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CLASSICAL CLUB
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THE GIFT OF
bonbon HENRY FROWDE
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OVID
TRISTIA BOOK I
THE TEXT REVISED
WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
S. G. OWEN, B.A.
CLASSICAL LECTURER AT THE OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER \ AND FORMERLY OPEN EXHIBITIONER OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD.
©sfjcrrir
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1885
[All rights reserv(d~\PREFACE.
The present little book is an instalment of a larger commentary on the complete Tristia, which is in preparation. This work of Ovid is perhaps, excepting the Fasti, the best suited of all his writings for school purposes. It is free from indelicacy. It does not, like the much read Heroides, deal with the passion of love, which, more particularly from the female point of view, is a subject rather remote from the interests of the ordinary school-boy. It is terse and vigorous in style; and an admirable model of elegiac composition. And in my opinion it is not uninteresting. But that interest is mainly autobiographical: and the fact that this feature has not received systematic treatment from any editor, is sufficient explanation of the neglect into which it has fallen. This want it has been my endeavour to supply; and it is hoped that the matter collected in the introduction, by bringing out clearly the personality of the poet and his friends, will tend to throw light upon and kindle an interest in not only this but others of Ovid's writings. If the notes seem somewhat lengthy I must plead in excuse (i) that a short dogmatic note, which rules without giving a reason, is in my opinion a bad instrument of education; (2) that the Tristia, like much of Ovid, is almost virgin soil, and that many things that an editor of Vergil might take for granted as having been already stated in countless editions, an editor of Ovid has to point out for the first time; (3) that parallel passages—except from the Tristia itself, of which it is assumed that a complete text will be used for reference1,—have in most cases been
1 I should recommend that of Ehwald, Ovidii Tristia, ex iterata R. Merkelii recognitione. Teubner, 1884.VI
PREFACE.
fully transcribed; a practice which, for obvious reasons, needs no justification; (4) for the use of the teacher or advanced student I have generally given the authorities for a statement, so that the subject may be pursued more fully if required. I have often found, in my own experience, so much inconvenience from the neglect of this practice, that I feel sure that the course adopted will be approved. Great attention has been paid to grammatical difficulties, which have been explained according to the system laid down in Mr. Roby's admirable grammars, the references to which, and more especially to the school-grammar, will it is hoped be found useful. Acting on a suggestion of Mr. Abbott, I have thrown a few of the more minute notes into an Appendix.
The last commentary upon the Tristia, that of Lors, was published in 1839; and is totally unsuited to the requirements of the present day. Lors was an industrious editor, but his text is valueless: for he estimated merely by the criterion of numbers the imposing array of various readings accumulated by himself and previous editors. And his want of poetic taste and critical acuteness renders his explanatory notes very unsatisfactory. Thus though I have derived much assistance from the materials collected by him, I have rarely been guided by his judgment. I have read with great profit the notes of the earlier commentators; those from whom I have learnt most are Merula, Ciofanus, Micyllus, Pontanus, N. Heinsius, and Burmann. From Harless (Erlangen 1772) I have gained scarcely anything. The admirable critical edition of the late Rudolph Merkel has been most instructive ; for wide learning, acumen, and appreciation of Ovid, none of his editors, excepting N. Heinsius, has excelled Merkel.
As I have for some time been engaged upon a criticalPREFACE.
vii
edition of the Tristia, which I hope to issue shortly, my text does not follow any previous edition, but is based upon some of the more important materials which I have collected. An account of these will be found in Introduction § VI: and it is hoped that that section and the short apparatus criticus at the foot of the page may be found of service as illustrating briefly the principles of textual criticism. It has been my aim to follow constantly, if possible, the authority of the best MSS., and to discard conjectural emendation excepting as a last resort. The imperfect extent to which this, the only true critical method, has been followed by previous editors of the text may be seen at a glance from the apparatus criticus; and is sufficient apology for a fresh recension. Besides Merkel's critical edition I have used the school-texts of Merkel (Teubner), Riese, Gtithling, and Eh-wald, and the admirable dissertation of F. Tank, De Tris-tibus Ovidii recensendis (Stettin, 1879).
The two monographs by Dr. G. Graeber—referred to respectively as Graeber I and Graeber II—I. Quaestionum Ovidianarum pars prior, Elberfeld, 1881, and II. Unter-suchungen iiber Ovids Brie/e aus der Verbannung, Elberfeld, 1884, are a model of cautious criticism and wide learning, and I am greatly indebted to them for the matter of Introduction § III. I have also used Koch, Prosopographiae Ovidianae element a, Vratislav. 1865; Lorentz, De amicorum in Ovidii Tristibus personis, Lips. 1881; Hennig, De P. Ovidii Nasonis poetae sodalibus, Vratislav. 1883; Schulz, Quaestiones Ovidianae, Gryphiswald. 1883; Washietl, De similiiudinibus imaginibusque Ovidianis, Vindobon. 1883.
There remains the pleasant task of acknowledging personal obligations. Above all I am most deeply indebtedviii
PREFACE.
to Mr. H. J. Roby and Professor A. S. Wilkins, who generously offered to undertake the tedious labour of revising the proof-sheets, whose kind and patient criticism has removed many little blemishes, and who have communicated some more important contributions which appear signed with their initials. The proofs have also been read by my old teacher, Mr. Evelyn Abbott, whose co-operation has added one more to many pleasant associations. The idea that I should edit the Tristia was originally proposed to me by Mr. Robinson Ellis, who has always been ready with sympathy and encouragement, and has favoured me with his opinion on a few points, as will be found duly recorded. Professor Nettleship has placed at my service some valuable remarks on the first efegy.
I take this occasion of expressing my warmest gratitude to the Right Honourable the Earl of Leicester, who most munificently allowed his valuable MS. of Ovid to be sent to Manchester for my use; and to his lordship's librarian, the Rev. Alexander Napier, who was most kind in affording me every facility. Mr. Anziani, the learned librarian of the Lorenzian Library, and Mr. Paoli, Professor of Latin Palaeography at Florence, gave me the benefit of their ripe experience on some palaeographical questions connected with the codex Marcianus. A careful collation of the Vatican MS. has been executed for me by Mr. Alfredo Monaci, of Rome, through the kind intervention of Professor Com-paretti. From Mr. H. Preisinger of Manchester I have received sympathy and assistance..
Oxford, September, 1885.CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction.
§ I. The Life of Ovid .	xi
§ II. The Works of Ovid . .	. xxiii
§111. The Friends and Patrons of Ovid addressed
in the Tristia and Pontic Epistles .	. xxvii
§ IV. The cause of Ovid's banishment .	. xlix
§ V. The Literary Value of the Tristia	liv
§ VI. The Text of the Tristia	lix
Text .	i
Notes . .	33
Appendix .	103
Index ....	111INTRODUCTION.
i.
The Life of Ovid.
Publivs Ovidivs Naso1 was born at Sulmo2, now Solmona, a little town situated amongst the cold, well-watered hills of the Paeligni, one of the Sabine races of ancient Italy 3, in a.v.c. 711 (b.c. 43), the year in which the consuls C. Vibius Pansa and A. Hirtius defeated Antony at Mutina; though Hirtius was killed in the battle, and Pansa died not long afterwards from his wounds4. The self-consciousness of Ovid has furnished the biographer with very full materials for writing his life 5; and we are enabled to fix March 20th as the precise day of the month on which his birthday fell 6.
1	The praenomen and nomen gentile are well established by the authority of both (a) MSS. and (£) ancieijt authors; the cognomen occurs frequently in his writings.
2	T. iv. 10. 3 :
' Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis, milia qui noviens distat ab urbe decern.'
3	See Am. ii. 1. 1; 16. 37; iii. 15. 3; P. iv. 14. 49; F. iv. 81.
4	T. iv. 10. 5 :
' editus hinc ego sum ; nec non, ut tempora noris, cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.'
5	See especially T. iv. 10, which is a brief autobiography.
6	T. iv. 10.13 :
' haec est armiferae festis de quinque Minervae, quae fieri pugna prima cruenta solet:' i. e. the second day of the festival Quinquatrus maiores in March, which began on the 19th, and lasted for five days; and was the chiefxii
INTRODUCTION.
His father belonged to an old and respected equestrian family; and though not in the possession of enormous wealth, enjoyed a tolerable competency1. The poet's frequent complaints of poverty in the youthful Amoresz, coupled with the confession that the father restricted the allowance of the naturally too luxurious son3, lead to the inference that he was a man of careful habits, who by saving and management increased his property, which must have been worth a million sesterces or upwards, the amount of a Senator's qualifying estate 4. For the poet tells us that along with the toga virilis he assumed the lotus clavus, the broad purple stripe down the front of the tunic, which originally distinguished Senators from Equites, who wore the angustus clavus, but which was conceded by Augustus to the sons of Equites, who possessed a senatorial census5.
