affiftance you fhall have in all juft and honoble wayes for ye Church; but ye Kinge is foe gracious of himfelfe, y* you may be better able att any time to doe your owne bufynefle wth him then I am to doe it for you, being not able to vnderftand many difficultyes of your bufynefles. Yet, confidering my pre-fence is heere, where yours cannot alwayes be, I fhal be euer as ready to ferue you as I haue been, yt is, to ye vttmoft of my power. Soe, wiftiing you all health and hapines, I leave you to ye Grace of God, and reft,
Your Lordps very loueinge Freinde and Brother, Croyden, Sept. 19th, 1635.	W : Cant.
To the R* Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bifhop of RolTe, att Edenburrowe, thefe.
[Indorfed] 19 September 35, His gladnes for their being at the prefle, efpeciallie that one Canon vnder the curtaine.
XIII.
DR. JUXON BISHOP OF LONDON, TO MAXWELL BISHOP
OF BOSS.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio Vol. LXVI. No. 21. The Book of " Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical," &c. so often referred to, bears on the title, " Aberdene, imprinted by Edward Raban, 1636." 4to, pp. 43.]
My verie good Lord,
Ypon the receipt of yor former letters, I p[refentlie] repaired to my L: Grace of Canterburie, and gott a difpatch of what you defired to have explained in yor Common Praier Booke; and I hope ere this it hath found the waye to Edinburgh, that yor prefle Hand not ftill; for I was enforced, wth fignifi cation of the haft it required, to leave the care of conveiance vpon his Grace; becaufe, my letters coming from Newmarkett, (where the Court then was,) by an vnknowen hand, I knew not well how to gett it returnd. With yor letter of the 6th of this month, I receaved yor Book of Canons,1636. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 439
which perchance at firft will make more noife then all the Canons in Edinburgh Caftle; but when men's eares have beene vfed awhile to the found of them, they will not ftartle fo much at it, as now at firft; and, perchance, find them as vfefull for prefervation of the Church, as the others for the Comon-weale. Our praiers heer are for yor happie proceedings in that great fervice, wherewith I reft,
Yor Lordfhippes affared frend to ferve you,
London Houfe, 17° February 1635 [1635-6.]
To the right Reverend Father in God, my verie good Lord, the Lord Bpp. of Roffe thefe bee, Edr.
c^iTiJott;
XIV.
THE EARL OF STIRLING, TO MAXWELL BISHOP OF
ROSS.
[Orig—Wodrow MSS. Folio Vol. LXVI. No. 22—Sir William Alexander of Menstrie, Author of the Monarchick Tragedies, was created Earl of Stirling in the year 1633. At this time, he held the office of Secretary of State for Scotland.]
Right reverend father in God, and my verie goode Lord,
I thanke yow verie hartiely for yor Booke of the Cannons, wch I receaued yefternight. I was prefent in the morneing when my Lord of Canterburry delivered the Booke to the King, wch, as foone as his Matie had reade fome parte of it, he delivered unto mee; and I was glade to heare him fo well pleafed therewith. I finde fome erroures in the Printer, by miftakeing or renverfing of letters; and therefore have the more care in lookeing to that in printeing of the Service-Booke, for Yong the printer is the greateft knave that euer I dealt with; and therefore truft nothing to him nor his fervants but what of necefiity you muft [[leave.]
[[Since] the writeing hereof, I receaued a letter from my Lord of [Can-ter]burry, fignifying his Maties pleafure for two letters that fhould be [drawen] vp for his hand, concerning the authorizeing of the Booke [of Ca]nnons; wch, God willing, fhall come home with the next packett. I hope my Sonne will take fuch a courfe, with yor advice, concerning the Pfalmes as lhall be fitt, to whom I referre the fame; and ftill remayne,440 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1636.
I fend yor Lop thefe inclofed letters from my Lord of Canterburry, to be delivered by yow according to their feverall direttiones. [Whytejhall, the 17 of Feb*'. 1636.
To the right reverend Father in God, and my verie goode Lord, my Lord Bifhope of Roffe.
[Indorfed] 17th Februar 1636. His purchafing the King's authorifing the Canons.
XV.
ACT OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL AUTHORISING THE SERVICE BOOK, WITH HIS MAJESTYS WARRANT : October 1636.
[Regiftrum Secreti Concilii, fol. 179.]
Edinburgh, 20 Decembris 1636.—Sederunt.
Dumfries.	Naper.	Advocat.
Angus.	Deputie Treafaurer. Juftice-Clerk
Binning.	Clerk-Regifter.
Act anent the Seruice Booke.
Forfamekle as the King's Maieftie, euer fince his entrie to the imperiall Crowne of this his ancient Kingdome, efpeciallie fince his late being heir, hes diverfe times recommendit to the Archbifhops and Bilhops heir, the publifhing of a publi£t Forme of Service in the worfhip of God, whiche his Maieftie would have vniformelie obferved in this Kingdome; and the fame being now condefcended upon, although his Maieftie doubts not bot all his Maiefties fubjetts, both clergie and others, will receave the faid publitt Forme of Seruice with fuch reuerence as appertained ; Yitt his Maieftie thinking it necefiair to make his pleafure knowne twiching the authorizing the booke thairof, Thairfore the Lords of his Maiefties Privie Counfell, according to his Maiefties fpeciall warrand and direction, Ordains letters to be diredl, to command and charge all his Maiefties fubjetts, both eccleiiaf-ticall and civill, be open proclamation at the Mercat Crofes of the heid Burrowes of this Kingdome and other places needfull, to conforme them-felffs to the faid publitt Forme, quhilk is the onlie forme quhilk his Maieftie, (having takin the Counfell of his Clergie,) thinkes fitt to be ufed in Gods publidt worfhip heir: Commanding heirby all Archbifhops and Bifhops, and others prefbyters and churchemen, to take a fpeciall care that the faid pub-lidl Forme of worfhip be dewlie obferued and obeyed, and the contraveaners condignlie cenfured and punifhed; and to have a fpeciall care that euerie
Apud
Chanceller. Thefaurar. Glasgow.1636. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 441
Parifh betuix and Pafche next, procure unto thamefelffs twa at the leaft of the faids Bookes of Commoun Prayer, for the ufe of the Parifh.
Followis His Majesties Missive for Warrant of the Act abou-
written.
Charles R.
Right Reuerend Father in God, right truftie and weil-belouit Coufins and Counfellors, right truftie and truftie and belouit Counfellors, We greit you weill. Whereas fince our entrie to the Crowne, efpeciallie fince our late being in that Kingdome, We have diuerfe times recommended to the Archbilhops and Bifhops there, the publifhing of a publidt Forme of Seruice in the worfhip of God, whiche We would haue vniformelie obferued therein ; And the fame being now condefcended vpon, thogh We doubt not bot all our fubje&s, both Clergie and others, will receaue the fame with fuch reuerence as appertaineth ; Yitt thinking it neceffarie to make our pleafure knowne, tuicheing the authorizing of the Booke thaireof, We require you to command, by opin proclamation, all our fubjedts, both ecclefiaftical and civill, to conforme thamefelffes in the pra&ife thairof, It being the onlie forme which We, (having takin the Counfell of our Clergie) thinke fitt to be ufed in Gods publift worfhip there : As alfua We require you to injoyne all Arch-bifhops and Bifhops, and other Prefbyters and churchemen, to take care that the fame be dewlie obeyed, and the contraveeners condignlie cenfured and punifhed; And to take order that euerie Parifh procure to thamefelffes, within fuch a fpace as you fhall thinke fitt to appoint, two at leaft of the faids Bookes of Common Prayer for the ufe of the Parifh ; wherein you will doe us moft acceptable feruice, and for which thefe fhall be your warrant. We bid yow farewell, from our Court at Newmercat, the 18 of October 1636.
XVI.
DISCHAIRGE BE THE PRINTER FOR THE BOOKS TO THE
CHAIPPELL.
QThe Original indorfed as above, is preferved in the General Regifter
Houfe.]
We, Robert Bryfon, Bookfeller, and I, Evan Tyler, Printer, by thefe presents grants us to have received from Mr. George Halyburtoun, all & whole the fowme of Ane hundred fourty-four pounds, four fhillings Scots money, being the juft price of the Liturgies, which are given in to the Chappell Royall. In witnes whereof we have fubfcrived our names, At Edinburgh this fifteenth of Aprill 1637 years.
Robert Brysone.
Evan Tyler.442 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637.
XVII.
ARCHBISHOP SPOTTISWOOD, TO DR. HALL BISHOP OF
NORWICH.
[The Original is preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, inserted in a copy of " The Booke of Common Prayer, and Adminiftration of the Sacraments: And other parts of Divine Service for the use of the Church of Scotland. Edinburgh : Printed by Robert Young, &c. 1637." Folio. The copy (marked KK. e. 24.) is printed on large paper, but it has been rebound and cut down, and does not, as usual, contain King James's Psalms, dated 1636.]
My very Reverend and Honoell Good Lord,
I was defired to prefent zor Lo. with one of the copies of our Scottilhe Liturgie, which is formed fo nigh to the Inglifti, as we culd, that it might be knowne how we are nothing differen in fubftance from that Church. And God I befeeche to keep ws one, and free ws from thofe that craife divifions. Zor L: will be pleafed to accept this litle prefent, as a teftimonie of our Churches love, and fent by him qho truly loveth zor L. and will ftill remain,
Zowr L. moft affe&ionat Brother,
Sanctandrews.
[Indorfed.]—To my very Reverend good Lord and Brother, my Lord the Bifliop of Norwich.
XVIII.
LINDESAY BISHOP OF EDINBURGH, TO THE PRESBYTERY OF DALKEITH.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio Vol. LXVI. No. 40.]
Welbeloued Brethren,
A great number of the Minifters of this diocefs, thinking the day of the Synode had beine the laft Weddinfday of Apryll, did come to this Towne, and finding themfelues miftaken, prefentlie returned to their owne homs, w4 whom I fpake not. Thefe prefents therefore are to defyre yow to keipe pre-ceiflie the tyme appointed, wch is the laft Weddinfday of Maij, for at that tyme there [are] fundrie things that I haue to impart vnto yow, and in fpeciall concerning the Service Books that are to be receaued in our Church; of the wch books it is thoght expedient, that prefentlie everie Minifter and Congregation buy two vpon the common charges of the parifh, one for the vfe of the minifter, and the other for the reader, or him that lhall afiift the1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 443
minifter in the fervice. The price of the Booke I think ftial be 41bs. 16fh. y* is 91b. 12fti. the two. The matter is of no great moment, and the im-ployment verie necefiar and profitable, as experience fhall prove. I hope yrfore yee will not faill everie one to bring in your moneyes and receaue your books, for it is appointed that the Printer be payed, and the buiks taken off his hand, betuix this and the firft of June. In the meane tyme I expedt that yee will obferve the commemoration of ChrifVs Afcenfion, on Thurfday the 18th of May; and on Sonday the 28th thereafter, called Whitfonday, a commemoration of the defcending of the Holy Gholl, wch haue beine and are folemnely obferved throw all the Chriftian world, to the honor of him who is the God of order, vnity, and peace ; to whofe grace I leaue you, and fhall euer remaine,
Yor loving Brother, Halyrudhous, 28 Aprill 1637.	Da : Edenb.
To his welbeloued Brethren the Moderator and remanent Brethren of the Exercife of Dalkeith, thefe.
XIX.
INSTRUCTIONS HOW THE SERVICE CAME TO BEE MADE DELIVERED TO MEE BY THE KING.
[Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 36. The above title is the indorsation of this paper in the hand-writing of Dr. Balcanquall. It evidently was drawn up by the Earl of Stirling, then Secretary of State for Scotland. The original is mutilated in the several places marked with points, or where words have been supplied within brackets.]
King James, of bliffed memorie, who knew moft perfectly the defeats of the Church of Scotland, fhortly after his coming to the Croun of England, out of his relligious and pious care of God's glorie, and tender affe&ion to that poore Church, in qua natus et renatus, beganne ferioufly to think vpon the eftafblifhing of a] Liturgie there.
After many though [ts for that purpofe, he] obtained that in a Generall Afiembly at [Aberdeen in the year 1616,] it was enafted that a Booke of Co[mmon Prayer] ihould be framed; and, by Aft of Afiembly, fo many were trufted with it to draw it vp, of whom I am fure Mr. Wm- Cowper B. of Galloway was one.
Then a Booke of Common Prayer was formed and delivered to my Lord Archb. of S* Andrew's, wc after hee had reuifed, it was fent vp to King James, who did take the paines to perufe and confider it, and gave order to the Deane of Winchefter to doe the like, the fame was returned to my Lord of S4- Andrews, with his Ma. directions what hee would have to be changed^ omitted, or added, to make it the more perfett.444 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637.
Before it could be brought ad vmbilicum, God called that Miffed King to Glory.
King Charles Ihortly after his entrie to the raigne, air not only to his Father's crowne, but pietie, vrged the fame w* a moft pious care and father-lie affedtion. This very Booke in statu quo King James left it, was fent to his Ma. and prefented to his Ma. by myfelfe, (whether the fame was done or not by the B. of Rofs then, now Archb. of Glafgow, I darre not confidently averre, but I thinke hee it was). His Ma. took great care of it, gave his Royall judgement, and I returned home and fignified his Ma. pleafure to my L. S4- Andrew's, and hee to fuch of the Clergy as hee thought fit.
There was during this time much paines taken by his Ma. here, and My L. St. Andrew's, and fome others there, to have it fo framed, as wee needed not to be alhamed of it when it ihould be feen to the Chriftian world, [and] w4 that prudent moderation that it might be done in that [way which might occafion] the leaft offence to weak ones there.
In God's mercy...........that it was framed
fo as the......it, and put their hands to it, wc I fhew to his
Ma.; and thereafter his Ma. gaue His Royall approbation, writte to the Councell for authorifing of it, and to the BB. to be cairfull, in all prudent and conuenient fpeed, to put it in pra&ife, and that it fhould goe to prefs, that this might be the fooner and better done.
To facilitat the receiving of the Booke of Common Prayer, a care was had befides to make it as perfeft as cowld be, fo lykwife that howfoeuer it fhould come as neare to this of England as could be, yet that it fhould be in fome things different, that our Church and Kingdome might not grumble as tho wee were a Church dependent from or fubordinat to them.
His Ma. prudent pietie was fuch, that tenderly caring for the peace of this Church, fome things were keept in our Liturgie which as yet our Church could not be vrged with, and fome things which the weaknefs of the greater part would except againft: that the turbulent heire might get no aduan-tage by our Booke to difquiet the Church, and that ours might the more [fmoothly] be receaued His Ma. in a gratious moderat . . . ned vnder
his hand, difpenfed wl ye BB. not..........vpon any
but fuch as were willing.......their flocks to doe it.
And yet £His Majefties] care and prudence was more, that when all was concluded, and the Booke ready for the prefs, to prepare men the better to receue it, gave order to all Archbifehops & BB., till our owne fhould be printed and fully authorifed, to caufe read the Englifh Seruice booke in their Cathedralls, to vie it morning and evening in their owne houfes and colledges, as it had been vfed in His Ma. Chappell Royall in the yeir of God 1617. The BB. vpon a remonftrance made to his Ma. that feing their owne was fhortly to come forth, defired that all fhould be continowed till their owne were printed and fully authorifed : to which his Ma. gratioufly accorded.
In 1636, at fartheft in the beginning of 1637, the Booke was printed, fent to his Ma. prefented to the Councill, authorifed at His Ma. command, publick proclamation made to all churchmen to beginne the prattife at1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 445
Eafter 1637. His Ma. at this tyme, at euery occafion, put the BB. in mynd of their dutie, and not to be negligent.
The Biihop of Edinburgh not being able to beginne at the appointed day, the Bifhops meiting in June and July, carefull to obey his Majeftie did think fit, before the Sefiion raife, (that fo it might be knowen in all the corners and parts of the kingdome,) that the reading and vfe of it Ihould beginne in Edinburgh and all the neireft adjacent churches; and knowing that all were not alike affetted to fo pious a worke, ordaining intimation to be made the Lord's day before the 23 of July, that the Service was to beginne and continow, fearing that fome difaffedted would prevaricate in the intimation, caufed print the intimation, and intimat it in all the churches of Edinburgh, in the printed order.
What a barb[arous] hub-hub was then, wowld to God it were buried in [oblivion. After] that the Toune of Edinburgh, fearing His Ma: [difplea-
fure,] yea puritans themfelves condemning it..........
exprefsly . . condemning the fadtis......either knowledge of it, or hand in it, and promifing obedience (.....was put
vpon Rafcallis and Coal-fteillers, but how juftly, let fubfequent attions and events declare:) His Majeftie was fo gracious, that he pardoned the Toune, accepted of their excufe: Such was His goodnefs all this tyme, not one, no not the bafeft, cenfured.
The 28 of Auguft, a Councell day, appointed to meet folemnly, to know His Ma. pleafure, expected to returne before then; their came to that diet fome few Minifters from Fife, and fome from the Weft, being charged to buy and receue the books, to fufpend. Nothing was done then to curbe them, but at Councell table fpeking that their was a fire in all the parts of the kingdome. Quherevpon, in the nixt Councell day, noble-men and numbers of Minifters did appear w* petitions, and crying out againft the Booke as Popifh fuperftitions. After which petition and petitions were fent to his Ma. At this tyme, if I miftake not, my L. D. of Lennox, occafionally being at home, did bringe vp their Petition. They encreafed in number, and then fpoke againft Service-book, Canons, Hie Commifiion, &c. Declarations were given in to the Councell; and heir you would admire to fie the tennor of that Aft at Dalkeith, which they pretend as their warrand for meiting, which they abufed to the eftablifhing of their [Tables. His] Ma. was gratioufly pleafed to declair, by op[en Proclamation, hee] intended no novation in Relligion, &c. ; [but that the conte]mpt of the Proclamation concluded at Lin[lithgow,] commanding them all to repair home, would be look't to. Traquair written for came vp. At- Stirling was a gracious proclamation, to allure His Majeftie's fubje&s of the fyncerity of Relligion. Heir was made the firft proteftation againft authority, which in terminis meits & oppofes the proclamation. After that, Privie Seale was fent home. Then the Covenant was put on foot, &c. After that, his Lordfhip's panis did proue fuccefffull: His Lordftiip can give you information of this. Then the Marquis of Hamilton, &c.
vol. i.446 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637-
XX.