Ovid, the second of two sons, was exactly a year junior to his elder brother6. The two were educated together at Rome under the best masters ; and the elder of the pair entered with enthusiasm upon the career of a barrister, for which he was by nature well fitted; but unfortunately died in his twenty-first year7. Ovid himself had no liking for the law, but from childhood was devoted to poetry. But in obedience to his father's advice he endeavoured to devote himself to more serious subjects, and
holiday of the Roman year (Mayor, Iuv. x. 115). This feast was celebrated with gladiatorial contests, which began on the second day (F. iii. 811 ff.), the day of Ovid's birth.
1 T. ii. iioff.; iv. 10. 7-8.
3	i. 3. 9; 8. 66; ii. 17. 27; iii. 8. 1 ff.; A. A. ii. 165.
s Am. i. 3. 10 :
'temperat et sumptus parcus uterque parens.'
4	Becker-Marquardt, ii. 3. 219-220.
5	T. iv. 10. 29 :
' induiturque umeris cum lato purpura clavo.'
6	T. iv. 10. 9 :
c genito sum fratre creatus, qui tribus ante quater mensibus ortus erat.
Lucifer amborum natalibus adfuit idem; una celebrata est per duo liba dies.'
7	T. iv. 10. 15 ff., 31-32.INTRODUCTION.
xiii
attended the rhetorical schools of the two chief teachers of declamation, Arellius Fuscus and Porcius Latro. To this influence is due the strong rhetorical colouring which tinges his style1; and which is interestingly illustrated by the elder Seneca 2.
In the meantime, however, he had composed some at any rate of the Amores ; for these he recited in public in his twenty-first year, and at once established his claims to be considered among the leading poets3. At some period early in his life he travelled on a ' grand tour' in company with his friend and fellow poet Macer, visiting Greece and the famous cities of Asia Minor, and staying for nearly a year in Sicily in the course of his return *.
Having thus finished his education after the approved mode he settled down at Rome. For public life he had little aptitude ; though we find that when quite a young man, probably before his Asiatic tour, he held some of the minor judicial offices which preceded the quaestorship, and are often collectively described as the vigintiviratus. Thus he tells us that he was one of the tresviri capitales5, whose business was to execute capital sentences, burn books, &c. ; that he was a decemvir stlitibus iudicandis6, a board who acted as presidents of the centumviral courts ; that he was one of the centumviri indices7, a court which adjudicated upon civil actions, chiefly affecting property
1	See especially the celebrated speeches of Ajax and Ulysses in M. xiii. init.
2	See M. Seneca, Controv. ii. io. 8 ff.
3	T. iv. io. 57 ff.
4	T. i. 2. 78 n.; i. 8 introd.; P. ii. 10. 21 ff.; F. vi. 423.
5	T. iv. 10. 34:
'Deque viris quondam pars tribus una fui.'
6	F. iv. 384 :
'inter bis quinos usus honore viros.'
7	T. ii. 93:
'nec male conmissa est nobis fortuna reorum, lisque decern deciens inspicienda viris.' P. iii. 5. 23. For the centumviral court see Wilkins on Cic. de Or. i. § 173.xiv
INTRODUCTION'.
and inheritances ; and lastly, that from time to time he acted as a private arbitrator1.
But he soon abandoned all thoughts of public ambition, and of entering the Senate, for which he felt himself unfitted both by inclination and physical weakness2; and lived in quietness and ease, passing his time partly at Rome, and partly in the retirement of his gardens on the Via Clodia3. His lot was now indeed a fortunate one ; he had attained during his life-time to that immortality, which is rarely conceded until after death4. His reputation was such that after Gallus, Tibullus, and Propertius, he was publicly acknowledged to be the fourth in the series of Roman elegiac poets 5. He enjoyed the patronage and friendship of many powerful men ; the circle of his personal friends and acquaintances was a very wide one 6. He was the centre of a brilliant literary society, which numbered in its ranks all the poets of the day of any consideration. Vergil he had only seen ; but with Tibullus and Horace he was acquainted, and Propertius was joined to him by the close tie of sodalitium 7. A host of younger poets clustered round him, most of whom are unfortunately scarcely more than names to us. Amongst these, besides Cornelius Severus, Albinovanus Pedo, Celsus, Macer, Tuticanus, and Carus, who will be spoken of later 8, there were Montanus, Rabirius, and L. Varius Rufus, who sang the glories of the Empire in epic verse9; there was
1 T. ii. 95 :
' res quoque privatas statui sine crimine iudex, deque mea fassa est pars quoque victa fide.'
a T. iv. io. 35 ff.
3	xi. 37 n.
4	T. iv. io. 121 :
' tu mihi, quod rarum est, vivo sublime dedisti nomen, ab exsequiis quod dare fama solet.'
5	T. ii. 463 ff.; iv. 10. 51 ff.
6	See inf. § III.	7 T. iv. 10. 46 ff.	8 Inf. § III.
9 Rabirius wrote a description of the Battle of Actium and the flight
of Antony and Cleopatra into Egypt; Hennig, De P. Ovidii Nasonis
poetae sodalibus, p. 11, to which admirable monograph I am indebted for the particulars about the writers here mentioned.INTRODUCTION.
xv
Valerius Largus, whose poem on the wanderings of Agenor united Greek and Roman legend after the manner of Vergil ; there were adapters of the Greek epos,—Lupus, who sang the wanderings of Helen and Menelaus ; Camerinus, who wrote a Latin continuation of the Iliad in imitation of the Cyclic poets ; Tuscus, whose Phyllis dealt probably with the legend of Phyllis and Demophoon ; Ponticus, who wrote a Thebais ; and Domitius Marsus, whose Amazonis told the famous story of the fight between Theseus and the Amazons. There were the didactic poets—Aemilius Macer, and Gratius ; Macer an imitator of Nicander, who composed an Ornithogonia on the habits of birds, a Theriaca upon serpents, and a De Herbis about poisons ; and Gratius, the 541 surviving lines of whose Cynegetica are a dry and uninteresting metrical treatise on the chase. There was Sabinus, whose heroic epistles were cast in the same manner as those of Ovid1; the epigrammatists Bassus and Capella; Proculus, the imitator of Callimachus ; Fontanus, who sang of the Loves of the Nymphs and the Satyrs ; Titius Rufus, who attempted to transplant the lyric of Pindar into Latin ; the tragedians Gracchus and Turranius ; and the author of many comedies (togatae), C. Melissus, the learned freedman of Maecenas, and librarian by the Emperor's appointment of the Porticus Octavia.
Nor was Ovid less fortunate in his domestic circumstances. His father reached the ripe age of ninety, and his mother must have lived to a great age, for both died a few years only before his exile2. Though three times a husband, in the first two cases the union was of short duration. To his first wife, whom he naively describes as unworthy of himself3, he was married
1	The three letters sometimes found ascribed to Sabinus at the end of Ovid's Heroides are a forgery by a sixteenth century Italian named Angelus Sabinus.
2	T. iv. 10. 77-80.
3	T. iv. 10. 69-70 :
' paene mihi puero nec digna nec utilis uxor est data, quae tempus per breve nupta fuit.'xvi
INTR OD UCTION.
when almost a boy1; but they were soon divorced, and his wife's character does not seem to have been unimpeachable. His second wife came of the Etrurian tribe, whose chief town was Falerii2; but though he himself attests that she was blameless, she too was dismissed3. It was during this marriage that his liaison with Corinna took place, the mistress whom he celebrated in the Amores *. In his third wife he was more fortunate. She was a person of some consideration, for she belonged to the gens Fabia, and thus was connected with his powerful patron Paullus Fabius Maximus, with whose wife Marcia she "was on intimate terms ; and was even a friend of the Empress Livia5. Consequently this marriage seemed to promise great material advantages, and more especially the favour of the Imperial house, though we are hardly justified in supposing with Boissier® that it was a mere arrangement of convenience, and destitute of affection, for he always speaks of this wife with great warmth of feeling, and praises highly her faithfulness to himself, and the courage and constancy with which she defended him against the frequent attacks of the merciless private enemy7, who endeavoured to despoil the absent exile of his property, in which difficult task she received counsel and assistance from her uncle Rufus, to whom P. ii. 11 is addressed8.
1 He may have been married at fourteen years of age, when a boy might contract legal matrimony ; the age for girls was twelve. Macrob. Sat. i. 9.