INFORMATION FROM THE EARL OF STIRLING TO DR. BALCANQUALL.
[Wodrow MSS., Folio, Vol. LXVI. No 26—This paper has no date or signature, but it relates to matters which occurred in 1637, and appears to be a continuation of the preceding article.]
The Councell gave out letters, chargeing euery minifter to receave two Service Bookes for every paroch church; but Mr Alexr Henderfon, and two other minifters with him, in name of the reft, gave in a peticion the next day, that they might have fome reafonable tyme to fee the Booke and confider of it; wherevpon the former charge was fufpended. The Service Booke was begun to be read in the church of Edinburgh vpon a Sonday, when the Lo. Treafurer was forth of towne, and the Councell not prefent, which made a great mutinie in the church, and the fervice was read with difficultie, the church doores all being fhutt; and as foone as the fermon was ended, they threw ftones at the Bifhop, and entered in a great tumult. There was a tumultuous multitude that came about the Towne Councell-houfe, the Clerk Regifter being then Proveft, vrgeing him to figne what they demanded, till the Lo. Treafurer came and releeved him.
The Towne of Edinburgh being preffed to receave the Service Booke, offered once to do it, fo they might have men to read it to them ; and they gave in a peticion that they might not be vrged to vfe it till the reft of the Borroughes did confent to the receaving of it, and they would abftaine, in the mean tyme, from joyning in peticion with them. They could have no anfwer, but that they muft either receave it prefently, or joyne with the reft, which they did, though it might then have been prevented.
The Councell, vpon this, was removed from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and the Lo. Roxbrughe was fent home with a commiflion from his Majeftie, and a proclamation, fhewing that no innovation in Religion was intended ; but it was fo farr from fettling the bufinefs, that they proceeded to more high demands then before, and of others then concerning the Service Booke.
Thereafter, the Sefiion being removed to Sterline, and the troubles ftill encreafing, a proclamation was made there, exprefiing his Majefties gratious intention and fincerity in Religion, and withall, chargeing all men, vnder paine of Treafon, to retire themfelfs to their owne houfes; but this was en-countred with a proteftation, and no obedience given to the charge.
After this, they made a Covenant amongft themfelfs, and a Bond of mu-tuall aide, for profecuting their caufe in eftabliftiing of the Religion in that eftate which they conceaved to be the purity thereof, and confirmed the fame by an oath and fubfcription of all fuch as they could, by any meanes, draw to adhere to them. The Minifters, taking a liberty, even out1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 447
of the pulpits, to abftradt from the authority of Bifhops, thereby to incenfe the people againft them; and all luch of the minifterie as would not con-difcend to their Covenant, the Prefbiteries either deprived, fufpended, or filenced, for any fault they could finde out, (or, they fay,) could be pretended againft them.
[Indorfed in BalcanqualFs hand.] From my L. Sterlin.
EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS OF THE PRIVY
Forasmeikle, as by adt and proclamation, made and publilhed heretofore, It wes commandit and ordained, that everie Prefbyterie within this Kingdome fould have had a care that their parochiners fould have beene furnifhed and provydit, betwixt and Pafche laft, with twa of the Bookes appointed to be univerfallie receaued throughout this Kingdome, for the publidt forme of Service in the worftiip of God, as in the a£t and proclamation made to this effett at lenth is conteinit: Quhereunto, altho great numbers of the miniftrie of beft learning and foundeft judgement and gifts, hes given dewtifull obedience, and hes conformed thamefelffes to his Maiefties royall will and pleafure in this point, Yitt there is fome others of the miniftrie who, out of curiofitie and fmgularitie, refuife to receaue and embrace the faid Booke, and does what in thame lyes to fofter and interteyny diftra&ioun and troubles in the Kirk, to the difturbing of the publidt peace thereof, without remeid be provydit; Thairfore, the faids Lords ordains letters to be diredt, charging the whole Prefbyters and Minifteris within this kingdome, That they and euerie ane of thaime provide and furnifhe themfelffes, for the ufe of their Parishes, with twa of the faids Bookes of publitt Service, or Commoun prayer, within fyfteine dayes nixt after the charge, vnder the paine of rebellion and putting of thaime to the home; and if they faillie, to denunce, &c. and to efcheit, &c.
XXI.
COUNCIL OF SCOTLAND.
(1.) Apud Edinburgh, 13 Junij 1637.
Act anent Service Bookes.
(2.) Apud Edinburgh, 28 Julij 1637.
Sederunt.
Chancellor. Thefaurer. Glafgow. Priuie Seale. Winton.
L. Alexander. B. Edinburgh. B. Galloway.
Dumfries. L. Lome.
B. Ros. B. Brechin. L. Deikford. L. Naper. Clerk-Regifter.448 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637-
Wigton.	B. Aberdeen.	Juftice-Generall.
Kingorne.	B. Murray.	Deputie-Treafurer.
Act anent Service Bookes.	'
The Lords of Secret Counfell having heard the Proueft and Bailleis of Edinburgh tuiching the propofition made be thame, and courfe taken con-forme thereto, for a peaceable exercife of the Service-booke, and fecuritie of the perfonis imployed, or who fall be prefent and affift at the pra£tife thairof; The Lords ordaine the Proveft and Bailleis to advyfe amongs thaimfelffs anent ane obligatorie a£t to be given be the Toun for the reall performance of what they fall undertake in the buffines abone mentioned, And allowes thame to publiflie, by touck of drwm, the Orders to be efta-blifhed be thame for keeping of thair Toune in peace and quyetnes, and preventing of all trouble and commotioun within the fame.
(3.) Apud Ed* 29 Julij 1637, in the Chan18 loodging. Sederunt.
Chancellor. Treasurer. Priuie Seal. Glafgow. Wintoun.
Kingorne. L. Alexander. B. Galloway. B. Aberdeen. B. Brechin.
L. Deikford. Clerk Regifter. Juftice-Generall. Blakhall.
The Clergie's Report anent the Seruice Booke.
The whilk day the Archbifhop of S* Andrewes, Lord High Chancellor of this Kingdome, for himfelfe and in name of the remanent Bifhops, reported to the Counfell, That, in regaird of the late trouble and infurredtion raifed upon Sunday laft, for oppofing the Service-booke, and upon new emergent occafions and conliderable refpefts, It wes thought fitt and expedient be thame, That there fould be a furceafle of the Service-booke till his Maieftie fould fignifie his pleafure twiching the redrefle and punifhment of the authors and a&ors of that diforderlie tumult, and that a courfe be fett down for the peaceable exercife thairof, to the glorie of God, his Maiefties honour, and the good of this Citie ; And in the meane time, to the effedt his Maiefties good and loyall fubjetts be not defrauded of the comfort of the word, the faids Bifhops had appointed and given order that, in the whole churches of this Citie, fermon fall be made at the accuftomed times, by regular and obedient Minifters, and that a prayer fall be made before and after fermon, and that neither the Old feruice nor the New eftablifhed feruice, be vfed in this interim: Whiche report and conclulion, takin be the faids Bifhops, being heard be the Counfell, They remitted to thame to doe therein according to the power incumbent unto thame in the dewtie of thair offices.1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 449
(4) Apud Edinburgh, 25 Augusti 1637.
Declaration anent the Service Bookes.
The Lords of Secreit Counfell, understanding that there has been a great miftaking in the Letters and charges given out upon the A61 of Counfell made anent the buying of the Service-Bookes, the faids Lords for removing and clearing of all fuch fcruples, declares that the faid A£t and Letters extends allanerlie to the buying of the faids Bookes and no farther.
XXII.
THE SUPPLICATION OF CERTAIN MINISTERS OF FYFFE, GIVEN IN TO THE COUNSELL, the 23d of August 1637.
[From Baillie's MS. Letters and Journals : Compared with other Copies.]
My Lords of Secret Counfell unto your Lordfhips humbly meanes and fhewes we your fervitors, Mr. Alex1". Henderfon minifter at Leuchars, Mr. George Hamilton minifter at Newburne, and Mr. James Bruce minifter at King's Barnes, That where we wer requyred of late, by the Moderator of our Prefbytery, to receive tuo coppies of the new Booke of Common Prayer, and declaring our felves moft willing each of us to receive one of the faid Bookes to read, that we might know what it containes before we could pro-mife to pra£tife it, alleadging, that in matters of God's worfhip we are not bound to blind obedience ; it was refuifed us, and taken out of fome of our hands; and yet we are now charged with Letters of horning, directed by your Lordfhips, upon a narrative that we have refuifed the faids Bookes out of curiofity and Angularity, to provyd every one of us tuo of the faids Bookes for the ufe of our Parifhes, which hath made us, who wer never acquainted with any charge from authority, and knowing no other way fo juft and voyd of offence, to have recourfe to your Lordfhips, moft humbly intreating, that the Charge may be fufpended, for the Reafons following:—
1.	Becaufe this Booke is neither warranted by the authority of the Gene-rail Afiembly, which is the reprefentative Church of this Kingdome, and hath, ever lince the Reformation, given direction in matters of God's worfhip ; nor by any Aft of Parliament, which in things of this kind hes ever been thought necessary be his Majeftie and the Eftates.
2.	Becaufe the liberties of the true Kirk, and the form of worfhip and religion received at the Reformation and univerfally pradlifed fenfyne, is warranted be the Adls of Generall Affemblies, and diverfe A&s of Parliament, efpecially of the Parliament 1567, and the late Parliament 1633.
3.	The Kirk of Scotland is ane free and independant Kirk, and their paftours fhould be moft able to difcerne and diretfc, what doth beft befeeme our meafure of Reformation, and what may ferve moft for the good of the people.450 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637-
4.	It is not unknoun to your Lordfhips, what difputing, divifion, and trouble hath been in this Kirk, about fome few of the manie Ceremonies contained in this Booke; which being examined (as we fhall be ready, a competent tyme being afiigned be your Lordfhips to fhow,) will be found to depart far from the forme of worfhip and reformation of this Kirk, and in poynts moft materiall to draw neir to the Kirk of Rome, which for her herefies in do&rine, fuperftition and idolatry in worfhip, tyrannie in government, and wickednefs every way, is als Antichriftian now, as when we came out of hir.
5.	The People hath been otherwayes taught by us and our predeceffors in our places ever fince the Reformatione, and fo it is likely they will be found unwilling to the change when they fhall be aflayed, even where their paftors are willing, in refpedt whereof, the faids Letters of horning, haill effect and executions whereof, ought to be fufpended fimply in tyme coming. Therefore, we befeech your Lordships that we may have letters diredted, charging the perfons who has caufed ufe this Charge againft us, to compeir perfonally, bringing and producing the faid Letters of horning, with the executions and indorfations thereof, at ane certain day, to be feen and confidered; and in the meantime to be fufpended, and your Lordfhips anfuer, 8ic.
XXIII.
INFORMATIONS GIVEN TO SEVERALL COUNSELLERS.
[From the same.]
1.	This Booke of Common Prayer hath no warrand of a Nationall Affem-bly, which in all Nations ought to direft, and in this Nation hath directed, in the matter of God's worfhip ever fince the Reformation.
2.	It hath no warrand of the Eftates of Parliament, without whofe con-fent to alter the Form of worfhip, and to enjoyn all his Majeftie's fubje£ts to receive every form of religion, under the pain of rebellion, we defyre to be confidered how important this is.
3.	The Form of worfhip here is ratified be the Parliament 1633, and consequently all different Forms are forbidden.
4.	This Kirk is a free and independant Kirk, no lefs then the Kingdom is a free and independant Kingdom; and as our oun Patriots can beft judge what is for the good of the Kingdom, fo our oun Paftors fhould be moft able to judge what form of worfhip befeemeth our Reformation, and what ferveth moft for the good of the People.
5.	This Booke deftroyeth all the order of our Kirk-Seffions, Prefbytries, and Affemblies, and puts the cenfure of doftrine, the admiffion of minifters, and the whole government of the Kirk, abfolutely in the hands of the Prelatts.1637- ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 451
6.	It eftablilheth a reading miniftry; whofoever can read the Booke can be a minifter, and he who is beft gifted muft fay no more nor he readeth, whether in prayer, baptifm, communion, &c.
7.	It prefcryveth Apocrypha to be read, as if it wer the foundation of the Prophets and Apoftles; hath many grofs poynts of Popery, and openeth a wide door by generalities and ambiguities of fpeech to many moe, as we fhall be ready and are moft defirous to be imployed, to manifeft in particulars, upon a competent tym granted to us by authority.
XXIV.
LETTERS TO AND FROM THE LORDS OF PRIVY COUNCIL OF SCOTLAND.
[From the Same.] (1.) The Councell's Letter to the King.
Most Sacked Soveraigne,
According to the warrant of your Majefties commandement, wee have been moft willing and readie to give all concurrence and afliftance to my Lords of the Clergie for eftabliftiing of the Service-Booke; and notwith-ftanding of that barbarous tumult (occafioned allenurlie, for any thing wee can yet learne, by a number of bafe and rafcall people,) wee were very hopeful in a fhort time, without any further trouble or importunity to your Majeftie, to have brought it to practice: but having appointed a meeting of Councell upon the 23d of Auguft inftant, in this extraordinarie time of vacation, exprefllie to think upon the beft expediencies for advancing of that Service, wee found ourfelves farre by our expectation, furprifed with the clamours and feares of your Majeftie's fubjects from almoft all the partes and corners of the Kingdome; and that even of thefe who otherwayes hes heretofore lived in obedience and conformitie to your Majeftie's lawes, bothe in Ecclefiaftical and Civile buffineffe, and thus wee finde it fo to increafe, that we conceave it to be a matter of high confequence in refpeft of the generall murmure and grudge in all fortes of people for urging of the practice of the Service-Booke, as the like hath not being heard in this Kingdom; fo that wee dare not longer delay, nor conceill it from your Majeftie, not knowing whereunto the fame may tend, and what effe&s it may produce ; neither dare wee dyve further in the tryell of the caufe of the faid feares or remedies thereof, till it fhall pleafe your Majeftie, in the deepneffe of your Royall judgment, to prefcrive the way, after hearing of all the particulars, either by calling fome of your Majefties Councell, bothe Clergie and Laitie, to your Majeftie's owne prefence, to the effect our cafe may be taken for pacifieing the prefent commotion, and eftablifhing of the faid Service-Booke, or otherwayes by fuch other meanes as your Majeftie in your oune452
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637-
great wifdome fhall think fitting; and wee have appointed the 20th of September for attending your Majefties pleafure hereanent, which wee, as becomes humble and faithfull fubje&s, and thefe whom your Majeftie has honoured with your Royall commandments, will follow and obey : and fo, with all our moll humble prayers for your Majeftie's long and profperous reign, we humblie kiffe your Royall handes, from Edinburgh 25th of Auguft 1637.
Traquair. Roxburghe. Perth. Lauderdall.
Da. Edinburgh. Tho. Galloway. Jo. Hay.
Jo. Rosse. W. Brechin. Alexander. Naper.
Thomas Hope.
St. Andrews.
Morton.
Wigton.
Wtnton.
SoUTHESK.
Ja. Carmichell. Jo. Hamilton.
(2.) The King's Letter to the Council.
Charles R.
Right Reverend Father in God, &c.—Wee have confidered your letter, and do find that our former diredtions have produced verie fmall effedts; neither doe you hereby propone any new expedient, but onlie that you delire that fome of the Clergie and Laitie fhould be fent for to deall with us therein, which wee conceave not to be fitt; and by a needleffe noyfe, would make it appear, that either wee have a verrie flack Councell, or verie bad fubjedts which wee will never beleive, having had foe great a proofe of their affedtion heretofoir; but rather will that a fufficient number of you doe ftill attend at Edinburgh, or neere thereabout during the vacation tyme, till the Service-Book be fettled; and wee are not well fatiffied neither with yow nor with our Town of Edinburgh : that after that the Service was read upone the Sonday in the afternoone, it fhould have beene intermitted immediately thereafter, and that no delinquents, who were authors or accefforie to that infolencie and ryot (committed in the tumult that day), were nowayes cenfured to terrify others from attempting the like; and it doth likewayes feeme verie ftrange unto us, that the Miniftry of Edinburgh, haveing offered to beginne the reading of the Service prouyding that they were fecured from indemnity, and releeved by our faid Cittie of the forefaid charge within a moneth thereafter, that the faid offer was not accepted, which wee will you yet to accept, and fee it performed; and it is our pleafure that everie Bifhop caufe read the Service within his oune diocie, as the Bifchops of Rofs and Dumblane have alreadie done; as lykewayes that yee warne our Burrowis, particularlie that none of them make choyfe of any Magiftrates but of fuch for whom they will anfwere for their conformitie: So expedting that yee will extend the uttermoft of your endeavours, by doing what is neceflary, and preventing any inconvenients that1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 453
may occurre, that Wee may have a good account with diligence, Wee bid you farewell.
From our Court at Oatlands, the 10th of September 1637.
(3.) The Council's Letter to the King.
Most Sacred Soveraigne,
We received your Majefties letter concerning the Service Booke, and according to the prefcript and direction thereof, we are feriouflie applying ourfelves toward the performance of what your Majeftie hes committed to our care. For which purpofe, we have appointed a conftant Counfell to refide here at Edinburgh, and have required the Prelats prefence, and written to thefe that were abfent, for eftablifching the Service within their feverall diocies; and have accordinglie given order to the Burrowes to make a right choyfe of conforme and well affetted perfones, for the charge of the Magiftracie, this enfuing year.
By our former letter, we certified your Majeftie of the generall diflike and prejudice conceaved againft the Service Booke; which, at this Counfell day, hes beene more fullie evidenced by the numerous confluence of all degrees and ranks of perfones, who were earneft and humble Supplicants for oppofeing the acceptation of the Service Booke, as by their petitions, extending to the number of three fcore and eight, may more clearlie ap-peare; whereof we have herewith fent to your Majeftie three copies, one in name of the noblemen, barrons, and gentlemen, one from the minifters of the Exercise of Auchterarder, within the cliocie of Dumblane, (where your Majeftie is informed the Service is pradtifed), and the third from the cittie of Glafgow; together with the lift of the remanent petitions: The effett and fubftance of all which refolves in one alleadgance, that the Service enjoyned, is againft the religion prefentlie profeffed; or that the fame is inorderlie brought in without the knowledge or confent of a Generall Affemblie, or contrare to the Atts of Parliament, or difconforme from the Service ufed and received in England, which the Petitioners undertooke to qualifie and make good; wherewith we have forborne to meddle till we re-ceave your Majefties gracious refolution thereanent.
We doe humblie crave pardon to expreffe our unfpeakable greefe to find that your Majeftie is not fatiffied with the finceritie of our fpithfull endeavours in this particular fervice. For the better clearing of the truth and ingenuitie of our proceedings therein, we have fent to your Majeftie's Secretar a more full and particular accompt of all that was moved or concluded in Counfell concerning that buflineffe. We have alwayes beene dewtifullie inclvned to further the performance of your Majefties royall com-mandements, and fhall ftill continue, as in deutie bound, to anfwer the truft which your Majeftie hes repofed in us; and fo humbly entreating your Majeftie to be graciouflie pleafed not to hearkeii to wrongous fuggeftions which may prejudge us in your Majeftie's favour, we pray God to bleffe your vol. i.	3 Gf454
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS.
1637.
Majeftie with a long and profperous reigne, and we reft your Majeftie's most humble and obedient fubje&s and fervants, &c. Edinburgh, the 20th of September 1637.
(4.) Letter from the Lords of Privy Council to the Earl of Stirling, Secretary of State.
our very honourable good lord,
The Earle of Roxburgh having, upon the feventh of this inftant, exhibitt to his Majeftie's Counfell his Majeftie's letters directed to them; to witt, one for a frequent meeting of the Counfell, for obedience whereof letters wer ordained to be directed to all thofe of the Counfell who wer not pre-fent; which wes done: the other letter was the letter of truft, and withall commanding the Counfell to take the readieft way for vindicating his Majef-tie's honor, and fetling the peace of the Kingdom. Thereafter the Earle of Roxburgh did fignifie his Majeftie's pleafure anent the places of Counfell and Seffion; according .to which, the Lords preferring his Majeftie's commandments to all particulars, ordained the Counfell to fitt att Dalkeith till the firft of February, the Seffion then to begin, and to hold at Stirling. Thereafter, the Earle of Roxburgh represented his Majeftie's favor and declaration anent the miftake of his Majeftie's intention in the matters of the Service-Book; according whereunto the Counfell ordained proclamation to be made, (whereof we have herewith fent your Lordfhip ane double,) which wes publifhed at all the publick places of this Kingdom, and which we caufed to be done at Linlithgow before our removeall, and thereafter at the mercatt crofs of Edinburgh, in moft folemn manner, with difplayed coat of armes and found of trumpet; which gracious expreffion wes accepted in all humility and thankfulnefs be his Majeflie's fubje£ts. Thereafter, the Counfell met at Dalkeith on Tuefday and Wednefday, being the 12th and 13th days of December, where they entered upon confideration of the way of the tryall of the tumults in Edinburgh, and of the caufe, effe&s, authors, aftors, and whole circumftances thereof; and continued the matter till Tuefday next, upon ane motion made to the Counfell be the Proveft of Edinburgh. Thereafter, fome few of the noblemen, barrons, burgeffes, and minifters, in a moft humble and modeft way, according to the order taken the 15th of November, defyred to be heard, and made offer to give in ane petition ; but the Counfell, being carefull to follow his Majeftie's gracious commandments and directions, which wer reprefented to them by the faid Earle of Roxburgh, entred in a ferious confideration how farr they might receive petitions, and of what nature ; wherein the Counfell debated and laboured the moft part of Tuefday and all Wednefday, and finding fome things to tend to informations againft the Bilhops in their carriage concerning the Service-Book, the Lords abfolutely refufed to receive any thing of that nature, and experts to hear no more of this petition; and upon Tuefday we are to meet again at Dalkeith for profecuting this matter according to his Majeftie,s commandments. And fo we reft. From Dalkeith, the 14th December 1637.1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 455
XXV.
THE EARL OF LOUDOUN'S SPEECH TO THE LORDS OF PRIVY COUNCIL, 21st of December 1637.
[From the same, compared with other manuscript copies.] My Lords,
A more weighty and ftately caufe than this, for the which we compeir before your Lordfhips at this tym, wes never pleaded before any judge on earth; being for the defence of true Religion and eftablifhed Lawes, on the which dependeth the weelfare both of Church and Commonwealth, our condition of lyf, liberty, and temporall eftate in this tranfitory world, and our eternall happinefs in the world to come; our duty to God Almighty, the Supream King of Kings, and our alledgeance and duty to our Soveraign Lord and Mafter the King: And as the public form of God's worftiip is the moft confortable and folemn aftion of us his creatures on earth, fo the greateft grievance we can fuftain is the alteration of Religion, which, by the Innovations complained of, is pitifully changed, inDo&rine, Sacraments, and Difcipline, contrare to feverall laudable A£b of Parliament and the Conftitutions of the National Affemblies of our Church, by the illegall introdu&ion of the Book of Canons, Ordination, High Commiffion, and Service Book, called the Book of Common-Prayer, in which are fown the feeds of diverfe fuperftitions, idolatry, and falfe doctrines, fo as the Romilh Maffe is in the main and fubftantiall points made up therein: which whole Innovations, as they are fraughted with heaps of ab-furdities, and intolerable pollutions, in the matter, tending to the undermvne-ing and extirpation of true Religion; fo, in the manner of inbringing, they want the warrand of Generall Affemblies, the only reprefentative body of the Church, or allowance of Parliament, but are unlawfully introduced, contrare to both, by the Prelats. Firft, by caufing fet forth ane Book of Canons, wherein it is ordained, that, " Whofoever fould affirm that the form of wor-fhip in the Service-Book, and adminiftration of the Sacraments, doth contain any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or is corrupt, fuperftitious, or unlaw-full in the worihip of God, ftiall be excommunicate;" which Book of Canons was the forerunner and uftier to the Service-Book, printed thereafter: which Service-Book, by the Bifhops conveyance, was, by A£t of Counfell, ratified, long before it wes either printed or feen ; and thereafter, being thus fheltered by fome fhaddow of authority, by publick proclamatione, it came forth, charging all his Majeftie's fubje&s to conform themfelves thereunto, as the only form of God's publift worftiip to be ufed within this Kingdom; and minifters, ere ever they had feen it, wer charged to accept and buy the fame for the ufe of their Parifhes, upon an implicit faith, under the pain of rebellion ; whereupon they were forced to fupplicat your Lordfhips, by giving in an Bill of fufpenfion in the moneth of Auguft, being charged in the moncth of July before: And your Lordfhips wer pleafed to reftrict the456 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1637.
charge to the buying of the Book allanerlie, and did write to his Majeftie the difficulties of eftablifhing it. And the fubje&s finding themfelves thus infnared betwixt two extremities, by danger of rebellion and excommunication on the one hand, or of forfaking the way of true Religion and breach of our Covenant with God on the other hand, could find out no fafer nor more legall way nor humbly to fupplicat your Lordfhips againft thefe Innovations, fo farr tending to the overthrow of true Religion and our law-full liberties. For preventing whereof we refolved to proceed in that moft orderly and legal way whereby to efchew all imputations of factious convocations, or tumultuous dealing, and which might beft teftifie our loyalty to the King our Matter, by felefting one or tuo of the graveft minifters within each Prefbitry, and one or tuo difcreet Gentlemen from every Shyre, to prae-fer our complaints, and remonftrat our juft grievances to your Lordihips; by whofe mediation, the matter might be reprefented to the King's Sacred Majeftie, from whofe juftice redreffe was humbly craved and expe&ed, and fupplications at divers tymes were given in name of the nobility, gentry, minillry, and burrowes, to that effe£t; as the petitions themfelves, efpecial-ly that which was given in the 25th of September, and upon the 18th of October, doth clearly proport: At which tyme, by warrand from his Majeftie, procured, as we apprehend, by the Bifhops, the courfe of our fupplications wes interrupted, and the Counfell at this tyme difcharged to medle with any Church bufinefs ; and the Supplicants, by open proclamatione, wer charged to depart off the Toun within the fpace of 24 hours, under the pain of rebellion ; whereby we were conftrained to give in that fupplication the 18th of O&ober, containing ane complaint againft the Archbifhops and Bifhops as the contryvers, maintainers, and urgers of the Service-Book and fuch other grievous Innovations; and fo, in obedience to the proclamation, that meeting wes difTolved, and the Supplicants did return to the feverall places of their refidence in the country, till the earneft defyre of an gracious anfwer of our former demands, whilk was alwayes longed for from his Majeftie, made us return to Edinburgh the 15th of November, as a tyme convenient of our meeting, being coincident with the term and doun fitting of the Sef-fion; where we might lykwayes confult and advyfe of the moft expedient way of reprefenting our humble defyres and remonftrating our juft grievances to the King's Majeftie. But my Lord Thefaurer, with the Earle of Lauderdaill and the Lord of Lome, having, out of their refpeft to his Ma-jeftie's fervice, and the quietnefs of the countrie, fignified to us that fo frequent a meeting might be mifconftrued, and produce fome dangerous effects, even contrair to our intentions; to teftifie how much defyrous we wer to carrie our felves in that humble and refpe&full way which might be moft pleafant to his Majeftie, (as we hope your Lordfhips will bear us witnefs,) and that the important buffinefs fo deeplie concerning us all might be attended and profecute by a few, that frequent and numerous meeting was dif-folved, and Commiffioners chofen for attending his Majeftie's anluer, and to doe what elfe might conduce for furthering our lawfull delyres; who have1637. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS.
457
remained in Edinburgh, till the Earle of Roxburgh's coming from Court, with whom his Majeftie's anfuer was expected, at whofe return the Privie Counfell was appoynted to conveen at Linlithgow the 7th of December; where we lykwayes intended to have gone to get his Majeftie's anfuer of our former demands; but being defyred by my Lord Thefaurer and the Earle of Roxburgh not to appeir at Linlithgow, upon afTured promife, that our petitions and defyres fhould be judiciallie heard in Counfell the next week thereafter: in obedience wherof we did ftay at Edinburgh, where, after your Lordfhips returned from Linlithgow, there was an publick declaration fhewing that his Majeftie doeth abhorre all fuperftitions of Pope-rie, or violation of the laudable lawes of the Kingdom : By which fignifica-tion of his Majeftie's gracious pleafure, we are ftill more and more confirmed of his Royall care for preservation of true Religion eftablifhed in this his ancient and native Kingdom ; and are encouraged, with the greater confidence, to remonftrate and fo prolecute our juft exceptions and complaints againft the Service-Book, and other fuperftitions and unlawfull innovations, which we offer to prove, in tyme and place convenient, to be contrare to our true Reformed Religion, contrare to the laudable Lawes of the Kingdom, contrare to his Majeftie's gracious Declaration. And feeing, after fo long and patient attendance, our earneft defyres doeth tend to the prefervation of true Religion, (which is the very falvation of our foules,) his Majeftie's honor, and the fubje&s lawfull liberties, we befeech your Lordfhips, out of that duty ye owe to God, to the King, and your native countrey, that ye will be pleaded to read and ponder our Supplications, and give fuch ane anfuer therto, as the juftice of our caufe and the equity of our demands doeth deferve; and if this fhall feem ane matter of fuch importance as your Lordfhips will not give ane determinat anfuer therin till ye know his Majeftie's royall pleafure, we humbly crave, that thefe our preffing grievances, and juft defyres, may be fully reprefented to his Majeftie by the hand of your Lordfhips who have the honor to be intrufted, as prime Officers (if State, and as his High-nefs particular fervants, with his Majeftie's royall commandments; whofe faithfull counfell and travell is raoft requifite in this buffinefle, whilk doeth fo highly concerne God's glory, the King's, honor, and the good of his fubjetts.
And in refpedt that, by the whole ftrain of our Supplications and complaints, given in to your Lordfhips, the Archbifhops and Bilhops are our diredt parties as contryvers, devyfers, introducers, maintainers, and urgers of the Books, (the one whereof is called the Book of Canons, and Confti-tutions Ecclefiafticall, the other is called the Book of Common Prayer,) and other unlawfull Innovations and juft grievances complained of by us, we crave, that the matter may be put to tryall, and the Prelates our partie taken order with, according to the lawes of the Realm, and not fuffered to fitt as judges, untill our caufe be tryed and decyded according to juftice; and fo, the faids Prelates being our only parties, upon whom we have at this tyme juftly complained, muft be declyned as our judges, feeing they cannot be both judge and party, according to the laudable Lawes of this458 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
kingdome, and of all nations in the lyke cafe : And our Declinature ought to be fuftained as relevant againft the Prelates, notwithftanding they have purpofelie abfented themfelves at this time, becaufe if the matter and a£tion depending lhall not receive a prefent decifion, but fliall happen, by anfwer or letter from his Majeftie, to be remitted back to the Counfell, the Chancellor and Bifhops who are Counsellors, will be judges in the complaint given in againft themfelves ; and the Chancellor, with fixe or feven of the Bifhops, making vp a quorum of the Counfell, may doe and determine of our caufe and petitions, now depending, as well as they paft an A£t of Counfell for approving the Service-Book, before it was either printed or feen; which A£t, we perfuade ourfelves, had never been paft, if either there had been a frequent Counfell, or if the Bifhops had not been the predominant ingredient at that tyme. And where, by our Petitions, it is craved, that the matter may be tryed, and the Bifhops, as the partie delinquent, taken order with, according to juftice, we declare, that our defyres doeth chiefly tend to the prefervation of true Religion, and the l'ubjedts lawfull liberties; neither doe we crave the Bifhops blood, nor revenge on their perfones, but that the abufes and wrongs done by them may be truelie remonftrat to his Majeftie ; that after due try all of the wrongs, fuch order may be taken, as the evils may be remeided, and the power that they have abufed may be fo reftrained, as the lyke evils may be prevented in tyme to come.
XXVI.
EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS OF PRIVY COUNCIL
continued from No. XXI.
Acts anent the present Combustion in the Countrie. (5) Apud Stirline, primo Martij 1638.— Sederunt.
Thefaurer.
Privie Seale.
Winton.
Perth.
Wigton.
Kingorne.
Lauderdaill. Southelk. L. Angus. L. Lorne. L. Doune. B. Brechin.
L. Elphinfton. L. Naper. Clerk Reg1-. Juftice Generall. Deputie Trer. Advocat. Juftice Clerk.
The q^ day, the Lords of Secreit Counfell being conveenned in Counfell, and having at lenth reafouned upon the caufes of the prefent combuftion within the Countrie, and of this prefent meiting, they declare, that the caus of this meiting is to reprefent to his facred Matic the trew eftat of the Coun-1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 459
trie, be occafion of the Service-Booke, Booke of Canons, and the Hie Com-miffion; and to thinke upon the beft way how his Matie may be fatiffied in honnour, and the peace of the countrie fecured.
Thereafter, the Clerk of Reg1, produced ane letter from the Lo. Chanr. excufing his not keeping of this dyet according to his promife; and the Lord Privie Seale declared, that he had receaued the like letter, and to the fame effect, whiche he had communicat to the Lord Treafurer, who imme-diatlie difpatched a letter to the Lord Chanceller, defyring his Lp. to keepe this dyet precifelie. And in refpect thairof, and feing the Lord Chancellar wes not come, The Lords thought meit to continue all further doing in this mater till the morne, at eight of the clocke in the forenoOne, whilk they appointed to be thair nixt meiting, and to litt till twelffe, and to meit at twa after noone, and litt till fax. And the faids Lords ordains the faid Lord Chanr his letter, produced be the faid Clerk Regr. to be infert and regiftrat in the Bookes of Privie Counfell, ad futuram rei memoriam : Of the quhilk the tenor followes:—
Pleafe your Lordfhips to excufe my abfence frome this meiting whiche I promifed to keep, but am hindered by diverfe vrgent occafions. Your Lo. knowes my minde in the cheefeft bufiines whiche is to be intreated, whiche I aflure myfelfe will be the mynd of all good clergie men, that is, to lay afide the Booke, and not to preffe the fubjetts with it anie more, rather then to bring it in with fuche trouble of the Church and Kingdoms as we fee. But I fould wiflie all this to be fairlie caried, without anie taiche to his Ma^ honnour, and the opening of a doore to the disobedience of ill affedted people, qrof I know your Lordlhips will be care-fall ; and fo befeeching God to bleffe yor Counfells with a good fuccefle, I take my leave,
Refting yor Lo. humble fervant,
(Subfcribitur) Sanctandrewes.
Edr. the laft of Februar 1638.
(6) Apud Stirline, 2 Martij 1638.
Sederunt, ut die prosdicto.
The qlk day, The Lords having entered vpon confideration of the prefent eftat of the Countrie, and caufes of the generall combuftion within the fame, They all in one voice conceaue that the feares apprehended be the fubjetts, of Innovation of Religion and difcipline of the Kirk eftablifhed be the Lawes of this Kingdome, vpon occafion of the Service Booke, Booke of Canons, and High Commiffion, and the forme of introduction thairof, contrare or without warrant of the Lawes of this Kingdome, ar the caufes of this combuftion.
(7.) Apud Stirline, 3 Martij 1638.
Sederunt, ut die prcediet.
The Lords having tane to thair confideration what farther fall be done for compefcing and fetling of the prefent combuftion within this Kingdom,460
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
and diffipating of the convocations and gadderings within the fame, feing proclamations are already made and publilhed, difcharging all fuche convocations and unlawfull meitings, the Lords, after voting, finds, they can doe no farther nor is already done heerin.
It being after propouned, what nixt wes to be done, It wes refolved, that one or two of the Counfell fould be fent to his Matie, to acquaint his Matie with the trew eftat of maters heir; and it being voted whether one or two fould be fent, it was voted that one fould goe, and choice wes made of the Juftice-Clerk.
Item, the Lords having entered vpon confideration of the remedies, and conceavirtg that the Service Booke, Booke of Canons, and Hie Commiffion, as is fett doun, ar the occafion of this combuftion, and that the fubjefts offers thame, upon perrell of thair lyves and fortuns, to cleere that the faid Service Booke and others forefaids, conteane diverfe points contrare to the Religion prefentlie profeft, and Lawes of the Kingdome in mater and maner of introduftion, The Lords thinkes expedient that it be reprefented to his Mateis gracious confideration, if his Matie will be pleafed to declare as ane aft of his Angular juftice, that his Matie will take tryell of his fubjefts greevances and reafons thairof, in his owne time, and in his owne way, agreable to the Lawes of this Kingdome; and that his Matie may be pleafed graciouflie to declare, that, in the meane time, he will not preffe nor vrge his fubjefts therewith, notwithftanding anie aft or warrant made in the contrare.