3 Am. iii. 13. 1.
3	T. iv. 10. 71-72:
' illi successit, quamvis sine crimine coniunx, non tamen in nostro firma future, toro.'
4	This passion never seems to have been a very genuine one on either side, for, by his own confession, each was false to the other : she to him, Am. iii. 11. n-14 ; he to her, ii. 7. 7.
5	T. i. 6. 25 ; iv. 10. 73.
6	L'Opposition sous les C£sars, p. 162.
7	Against whom the Ibis is directed.
8	That he was her uncle is shown by the words, P. ii. 1 x. 15 :
' namque quod Hermiones Castor fuit, Hector Iuli, hoc ego te laetor coniugis esse meae:INTRODUCTION'.
xvii
This wife survived him; her daughter by a former husband was married to P. Suillius Rufus, a man of noble family, whose mother Vistilia was also by other husbands the mother of Domi-tius Corbulo, and of Caesonia, wife of Gaius. Suillius acted as quaestor to Germanicus, and the poet, in the only letter addressed to him, P. iv. 8, begs Suillius to procure for him the favour of that prince. In 777/24 he was banished by Tiberius for receiving bribes in the discharge of his duties as a judge1 ; but under Caligula and Claudius he again entered political life, and was consul, though in what year is uncertain; and in 805/52 or 806/53, towards the close of the reign of Claudius, he administered Asia as proconsul. He was possessed of considerable oratorical powers, which his greed led him to devote to attacking wealthy men. Under Nero he was accused of a number of crimes, and condemned in his old age to banishment in the Balearic Isles, where he lived on for some time 2.
Ovid had one daughter, whose name he never mentions, possibly for metrical reasons3, though he makes several references to her4. We are not directly told which of his three wives
quae, ne dissimilis tibi sit probitate, laborat, seque tui vita sanguinis esse probat.' Koch, Prosopogr. Ov. p. 23, has correctly explained that the reason why Rufus is only once addressed in the Pontic Epistles is that, though a man of high character, towards whom the poet felt grateful regard, he was not influential with the Caesars, and thus coulcf not be of use towards procuring the exile's recall.
1	Tac. A. iv. 31.
2	' Ferebaturque copiosa et molli vita secretum illud toleravisse,' Tac. A. xiii. 43. See Koch, p. 27 ; Graeber, i. x.
3	This ingenious suggestion I owe to Constantius Fanensis; Heca-tostys. 1508, cap. 35.
4	See T. i. 3. 19 ; iv. 10. 75 ; P. i. 8. 32; F. vi. 219 ff. That this daughter was not the poetess Perilla, addressed in T. iii. 7, has been conclusively shown by Masson, Vit. Ov., p. 111, ed. Fischer, and Lors intr. to iii. 7; and it is strange that this misconception should have been revived by some modem writers, e. g., TeufFel, Hist. Rom. Lit. 242. 2, Ramsay, Selections, p. xv, and Hallam, Ovid's Fasti, p. xii.
bxviii
INTRODUCTION.
was her mother, but the following considerations show her to have been the daughter of the second. She was no longer very young at the period of his exile, for she had been twice married, and had given birth to two children 1. Hence, as his third wife is described as being at that time still iuvenis 2, she can hardly have been the daughter of that wife. Again, speaking of his departure from Rome in T. i. 3. 97, he says of his wife,—
' nec gemuisse minus quam si nataeque virique vidisset structos corpus habere rogos.'
Now, as his third wife had, by a former husband, a daughter of her own, married to Suillius Rufus, if Ovid's daughter had also been her daughter, he would have written natarum rather than natae. Further, in celebrating his third wife's birthday, he mentions only one daughter of hers, who must have been the daughter by her former husband 3. Hence it follows that she was not the daughter of his third wife. And as he speaks so slightingly of his first wife — which he would hardly have wounded the feelings of his daughter by doing, had she been her mother — and as he lived for some time apparently on happy terms with his second wife, it is probable that she was the daughter of his second wife4. About this daughter we know little. She was twice married, as we have seen : her second husband was Fidus Cornelius, a senator, whom she accompanied to the senatorial province of Africa, of which he was probably proconsul in 761/8 5.
The love-poetry of Ovid's life reached its climax in the
1	T. iv. 10. 75 :
' filia me mea bis prima fecunda iuventa, sed non ex uno coniuge, fecit avum.'
2	P. i. 4. 47 :
' te quoque, quam iuvenem discedens urbe reliqui, credibile est nostris insenuisse malis.'
3	T. v. 5. 19:
' ilia domo nataque sua patriaque fruatur.'
4	This is the conclusion of Constantius Fanensis u. s. and Lors, Tristia, p. 433.
s T. i. 3.19 n.; M. Sen. dial. ii. 17.INTRODUCTION.
xix
Ars Amatoria, a book distinguished equally for its brilliancy and its heartless immorality. The topic of love seemed now to be exhausted, and the poet in his middle age turned to more serious matter, and devoted himself to the composition of the Metamorphoses and the Fasti. In these labours he was suddenly interrupted. In the fiftieth year of his age, in the autumn of 761/8, when in attendance upon his powerful friend M. Aurelius Cotta, as one of his suite, in the island of Ilva (Elba), a mandate was suddenly brought to him from the Emperor, informing him that his Ars Amatoria was expelled from the public libraries, and that he must quit Rome and take up his residence as a ' relegatus,' the mildest form of banishmentatTomi, in Moesia,—near the modern Kustendsche, on the western coast of the Pontus Euxinus,—which was one of the numerous frontier fortresses (castella) that defended the Empire against the incursions of barbarians 2. On receiving the news of his banishment he repaired to Rome in order to arrange his affairs3, and left it at some time in November (intr. to El. iv.), sailing to Lechaeum, where he crossed the Isthmus of Corinth, and took ship again from Cenchreae to Samothrace, from this place he sent his effects on to Tomi in the ship in which he had come and after staying for the rest of the winter at Samothrace, proceeded on land through Thrace in the spring of 762/9. He seems in the course of his journey to have lost much of his property, through the dishonesty of those who accompanied him \
1 See note in Appendix on ii. 72.
3 T. iii. 9. 33 ; iv. 10. 97; Graeber i. iv.-vi. The name Tomi was etymologically connected with Tt/ivco; and it was supposed that it was here that Medea, in her flight from Aeetes, cut up the body of her brother Absyrtus, T. iii. 9. 33 ; Masson, Vit. Ov., p. 108 ; Grote, Hist. Gr. i. 221.
3	See the touching description of his last night at Rome, T. i. 3.
4	P. ii. 7. 61-62. In the course of his journey (on which see intr. to El. x) he received several letters from his wife and friends at home; which were most probably delivered to him at Samothrace, as has been shown by Schulz, Q. O. p. 7. See note on iii. 91. He must have waited till the spring to go through Thrace on land; for considering the
b 2XX
INTRODUCTION.
The sentence of banishment was never revoked, either by Augustus or his successor Tiberius. The unfortunate poet spent the rest of his days in composing elegies, in which he lamented the miseries of his lot, and sought by flattery and supplication to conciliate the offended Emperor \
The latitude of Tomi is really much the same as that of Florence, but so severe was its climate that Ovid persistently regards it as lying far in the Arctic circle (El. v. 61 n.). £ The town,' he says, ' is protected in summer by the Danube stream; but when winter comes all is frost and deep snow, which the sun has scarcely power to thaw. Nay, sometimes it lies throughout the whole year, and one year's snow is piled upon the snow of another. So violent is the north-wind that it often levels towers and carries roofs away. . . . The shaggy hair of
severity of the winter in those regions, upon which he so frequently enlarges, such a journey would have been at that season impossible.
1 The constant ascription of divinity to the emperor is highly offensive to European taste, but it may be doubted whether it would appear in the same light to a modern Oriental. The abuse which is lavished upon Ovid on this account is hardly deserved. It has been well shown by Professor Nettleship that the cult of the Caesars arose from a genuine popular feeling. ' What seems to modern sentiment a tasteless falsehood appeared to the Teligious or superstitious temper of the congeries of nations then forming the Roman world, a not unnatural development; the exclusive religion of the Roman Republic . . . was dissolving, and the worship of Divus Iulius once called into life in popular feeling and observance, the flexible servility of Greek paganism, which found it easy and natural to invest any benefactor of mankind with divine or quasi-divine honours, united with Oriental extravagance and Roman devotion in offering homage to the visible centre of Roman greatness, and thus virtually bowing to the spirit of the Roman religion in its new embodiment' (Essays, p. 133). Instances of the same attitude are Prop. iii. 4. 1; iv. 11. 60; Hor. C. iii. 3. 11 ; Epp. ii. 1. 16. See Tac. A. iv. 37; Suet. Aug. 59; Sellar's Vergil, p. 14, fF. Ovid and his contemporaries were probably not more serious when they spoke of ' deus Caesar,' than were the ancient cavaliers in the language they employed towards their mistresses. 'God and the ladies were familiarly appealed to in the same breath ; and devotion to the fair sex was as peremptorily enjoined upon the aspirant to the honour of chivalry as that which was due to heaven.'—Scott, Fair Maid of Perth, ch. ii.INTRODUCTION.
xxi
the inhabitants rattles as they move with the hanging icicle ; the beard is white and glistening. The very wine freezes, and the Danube itself becomes a firm mass of ice, over which men and horses and wains of oxen can safely pass. The sea freezes, and I myself have trod its slippery surface. The ships are stuck fast, and fishes are closed up alive in ice. The barbarian enemy avails himself of the opportunity to cross the frozen river, and with his mounted archers overruns the whole country side. Cattle and waggons and all the farmer's poor possessions fall a prey to him; many are led into captivity; many die in torments, wounded by the poisoned arrows. What they cannot carry off they burn. Even in time of peace the constant fear of war blanches every cheek. All industry is at a standstill. Here is no corn crop, no vineyard, no orchard^ nothing but the desolate expanse of bare and treeless fields V
The dangerous and disturbed condition of those districts is not at all overstated2. It is hardly necessary to say that there was no one at Tomi to offer the poet literary sympathy. The place was so remote that it took a whole year to communicate with Rome, six months each way3. We are thus enabled to realise the force of the persistent, though unavailing, prayer of the unfortunate exile, that the place of his banishment may at least be less dangerously situated and less remote 4.
1	T. iii. 10. 7 ff. See similar descriptions in v. 10. 15 ff.; v. 12. 53 ; P. ii. 7. 65 ff.; P. iii. 8.
2	The constant incursions of the Dacae were one of the frontier difficulties of the empire: Suet. Aug. 21 ; Hor. C. iii. 6. 14 ; Sat. ii. 6. 53 ; Mommsen on Mon. Ancyr. pp. 128-132.
3	P. iii. 4. 59 ; iv. xi. 15.
1 T. ii. 577 •
'tutius exilium pauloque quietius oro, ut par delicto sit mea poena suo.' Cp. ibid. 185 ff.; iii. 6. 37 ; 8. 42 ; v. 2. 77 :
'quod petimus, poena est. neque enim miser esse recuso, sed precor, ut possim tutius esse miser.'
v. 10. 49:
' merui tamen urbe carere, non merui tali forsitan esse loco,' See Boissier, p. 158.xxii
INTRODUCTION.
Yet he had one consolation, for he won the appreciation of the inhabitants, and became so far acclimatised as to learn the Getic language and to compose in it a poem in praise of Augustus, the contents of which he briefly summarizes in P. iv. 13. 19 ff., and which, had it been preserved, would have been of incalculable philological interest. It was no doubt in recognition of this effort that he received a crown of honour from the inhabitants 2.
He died at Tomi in the same year as the historian Livy, 770/17, and was buried near the town3. In person Ovid was slender and not naturally strong ; P. i. 5. 51,—
' hoc quoque me studium prohibent adsumere vires, mensque magis gracili corpore nostra valet.'
ibid. 10. 21,—
' is quoque, qui gracili cibus est in corpore, somnus, non alit officio corpus inane suo:'
he tells us that his complexion was naturally good ; P. i. 10. 25,—
' vix igitur possis visos adgnoscere vnltus, quoque ierit, quaeras, qui fuit ante color.'
his habits of life were temperate ; P. i. 10. 29,—
* non haec inmodico contraxi damna Lyaeo;
scis, mihi quam solae paene bibantur aquae: non epulis oneror: quarum si tangar amore,
est tamen in Geticis copia nulla locis: nec vires adimit Veneris damnosa voluptas.'
His disposition, according to M. Seneca, was refined, elegant, and loveable4; and the impression gathered from his writings is that of a gay, careless, kindly, open-hearted man, in whom there was little of evil, if little depth of moral character.
1 P. iii. 3. 40.
■a P. iv. 9. 97 ff. ; 14. 55 ff.
3	Hieronym. chron. a. Abr. 2033,' Ovidius poeta in exilio diem obiit et iuxta oppidum Tomos sepelitur.'
4	' Habebat ille comptum et decens et amabile ingenium.'—Senec. Controv., ii. 10. 8.INTRODUCTION.
xxiii
II.
The Works of Ovid.
The writings of Ovid fall naturally into three divisions : (i) those of his youth ; (2) those of middle life ; (3) those of his latter years ; and the style and subject-matter of the poems of the three periods are totally distinct.
1. This division comprises the amatory poems, in which style of composition Ovid was unrivalled among his countrymen.
U Amorum Libri III. — Forty-nine pieces, celebrating the amours of the poet and his mistress Corinna. There were originally five books, which were published about A.v.C. 740 (B.C. 14) ; they were afterwards reduced to the recension of three, which we possess, and which was published before A.v.C. 752-3 (B.C. 2-1), the date of the publication of the Ars Amatoria.
ii.	Heroides.—A collection of twenty-one letters in elegiac verse, purporting to have been written by ladies of heroic renown to their absent lovers. Of these the first fourteen alone are of undoubted authenticity, though it is probable that some at least of the rest were written by Ovid at a later period of his life than the original collection1.
iii.	Medicamina formae : an extant fragment of 100 lines on the use of cosmetics. It was written apparently before the appearance of the Ars Amatoria. (See A. A. iii. 205 ff.)
iv.	Artis Amatoriae Libri III.—This, the most profligate of Ovid's works, contains two books of rules for men as to how to gain the affections of girls, and one book for girls as to how to gain those of men. It was pfobably published A.V.C. 752 or 751 (B.C. 2 or 3).
1 See W. Zingerle, Untersuchungen zur Echtheitsfrage der Heroiden Ovid's, Innsbruck, 1878. The genuineness of the Epistula Sapphus has been vindicated by Professor Comparetti; and has been maintained recently by Baehrens in the Rivista di Filologia e d' Instruzione Classica for 1884.xxiv
INTRODUCTION.
v.	Remedia Amoris.—One book : this was intended as a kind of recantation of his Ars Amatoria, and treats of the means of escaping from love. It was Written in a.V.c. 754 or 755 (a.D. I or 2).
2.	The works of the poet's maturity are characterised by greater seriousness of subject-matter. They are :—
vi.	Metamorphoseon Libri XV. A collection, rather loosely strung together, in heroic hexameter verse, of the chief fables of antiquity, which involved a transformation of shape, from the creation of the world out of chaos to the transmutation of Julius Caesar into a star. The poem had not received its writer's last polish when he was exiled ; and in his disgust he burnt it. But copies had fortunately been preserved by some friends, one of whom published it for him shortly after his banishment.
vii.	Fastorum Libri VI.—A poem in elegiac verse, describing the ceremonies and legends connected with the Roman Calendar. The work, which was originally intended to be in twelve books breaks off at book VI. ending with June. Its composition was interrupted by the writer's banishment in a.v.c. 761 (a.d. 8). A first issue of book I, dedicated to Augustus, seems to have appeared (T. ii. 549 ff.) ; and after the death of Augustus a.v.c. 767 (a.D. 14), a revised version of book I, and books II-VI.were published, inscribed to the accomplished young prince Germanicus Caesar.
3.	Poems of the period of exile.
viii.	Tristium Libri V.—A collection of elegies, couched in the form of letters, chiefly consisting of lamentations upon his exile. The poems appear to stand in the order in which they were written, excepting the first and last elegies of each book, which were written last, as the prologue and epilogue of the book. (This does not apply to Book II, which is a continuous essay.) Each book, as completed, seems to have been sent collectively to Rome Of these, Book I. was written in the course of the journey, before Ovid arrived at Tomi; and elegy i. was written last, probably at Tempyra 2. T e book was sent to
1 Schulz, Q. O., pp. 1-7.
a Schulz, p. 14.INTRODUCTION.
xxv
Rome, and published irt the spring of A.v.c. 762 (a.d. 9), under the editorship of some friend unknown to us
Book II. A long vindication of himself and his Ars Amatoria, addressed to Augustus, was written and sent to Rome in the summer (probably August) of the same year, A.v.c. 762 (a.d. 9),
Book III. followed immediately, and was published in the spring of a.v.c. 763 (a.d. 10).