(8.) Instructions from his Majesteis Counsell to the Lord Justice-
clerk, whom they have ordained to goe to court for his majesteis
Seruice.
In the firft, Yow ar to receave from the Clerk of Counfell all the Afts paft fince our meeting vpon the firft of Marche inftant.
Item, You haue to represent to his Matie, that this dyet of Counfell wes appointed to be folemnelie keeped, be the advice of the Lord Chanr and remanent Lords of the Clergie, being at Edr for the tyme, who affured ws that they fould keepe the dyet precifelie; but at our meiting at Stirline, we receaued a letter of excufe frome the Lord Chanr, whiche forced ws to proceid without his Lordfhip's prefence, or anie' others of the Clergie, except the Bifhop of Brechin, who attended with ws three days, but removed frome ws before the clofing of our opinions in this buffines.
Item, That immediatlie after that we had refolved to fend yow with a letter of truft to his Matie, we did fend ane letter to the Lord Chanr, acquainting him with our proceding and defyring him to confider thairof, and if he approved the fame, to figne thame, and to caus the remanent Lords of the Clergie neereft vnto him, and fpeciallie the Bifhop of Brechin, who wes ane eare and ey witnes to our confultations, to figne the fame, and by thair letter to hia Matie, to fignifie thair approbation thairof; or if his Lp1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 461
did find fome other way more convenient for his Mateis honnour, and the peace of the countrie, that his Lp, be his letter to the Lords Treafurer or Privie Seale, would acquaint thame therewith, to the effeft they may conveene the Counfell for confulting hereanent.
Item, That yow Ihow to his Matie, that his Mateis Counfell, all in one, finds, that the cauffes of the generall combuftion in the countrie, ar thefeares apprehended be the fubjedts, of innovation of religion and difcipline of the kirk, eftablifhed be the lawes of the Kingdome, be occafion of the Service-Booke, Booke of Canons, and High Commiffion, and the forme of introduction thairof, contrare, or without warrant of the lawes of the kingdome.
Item, Yow ar to reprefent to his Matie our humble opinion, that feing (as we conceave) the Service-Booke, Booke of Canons, and Hie Commiffion, (as it is fett doun,) ar the occafion of this combuftion; and that the fub-je£ts offers thame, vpon per^ell of thair lyves and fortouns, to cleare that the faid Service-Booke, and others forefaids, conteane diverfe points contrare to the true religion prefentlie profeft, and lawes of the kingdome, in mater and maner of introduction: That the Lords thinkes it expedient, that it be reprefented to his Mateis gracious confideration, if his Matie may be pleafed to declare, as ane aft of his Angular juftice, that his Matie will take tryell of his fubje£ts greevances, and reafons thairof, in his owne time and in his owne way, according to the lawes of this Kingdome ; and that his Matie may be pleafed graciouflie to declare, that in the meane time he will not prefle nor vrge his fubjefts therewith, notwithftanding of anie adt or warrant made in the contrare.
And in caife his Matie fall be graciouflie pleafed to approue of our humble opinions, yow ar thereafter to reprefent to his Ma^ wife and grave confideration, if it fall not be fitting to confult his Mateis counfell, or fomefuche of thame as he fall be pleafed to call to himfelfe, or allow to be fent frome the Table, both anent the time and way of doing.
And if his Matie, (as God forbid,) fall diilyke of what we have conceaved moft conduceing to his Mateis fervice, and peace of this Kingdome, yow are to vrge, by all arguments yow can, that his Matie doe not determine vpon anie other courfe, vntill fome at the leaft of his Counfell frome this be heard to give the reafons of thair opinions; and in this caife lykewayes, yow ar to reprefent to his Mateis confideration, if it fall not be fitting and necef-farie to call for his informers, togidder with fome of his Counfell, that in his owne prefence he may heare the jeafons of both informations fullie debated.
And yow fall lykewayes fhew his Matie, that the Counfell, having takin to thair confideration what farther wes to be done for compefcing and fatling the prefent combuftion within the kingdome, and difiipating of the convocations and gadderings within the fame, feing proclamations ar alreadie made and publifhed, difcharging all fuche convocations and vnlawfull meit-ings, The Lords, after debating, finds they can doe no farther nor is alreadie done heerin, vntill his Mateis pleafure be returned to thir our humble Remonftrances.
VOL. I.	3 H462 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
(9.) Missive to his Majestie anent this mater.
[Other letters of the same date from Members of the Privy Council to the King and the Marquis of Hamilton, are given by Burnet, in his Memoirs] of the Dukes of Hamilton: a work, it is scarcely necessary to mention, which contains a number of very important original letters relating to this period.]
Most Sacked Soueraigne,
The Eftate of this Kingdome is fuche, That fince this laft proclamation, the exprellion of the fubje&s thair feares, and apprehenfion of alterations in religion, and of thefe other things conteanit in their petitions, ar come to fo great hight, that we conceave ourfelves bound in dewtie to reprefent the fame to your Sacred Matie be one of our owne number, and be him likewayes to acquaint your Matie with our humble opinions and advices anent the reme-deis; and having for this purpofe made choife of Sir John Hamilton of Orbiston Knight, and Juftice-Clerk, We humbelie intreate your Matie may be graciouflie pleafed to give credit vnto him, in what he fall deliver concerning thir maters. And fo praying God to blefie your Matie with a long and happie rayne. We reft,
(Subfcribitur) Traquaire, Roxburgh, Winton, Perth, Wigton, Kingorne, Lauderdaill, Southesk, Angus, Lorne, Doune, Elphinston, Naper, J. Hay, S. W. Elphinston, Ja. Carmichaell, S. Thomas Hope.
Frome Stirline, 5 of Marche 1638.
(10.) Missive to the Chancellor. Our verie Honourable Good Lord,
We receaved your Lps letter and excufe anent your Lp9 not keeping of this meiting of the Counfell, whilk be your Lps owne proportion and motion wes appointed and found moll neceffarie to be at this time and in this place, and we expected to have been aflifted with your Lps beft advice and opinion in thir great and weightie affaires now in hand, wherein the bodie of the eftat is too neerlie intereft. But feeing your Grs other adoes withdrew you from this meiting, and we finding the neceflitie and importance of the bufimes to be fo vrgent as it could not admitt anie delay, we therefore entered to the confideration of the caufes of the prefent evills and remedies thairof; and having fpent three dayes thereupon, and debated and digefted all that could be faid thereanent, wherein as we fall anfwer to God, We caried our felves without all priuat refpett, and had nothing before our eyes but the glorie of God, his MateiB honnour, and the peace of the countrie. In end, we agreed vpon fome articles to be remonftrat to his Mati0 be Sir Johne Hamilton of Orbifton, Juftice-Clerk, the copie whereof your Lp fall heerewith receave marked by our clerk ; and if yow approue of our judgements, we intreate your Lp to ligne the fame, and to fend the fame to the1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 463
Bilhops of Glafgow and Edr. requefting thame and fuch of thair number as fall be in Edr. or Glafgow, to figne the fame. And we ar the rather moved heereto, that the Lord Bifhop of Brechin wes ane eare and ey witnes to all our proceedings, and afiented and affifted all that wes done heerin; and we thinke it lykewayes verie neceflar, that if your Lp approue heirof, yow fall teftifieithe fame to his Matie by your awne particular letter; and if your Lp thinkes vpon anie better courfe for his Mateis fervice and peace of the coun-trie, we expedt that your Lp will acquaint us therewith, and with the rea-fons moving yow thereto; and fend your anfwer in writt to the Lords Trer and Privie Seale, who will be refident at Edr. that, accordinglie, they may conveene the reft of the Counfell to confult thereupon. And fo with the remembrance of our beft affe&ions, committing your Lp to the protection of God, We reft,	(Subfcribitur ut fupra.)
Frome Stirline, 5 Martij 1638.
The q"1 day the Counfellers prefent, promeift that they, nor nane of them fall, fend anie advertifement to Court tuicheing the proceidings of this meit-ing, till firft the Juftice-Clerk acquaint his Matie with the fame.
XXVII.
Mr. DAVID MITCHELL, ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF EDINBURGH, TO Dr. JOHN LESLEY, BISHOP OF RAPHOE.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 49- In some old transcripts this Letter is marked, by mistake, as having been addressed to (Henry) Lesley Bishop of Down.]
My Lord,
This is the firft occalion I [have] found to anfwere your laft kinde letters. I can do no more bot humblie thanke your Lo. for the fincere proffers of your undeferved kindnefle. Truelie it is like ynough I will be brought to that necefiitie to leaue my charge here ; and then there is no man to whom I will be more willing to be beholding. It would make any man's eares to tingle to heare what a pitifull plunge this Church and Kingdome is in. The greater part of the Kingdome have fubfcribed, and the reft are daylie i'ubfcribing, a Covenant: It is the Oath of the King's Houfe 1580, with ftrange additions, a mutual combination for refiftance of all novations in religion, do&rine, and difcipline. and rites of worfhip that have bin brought in fince that tyme ; fo as if the leaft of the fubfcribers be touched, (and there be fome of them not 10 yeeres of age, and fome not worth 2 pence,) that all fhall concurre for their defence, and for the expulfion of all papifts and ad-verfaries (that is all that will not fubfcribe) out of the Church and King-dome, according to the lawes, whereof a 100 are cited in the Carta. This goes on a pace. The true Paftors are brought in to Edbr., to cry out againft464 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
vs wolues; and they, with our brethren here, M. A. Ram. M. H. Roll, and your whilome friend the Principall, (crying out that they are neither good Chriftians nor good fubje&s that do not fubfcribe, nay, nor in Covenant with God,) have made vs fo odious, that we dare not goe on the ftreets. I have bin dogged by fome gentlemen, and followed with many mumbled threatnings behinde my back, and then, when I was up ftaires, fvvords drawne, and, " If they had the Papift villaine, CT ! Yet I thanke God, I am liuing to ferue God and the King, and the Church, and your Lop. Your Chiefe is chiefe in this bufinefle. There is nothing expe&ed here but ciuill warre. There is no meeting of Counfell; the Chancr. may not with fafetie attend it, nor any Bifhop: the verie name is more odious among old and young than the DevilPs. Galloway takes fhelter under the Treafurer's wings; he drawes him out to knowne dangers, and then makes a {how of prote&ion. Rofle keepes at home ftill, and keepes vp the Service in his Cathedrall, but I feare fhall not be able long. What was told your Lp. of his difclaiming the Booke was moft falfe: Dun and he never fpake together. Concerning the other point of your poftfcript, y* the Booke is a tranfcript of King Edward^ Booke, that is not true neither. I know my Lord of Rofle fent a copie of ours to your Lp., and the other you may have and compare them. They are fomewhat like in the Communion, and great need there was to returne to it propter Sacramentarios. But now, when all fhall be difcharged, Service Booke, Canons, and High Commiflion, they will not reft there: there is fome other defigne in their heads. There are ftill here 500 Commiflioners of the States; they relieue one another by courfe, as Caftor and Pollux went to hell. They fit daylie and make new lawes ; their proteftations, and decrees beginne thus :—" Wee Noblemen, Barrons, Gentlemen, Burgeflis, Minifters and Commons." ' They depofe Moderators of Prefbyteries, and chufe new. M. Matt. Weemfs fubfcribed on Fryday, preached for the Covenant on Sunday, and difcharged the Organ. I have neither more tyme nor paper. God fend this Church peace, preferue yours, and fend you better newes next. So wifheth
Edb. 19th Marche 1638.	your Lps humble Servant,
Da. Michell.
To the Right Reuerend Father i» God, my verie honorable good Lord, my Lord Bifhop of Raphoe.
XXVIII.
THE EARL OF LOUDOUN TO JOHNSTONE OF WARRISTON.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 52.]
Right Worihie and Loveing Freind,
Efter I hade clofed the w*in conteined, I refaved yors of the 21 of Ap-1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 465
pryle, and I approve y1 cours (which efter Rothes and Lindfay's coming) is refolved vpon, in writting vp to the thrie Noblemen ; and feeing or Articles ar to be refyned and fent to them, as I doubt nott bott they wilbe expreft in modeft termes, and vpon warrantable growndis, fo it wald be wyflie adverted that our defyrs be nott too fpairing, nor any thing ommitted to be fought, which is neceffar for remedie of the evills prefent and preventione of future : for althoe the demandis be never fo moderat, wee may expe£t les, bott noe more, then is craved. Bott I knowe thes who ar about the bufines are wyfe and weill affe&ed, and God who hathe diredt all their former fteps, I hope will gif his gratious afiftance in this paffage alfo. A letter from Lome of the 11 of Appryle, is come prefentlie to my hand, fchowing he came to Court one the Setterday befoir, and was called the nixt day to waitt vpon the King; qr he ftayed a full hor and a-halfe w* his Matie alone, and (with his Matie permifiione) hade verie frie conference w1 the King: That he thought that the King wold have bein willing to take a fair cours, if things hade bein done in a right way, or that wee wold followe honeft mens advyfe. But this pairt was fo generall and ambiguous, that I culd nott knowe his meaning, for he faid he wold explain this poynt at meitting. Ther was noe thing determined anent or bufines at the writting of his letter, nor hope y4 a Generall Affemblie wilbe granted. Wee ar nott beholding to the Steatif-men's report of or cariadge; and if they offerr to joyne and interpone the King's authoritie to further otheris who offeris ther fervice to the King, they vndertake to effectuate all the King wold have done; fo that ge write of Huntlie and McKaye feemes to be trevve; and if wee geild nott to that whiche flialbe declaired nixt concerneing the King's farder pleafour, (which I fear will nott be fatiffa£torie) wee may fhortlie expett the worft; which is all I can find by what is writtin to me: Bott I am confident Lome fhall ftand faft, and nott be moved w4 all yr temptationis ; fo y4 if Rothes knowe of a fuir bearar, or be to fend one vp with the letter to the 3 Noblemen he will doe weill to writt to him apairt, and w4 fridome, or heaft back this bearar to me ; that efter I knowe what is concludit, I may writt to him as flialbe thought moft convenient. So trufting to heir from jow w4expedition, I reft in heaft,
Lowdown, the 24	30' moft loving freind
Appryle 1638.
I have writtin to the Earle of Rothes, acquainting him w4 what I learned
by Lome's letter, and defiring to knowe what he will advyfe me to writt to
him, for till I knowe what is writtin vp to the 3 Noblemen, and or demandis,466 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
I can nott refolve what to writt to Lorne. Therfoir heaft back this bearar.
To my Right worthie and loveing Freind, Mr. Archibald Johnftoun of Wearaftoun, Advocat, thes.
(William Dunbar yefchal delyver this to my Lord Balmerino.—A. J.)
XXIX.
LETTER OF SPOTTISWOOD ARCHBISHOP OF ST. ANDREWS.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXII, No. 6.—This letter has no address or date, but the words, " to your Grace,1' evidently denote the Marquis of Hamilton, as Lord CommifEoner, probably in August 1638.]
My Lord,
There may be reafons very fufficient given for moving his Ma. to the Indi&ing of a Generall Affembly, as, firft,
The diftradliounis in the Church, which this is efteemed by many the beft and eafieft means to remove.
Nixt, the taking order with the exiled and deprived Minifteris in Ireland, that have taken their refuge hither, and are the comon incendiaries of re-bellioun, preaching qhat and where they pleafe.
Thirdly, the calling of thefe Minifteris to an account, that have gone throw the country vfurpand other mens pulpitis, exacted peoples oathes to the Covenant, fo called, and miniftred the communioun to them that are not of their flock; befides the failings and humiliationis, by them indicted, qrof they had no warrant.
Fourthly, the examinatioun of the Book of Comon Prayer, if there be any thing in it founding to Poperie and fuperftitioun.
Fifthly, to trie the Book of Canonis, if there be any Canon therin qche is not concluded by Generall Affemblies, or in comon pradtife of the Churche.
And the main and laft reafon, is, That it is fuppofed the grant heirof may move thefe men to diffolve their meetingis, and leave the towne of Edr free for the miniftratioun of juftice. There is no queftioun, at gor G. motioun, and vpon or humble requefts that are Churchmen, his M. will be pleafed gracioufly to grant an Affembly: But as it [is] in his M. fole power to call an Affembly, the time and place muft be left to his appointment.
As to the maner and way of proceiding, it may be at lyfure confident and advyfit; and, in the mean time, gor G. wold be pleafit to tak fome courfe for reprefiing thefe feditioufe fermonis and preachers that are daylie preaching in Ed1, one qrof this day made we have defyrit my Lord Register to report to go1 G. Oyrwyfe, as we cannot look for any peace heir, we will tak the neereft way to fecure orfelfis.1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 467
Ohat I wold furder fay, I remit to my Lord Regifter, for I love not to trouble gor Grace, nor to feem too bufy, but reftis,
30r G. humbile fervant,
XXX.
Dr. BALCANQUALL'S PROPOSITIONS TO CHARLES THE FIRST.
[Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI, No. 37. This Paper is indorfed in BalcanqualFs hand, " My Propofitions to his Majestie, at Oatlands." He appears to have accompanied the Marquis of Hamilton to England, in August 1638, to represent to the King the State of Affairs in this Country.]
If his Matie fhall think it not fitt to chaftife his fubje&is of Scotland wth a juft warre, or at leaft not to doe it yett, thefe thingis muft be taken as granted : Firft, that it is not to be imagined that they will ever renounce the Covenant: Next, that no fatiffadtion can be given them without abrogating the Five Artickles of Perth, and granting them a free Parliament, and a free Generall Aflemblie; and that they call Free, when there fhall be no cautions treated of before hand, either for the matters to be treated of, or their maner of treatie.
Now, for a Parliament, the daunger is not fo great, his Matie having a negative voyce, by wch, he then giving them a ftoppe, thingis can be no worfe then they are now, but rather better ; for they can never be better prepared for force then now they are, and his Matie fhall gaine tyme for his defignes : But the inconveniences of a Generall Aflemblie are verie great, his Matie theirin having no negative voyce ; for,
First, they will vndoubtedlie fuffer no Bifhop to be Moderator or Prefi-dent of it; wch is a thing to that order moft difgracefull.
Secondlie, They will vndoubtedlie, proceed to the accufation, deprivation, and excommunication of fome of the prefent, and thofe the principall Bifhopps.