Book IV. appeared in the beginning of a.v.c. 764 (a.d. 11).
Book V. in the spring of a.v.c. 765 (a.d. 12)a.
ix. Ibis.—Published not before a.v.c. 762 (a.d. 9), for in that year, March 20th (T. iv. 10. 13-14), was the poet's fiftieth birthday ; and in Ibis 1. he says that he was already fifty years old when he wrote it. This poem is an invective in 644 elegiac lines, written in imitation of a poem of similar name by the Alexandrine Callimachus, in which he assailed his rival Apollonius Rhodius-It is directed against the unknown enemy, called by the poet Ibis—attacked also in T. iii. 11, iv. 9, v. 8, P. iv. 3—whom Ovid accuses of having procured his disfavour with the Emperor by introducing the Ars Amatoria to his notice (T. ii. 77), of having openly defamed him in his absence (T. iii. 11. 20; Ibis 14), of having attempted to prevent his receiving supplies in his exile (Ibis 21), and of having tried to rob him of his property (T. i. 6
1 The ingenious hypothesis that this friend was C. Iulius Hyginus, the celebrated librarian of the Palatine Library, and author of the four books of astronomy, and the 277 fables which have come down to us in an abridged form under his name, and that T. i. 7 ; iii. 14; iv. 7 ; and v. 6, are addressed to him, has been shown by Graeber, ii. pp. 13-14, to rest on too weak a foundation for us to accept it as proved.
3 In these dates I follow Graeber, i. pp. vi-ix, excepting in the last, which he puts at the end of 764/11. We know that a very brief interval elapsed between the publication of T. v. and P. i.-iii. And in T. v. there is no mention of the triumph of Tiberius over Pannonia, celebrated 16 Jan. 766/13 (as Schulz has shown, Q. O., pp. 16 ff., not 765/12 as Graeber (i. viii) supposed); whereas this triumph is frequently alluded to in the Pontic Epistles (see P. ii. 1. 1 ; 2. 91 ; 5. 27; iii. 3. 83 ff. ; 4. 3). Hence T. v. must have been published before the news of the fixing of the date of that triumph, viz. at some time in 765/12.xxyi
INTRODUCTION.
8 ; Ibis 17), in which he was frustrated by the poet's wife (T. i. 6. 13 ; Ibis 15).
T. iv. 9 looks as if it were an announcement of the near publication of the Ibis.
Who was this enemy whose name Ovid so persistently conceals has been a subject of controversy ; and Mr. Ellis does not venture to decide. After proving that he could not have been Corvinus, or M. Manilius (the author of the Astronomica), or C. Iulius Hyginus, though the last supposition has much to recommend it, he shows that he must have been some professional speaker or delator, and suggests as alternatives the T. Labienus described by Seneca Controv. 10 praef. 4, or the famous astrologer Thrasyllus, the intimate of Tiberius.
x.	Ex Ponto Epistularum Libri IV.—A collection of letters to different persons at Rome, which, like the Tristia, consist of lamentations over his miseries and supplications to those addressed to use every means to procure his recall. The difference between the two collections is that, while in the Tristia the persons addressed are not named, in the Pontic Epistles the names are added, P. i. 1. 17 :
' rebus idem, titulo differt: et epistula cui sit non occultato nomine missa docet.'
The greater part of P. i-iii. was written in the spring and summer of a.v.c. 765 (a.D. 12) ; and the whole three books were, unlike the Tristia, collected ' sine ordine' (P. iii. 9. 53)1 and sent to Rome to Brutus, to be published by him about the beginning of a.v.c. 766 (a.D. 13). (See P. iii. 9. 51-54.) Book IV, which consists of 930 lines, about 200 above the usual average of Ovid's books, and which, unlike the other books,has no dedicatory exordium, consists probably of scattered poems left by Ovid when he was surprised by death, and which were intended by him to form part of two books ; so that the number of books of the Pontic Epistles might correspond with those of the Tristia. These poems were collected and published by some friend after his death 1.
xi.	Halieuticon Liber.—A didactic fragment of 132 lines on
1 See Schulz, pp. 27 ff.INTRODUCTION.
xxv ii
the natural history of the fishes of the Black Sea, begun by the poet shortly before his death i.
Besides these extant works there were others which have perished : a tragedy, Medea j an elegy on the death of M. Valerius Messalla (P. i. 7. 27, ff.); an epithalamium on the marriage of Paullus Fabius Maximus (P. i. 2. 133) ; a poem on the Pannonian triumph of Tiberius (P. iii. 4 ; cp. ii. 5. 27) ; one in the Getic language, in praise of the deified Augustus, his successor Tiberius, and the Imperial House generally (P. iv. 13. 19. ff.) ; another in honour of Augustus (P. iv. 6. 17. ff.) ; and a book of epigrams against the bad poets of the day (Quintil. vi. 3- 96).
III.
The Friends and Patrons of Ovid addressed in
the tristia and pontic epistles.
As the poet himself remarks, the subject-matter of the Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto is identical2; both are concerned mainly with laments over the miseries of his exile, and supplications to his friends at home to do all in their power to procure his recall, or at any rate that a less remote and dreary place of exile may be granted to him. The sole difference is that, in the Tristia the names of the persons addressed are suppressed, while in the Pontic Epistles they are openly given 3. As the first book of the
1 'Idvolumen supremis suis temporibus inchoavit.'—Plin. H. N. 32.
152.
3 P. iii. 9. 1:—
' quod sit in his eadem sententia, Brute, libellis, carmina nescio quem carpere nostra refers : nil nisi me terra fruar ut propiore rogare, et quam sim denso cdnctus ab hoste, loqui.'
3 P. i. 1. 15, ff:—
'invenies, quamvis non est miserabilis index, non minus hoc illo triste, quod ante dedi: rebus idem, titulo differt; et epistula cui sit non occultato nomine missa docet.'xxviii
INTRODUCTION.
Pontic Epistles followed so closely on the last of the Tristia— both were finished in the course of 765/12—it is natural to enquire (1) why the names of the friends, so long suppressed, were so suddenly disclosed; and (2) whether it is possible to identify any of the persons addressed in the Tristia.
It is not difficult to answer the first of these questions. It would not have been safe for Ovid, at the beginning of his exile, to address by name his friends at Rome. Such an open confession of connexion with the disgraced poet would have been likely to draw down upon them the anger of the Emperor. That this was the fear of the persons concerned appears from many passages in the Tristia1: and even later there was still one friend who declined to allow his name to appear, to whom P. III. 6 is written. But the year 765/12 was the fourth of the poet's exile, and by this time the anger of Augustus had begun to abate, and he was contemplating the pardon of the offender, when he was overtaken by death 2. Thus we may suppose that on the completion of the Tristia the poet saw that he need no longer fear to prejudice his friends by revealing their names ; and accordingly laid aside all disguise in his new work, the Pontic Epistles.
That the persons addressed in the two collections of letters are substantially the same there can be little doubt, both from close internal resemblances, and from the inherent probability that the same nearer circle of his friends and patrons would naturally be appealed to by the poet in each case. Consequently great ingenuity has been expended upon identifying these persons ; and though much of the results of these attempts can only be regarded as ' bold voyages into the sea of conjecture,' much has yet been established with tolerable certainty.
The collection of the Tristia divides itself naturally into two classes of letters, those to the poet's nearer friends and patrons, and those of which his wife, the Emperor, the friendly reader, or
1 See i. 5. 7; iii. 4. 64; iv. 4. 7 ; v. 9. 1, ff.
3 P. iv. 6. 15:—
« coeperat Augustus deceptae ignoscere culpae : spem nostram terras deseruitque simul.'IN TROD UCTION.
xxix
his inveterate personal enemy, is the subject. Of the fifty letters of the Tristia seventeen belong to the former class, thirty-two to the latter. Midway between the two stands the solitary poem,
iii.	7, addressed, unlike the rest, by name, to the young poetess Perilla, over whose studies Ovid claims to exercise a fatherly supervision
Class I. Those poems not addressed to friends and patrons. By far the larger number of the elegies which fall under this head are inscribed to the friendly reader; these are i. 2, i. 3, i. 4, i. io, i. n ; iii. i, iii. 2, iii. 9, iii. 10, iii. 12, iii. 13;
iv.	1, iv. 2, iv. 6, iv. 8, iv. 10 ; v. 1, v. 10. The prologue of Book i, i. 1, is addressed to the book itself. Three poems are to the Emperor, iii. 8, v. 2, 45-78 2, and Book ii. This last is one continuous essay in justification of the Ars Amatoria, in which Ovid shows with much cleverness, that if he had erred in treating delicate subjects, he had only followed the example of many of his predecessors, writers of established reputation both of Greece and Rome. To his wife there are six letters ; i. 6 ; iii. 3 ; iv. 3 ;
v.	2, 1-44 ; v. 11, andv. 14 ; and besides these v. 5 celebrates her birthday. One letter, v. 3, appeals in general terms to his poet friends. Lastly, three poems, iii. 11, iv. 9, v. 8, are directed against his relentless enemy, the subject of the Ibis.