Thirdlie, The mildeft thing that can be expe&ed is, that they will fo limite Bifhopps for the tyme to come, as that they fhalbe onely titular, and keepe their revennewe, but fhall have no jurifdittion, and be made lyable to the cenfure of Generall Afiemblies as much as any other minifters : Thefe things are certainlie to be expedled from the Aflemblie; but befides, thefe things are juftly to be feared from it:—
First, That they will repeale all A£is of denerall Aflemblies whereby Bifhopps were ere£ted ; wch they may doe, and then they are confident that468 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
all Adtis of Parliament eredtinge Bifhopps, being only Adtis of Ratification of thefe Adtis of Generall Affemblies, arfe ipso facto voyd, as being meerlie relative to thingis woh they will now make Nonentia; and this poyfonous tenet is put in them, and mainteyned by many lawers, though by others, as good lawers, rejected.
Secondlie, They will enadt, that any Bifhopp who fhall euer be of the Privie Councell, Seffion, Exchequer, or any other fecular judicature, fhal be excommunicated and deprived.
Thirdlie, It is juftlie to be feared, that all the rigid Adtis wch now they fhall make, fhalbe made additionalls to their Covenant, and fo accordingly fworne vnto.
Yet their be probable inducementis for his Matie to grant them a Generall Affemblie, notwithftanding the other great daungers :—
First, Vpon the verie refufall of a Generall Affemblie to them, they will immediatlie indidt one themfelves, (for that they may doe it, after they have petitioned his Matie for one, and not obteyned it, the lawers have affured them,) and then all the former inconveniences will follow, and that with farr more violence, they being not reftrained by the prefence and interlocutions of his Maties Commiffioners.
Secondly, The Lords, and many of the Minifters, in our communications with them, have protefted, that they intend no totall deftrudtion of the Epifcopall Government, but onely reftridtion of it to the Lawes of the Kingdome.
Thirdly, If notwithftanding, thefe their promiffes, they fliould goe on to take from Bifhopps thofe things wch Adtis of Parliament have given them, then his Maties Commifiioner's Proteftation to the contrarie will fave their right, till it be difcuffed coram judice competente, as well as they conceave their Proteftation doth fave their right.
Fowerthly, It may be hoped that the care and wifdome of his Maties Commiffioners may take of the edge of many mens forwardnes ; for we have feene that the lingular dexteritie and wifdome, the infinite patience and induftrie of his Maties prefent Commiffioner, hath gained tyme hitherto, and reftrained them beyond all hope, from prefent violences and outrages.
Fifthly, If in that Affemblie, thingis goe the worft that may be, his Maties Commifiioner's Proteftation will make his Maties cafe to be no vvorfe than it is now, but rather better, having gained tyme for ripeninge his de-fignes; and their cafe, I am fure, cannot be better then it is now, and the prefident of their. indidting ane Affemblie of themfelves is of dangerous confequence.
If his Matie be not pleafed to grant them a Generall Affemblie, then Bar-wick muft prefentlie be looked after, els they will take it, and the Non-covenanters, efpeciallie the Minifters, muft have prefent and private warninge to provide for their faifties.1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 469
XXXI.
SOME DIRECTIONES SENT TO PRESBYTRIES, 27th August 1638.
[Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXII. No. 10.]
1. That everie Prefbytrie have ane coppie of the A£t made at Dundie the 7th of Mairche, 1597, concerning the number of Commiflioners; the tenor qrof folio wis :—
" Becaufe ther hes bein no ordour hitherto anent the number of Commiflioners to be directed from everie Prefbytrie to the Generall Affemblie, therfor it is ftatute and ordained, that, in all tyme comming, three of the wyfeft and graiveft of the brethrin fall be directed from everie Prefbytrie at the moft, as Commiflioners to everie Affemblie, and that none prefume to come without commifiion ; and lykwyfe, that one be directed from everie Prefbyterie in the name of the Barrouns, and one out of everie Brough except Edinburgh, which fall have power to diredl two Commiflioners to the Generall Affemblie.'1
That everie Prefbyterie have ane coppie of the commiffion to be given to the Commiflioners ; wherof the tennor followis :—" At the day of	The quhilk day, efter incalling of the name of God, we the
members of the Prefbiterie of	having diligentlie confidered the mani-
fold corruptions, innovations, and diforders, difturbing our peace, and tending to the overthrow of religion, and liberties of the reformed Kirkis within this realme, quhilk hes come to paffe, efpeciallie through want of the ne-ceflar remedies of a Generall Affemblie, alfweill ordinar as pro re nata, in-joyed be this Church for manie years, and ratified be A£ts of Parliament; and now expe£ting fhortlie, by the mercie of God, the benefit of a free Generall Affemblie, doe, by thir prefents, &c.
[See the reft of this paper in the Large Declaration, 1639, p. 129, and in other works.]
XXXII.
NOTE OF THE PRIVATE ARTICLES. 27th Augt. 1638.
[From the Same.]
1.	That, iff anie man offer to enter in procefs with Minifteris erroneous in do&rine, or fcandalous in lyff, that they be not choyfen Commiflioner; and, iff the Prefbytrie refuis them proces, that they proteft againes that re-fuifall, and therefter againes the ele&ioun of thefe Minifteris, and therwpon to taik Inftrumentis, and to extract the famin.
2.	To have a fpeciall cair that informationes be tymouflie maid againes everie Bifchope, with the fuir evidences thereoff, anent their mifcariadges in Synodis, Prefbytries, Hie Commiflion; urgeing Intrantis to fubfcryve vn-warranted Articles, receaving of brybes from intrantis; flaying cenfure
vol. i.	3 i470 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
againes Papiftes, giveing licence to marie without afking of banns; the pro-phanitie of their owin lyves, by drinking, whooring, carding, dyceing, fuear-ing, breaking of the Saboth; the purchais of their Bifchoprickes by brybes, their vnhoneft dealing in civill barganes, and abufeing of their vaflalis ; and thefe and ficklyk, commoun to all, or propper to anie, to be gathered and put in ordour by fum in euerie Prefbytrie, to be trufted for that effedt, and their diligence to be reportit againft the 20th of September, leaft the noyfe of all our complaintis againes the Pnelatis evanifch at the AlTemblie.
3.	To remember the minifteris to be reddie for difputatioun about fiich heids as ar lyk to be agitated in the AfTemblie; as, De Episcopatu, de senioribus, de diaconatu, de potestate magistratus in ecclesiasticis, prce-sertim in convocandis conciliis, et qui debent interesse in conciliis, de civili jurisdictione ecclesiasticorum eorumque officiis in civilibus, de rebus adiaphoris et potestate magistratus in illis, de liturgia prcescripta, de ritibus ecclesice seu Liturgia Anglicana, de sacramento, de corruptelis liturgies et libri canonum, de quinque articulis Perthensibus, SfC.
4.	To chuife thrie Commifiioners in everie Praefbytrie quhair they can be had weill affe&ed, and to vfe all means how fewer may be chofen in evill difpofed Prsefbytries: Let weill affe&ed Barrounes and Minifters nixt adjacent indevoir for this.
5.	Confutation would be had by the beft affetted among themfelffis, befor the electioun, that in the chuifeing the voyces be not devydit, but may condifcend togidder on the famin perfounes.
6.	To vfe all meanes for efchewing in the eleftioun, as far as may be, Chapter-men quho have choyfen Bifchopes, thofe quho have fitten vpon the High Commiffioun, Chappell-men quho have countenanced the Chap-pell-ceremonies and novatiounes, all quho have offered to reid and pra&eis the Service Buik, the Buik of Canounes, and Minifteris quho ar Juftices of Peace, altho they have fubferivit the Covenant, unlefs they have defifted and acknowledgit the vnlawfullnes of their former doeing; becaus thefe and fuch lyk will be readye to approve thefe corruptiounes in the AfTemblie.
7.	That where a prym Nobleman and weell qualified gentleman may be chofen in fundrie Prsefbytries, that he be chofen in that Prsefbytrie where their is grytteft fcairfitie of abill men.
XXXIII.
LETTER CF INSTRUCTIONS SENT TO PRESBYTERIES,
28th August 1638.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio Vol. LXII. No. 12.—It is indorsed in War-
riston's hand, " Copye of the Letter to be fent to Prefbyteries, 28th
AuguftIt contains, however, the original signatures, as here given.]
Reverend and Beloved Brethren,
It is not vnknawin to yow how the pitiful cafe of our Kirk lying Tick of1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS.
471
many difeafes in the want of her ordinare yeirlie Generall Aflemblies, hath called thefe many yeires bygane vnto vs, her children and fervantis, to cry with her for help to our Lord Jefus, her hufband, who now of late is rifin vp for us, (blifled be his holie name). And haveing led us along throw the courfe of lawfull meanes fit for her recoverie, doeth now call us by manie evidences as vnto a more deip humiliation for our finnes aparte, fo alfo vnto a Generall Aflemblie of the Kirk togidder; for obtaining whereof as we have often made fupplication to authoritie, and long waited in all patience, fo haveing removed quhat was objected, or we cowld conceave to be any hinderance of obteineing our juft defyres, we are now at laft in hope and ex-fpe&ation thereof, our eyes in the mean tyme being fixed mainelie on the Lord Jefus, who as he hath a vncontrollable richt of gathering his awin people into Holie Aflemblies, and ruileing his awin houfe and effaires in all the domi-niounes of the Earth wher it pleafeth him to have a Kirk, fo hath he this privi-ledge in a fpeciall manner in this land by long pofleffioun, (vnjuftlie interrupted,) and Attis of Parliament confirmed fo vnto him, as this parte of our fervice cannot evin befor men be quarrelled ; fpeciallie now, quhen, for want heirof, his fervantis of the Minifterie ar becum ftrangeris one vnto another, and ar as far from communioun of giftes as if they lived in fundrie kingdomes, yea ar begun to be devydit in judgement and affettioun, ther former peace and vnity turned in fchifme and divifioun, the do&rine, once pure amongft us, now corrupted by Arminianifme and Popifh errouris, the teachers thereof thefe fundry yeires bygane rewarded and preferred, quhen the faithful and peaceable paftoris wer cenfured and thurfl from their places; and the Lordes people made to doubt of their religioun, not knawing what hand to turne vnto, and almoft throwin into the pit of popifh fuperftition and tyrannie, oppined wide in the late Service Buik and Buik of Cannones, which yitt wer bot the beginninges of greater evilles; So that if this remedie be ne-gle&it, we fie no appearance of recoverie or fettleing of true religion amongeft us, bot all muft goe to confuflon, and our Lord and his people heir be divorced ane from another, quhich fould affeft us more then the fevering of our lyflis from us. Thefe ar therfor to exhort, requeift, and to charge yow to confider the lawfulnes and necefiitie of vfeing this remedie according to the printed Reafounes for a Generall Aflemblie, and for the better preparation of the Commiflioners that they may be in readines vpon the fhorter advertisement, when tyme and place fall be appointit, that ye would now in this ftrait exigent goe about preparation for the Aflemblie. And efter the 20th day of September, the tyme appointit for the returne of His Maties Com-miflioner, with your beft convenience, chufe your Commiflioners, according to the dire&ioun to be delyvered with thefe vnto yow, fo that they may repaire hither to Edr. befor the firft of O&ober, or fo foone as may be, to convein with the reft of the Commiflioners, and to refeave His Maties laft anfwer from His Ma. Commiflioner, fra qm we exfpeft the prefent in-didtioun of a frie Generall Aflemblie ; and that to als fhort a tyme as the vrgent neceflitie of this Church requireth, or vpon refufall yrof, (which God forbid), to adyvfe and refolve vpon fuch lawfull remedies as may cure our prefent evilles, and prevent the extreme miferies of the Kirk and State472 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
threttened yrby, q1^ we ar perfwadit will be fufficient motives to induce yow to vfe all lawfull meanes, and to fpare no paines that may conduce for fo guid endis. In confidence qrof, haveing given yow this loveing and tymeous warning, we remain, yor Brethren and fellow fervantis in the Lord,
The Noblemen, Gentrie, Burgessis, and Ministers waiting at Edinburgh.
Montrose.	Cassillis. Lindesay.
Yester.	Cranstoun.
Balmerino.	Johnstoun. A. Forbes.
J. Wemyss, fiar of Bogie. Williame Hume, Ay tone. J. Chesly of Kerfwell. A. Dunbar of Grange. Gray, fiar of Nauchtane. A Swintowne. Bischoptoune.
S. W. Foulis. S. F. Hamilton. Al. Forbes. Lyone.
C. Ard of Kilmound. Boughtrig.
J. Wemyss, fiar of Bogie, (The fignature repeated.)
(The following fignatures are upon the oppofite page of the original.)
J. Cochrane, Commifiioner for Edr. J. Smyth, for Edr. Thomas Patersone, for Edr.
John Osburne, for Ayre.	Ge. Mason, for Ayr.
Rot. Richardsone, for Drumfries.
Ge. Bruce, for Culros.	W. Glendonyng, for Kirkcudbry4.
Subfcriptione of Minrs Comifiioners fra Prelbitries.
Jo. Ker, at Saltpreftoun. M. David Dickson, Irwin.
Mr. Andrew Cant, Petfligo.
M. R. Cranstoun, Skunye. M. Robert Murray, Methven. M. Alan Fergusoun, at Strae-blain.
M. Rt. Mairtine, at Ettrick. J. Norwall, at Balphron. W. Guild, at Abdn. Mr. Alexr. Makgowne at Moufwall.
M. A. Ramsay, Edr.
M. David Dalgleische, Cupar.
Mr. Andrew Auchinlek, at Largow.
M. A. Blaokhall, Aberladie.
Mr. Joh: Cragingelt, Allo-way.
M. James Hammiltoun, at Drumfries.
Mr. William Menyeis, M. at Cane more.
M. Johne Moray, M. at Stramiglo.1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 473
XXXIV.
BAILLIFS COMMISSION TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
1638.
[From Bailee's MS. Letters and Journals.]
At Irwin, the 25th September 1638.—The whilk day, after incalling upon the mean of God, We, the members of the Preibitry of Irwin, having diligently qonfidered the manifold corruptions, innovations, and diforders, difturbing our peace, and tending to the overthrow of religion, and liberties of our reformed Kirk within this realm, which hath come to pafs efpecially through want of a neceffar remeid of a Generall Aflembly, as weel ordinal* as pro re nata, enjoyed by us many years, and ratified by A6ts of Parliament; and now expe&ing fhortly, by the mercie of God, the benefit of a Generall Aflembly, which is indidled by his Majeftie to be at Glafgow the 21ft of November next to come, doe, by thir prefents, nominat and appoynt Mr. David Dickson minifter at Irwin, Mr. Robert Baylie minifter at Kilwinning, Mr. W. Russell minifter at Kilburnie, as alfo John Lord of Lowdoun ruling elder of the parochin of Newmylnes, in name of the barons, conjointly and feverally, our lawfull Commiflioners, giving and granting to them, our full power, commiflion, and exprefs charge, to repair to the faid Aflembly indi&ed by his Majeftie to be holden at Glafgow upon the 21ft of November next enfuing, or when and where it fhall happen to fitt in any fafe and commodious part within this Kingdom, and there with the reft, who ihall be authorized with lawfull commiflion, in our name to propofe, treat, reafon, vote, conclude (according to the word of God and Confefiion approven by fundry Generall Aflemblies, and received throughout the whole Kingdom,) in all Ecclefiafticall matters competent to a free Generall Aflembly, and tending to the advancement of the Kingdom of Chrift and good of religion, as they will anfwer to God and his Church thereupon, and to report to us their diligence therein:
In teftification of this our commiflion and charge, We have fubfcrived thir prefents:
Mr. Michael Wallace, Moderator, Mr. Ja. Fullarton, Clerk to the Prefbitry, Mr. Jo. Bell, Mr. A. Dunlop, Mr. W. Lindsay, Mr. R. Bell, Mr. H. Eglinton, Mr. H. McKaill, L[ord] Montgomerie for Ardroflan, Cunynghamheid for Stevenftoun, J. C[unningham of] Aikett for Dunlop, Blair of Adamtown for Peirftoun, Southook for Long-Dreghorn, Mr. R. Barclay for Irwin, T. Niving of Munkriding for Kilwinning.474 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
XXXV.
SIR THOMAS HOPE, LORD ADVOCATE, TO THE EARL OF
ROTHES.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS., Folio Vol. LXVI., No. 56. In printing this letter, the numerous contractions in the original have not been retained.]
Pleass your Lordship,
This inclofit will gif your Lordfhip fatiffadtion of quhat your Lordfhip commandis, and the berar will cleir any doubt therein. He hes told me of the refolutioun takin for hindering the Subfcriptioun ; and I find your Lord-fhip's letter inclyne that way, quhilk makis me almoft ftupefeit; for if I had not both conceivit and cleirlie feine it to be the greteft good that ever hap-penit to Godis Kirke fince the Reformatioun, trewlie I fould haif beine loth fo quicklie to haif embracit it. But qulien your Lordfhip, (and utheris quhom God hes bliffit with that honour to be inftrumentis to bring his Kirk to this happie eftait wherein it is now, and to the full perfe£tioun quhairof thair is nothing inlaiking but that quhilk, on 2 Merche 1580, wes, be A£tis of Kirk and Parliament, eftablifchit for the governament of Godis Kirk in this kingdome) dois feyme to oppugne it, I am brocht to fuiche a perplexitie that I know not quhair to fix my mynd; for I dar not deny obedience to my Souerane quhair he commandis that quhilk is laufull, and aggreabill to Godis word, and quhilk ge both think to be fo and hes interpret fo in your particulars expreffit in that quhilk ge haif fuorne; and, on the vther part, I can not find in my hart to think or conftrudt ill quhat theis (quhom God hes fo mercifully and wonderfully bliffit in the beginning of this work) feymes to inclyne to. But I may and will fay, I find ane good war-rand for myfelf to do quhat I did, and prayis to the Lord that thairs may haif als good fuccefe, as in hart I wifche, onlie I feir that the courfe of oppofitioun takin fall not produce to them according to thair pious inten-tionis; and I can not fay that intentiouns ar a good warrand ather to re-fufe quhat is good, or to do that quhilk is contraire. The Lord direct gow all, and if ge wald efchew the feir of diuifioun, chok it in the entrie, be commanding ane abfolut vnioun, quhilk is very eafie if ge fall gif ordor to all to fubfcryve this, as one in fubftance with the other. Pardoun me, my Lord, if I haif exceidit the bounds of my anfuer, for the buffines and the feir of the event of it breckis my hart; but go quhat it will, I truft in God to haif both my lyff and foule for a pray. So committing gour Lordfhip to Godis grace, I reft.
Your Lordfhip1s humbill feruitor, Craighall, 2d O&ober 1638.	Thomas Hope.
To the right nobill Erll, my Lord the Erll of Rothefe.1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 475
XXXVI.
LINDESAY BISHOP OF EDINBURGH TO THE PRESBYTERY. [Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 42.]
Right worshipfull and welbeloued Brethren,
I am informed y4 yee haue fummoned Mr. Dauid Mitchell to compeire before yow, and to be cenfured for certaine points of erroneous dodtrine de-liuered by him from pulpit, as is alleadged, and y4 yee are to proceid againft him after tryall, if he be found guilty, either to fufpenfion or deposition. And becaus it is ordained in ye Aflembly holden at Glafgow in ye monethe of June 1610, and by Aft of Parliament, holden at Edr the 23 O&ober 1612, it is ftatut as ane inviolable law to be obferved in all times coming, y4 ye Bifhope of ye Diocefe affociating to himfelfe ye Minifterie of thefe bounds where ye delinquent ferveth, is to take tryall of ye fa£t, and vpon juft caufe found, to deprive ; and ye like order to be obferued in fufpenfion of minifters from ye exerceife of ye fun&ion; Thefe are yrfore to requyre yow not to proceide to any of ye forfaid cenfurs againft ye faid Mr. Dauid, vntill y4 I, affociating to myfelfe, yow, ye minifterie of ye bounds, take tryall of ye fa<Tt wherevpon he is accufed; wch I, by thefe prefents, offer myfelfe to doe at any convenient tyme and place to be appointed by v's w4 commone con-fent. Otherwyfe, in my judgment, yee ftiall doe beft to continue this proces, and all other of this kinde till ye Generall Affembly indi£ted by his Matie, y4 there all things may be handled without preiudice. So hoping yee will take this matter to yor wife confideration, and direct fome of your brethren to me w4 yor anfwere, y4 after conference w4 them, both yee and I may advyfe and doe y4 wch lhall be found moft expedient for ye honor of God, ye peace of ye Church, and ye quietnes of our owne confcience at ye glorious appearance of our Saviour ye Lord Jefus, who fall render to every one according to y4 wch he hath done in ye body, whether it be good or euill, to whofe grace I commende yow, and in him doe reft,
Your very loving Brother, Halyrudhous, 9th October 1638.	Da. Edenb:
To his welbeloued Brethren, the Brethren of ye Exercife of Edr, thefe.
XXXVII.
Dli. BALCANQUALL TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
[Orig.—From the same Volume, No. 33. The letter has no Address, and is much mutilated ; but it evidently was addressed to Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, in October 1638.]
Please your Grace,
[By yo]wr G. his letters to my L.' Commiffioner, dated the 18 of this pre-476 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
fent moneth, yowr G. feemeth to expert from me, according to my promife, the Reafons why I conceave this prefent Affemblie indi&ed, cannot hold with his Maties honor and faiftie. Trewlie, my meaning was, that I con-ceaved nothing would bee concluded in it, either for his Maties honor or fatiffadtion: my reafons are the fame wch my L. Commiffioner at Oatlands, [reprefenjted to his Matie, whairin their refolution, both wtterly to abolifh Epifcopacie and ratifie their owne Covenant, were demonftrated; to which now may be added, the dangerows poynts w011 they mean to ventilate and eftablifh their, wch your G. will eafily perceave by their Private Inftruc-tions, wdl I fent to yowr G.; as alfo their dayly growing infolent proceedings, which yowr G. will eafily perceave, by my laft from Hamilton, and from Dalkeith yefterday. But whether it will more confift with his MatieB honor, that the Aflemblie fhould meet at the day and place affigned, I leave to yowr G. his mature advyfe. The Covenanters hope it fhall bee either prorogued or difTolved, as will appear to yowr G. by the packet fent yefterday from Dalkeith.
In the laft part of your Grace's letter, yow intimat that yow have revewed the Devyns of Aberdeen's laft Duplyes, wch yowr G. propofeth to have printed with the reft: if they be the fame duplyes wch I fent yowr G. from Hamilton, then the Commiffioner will fend to them to divulge their copies, for the Devyns themfelfs do earneftly defyre it, as my L. Marquis will fhowe yowr G.; for I confeffe I advyfed his L. to make a ftay of them till yowr G. were made acquainted with it, not only becaufe the LL. Covenanters had in many places faid that they hoped the . . . minifters fhould be drawen by the Aberdeen's men .... the Covenanters mynd in a poynt for wch his . . . , would give the Aberdeen's men, no thanks ; but alfo becaufe yowr G. in your letters, had intimate yowr diflyke of farther replying, the firft velitations, (as your G. trwly affirmed,) being more vigorous, the reft more languishing and verbail. But yowr G. having receaved their duplyes from Hamilton, in yowr G. r.ixt letters, wee expedt yowr G. advyfe heirin, wlk fhall bee accordingly followed.
The inclofed I Ihowed to my L. Commiffioner; it is fent from a man of woorth, and a Covenanter, to whcm I [have been] much beholden for intelligence in their fecreteft [a£ti]ngs. The latter pairt of it fince it con-cerneth a . . ws, great man, and at this tyme the moft to bee looked [vn]to of any man in this kingdom; and being not willing to . . . e him, yet wnwilling that his Matie fhould not knowe of him [as much] as I do, I thought good to fend with the letter it felfe, humbly befeeching yowr G. to fend it faifly back againe ; for if the writer ihould but any way bee difcovered, there were no more living for him heer, and wee barred of one of our beft intelligencers.
The wther pairt of the letter concerneth that anfwere to the laft proteft-ation, wch I* mentioned to yowr G. in my laft from Hamilton, written by the Principall of the Colledge of Glafco, the learnedft covenanter in Scotland, but fo fearfull, that he darre not owne it, and indeed if he Ihould be knowen, [befide^s his danger, we fhoulcl loofe that great wfe which my L. Commiffioner maketh of him. My L. Commiffioner meaneth prefently to1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 477
putte it to the prefle. One thing I defyre yowr G. advyfe in, Whether I fhall not caufe to be printed after it, their generall and publifhed Inftru&ions to the feverall Prelbyteries for the ele&ion of their Commiffioners, as alfo their private ones, wch they think are not knowen, that fo the reft of the hoodwinked Covenanters may fee how much they have been abufed ? or fhall we referve that private paper to wpbraid them with it in their teeth at the opening of the Affembly. I fend yowr G. lykwyfe their newe In-ftru&ions, fent through the kingdoom, by wch yowr G. may eafily fee what tumultuous and violent proceedings they [intend] to wfe, not without force, if they fee caufe. If yowr G. think fitte, this fhall be printed too. I hope I fhall have it by the nixt returne. God keep yowr G. is the heartie prayer of
Your G. moft obliged and devoted, [Halyrudhojufe, this ^/J Q	/	/Th
1638. (fp	gy cH-cxx^n aTT^ft:
XXXVIII.
THE EARL OF LOUDON'S REASONS TO DISSUADE THE KING FROM SWEARING PROTECTION TO THE BISHOPS, 1633.
[From Baillie's MS.—Charles the First was crowned at the Palace of Holy-roodhouse, 15th of June 1633. As Sir James Balfour takes no notice of any opposition being offered to that article in the Coronation Oath, confirming to the Bishops, " all Canonical privileges and rights,1' it is probable that the following Reasons were not publicly tendered; but the Nobleman who ventured on this Remonstrance is known as one of the most faithful, consistent, and zealous supporters of the Presbyterian cause in Scotland. He was for many years Lord High Chancellor of Scotland. In point of date this paper should have been first in this Appendix.]
The Bishops Demands.—The Fourth Article of the King's Oath at his Coronation.
" Sir, We alfo befeech yow to grant and to preferve to us of the Clergie, " and to the Churches committed to our charges, all Canonicall Privileges; " and that ye wold protect and defend us, as everie good King ought in his " Kingdome to defend his Bifhops, and the Churches under his government."
The King's Answer.
" With a willing heart I grant the famen, and promife to maintain yow " and everie one of yow, with all the churches committed to your charges, " in their whole rights and privileges according to juftice."
1. Let it be confidered if it be not moft fafe for the King not to take this article of the Oath ; becaufe it cannot ftand with the largenefs of the King's vol. i.	3 p477f ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
royall prerogative, to be cut fhort of his power to difpofe of the privileges and poffeffions of the Prelacy of Scotland, to abrogate, or abridge the fame as he fees fit, when it pleafes his Majeftie; but by taking his Oath his royall liberty is fo conftrained, as he cannot choofe to doe but what he hes fworn, albeit it fhould be found to his hurt.
2.	His Majeftie's Father, of royall memory, knowing that the law of Pre-munire had no place in this Kingdom, did keep himfelf free, and retained this power over the Prelates of Scotland faft in his own hand, for his own efpe-ciall reafons concerning himfelf, and the publitt good of this Kingdom; and no reafon the King fliould now be bound, and his Majeftie with his fuccef-fors, by this preparative, in worfe cafe than his predeceflors was.
3.	The King being free of the perfonall Oath, may give privileges when he pleafes, as well unfworn as fworn, and no reafon his free favor fhould unne-ceflarlie be thus bound.
4.	It is undoubtedlie more honourable for the King to give to his fervants of his own free will, than by neceffitie and force of Oath; of his own bounty, than by craving of particulars clofely conveyed in one generall, and far more fafe to keep his fervants in dependence upon himfelf, than to be aftritted to him by Oath.
5.	Neither the Nobilitie, Barons, nor Burrowes requireth any fpeciall Oath for maintenance of their rights and privileges, and the Kirk and other Kirk men will reft content with the firft Article for maintenance of the religion of Chrift, now preached and profelTed within this realm, no reafon the Bifhops fhould crave more.
6.	Seing the particulars which the Bifhops intend to have are not fpecified in this Oath, but their project involved in the ambiguous generality of all Canonicall Privileges and whole rights, it were unreafonable to grant what they thus crave, except, firft, their prefent poffeffion, which they crave to be preferved, were tryed, and then what farder they wold have, were declared, and found fo equitable in itfelf, and fo convenient to the ftate of this Kingdom, as it were worthie to be fworn, and never to be changed, left his Majeftie's Oath fhould be fubjeft to mifconftru&ion hereafter.
7.	If fearch be made for their meaning by Canonicall Privileges, they doe not underftand what the Canons of the Scriptures gives them, for that is granted in the Article for maintenance of true religion, and does not content. If they pretend to mean what the Canons of the Kirk of Scotland, with the Caveats of their admiflxon gives them, let them be afked, if they will ftand content with what they have thereby: But if they underftand by Canonicall Privileges and whole rights, what the clergie had before Reformation ; and yet hes, where Poperie prevaills, according to the native and ori-ginall fenfe of the word, and of this whole article, yet ftanding in the Coronation of Kings, as it was of old, whereby the clergie may have ground ftill to claim their old poffefiions, and the King forced either to grant all that they crave, or make fuch interpretations of this oath, as fhall not ftopp the obloquie of the clergie ftill urging the tenor of the article in the proper and native meaning, it is more nor becomes good fubjetts to crave; fpeciallie here in this Kingdom, wherein the Oath of Kings at their Coronation is1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 478
reformed, and made far more equitable for King and fubjedts, if it pleafe his Majeftie to compare, as is found approved in Parliament 1567, ratified in anno 1581, and 1592. For which reafons it feems his Majeftie fhould ponder this matter, left, when their Canonicall Privileges fhall be explained in particular, the taking of this Oath fhall overthrow the King's courfe about tithes, hinder that he cannot make himfelf immediat fuperior to the Bilhops vaffals, though he wold open a door to brangle rights to lands and rents, which the King's fubje£ts doe quietlie poffefs, give ground to the Church for exemption from fecular obedience, and fubjeftion to impofts and taxations, and make way for many other inconveniencies, which not to have forfeen, had been great fimplicitie in this Kingdom, and to. have concealed from his Majeftie, unfaithfulnefs. Aogov ra ©s<y.
XXXIX.
THE EARL OF ROTHES TO LORD BALCARRAS.
[Orig.—Balcarras Papers, Vol. IX. No. 71.—This Letter, from its date, should likewise have had an earlier place in this Appendix ]
My Lord,
When this new Book of Commoon Prayer was firft introduced, and when we firft went ouer to petition againft it, advertifments com to us all, be our Minifters, and I did heir, that becaus they fufpe&ed your's, that your Lord-ihip fuld bein aduertifed be another Minifter; which being neglected as fun-dry war, I was defy red this day to fignify to your Lordlhip a purpofe we have to be in Edb. [Edinburgh,] & meit togither on Wednfday nixt, for thinking flill on the beft and faireft and moft fubmife wayes for preventing thir threatned calls. For all the fals fugeftions giuen out be fom, I dar fay ther is nothing either yit don or intended, that is not legall & fubmife, and which can any way be juftly accepted att. You may be a witnes to this, & then can juftly bely thes raporters. This is mor then I use to do, bot it is warrendable. My feruice to your Lady, & all hapines is wifched to yow be Leflie, ij Nouembre	Your Lordftiips cufin & feruand,
1637.	Rothes.
To my honoricl good Lord my Lord Balcarafe, thes.
XL.
LETTERS IN FAVOUR OF DR. BALCANQUALL.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXVI. No. 33. The first letter, which is in BalcanqualFs hand, is without name, date, or address; but was no doubt written by the Marquis of Hamilton in his favour to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The King's letter to the Marquis is subjoined from Bur-478f ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
net's Dukes of Hamilton, p. 100. As Balcanquall's name appears so prominently at this time, a few notices of his history may be subjoined:—
Walter Balcanquall, D.D. was a native of Edinburgh, where his father (of the same name) was a minister, and died in August 1616. He was educated at the University of Edinburgh, and took his degree of M.A. 27th July 1609. He then entered at Pembroke-Hall, Cambridge, 18th Sept., 1611, where he was admitted a fellow; and as Bachelor of Divinity, was incorporated at Oxford, 14th July 1618. He was one of the chaplains of King James, who appointed him Master of the Savoy ; and to this place, which he had vacated before his attending the Synod of Dort, he was again appointed in 1621. He was installed Dean of Rochester, 12th March 1624; and soon after, as one of George Heriot's executors, he took the management of carrying through the noble foundation of Heriot's Hospital at Edinburgh, the statutes of which were compiled by him in 1627. The following letter shows that he held the living of Adisham in Kent. His application for the valuable Deanery of Durham was successful. His predecessor, Richard Hunt, died on 2d Nov. 1638, and his appointment was probably in December, although not installed until 14th May 1639- The appearance of his work, " The Large Declaration," (vide pp. 140, 175, 208,) about the same time, was the beginning of his misfortunes. On the march of the Scotish army into England, he fled hastily from Durham ; and was declared an Incendiary. Having been denounced by the Parliament of Scotland, he presented this petition to the King, in September 1640, apparently without effect:— " That whereas your Petitioner lyeth under a great fcandal for your Majeftie's Large Declaration, your Majeftie would be graciously pleafed to require the Right Honourable the English Lords Commiffioners for the Scottish Treaty, to call before them your Petitioner, and to give unto their Lordfhips a faithful and true account of that fervice."
Balcanquall was deprived of his office as Master of the Savoy, by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons 7th June 1645; and, ere long, having found refuge in Chirk Castle, Denbighshire, he died there on 25th Dec. 1645. He was interred in the parish church of Chirk, where a monument was erected to his memory, with an inscription, which is printed in Willis's Survey of Cathedrals, vol. i. p. 255. See also Wood's Athense Oxonienses, by Bliss, vol. iii. p, 379, Fasti, p. 383.]
And nowe I muft be a verie importunat fuitor to your Grace, in a buffines in wch I ftiould bee verie forrie to be denyed. It is in behalfe of the Dean of Rochefter; the Dean of Durham being dead, that he may fucceed in that Deanry. If your Grace will moove his Matie in it, I doe beleeve he will not denye me this favor for him. His Deanry wch is neer worth 300 lb. per annum, will be at his Maties difpofing, his parfonage of Adifliam in Kent, of woh your G. is patron, and wch he letteth for 320 lb. per annum, and a litle more: the houfe whairof hee built himfelfe from the grownd, and wch he hath made the beft parfonage houfe in Kent, he will leave to your G. difpofall. This I muft fay, he hath been a faithfull fervant1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 479
to hisMatie in this wnluckie fervice. A great fervant to your G. in perfwad-ing manie of this Covenanting clergie to beleeve wtherwyfe of your G.
then . . . they had been made believe.....of fome ufe
in this bufines and in any troubles wch nowe after the AlTemblie are lyke-lie to beginne. I dare be bold to fay, his Matie hath no chaplain can doe him the lyke fervice, efpecially in the poynt of intelligence; for he hath gotte a great hand with that part of the Covenanting clergie, whom he hath made refent the tyrannie of fome of the reft of the minifters, and efpecially of the laitie and lay elders, even to a verie high difcontentment, I hope ere long to ane open breach ; by thefe men he cometh to knowe all the fecrets of that pairtie, wch is of Angular wfe to his Maties fervice and me. And theirfoir, if thefe troubles hold on, his refidence at Durham, or near thefe pairts, wch are near to his intelligencers, will bee verie wfefull. If he fhould miffe of this, 1 am affrayed both he himfelfe will be infinitly discouraged, as thinking his Matie and your G. do not regaird him; as alfo that the pairtie with whom he hath heir correfpondence will beginne to think fo too, and fo will not cair for continewing that correfpondence wth him, wch will be prejudiciall to his Maties fervice. I befeech your G. by the moft . . . Maties and yowr G. welcome anfwer in this particular.
LETTER FROM THE KING TO THE MARQUIS OF
HAMILTON.
Hamilton,
I have heard this day that the Dean of Durham is dead, for the difpofing of which place, though I may have many Suiters, and (which is more) though heretofore I have had divers Intentions upon the difpofing of that place, for the better accommodating of my Service, the reafon of which is now as forcible as ever; yet I have thought fit not to difpofe of it till I might (if your ftay be not longer than I expeft) fpeak with you; and to ftiew you that I am not unmindful of the daily pains that at this time Balcanqual takes in my Service, I would let you fee the cafe before I difpofe of it, and have your Opinion, if he might not ftay a little longer for another nearer my eye, and yet not difhearten him, when it may accommodate my Service another way ; and fo I reft
Your allured conftant Friend,
Chables R.