Class II. Letters addressed expressly to friends and patrons. A careful study of the Tristia and Pontic Epistles shows that a sharp division must be drawn between those acquaintances of the poet who were his superiors in station, and those who were his equals, between his patrons and his friends, between his fautores and his sodales. And it is the want of discriminating with sufficient exactness between these two classes that has led to many random and false identifications. There is a marked difference in tone between the language with which Ovid approaches his patrons, who had held the highest offices
1	It is clear from 1. 12 that Perilla wrote in Greek ; and she was not, as some have supposed (see above, p. xvii), the poet's daughter, for she is described as young and living still under her mother's roof, 11. 3 and 33 ff. whereas at the time of his exile, Ovid's daughter was already married to her second husband.
2	See Graeber, ii. 7.XXX
INTRODUCTION.
and belonged to the highest nobility of Rome, whose 'majestic names1' fill him with awe, from that with which he speaks to his friends, whether his poet comrades, or the associates of his pleasures in happier days. He writes to patrons in a vein of humble supplication, praying them to use their influence with the Emperor to procure the commutation of his sentence ; but to equals in the language of ordinary affectionate familiarity. By the help of the knowledge acquired from the Pontic Epistles we can discriminate clearly what individuals constitute these two categories.
(i) The patrons—social superiors of Ovid. Of these there are seven in all, amongst whom as foremost and oldest must be reckoned (i) M.Valerius Messalla Corvinus; though none of the Tristia and Pontic Epistles is addressed to him. Messalla, a contemporary of Horace and the younger Cicero, was born about 689/65. In the civil wars he joined Brutus and Cassius, and was legatus to Cassius at the battle of Philippi, after which he followed the fortunes of Antony, until, disgusted with his conduct in Egypt, he joined Octavian, by whom he was made consul 723/31, and commanded the centre of the fleet at the battle of Actium. Three years after he quelled a rebellion in Aquitania; and was then sent to the east to establish peace in Cilicia, Syria, and Egypt. In 726/28 he returned ; and celebrated a triumph over the Aquitani, Sept. 25, 727/27®. He was the first ' praefectus urbis3; but held that office for a few days only. In 752/2 he proposed in the senate that Augustus should have the title of ' pater patriae.' After ceasing to be ' praefectus urbis' he abandoned politics, and devoted himself to the bar, where he became the principal advocate of his day, and received the appellation of the Orator. Like Maecenas, he was a liberal patron of learning; and his house was open to the poets Tibullus and Ovid amongst many others. Ovid speaks of him with the greatest veneration 4 as ' primo mihi cultus ab aevo 6; and testifies to the encouragement that Messalla gave him in the pursuit
1	• nomina magna,' T. iii. 4. 4.
2	Graeber, i. xvi; Dissen's Tibullus, pp. xvii-xx. 3 Tac. A. vi. 11.
4 Writing to the son of Messalla, he describes himself as ' ille domus
vestrae primis venerator ab annis.' P. ii. a. x.	5 P. ii. 2. 99.1NTR OD UCTION.
xxxi
of poetryMessalla died at the advanced age of seventy-two, a few months before the poet's banishment, leaving two sons, M. Valerius Corvinus Messalla or Messallinus, and M. Aurelius Cotta Messallinus.
(2) The elder of these, M. "Valerius Corvinus Messalla or Messallinus, was one of the most powerful of the adherents of Tiberius. Bom at some time before 719/35, and after 715/39, he was consul in 751/3, and 'legatus Augusti pro praetore' of Dal-matia and Pannonia in 759/6. In the summer of that year he led his forces into Germany to assist Tiberius, and shortly afterwards, on the outbreak of the insurrection in Dalmatia and Pannonia of the two Batos, served with great distinction and bravery in that war 2 ; and in recognition was granted the ' trium-phalia ornamenta' at the triumph celebrated by Tiberius 3. As a politician his career was less honourable; his servility and base adulation of Tiberius are gravely censured by Tacitus 4. In 767/14, at the first meeting of the senate under Tiberius, he moved that the oath of allegiance to the Emperor should in future be taken every year, instead of every ten years. In 773/20 he proposed, on the condemnation of Piso, the erection of a commemorative golden statue, and that the imperial family should receive the congratulations of the state: in 774/21 he opposed the proposal of Caecina Severus that no governor of a senatorial province should be accompanied by his wife. A summary of his speech on that occasion is given by Tacitus, who, like Ovid, praises him as inheriting the eloquence of his father Messalla5. Tibullus (ii. 5.) commemorates the occasion of his election into the college of' quindecimviri sacris faciundis,' who had charge of the Sibyl-
1	P. i. 7. 28, 'hortator studii causaque faxque mei.' Cp. P. ii. 3. 75 (speaking of Messalla to his son Cotta Maximus) :—
'me tuus ille pater, Latiae facundia linguae,
quae non inferior nobilitate fuit, primus ut auderem committere carmina famae impulit. ingenii dux fuit ille mei.'
2	Dio, lv. 30; Vellei. ii. 112.
3	Suet. Tib. 20. Ovid alludes to this in P. ii. 2. 85, ff.
* A. i. 8. 5 ; iii. 18. 3.
s Tac. A. iii. 34. 1 j Ovid, P. ii. 2. 51, ff.; cp. T. iv. 4. 5.xxxii
INTRODUCTION.
line books. The estimate of his character in Velleius is more favourable than that of Tacitus: ' animo etiam quam gente nobilior, dignissimus qui et patrem Corvinum habuisset et cognomen suum Cottae fratri relinqueret V His son, M. Valerius Messallinus, was consul in 773/20.
Two of the Pontic Epistles are addressed to Messallinus, i. 7, and ii. 2, in both of which Ovid speaks with distant respect to the patron2, of whom he had seen little personally3, and who he fears may disown any connection with one that had offended the Imperial House4, of which he is a devoted adherent6. The patronage of the father Messalla and friendship of the brother Cotta embolden the poet to ask for help from one whom he would not otherwise have ventured to address 6.
Of the Tristia, iv. 4 is obviously to Messallinus7. There is the same timid tone of distant supplication8, towards one who is far above the poet in rank and with whom he is obviously not on very familiar terms, otherwise he would not have needed to apologise for addressing him by the reminder that they had had personal intercourse10, and that the father had regarded him with favour u.
(3) With the younger son of Messalla Ovid was on far more intimate terms. Originally named M. Valerius Maximus, he
I	Vellei. ii. 112.
3	P. ii. 2.1,' domus vestrae primis venerator abannis': cp. P. i. 7.15, ff.
s P. i. 7. 55, ' culta quidem, fateor, citra quam debuit, ilia (i. e. tua
ianua) est.'
4	P. i. 7.17 ; ii. 2. 5. s P. ii. 2. 19-22 ; 43-44. 6 P. i. 7. 27, ff.
7	Koch, p. 14 ; Graeber i. xx. That the poem is to his brother Cotta has been maintained by Borghesi, Oeuvr. Num. i. 409, and Lorentz, p. 10.
8	1. 8, ' ignoscas laudibus ipse tuis ;' cp. 1. 21, 49 ff.
9	1. 1: ' O qui nominibus cum sis generosus avorum,
exsuperas morum nobilitate genus.'
10	1. 23: 'nec nova, quod tecum loquor, est iniuria nostra,
incolumis cum quo saepe locutus eram.'