XLI.
LETTERS TO DR. BALCANQUALL, DEAN OF DURHAM.
[The following letters, although written at considerable interval?, are brought together for the sake of connection, and are now printed for the first time. How " Dr. Balcanqualfs Wryttis," came into the hands of the Scotisli Commissioners at London, in 1646, does not appear; but480 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
some notice of them must have been transmitted that year to the General Assembly. The Minutes of the Assembly end abruptly in the middle of the Sederunt of June 15th 1646, but on the 17th of that month, (Index of unpnnted Acts,) the Assembly suspended Mr. William Wilkie, and added, a reference to the Commission both concerning his relaxation, and Dr. Balcanquall's Letters. The Commission of the General Assembly, on the 24th of July 1646, having considered the reference of the Assembly concerning Dr. Balcanquairs Letters, &c.—therefore for tryell thereof, appointed the Moderator to write to the Commissioners at London to send down any of Dr. Strang's or Mr. William Wilkie's Letters to Dr. Balcanquall, they have found there, that they may take the same to their consideration. The answer of the Commissioners, dated 29th September 1646, is still preserved, and is here subjoined. It is addressed—" For the Right Reverend Mr. Robert Douglas, Minifter at Edinburgh." From this it appears that nine of Wilkie's letters were sent, but only six are known to be preserved; and one note by Dr. Strang, Principal of the University of Glasgow.
The reafon for which wee have fo long detained the letters and papers heirwith fent, is, That it was our opinion, and likewife our Brother Mr. Henderfon's, while he was here, that they fhould not be made publi£t, but referved to keepe the perfons that wrote them in awe, and as a meane to winne them to a flri£t and circumfpedt cariage in their callings. And being now required to fend them to the Commiffion of the Generall Affembly, wee have dire&ed them to yow, that yow may make fuch vfe of them as yow fhall think fitt, and wee remaine,
29 Sepr. 1646.	Your very affe&ionat Brethren,
[Mr. William Wilkie, Minister of Govan, was a near relation of Robert Baillie, of whose communications, it will be seen, he availed himself to inform Balcanquall of the various proceedings of the Presbyterian party. Whether Baillie suspected Wilkie as one of Balcanquall's " busy fleas, still creeping among us," (vide supra, p. 174,) may be considered doubtful ; but his letters certainly justify Lord Hailes in terming him " a sort of Ecclesiastical Spy," (vide supra, p. 1, note.) The Commission on the 17th of November 1646, having considered the petition of Mr. William Wilkie, and his penitence for his bygone miscarriages," relaxed him from this sentence of suspension; but three years later, it appears that the General Assembly in 1649, passed an Act of approbation of the sentence of his deposition. (Index of Unprinted Acts.)
Sir,
There are 9 letters of Mr. Wm. Wilkie, one of Doctor Strang's, and a Treatise.
Loudoun.	Lauderdaill.
A. Jhonston. Samwel Rutherfurd. Geo. Gillespie. Robert Baillie.1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 481
The originals of all these Letters are contained in Folio Vol. XXV, of the Wodrow Manuscripts, which is now preserved among the Archives of the Church of Scotland; and Vol. XXXI. (No. 2,) contains " The Principal of Glafgow againft the Covenant,11 being the Treatise referred to in the above letter from the Commissioners.]
No. 1.
Right Worshipful,
We long to hear if thefe papers and letters, directed hence to Hammilton, came faife to your hands, and what you have refolved anent them. No doubt you have hard what hes bein a doeing heir this weik. My Lord Boyd and Loudon came on Tuefday at night, and remained heir til the Fry day at afternoone. Boyd, with a greit number, came in to the Prefbiterie, give-ing in before them that famous lybel againft our Archbifhop and his colleagues, (the tenor wherof you have fein fince it came fra the eaft) whom they have ftyled ther the faid Mr. Patrick and his Colleagues; which ex-prefiion occafioned a mirrie miftake amongft the ruder fort of people on the Thurfday , when it was red publickelie in the Cathedral, before fermon, wher for Colleagues they tooke it to be the Colledge, and mervellid how they could challenge the faid Mr. Patrike and his Colledge of inceft, adulterie, drunknes, &c. for they believed that both the Bifhop and we wer frie of thefe; alfo, they beleived that Bifhops onlie fhould have bein removed by this reformation; bot for the Colledges, they mervellid why they wold remove thefe. Bot to leave fport, my hert wes trewlie forie to fie fuch de-fpightful and infulteing carriage; for they wer not content to give in that long lybel to the Prefbiterie, and to fend him the copy of it with a officer, which was al the legalitie they could vfe, but fet up a wryter boy to reid it in the Reader's faite in church, by the knowledge of the Magiftrats of the towne, the Lords and gentlemen fitting in one dalk, and Mr. D. Dick, in ane vther, finging the triumph over the Bifhop in his praetendit Cathedral. After fermon, the Lord Loudon came to the Proveift, defyreing him to con-vocat the Towne-Councel: He refuifed, bot anfwered thus, that if he had to doe with any of them, he wold come to his chalmer with thofe he wold requyre. Bot after that, Loudon being enformed that the Church-Seffion fate at afternoone, by the expedtation of any, he came ther with Boyd and vthers, requyred accefie, and haveing entred, had a harrangue of ane houre's length, to the Minifters, Magiftrats, and vther honeft men ther, concerning the iniquitie and daunger of the King's Covenant, conjureing them, by al the powers of heaven and hel, that they wold not fubfcrybe it. The ground of his fear wes, the hearing of the courfe wes taken in fending for fo many of the printed proclamations, and diftributeing of them amongft ther bur-geffis of al forts. His demande in the clofe was, that he might have ther affured promifes not to doe it, which he might report to the Tables, whence he had his dire&ion. He prefled the Proveift to anfwer, whom if he had intangled, he knew the reft wold follow. He fhuned to make anfweir ther, it being the Moderator's place, Mr. John Bel: yet fearing leift that good4S£ ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
old man fhould yeild too much, he was induced to anfvver, and that fhairpe-lie enough; the fumme of it was, that fince it was notar that they had given my Lord Commiflioner his Grace a delaying anfwer, and had taken it to ther deliberation, the matter not yet being come to a refolution, far les that refolu-tion being fignified to his Grace, he thought it did not become any Nobleman of the kingdome to requyre of them a fimple negative or promife not to doe; bot if the Towne, or any in ther name, wold prafume to anfwer fo, it wer a vyld fhame; wherfor he could not, nor wold not fay more, but -that they wold advyfe anent that he had fpoken; fo he was difmifled with les content then he exfpe&ed. After this, ther was dealing to have had the day appointed by the Tables to be our fail daye ; bot this lykwyfe is denyed, and Ihifted handfomelie, becaufe it falls to be the day of the celebration of the Communion, fo that Wednifday onlie is to be keiped heir. As concerning the Proteftation you recommendit to me, I have verie good hopes to obtaine it; for althogh I could get nothing done on Wednifday laft, the Bilhop's lybel haveing detained them fo long, yit I have afliirance of ther comeing heir to towne the morrow anent that matter, when I beleive it fhall have a good begining; and as I find occafion, I wil daylie ftryve to draw in thefe, one be one, that you wold glaidlieft have. My collagues and I ar forie that fince fundrie of the praecifeft people of the countrie hes gotten Aberdein's late reply, we fhould be defraudet of it; fo if you could help us to one of them, you wold oblige us al verie far. I wold alfo glaidlie know if you exfpeft to be at Hammilton fhortlie or not; fo craveing pardon for my long and tedious letter, I reft
Your W. fervant in what I ame able, Glafgow, 29 Octob. [1638.]	Wil. Wilkie.
The bearer heirof, Mr. Archbald Cambron is the brother of that worthie Monfieur Cambro; he is pitifullie vfed by the Buchanans, and hes them cited before the Secreit Councel. In helping him you doe a grit worke of charitie.
For the Right Worfhipful Do£tor Walter Balcanqual, Dean of Rochefter. Thes.
No. 2.
Right Worshipful,
I receaved your letter with the Doctors of Aberdein their duply, for which I humblie thanke you. All heir ar hartilie glaid of ther intention to be at this Aflemblie. And you may be fure they wil not want lodge-ing; althogh my Lord Commiflioner his Grace, had not taken fuch particular cair to have them provydet, we could caus fome of our ftudents quyte ther chambers and confyne themfelfes in les bounds, or they laked. I fhow the Principal what you writ concerning him, and how it was his Maties wil he fhould owne what he writ; the reafons you referred to meating. He thoght it ftraunge, mervelling what they could be. Be way of conjecture I told him tuo. 1°. That in thir tymes fo ful of mifconftru&ions1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 483
and prejudices, non quid dicalur sed quis die at, is looked to. 20, That it was difhonorable as I imagined, for his Maties caufe to be pleadit by name-les men, as importeing both lake of authoritie dew to his Matie to protett, and lake of courage and loyaltie in the wryter not to profeffe what he writ in the defence of his Maties juft caus. He conje£tured rather that it pro-ceidit fra fome thing in the writ, or els that this is a courfe his Matie is not earneft for; and I find if it wer a matter that his Matie and the Commifiioner wer refolved to throughe without being diverted to any mid courfe be the Affemblie, it wer eaiie to perfuade him to avouch what he does. That vther poynt you intrufted to my cair I have agented fo weil as I could, per-fuadeing thefe of the Minifterie to come into the Towne who I trufted wold be moft willing; and haveing met privatelie we drew vp this, the copie whereof I have heir enclofed. I have got the hands of feiven alreddie to it, whereof the gritter part ar fubferybers of the countrey's Covenant. We keip it verie fecreit, both becaufe by this means I hope to perfuade moe of the Prefbiterie to goe on, who if it wer divulged might be diverted. As lykwyfe I find the Principal and vthers of them accompt it full of hazard, it importeing their pleading of the nullitie of this praefent Affemblie, which how odious it wil be, any may judge. God willing, it fhal be keiped til the Commifiioner and you come heir; at which tyme if you find it conducible for the King's fervice, you wil adde courage to their faint herts. In the mean tyme what evir vfe you make of the matter done be a Prefbiterie, yet doe not fpecifie the place, for reafons above-mentioned, til once you be heir. If the Affemblie wil goe on illegallie in any thing, I hope the Commifiioner his Grace wil command the King's Advocat to plead his Maties right, who, if he deal fincerlie, will be able to convince them both in the matter of Laick elders, and their procedure againft Epifcopacie, both whereof ar illegal. So with my beft wifhes and prayers that God wold bliffe you, and profper your labours in this grit bufines, I reft
Glafgow, 6th Novemb.	Your W. fervant in what I ame able,
1638.	Wil. Wilkie.
If any letters come in the packet at any tyme directed to me, I hope, Sir, you will give them to fome who wil fend them hither. I gate fome of late, bot could not find that they had receaved thefe of myne which went vp with Mafter Paine fra Hammiltoun.
For the Right Worfhipfnl Do&or Balcanqual, Dean of Rochefter. Thes.
No. 3.
Right Wobshipful Sir,
I thoght to have had the happines of fieing you before you had gone fra Hammilton, and came ther on Monday morning, being enformed, by a Gentleman that came thence, that my L. Commifiionar was not to take jour-nay till Tuefday; bot being come ther I fand my enformation falfe, wherat484 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
I was not a litle forie. Alwayes haveing miffed that occafion, I doe by thefe lynes prsefent ray hertie fervice and beft wifhes for your vndeferved favoures Ihowen me at your being heir; and withal muft make bold to intreat your favour to a poore youth, my Brother, whom you wil find before you at Court. He hes had goode education both at Cambridge and St. Andrews, and I hope lhal prove ane able man. He hes written to me that I wold deal with your W. by the interceffion of friends heir in his favours, to be Lecturer at Savoy : if you have not fome neir friend to prsefer to that place, it were a worke of charitie thus to refpedt him who is fo chargeable to his Father, and I ame confident you wold nevir repent it; the young man his giftes being fuch as wil give contentment, and haveing had thrie yeir education ther, wil have the language prettie weil. I am forie bot his letter had come to my hands before I fhed with you, that fo I might have knowen your mynd, and if you have any obligement prior; bot I hope, if you have any tyme, by tuo lynes you wil fignifie your mynde heirin, which I wil ex-fpedt as the copeftone of your former favoures. The Articles of Perth wer condemned yifterday in the AfTemblie, as being contrair to the National Covenant, and confequentlie abjured for ever out of this Kingdome; and Mr. James Forfythe depofed. I ame certanelie enformed, by one that knowes it weil, that ther is one Barnes, a merchant of Edr, that hes brought home 6000 mufkets of late out of Holland, which ftiip was flopped by the States, til afterwards, that the King of France his legat did obtaine that it might be fent to a towne in France, for his matter's fervice, and fo, by this means, is come home heir. It is ftraunge if his Matie of France, or any Prince, Ihould furder the armeing of fubjedts againft ther Prince. I pray God give wifdome to al that hes his Matie1s ear, to direct him aright in thir tymes of fo grit difficulties, and that he wold bliffe you in al your effaires, which is the wifh of,
Your moft affectionate and humble fervant,
Glafgow, the 11th Decemb. [1638.]	Wil. Wilkie.
To the Right Worftiipful Dr. Walter Balcanqual, Dean of Rochefter, and Mafter of Savoy, thes.
No. 4.
Right Worshipfull,
I made bold not long fince by letter, to tender to you a petition in favours of a Brother I have at Court: if it had bein my fortune to know the matter of my fute or we fhed, I could have bein more confident to have obtained a goode anfwere ; and yit I wil not diffide, bot what you may you wil. The youth I hope lhal be worthie, at leift was accompted fo heir, and had the offer of a prefentation to a church, wherto he was earnefllie defyred be Sir James Carmichael, the Thefaurer-depute; bot fieing no peaceable entrie in thir tymes, except he wold run the Countrey1s way, he retired to England, to which he had alwayes a mynd, be reafon of his education fome yeirs at1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 485
Cambridge. If your W. wold be pleafed to favour him, yow wold oblige not a few to be thankefiil to you in his name; my intereft and affe&ion makes me importunat, bot I know you have fo much goodnes and love as to overfie fuch venial faults as this.
I beleive I neid not wryt occurrencis, you have them of more pryme men then I; yit being alfe neir the fontane as any, with that Perfian to his Prince, (of whom ^lian) I praefent you with a handful of Glafgow waters. Our Affemblie, after the ratification of ther Church Regifter, abrogation of fix former Affemblies, explanation and reconciliation of the Covenants, abjuration of Epifcopacie and Perth Articles, deprivation of all, and excommunication of raoll part of the Bifliops, indication and intimation of ane Affemblie to be keiped at Edr in July nixt, appointment for Committes, vifita-tions, and provincial Synods, with a number of leffer conftitutions, tandem aliquando, on Thurfday laft, being the 20 of this inftant, it came to a final conclufion. The Moderator, I hear, had a fpeach in the clofe whollie eucharifticke, wherin he gave thankes, and exhorted al to doe fo, to God and his Matie, for the Affemblie they had gottin, to the Nobles and gentrie for their paines and attendance, to the Towne wherin they had bein fo weil intertained, and particularlie for ther commodious feat; yet God knowes thefe thankes wer dew to his Matieand his Commifiioner, for refpedtto whom onlie it was buildet. Then after fome vthers of the minifterie had fpoken, the Moderator, craveing pardon for his forgetfulnes, gave thankes to my Lord Argyle, by whois praefence and counfel they had bein fo much comforted and ftrengthned : Wherat my Lord arofe and had a long harangue, firft intreating all praefent not to mifconftrue his too late parting, and kyth-ing for them, protefting he was alwayes their way, bot had delayed to pro-feffe it, fo long as he fand this cloffe carriage might be advantageous to their caus, bot now of late matters had come to fuch a chocke, that he fand he behoved to adjoyne himfelfe openlie to ther focietie, except he wold have proven a knave, (this was his exprefiion, which how hard fo evir, did much endeare him to his auditorie;) then his Lo. went on, and exhorted them al to vnitie, wifhing al, bot efpeciallie the reuling elders and minifters, to keip a good harmonie; entreated al of the minifterie to confider what had broght the Bifhops to mine, viz. pryde and avarice, and therfor willed them to fhun thefe rockes as they wold efchew fhipwracke: Lykwyfe both he and the Moderator, in their fpeaches, preffid much al to fpeake favourablie of his Matie and his authoritie. At laft the fumme of the whole Adts wes red over be the Clerke, and al particularlie did voyce to them in cumulo; wherin ther was ane particular remarkeable, when the Articles of Perth wer voyced fome dayes before the clofe, the whole Affemblie had given voyce in thefe termes, Abjured and removed, except onlie one minifter Mr. Robert Baylie, minifter of Kilvining, whois confcience ftraiter in this particular dyted him to voyce, Removed bot not abjured, to the grit fcandal of his ftronger breither, fo that the A£t was drawen vp, Abjured and removed, be the voyces of all except one. This one knowing that they wer al to be particularlie red and voyced againe, had drawen vp a fupplication to the Affemblie, in the name of conforme men, to mitigate that Aft, at leaft that
VOL. I.	3 L486 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
i
it might have farder hearing and be difputed ; wherof they haveing gottin intelligence, my Lord Loudon went to the Clerke, when he was reiding the catalogue, and caufed him to fuppreffe that mans name, fo he not being cited, and therat a little aftonilhed, did not kyth, effrayed to be made publici odij victima. Vpon the day after, they went al to Edr almoft, wher no doubt you know better what they have bein doeing then we ; the report went they met ther to draw vp a Supplication to his Matie to be hard plead the aequitie of ther proceaddings; alio to draw the ftrength of their voits togither in that center to anfwer your reafons in the Commiffioner1s Mani-fefto concerning the not abjuration of Epifcopacie by the Covenant, a peace, which, however they flight, calling it (thofe of them who fpeak mofl favour-ablie) a prettie courtelie pamphlet; yit al that ar indifferent and frie of praejudice, selleimes thefe reafons praegnant and perfuafive. I have fend you inclofed the minut of the A6ls which was givin vnder the Clerk's hand toal the Commiffioners. Ther be many thinges of grit importance not mentioned heir which they did, as ther choofeing agents for the Church to the Parliament fome young noblemen, Montgomerie, Fleming, &c. with fundrie of the minifters, who mull attend the Parliament in name of the Church, to re-prasfent matters that concernes hir good, bot muft not voyce nor ryde in Parliament ; as you may fie in the A£ts : So the Church hes excomunicat it-felf fra the whole politick bodie, and fo pure and fpiritual it wold be, that it hes comunicat its wholle policie to the reuling laitie. I find be thofe that knowes the grounds of the Nobilities proceidings, that the pryme rea-fon of the removeal of Bifhops is the power they had in Parliament; 8 of them being Lords of the Articles, who had the power to choyfe vther 8 of the Nobilitie whom they knew moft addifted to his Matie, and thefe 16 the reft; fo that al depended vpon them, and they onlie vpon his Matie. Amongft ther A£ts heir omitted in the Index, there was ane A£t of reference of divers matters to the Parliament; as how the Bifhops rents Ihould be difpofed vpon ; item of reftoreing Mr. David Catherwoode to his libertie, &c. Al the tyme of the Aflemblie ther was grit outcrying againft the Colledge daylie by fome of the Nobilitie, accompting it a high contempt to any incorporation, in the place wher they fate, to have withdrawen their Commiffioner, and difallowed their proceidings: The Moderator, Mr. David Dicke, and vthers, wold not fuffer fummonds to be givin out, bot choyfed rather to labour in a freind-lie maner; in which privat conferences they wer fo fhifted fra day to day, til it being come to the laft day, wherin they had no tyme, a Committee was appoynted with ful power to vilite the Colledge, and to take order with everie thing they thinke amiffe ; efpeciallie to eftablilh Mr. Rutherfort a Pro-feflor of Theologie ther, to lay the grounds of Divinitie, more ancient then antiquitie, and yet laiter then Luther: what lhal be the event of this vilita-tion you lhal afterwards heir; ther is good hopes to get it fhifted and delayed, but come when it wil the vifitors will get no content, come of it what will. The nixt Lord's day is appoynted, in the moft part of Churches heir, to be a day of thankefgiving for the Afiemblie; a terrible day of tryal for many Minifters, who is directed to profefle joy, when ther is nothing within bot fear and forrow. To al the preachers I wold afiigne, for1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 487
that day, this text, Pfal. 2. " Rejoice in tremblingfor have of the firft what they wil, I am fiire they, and the raoft part of the countrey that hes any vnderftanding, wants not the latter.