II	1. 27, ff. That Messallinus is intended is made certain by the assertion (1. 37) that if he knew the whole train of events he would acquit the poet of wilful wrong-doing; for this remark would be pointless if addressed to Cotta, who knew all, as Ovid was with him at the time of his sentence.INTRODUCTION.
xxxiii
was adopted by his mother's brother Aurelius Cotta, who was childless, and thus became M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus; and finally, on the death of his elder brother, took the ' agnomen' Messallinus, and became M. Aurelius Cotta MessaLIinus; whence Tacitus always speaks of him as Cotta Messallinus1. He was younger than Ovid2, who began to frequent the house of his father Messalla when about twenty years of age3, before the birth of Cotta*, who would accordingly seem to have been bom about 731/23. He was consul 773/20, together with his nephew, M. Valerius Messallinus6. Like his elder brother he was a
1 These changes of name give rise to some difficulty in distinguishing whether certain of the Pontic Epistles are to Cotta Messallinus or Fabius Maximus, for the name Maximus is used in addressing both persons. It has, however, been pretty well established that P. i. 2 and iii. 3 are to Fabius Maximus, while P. i. 5, i. 9, ii. 3, ii. 8, iii. 2, iii. 5, are to Cotta. About iii. 8, Graeber, i., p. xi., is in doubt, but Woelffel and Lorentz seem to have shown satisfactorily that it is to Fabius, by noting that the words ' purpura saepe tuos fulgens praetexit amictus' (1. 7) are better suited to Fabius Maximus, who had held many offices, than to Cotta, who at that time had not yet been consul. Schulz, p. 28, conjectures that as none of P. iv. are addressed to Cotta, this apparently most faithful of Ovid's powerful friends, there were letters written to him, but that they have been lost. Considering that P. iv. consists of scattered poems collected and published after Ovid's death, this suggestion is highly plausible.
8 Cp. P. ii. 3. 55, ' iuvenis rarissime,' iii. 5. 7 > ' iuvenis patrii non degener orisibid. 37, ' iuvenis studiorum plene meorum.
3 T. iv. 10. 57 ff.; P. ii. 3. 75 ff.	4 P. ii. 3- 71-
5 The following is the genealogy of the house of Messalla:— M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, cos. 723/31
M. Valerius Corvinus Messallinus,	M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus
cos. 751/3
Messallinus. cos. 773/20.
M. Valerius Messallinus, cos. 773/20 (Tac. A. iii. 2).
M. Aurelius Cotta (Tac. A. xiii. 34).
M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, cos. 811/58 (Tac. A. xiii. 34).
Cxxxiv
INTRODUCTION.
strong adherent of Tiberius, with whom he was very intimate and whose large minded policy of securing just administration for the provinces and curbing the exactions of the senatorial aristocracy he abetted by proposing in 777/24 that provincial governors should be answerable for the misdeeds of their wives even if themselves innocent2. In 769/16, on the forced suicide of Libo Drusus, Cotta had moved that his image should not be carried in the family funeral processions ; and in 782/29 he was ready prepared with a stringent proposal directed against Agrip-pinna and Nero3. At the time of Ovid's banishment he held some official position in the island of Ilva (Elba); and the poet formed one of his suite icohors).
The estimates formed of his character are conflicting. Tacitus, who is prejudiced against all the partizans of Tiberius, says that he was universally hated as a supporter of every cruel measure, that his character did not correspond to his noble ancestry, and that he was reduced to penury by his luxury, and was rendered infamous by his enormities4. Persius speaks of him as ' Messalla's blear-eyed son'; and the scholiast, explaining the expression as alluding to a weakness in the eyelids, which attacked him in old age, adds that he was addicted to many vices 5.
On the other hand, Ovid, to whom he was a most kind and liberal patron, speaks of him alone of his social superiors with a warmth of personal affection that differs but little from that
1	Tac. A. vi. 5 relates that when Cotta was charged with ' maiestas,' Tiberius ' repetito inter se atque Cottam amicitiae principio crebrisque eius officiis commemoratis, ne verba prave detorta neu convivalium fabularum simplicitas in crimen duceretur postulavit.'
2	Tac. A. iv. 20.
3	Tac. A. ii. 32 ; v. 3.
4	Tac. A. vi. 5 ; iv. 20 ; vi. 7.
s Pers. ii. 72 and schol. The charge that he was a gourmand rests on the insufficient evidence of Pliny, H. N. x. 22. 57, 'sed quod constat, Messallinus Cotta, Messallae oratoris filius, palmas pedum ex his torrere atque patinis cum gallaceorum cristis condire repperit; tribuetur enim a me culinis cuiusque palma cum fide.' Pliny only says that Cotta invented this dish.INTRODUCTION.
XXXV
which he feels towards the most intimate of his equals. Cotta was one of the few who was constant to him in his trouble1; he was a gentle and high-souled spirit2, the worthy son of a worthy father3. His munificence to literary men is attested by Juvenal4, and in an inscription recently discovered on the Appian Way his freedman Zosimus describes in elegiac verse, perhaps with some exaggeration, the liberality of Cotta, who had raised him to the equestrian census 6.
We may suppose that the poverty of his declining years was, to a large extent at any rate, brought about by his lavish munificence, rather than by the sinister cause assigned by Tacitus.
Cotta, who is mentioned by Ovid among the contemporary poets, composed probably, besides fugitive pieces, a poem on the legend of Pylades and Orestes6.
1	P. ii. 3. 29; iii. 2. 5.
2	P. iii. 2.103 :—
' adde quod est animus semper tibi mitis, et altae indicium mores nobilitatis habent.'
3	P. iii. 5. 7-
4	Iuv. v. 107:—' quae Piso bonus quae Cotta solebat Largiri.
vii.95:—
' quis tibi Maecenas, quis nunc erit aut Proculeius, aut Fabius, quis Cotta iterum, quis Lentulus alter?'
5	Graeber, I. xxii (see Henzen. Ann. dell' Inst. 1865, pp. 5-17) :—
' M. Aurelius Cottae Maximi 1. Zosimus accensus patroni. libertinus eram, fateor, sed facta legetur
patrono Cotta nobilis umbra meo, qui mihi saepe libens census donavit equestris,
qui iussit natos tollere, quos aleret, quique suas commisit opes mihi semper et idem
dotavit natas, ut pater, Ipse meas, Cottanumque meum produxit honore tribuni
quem fortis castris Caesaris emeruit. quid non Cotta dedit, qui nunc et carmina tristis haec dedit in tumulo conspicienda meo?'
Aurelia.	Satumina.	Zosimi.'
6	P. iv. 16. 41 ff.; iii. 5. 39; Merkel, prolus. ad Ibin, p. 376; Hennig, p. 31.
C 2xxxvi
INTRODUCTION,
Of the Tristia, iv. 5 and v. 9 are to Cotta. In the former Ovid addresses the friend who is chief among his friends, who has not feared to stand by him in his misfortune, and who loves him with a love like that which Castor bore to Pollux ; in the latter he speaks in affectionate language to his gentle-natured patron1.
(4) The person on whose influence with the Emperor the poet mainly relied to ensure his recall was Paullus Pabius Maximus, to whom are addressed P. i. 2, iii. 3, and probably iii. 8 2. He was the son of Quintus Fabius Maximus, who as a young man (in 698/56) was praised by Cicero as the worthy scion of a noble line 3, and who distinguished himself in the war against Pompey in Spain, 709/45, and as a reward was made by Caesar Consul Suffectus, and allowed a triumph in that year.
It is conjectured that Fabius, the son, was born about 709/45. He is celebrated when a young man by Horace, as— ' nobilis et decens et pro sollicitis non tacitus reis et centum puer artium4.'
Early in life, apparently between the ages of eighteen and
1 1. 7: ' te praesens mitern nosset, te serior aetas.' See Graeber, i. p. xxi.
a None of the Tristia can be shown to be to him (Graeber, i. p. xi) though iii. 6 is assigned to him by Lorentz, and v. 2 by Koch and Lorentz (Koch, p. 8, Lorentz, pp. 28-30). Of these v. 2. 1-44 is to the poet's wife, as is shown by the words, 1. 39:—
' me miserum I quid agam, si proxima quaeque relinquunt ? subtrahis effracto tu quoque colla iugo?' and the opening of the letter:—-
' ecquid, ubi e Ponto nova venit epistnla, palles, et tibi sollicita solvitur ilia manu?' both which passages sound far more natural when addressed to the frightened wife than to anyone else. v. 2. 45 to the end, is a distinct poem addressed to Augustus, the 'arbiter imperii,' 1. 47. See Graeber, i. p. xi. and ii. p. 7 ; iii. 6, in which he speaks to a bosom-friend from whom he had no secrets (11. 9 and 11), must be referred to a sodalis of equal station (Celsus), not to the powerful Fabius.—(Graeber, ii. 4.)