I will not wearie you any more, expecting the favour of fome few lynes for a anfvver, which you may dire£t to Orbeifton; and praying God.to blifle you in all your wayes, I reft,
Hammiltone, 26 Decemb. [1638,] Your W. in al dewtiful obfervance. wher I chanced to be.
If Abraham, the'Father of the Faithful, wer alfe myndeful of you as [some words delete] heir is, you wer fure of a grit freind at the Court of Heavin, and you neidit not be effrayed of any thing in earth, yea evin though Mr. Kers, that infallible Judge Mar-praelat, and his company, wer to give fentence vpon you for your fuperllitious titles of Dean, &c., and though you wer to difpute the quaeftion concerning reuling Elders with Mr. Ramfay ther champion, lifted vp on a ftoole in the midft of them lyke a cocke, by his croweing to chafe away the lyon. Both paper and vther things bids me leave of to play.
To the right worfhipful Dr. Walter Balcanqual Dean of Rochefter and Mafter of Savoy, thes.
^Indorfed by Balcanqual.] Mr. Wil: his letter concerning the breaking up of the Afiembly, and my L. Argyle his fpeech.
No. 5.
Right Worshipful,
I receavid yours yefterday, to which I refolvid, without delay, to re-turne this anfweir, althogh fince my laft I have not had the occalion to meit with him fr& whom I vfe to get beft intelligence of particulars. How the guyfe goes in general thefe tuo papers enclofed, ordained to be Ipred throw all the fhyres, at ther Tables, will l'oone fhew you ; the firft wherof I doubt not bot long er now the Treafurer and vthers hes brought, the latter pofiiblie you have not fein becaus its bot juft now divulged. If ther former information to England, fo fraoothlie (as they conceave) contryved to con-ciliat favour, hes had fuch bad acceptance at the good fubje&s hands ther, as to irritate, and furnifhed fuch ample matter to his Matie, in his fhort praecur-forie Declaration, to give them fuch a lafti and fuch gollie titles and ftyles as they doe litle glorie of, what a world of good ftuffe I pray you fhall be fund in thefe for that larger promeifid Declaration. For my owne part, I was aftonilhed to hear Mr. Dicke preach al thofe grounds, not haveing then fein this paper, which after came to our hands, as you fie, directing thefe to be preffid vpon the people by the preachers. Weimen, fimple ones, and mad defperat fellowes, liftens ; bot the gritter number, partlie out of conscience, pairtlie of fear, groanes and grummils at fuch poynts, not fo Je-488 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
»
fuited by ther Covenant as to fwallow fuch pillons, (however incrufted, with the hazard of the preacher's falvation for their treuth, and crafted over with the fcrufe of the good caus,) without a whryning fqueamifhnes, the fure praefage of a fudden randring, voyde of operation. I ame ftil of the former mynd, that his Maties praefence, with any tollerable forces, fhall produce a prefent vidlorie, and you may confider my reafon, and judge whither I be miftaken. I find that which holds the countrie on, in ther hazardous hardi-nes, is prymelie ther blindnes ; they ar pitifullie blindfoldet by falfe enfor-mations and fained letters, difperfid of purpofe fra Edr vnto al quarters, and borne in vpon the people as vnquaeftionable treuths. The King's lake of concurrence fra England, their affurance, although lie get afiiftance, that they wil onlie accompany him to the Bound Rod, but no farder, til they fie a better quarrel; that the trained bands of England, the finews of his power, ar become to his Matie foure ploomes, (this is the expreffion of one of thofe fuppofed letters,) yea, fome does not ftand to averre, that our nobles receaves letters of encouragement from fome councelers of England, moe then one or tuo of that number. If thofe, and fuch lyke grounds, being preffid by men powerful and popular, might not deceave a poore people for the tyme, and may not, in a fhort tyme, proveing falfe, deceave themfelfs, through ther being deferted by thefe they have deceived, judge you : Bot now, fince his Maties laft declaration, wherin he fpeaks as a King haveing both power and a mynd to vindicat his honor, (to which they ar in al haift printing ane anfweir, and wil yit hazard fome men in fending them to England,) you wold wonder to fie how they flyde from thefe former falfe reports, and takes vther grounds of retaineing the people in ther wonted ignorance and humours, by declairing now that al is in hazard, liberties, religion, and what not; that now they have to expe£t to be a province, the Liturgie, Canons, &c. They wer foole hardie, as you may fie by thefe papers, enclofed before his Maties enformation to England came downe; but now, fince they feam more defperatlie mad, fo that fome who wer become cold in the caus, fhrink-ing and reddie to reteir, ar now forced, being deftitut of leaders and fhelters, to keip vp and goe on in fair generals with the currant, til they meit with a contrarie tyde, or fome bufh in the brae to grip to, fearing not to make ther partie good in this chocke, and fo to be made the firft facrifice of ther furie. The Towne of Glafgow (as I lerned of thofe who feamid to know it weil) was of this number, and therfor had givin fuch a limited commiffion to thefe that came fra them to the meiting at Edr. that it did gritlie difpleafe the reft of the burrowes, and gritlie wer they vpbraidet as being Aberdein's fifter, and of a Laodicean temper; ther commiffion rejefted, and this (the copie wherof I have enclofed which was the ordinarie of al the reft) givin to be fent to be figned by ther councel; this they fhifted whole eight dayes, til at laft a peremtorie dire&ion in grit haift was fent them, by one who was ther weil wifher, and faw how matters wold goe, if they fhrinked. So at a extraordinarie tyme, after day light wes gone, ther councel •vvas convocat; for that divers came not, vthers diffafented, bot the gritter part ther praefent, agried to give warrand to the towne-clerke to figne it, although they had promifed tuo dayes before not to give it til they had hard the judgment of1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 489
ther minifters and colledge; and yat if evir they fhould be neceflitat to grant it, they fhould put in that claufe, " What may concerne the King's honour" ; hot what wil not fear doe. The Noblemen keip their refolution verie clofle; they met al of them that was in towne, after his Matie1s declaration or en-formation to England came, and fate fra 2 houres at afternoone till neir 8 at night; yit we can not lerne what they did. They profelTe a oath of fecreicie was taken; they looke and fpeake alfe big as evir. Spern vullo simulant premunt alium corde dolorem. Grit courage in fhow, and yit it was told me that it made fundrie of them fhed tears. Ther was a meiting appoynted (I know not if it hads [holds] now) at Perth to be the 15th of this month, whither Argyle and fundrie vtheris fhould goe to fpeak with divers of the North. The reafon praetendit is to take order for fecureing the North fra John Dowgaire's robberies; bot I hear fundrie whifpering (I know not if they have grund for it) that the thing intendit, is to take fome fudden courfe for Aberdein. Its givin out alfo that Argyle fhould goe imediatlie fra Perth to Glafgow, ther to remaine a fpace, and by his power to keip them right; for they are verie jealous of them, both of ther towne and prefbiterie, the minifters wherof can not be induced to preffe the takeing of armes. If he goe ther, fundrie wil be in daunger, who hithertil hes fpoken boldlie againft thir vncouth courfes and Table-dire£tions. Its thoght the griteft part ther and therabout wold be more glaid to hear of the Duke or Marquis his comeing in his Matie,s name to fhelter them. How-evir, both Caffils and Eglintoun wer drawin in to the laft meiting at Edr.; yit none of them wold condifcend to fubfcryve the band for the 200,000 merks which W8111- Dicke, the proveift, furnifhes. They faid they fhould pay what fel them to pay by juft proportion, but wold not be bund con-jun&lie and feverallie. God knowes what difficulties they wil meit with, oj" all be clipped that they have chalked. Eglintoun at that meiting had a fpeach to the nobilitie, whollie for peaceable courfes, and reprefented al the hazards they ran by takeing armes. It was verie weil fpoken, if he fpake it alfe weil to them as he did refume it to ws ; bot withal he told it was re-pellid, and he behoved to be partaker of ther bad or good fortune; though for any thing I could lerne by his fpeach, its much to be hoped he will fhrinke. Thus farr I have hazarded to acquaint you with what I know, and yit I wil not be fo foole hardie as to name him who is your fervant, bot lives you to your conje&ure.
11th March [1639.]
If your W. fhal doe me the favour as to anfweir me, and acknowledg the receipt of this, I intreat you onlie mention this of myn in general, for fear of intercepting, except you be aflured of one who wil delyver it to the gentleman the laft was fent to, fra whom I ame fure to have it faife. My freinds ther with you, it feams, hes forgot me, and I dare fcairfelie remember them, at leaft by nameing them in this letter.
For the Right Worfhipful Do&or Walter Balcanqual, Dean of Durehame and Mafter of Savoy. Thes.
[Indorfed by Balcanquall.] A letter from Mr. W. W.490
ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
No. 6.
Right Worshipful Sr,
I am loth that the wryte which ye fent to me be publifhed, and I hope ye wil not doe it, vntil ye be better advyfed, and at leaft have revyfed and corrected it carefullie: yet I have refolved to fatiffie your defyre, and to fend it after the maner ye requyre to Patrick Hammilton, my Lord's baillie, duelling in Hammilton, vpon Mononday nixt, inclofed in a paper directed to yow. He wil delyver it to any beirar whom ye pleis to diredl to him to receive it, (for this I think the fafeft way, and ye wil not want occafion to fend to Hammilton to him for it, mifkenning my name.) I can not be anfwerable for the correft wryting in al points, fpeciallie concerning the fpelling, which ye wil eafilie get helped I wil not be content that my name be any way hard in the matter. I lippen to gow more, and fal alwayes remane,
Yors at command to power, Reid & ryve.	A. C.
To the Right Worfhipfull Dr Balcanquall, Dean of Rochefter.
[Indorfed by Balcanquall] A letter from the Principall of Glafgow.
No. 7.
Right Worshipful,
Being heir occafionallie, at the Abby-gate, and fieing James Hammilton reddie to take horfe, I have praefumed, in bais paper, fuch as I could get, and in a tumultuarie way, to praefent my dew refpe&s. For Scots occurrence I doubt not hot yow have them by better hands; and this day I had tryfted your brother, that at grit length we might enforme you of al hes patted. Alwayes for the praefent receive this breif fume of whatpafled in the Affemblie the firft 10 dayes, it being in my pocket, givin me by one who fate ther. Since that tyme, on Tuefday and Wedinfday laft, nothing was done, bot the tranfportation of fome Minifters was with grit conteft and fo-liftation on al hands agitat, and the Towne of Edr croffid in their defyres for M. Rutherfurd, and on M. Wffl. Bennet of Fyfe, by Rothes and Lind-fay, to the grit offence of the Towne. Much jangling and chydeing was on both fydes for thefe and vthers. On Thurfday, Fryday, and Sattirday, ther was comittees for all the parts of the Kingdome, to revife proceffis of de-pofed Minifters who fupplicat, (for vthers they ar negle&ed and ther depofi-tion holden as good;) in which this courfe was taken and yeildit be the Commiffioner, that men depofed for vitious lyfe or erroneous do&rine fhould be depofed, or rather their depofition ratified, vthers whois griteft blemifhes wer not iubfcryving, and declyneing Glafgow Affemblie vpon fupplication and repentance be receaved. Bot yit when it came to the poynt I fand that Mr. Fletcher of Ed1-., notwithftanding of a moft humble fupplication and offer of al fort of fatiffattion imaginable, be them to whom and whois.1638. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 491
cenfure he whollie fubmitted himfelf, could not be reponed in his place, bot onlie declaired capable of one, vther ; and now this holds good as a general. Let a man nevir be fo blameles, if he have not fubfcrybed, if his whole parilhioners doe not petition for him, for al his repentance, he is onlie declaired capable of the Minifterie. Laftlie, on Sattirday morning ther was a committee appointed, in praefence of the Commiffioner and whole Affemblie, for revifeing the King's Declaration, to gather out the efcaips and manifeft falfhoodes (as they terme them,) of that book, to remonftrat to his Matie; and yit when I hear indifferent men fpeak of that, the fardeft they can fay is, fome efcaip in circumftances, bot in the fubftance of the relation, al trew. Arme yourfelf with patience and providence ; and the God of mercie give you courage and refolution againft al ther fpyte. Til farder, Sir, I humblie thanke you for your laft kyndnes at Berwick ; except it be renewid in the countrey way, direttid to the Prelbiterie, its of no vfe. My Father hes his humble fervice remembrid to yow, and fayes, he can doe no more bot pray for you for your kyndnes to his beft beloved fonne, Mr. James, whom he wold wys to come home (becaufe of the chairges he is to him ther) if he could condifcend to matters heir; bot of this 1 defpair, and therfor renews my fute for him. Noght els bot craves pardon.
For the right Worfhipful Dottor Walter Balcanqual Dean of Durehame.
[Indorfed by Balcanqual,] Mr. Wilkie his Letter.
XLII.
COMMISSION FOR VISITING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF
ABERDEEN.
[Orig.—Wodrow MSS. Folio, Vol. LXII., No.' 50. A Commission was also appointed for visitation of the University of Glasgow : See Index of the unprinted Acts.]
Aft Seff. 25, December [18th] 1638.
The Generall Affemblie haneing confidered, yt it wes the continuall pra&ife of this Kirk, as is evident by the Books of Affemblie, and y4 it is now raoft neceffar, to give commiffion to fome able and wyfe men of the minifters and elders to vifit the Colledges & Vniverfities of this Kingdome; and now being prefentlie convened in the citie of Glafgow, by God's providence, and vnabill to goe themfelffs for the vifitatioun of the Vniverfitie of Old Aberdein, Thairfoir nominats & apoints John Earle of Sutherland, the Mafter of Berridaill, my Lord Frafer, Alexr Mr of Forbes, the Laird of Leyis, Robert Innes of y4 Ilk, Walter Barclay of Towy, MT David Lindfay at Bellhelvies, Doftor Wm Guild at Aberdean, Mr Thomas Mitchell at492 ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS. 1638.
Turreff, Mr James Martein at Peterheid, Mr John Paterfoun at Foveraine, Mr Wm Forbes at Fraferburgh, Sir Gilbert Ramiay of Balmaine, Mr Wm Douglefs, and anie aucht of thame, being foor Minifters & foor Elders, a fufficient quorum, giveand & grantand vnto thame the full power & com-miffioun of the Affemblie, To meitt at Aberdein betwixt & the firft Monon-day or Tuefday of Apryll nixt to cum, to conftitute yr Clerk & wyr necefler members to vifit the Vniverfities of Old Aberdein, To fummond & conveine befoir thame all the members yrof, To try & examine the qualities of the members yrof giff they be correfpondant to the order of yr erredtionis, To confider how the dottrine is vfit be yr Mafters & Regents, & if the fame be correfpondant to the Confeflion of Faith, & A&s of this Kirk, & how the order is keiped amongft ftudents, how yr rents and liveings ar beftowit, and all wyr things, to try & examine whilk anie Commiflioners from the Affembly had power to try, or whilk the Generall Affemblie itfelff might have tryed in her Vifitatioun, an efter due tryell of the members and orders theirin, if they be agriable to yr Erre&ioun, and the Afts of this Church; To remoue all members fuperflouous, vnqualifiet, or corrupt, & to plant yr roumes w* moir fufficient & found mafters; To remeid all difforders, re£tifie all abufes, and to doe all wyr things neceffarie for the prefervatioun of Religion & learning, whilk the Generall Affemblie themfelffs might haue done, or anie Commiffioners from thame in yr Vifitatiounes haiff done: Lykas the Affemblie grants vnto the Commiffioners foirfaids, the power of fumounding befoir them all Minifters & Profeffors w^n the province of Aberdien for to acknowledge the laitt Affemblie and the conftitutions yrof, & vpon their Re-fuifall, to cite them to compeir befoir the next Generall Affemblie, to be holden at Edinburgh the third Wednifday of Julij, to be cenfoured for yr contempt & diffobedience; And this Commiflion to indure till the laft day of May nix to cum, & the Commiffioners report yr dilligence to the next Generall Aflemblie, & be anfwerable for yr proceidings.
Exftra&ed out of the Books of Aflemblie by Mr. Archibald Jhonfton clerk to the Aflemblie.