3	Cic. in Vatin. xi. 28.
4	Hor. c. iv. 1.13. This ode was composed about 739/15, when Fabius was about thirty years old, when he might still be playfully spoken ofINTRODUCTION.
xxxvii
twenty-one, he held some office, otherwise unknown to us, with the title of ' legatus imperatoris Caesaris' under Octavian in Hispania TarraconensisHe was praetor probably 739/15, and then proceeded as proconsul to the praetorian province of Cyprus, as is shown by an inscription set up by the inhabitants of Paphos to his wife Marcia 2. Two inscriptions in his honour have been found at Athens 3. He was consul in 743/11, and subsequently, as proconsul of Asia (749/5-750/4), established the observance of the birthday of Augustus throughout the cities of Asia Minor; a decree, conferring a crown upon him on this account, has been discovered at Eumenia in Phrygia 4. The rest of his life was passed at Rome in the duties of a senator and the practice of the bar. Tacitus relates that shortly before his death Augustus, accompanied by Fabius Maximus, paid a secret visit to his grandson, Agrippa Postumus, at Planasia (now Pianosa), whither he had been banished ; that both Augustus and Agrippa were deeply affected by the meeting, which gave rise to hopes that the sentence would be revoked ; that this was divulged by Maximus to his wife Marcia, and by her to Livia; and that shortly afterwards Maximus died, as some suspected, by forced suicide 6. Whatever the historical truth of this story, it establishes two points : firstly, the date of the death of Fabius, which must have been shortly before that of Augustus (who died August 19), probably at some time in May or June in 767/14 6;
as puer by the poet who was twenty years his senior (cp. Cic. ad Fam. x. 7 and x. 28). He could hardly before the age of thirty have been ' pro sollicitis non tacitus reis.'
1 C. I. L. ii. 2581. '[Imp.] Caesari [Paullus Fabius] Maximus legat. Caesaris.'
3	C. I. G. 2629.	3 C. I. A. I. 587 and 588.
4	C. I. G. 3902 b. Three coins bearing his head as proconsul of Asia have been discovered, which show how highly he was esteemed by Augustus; since the power of impressing their heads upon coins was granted, as far as we know, to only five provincial governors at this time ; Graeber, i. p. xiii.	5 Tac. A. i. 5.
6 Fabius is last mentioned in the 'Acta fratrum Arvalium' (anno 14) as having been present at a meeting ' pridie Id. Maias ' of that year ; Lorentz, p. 26.xxxviii
INTRODUCTION.
and secondly, his familiarity with Augustus, which is attested also by the rebuke of the emperor to Cn. Cornelius Cinna, when he was discovered to be plotting a revolution, ' Am I the only obstacle to your hopes ? Will Paullus and Fabius Maximus and the Cossi and Servilius tolerate you1 ?' and by a jest of Fabius recorded at the expense of the emperor's parsimony2. This intimacy with the emperor was due, no doubt, partly to his connexion through his wife with the imperial family. Marcia was a cousin of Augustus, for she was daughter of the younger Atia, who was sister of the elder Atia, Augustus' mother 3.
The language of Ovid towards Fabius Maximus is that of respectful reverence. He relies on his own connexion with Fabius through his third wife, who belonged to the gens Fabia % to procure the intercession on his behalf ' of that sweet tongue that is ever ready to defend the trembling culprit'6. He reminds Fabius that he had once formed one of his attendant throng, that he had even been admitted to his table, and had composed
1 Sen. de Clem., i. 9, § 8, 4 Cedo, si spes tnas solus impedio: Paullusne te et [Qy, omit et] Fabius Maximus et Cossi et Servili ferent?"
3 Quintil. vi. 3. 52, 'Fabius Maximus, incusans Augusti congiariorum, quae amicis dabantur, exiguitatem, heminaria esse dixit.'
9 See F. vi. 801 ff.; P. i. 2. 139 ff.; Lorentz, p. 24. The following pedigree may be useful:—
M. Atius Balbus=Julia (sister of Dictator Caesar)
(1st marriage) |	(2nd marriage) (1st marriage)
C. Octavius = Atia maior=L. Marcius Philippus=	?
|	cos 56,	|
Augustus	L. Marcius Philippus=Atia minor
(Tac. A. 3. 72. 2.) I
Paullus Fabius Maximus=Marcia maior	Marcia minor = Sextus Pompeius
(Ovid's friend) (hence cousin	|
of Augustus)	Sextus Pompeius
t, ^ ,. „ .	(Ovid's friend). Paullus Fabius Persicus.
4 P. i. 1. 138, ' ille ego, de vestra cui data nupta domo est.' Cp. intr. to El. vi. " P. i. 2. 117.INTRODUCTION.
xxxix
an epithalamium on his nuptials \ The death of Fabius deprived him of his most powerful intercessor2.
(5)	Two brothers, of the noble gens Pomponia, C. Pomponius Graecinus and L. Pomponius Flaccus, must next be considered among the patrons of the poet ; though from the four Pontic Epistles addressed to them, three to Graecinus (i. 6, ii. 6, iv. 9), and one to Flaccus (i. 10), Ovid seems to have had little hopes that they would be helpful towards procuring his recall.
Graecinus was a man of culture who had seen some military service3, and is congratulated by Ovid, in P. iv. 9, on his appointment by Tiberius to be Consul Suffectus in 769/16, and on that of his brother Flaccus to be Consul Ordinarius in 770/17. If, as is probable, he is the Graecinus of Am. ii. 10, his intimacy with Ovid was of long duration. He was absent from Rome at the time of the poet's banishment ; and though he is always addressed with much warmth, it is clear that he was not one of the most intimate circle of friends, and that Ovid expected little from his intercession ; for, though he does occasionally pray for his advocacy, the tone in which they are couched shows that such prayers are inserted rather to flatter Graecinus than because anything was really looked for from him 4.
Graecinus was co-opted into the college of Arval Brothers, May 30, 774/21, and as he is not mentioned as present at the meeting of November 16, 788/35, he must have died before that date.
(6)	His brother, L. Pomponius Flaccus, was a little younger than Graecinus and Ovid, and was probably born about 735/19. During the three years that intervened between his praetorship and consulship he held some command in Moesia5, and soon after
1	P. i. 2. 131.
2	P. iv. 6.9. It is not probable, as Merkel conjectures, prolus. ad Ibin, p. 392, that the pleading of Fabius on behalf of Ovid had anything to do with causing his sudden death. The words of Ovid,
' occidis ante preces: causamque ego, Maxime, mortis— nec fuero tanti—me reor esse tuae,'
are merely the language of poetical exaggeration 3 P. i. 6. 7 ff.
1 Koch, p. 11. 5 P. iv. 9,75,' praefuit his, Graecine, locis modo Flaccus.'xl
INTRODUCTION.
his consulship, in 770/17, was sent back again to administer that province as ' legatus pro praetore,' and to reduce to submission Rhescuporis, king of Thrace, who, after killing his nephew Cotys, had appropriated his dominions. This he successfully effected, for he captured Rhescuporis by enticing him within the Roman camp, and sent him to Rome 1. Subsequently he was appointed ' legatus' of Syria in 785/32, and died there in the following year2. Tacitus speaks of Flaccus as an experienced soldier3, and there is no reason why we"should mistrust the high praise bestowed by Velleius on his character and ability
Though not so intimate with the poet as his brother Graecinus, Flaccus seems to have been a good friend to Ovid, and to have done what was in his power to alleviate the discomforts of his exile 5.
(7) Last of the patrons of Ovid stands Sextus Pompeius, the last scion of the house of Pompey the Great. He was most probably the great-grandson of Sextus Pompeius, the elder brother of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, and through his mother, who was probably a Marcia, younger sister of Marcia, the daughter of L. Marcius Philippus and the younger Atia, the aunt of Augustus, was connected with the Imperial family6.
In 761/8, the year of Ovid's banishment, Pompeius held some
1 Tac. A. ii. 67.
8 Tac. A. vi. 27. A Syrian coin of Flaccus, struck shortly before his death, has been discovered. Borghesi, Oeuvr. Epigr. iii. 85.
3	' veterem stipendiis,' A. ii. 66.
4	Vellei. ii. 116, 'singulari in eo negotio usus [i. e. Tiberius] opera Flacci Pomponi, consularis viri, nati ad omnia quae recte faciunda sunt, simplicique virtute merentis quam captantis gloriam.' The story that Tiberius spent thirty-six hours in a continuous drinking-bout with Pom-ponius Flaccus and Lucius Piso, and rewarded Flaccus with the province of Syria, and Piso with the praefecture of the city, for their good companionship (Suet. Tib. 42 ; Senec. Ep. 83 ; Plin. H. N. xiv. 22. 145), is probably a mere piece of court gossip intentionally rejected by Tacitus. See Fumeaux, Tacitus, p. 24.
5	P. i. 10. 37, ff.
6	Dio lvi. 39, bceivoi (the consuls of 769/14) re yd.p ffvyyevftsirg towINTRODUCTION.
Xli
command which enabled him to assist the poet on his journey and to protect his life when in danger from the attacks of barbarians and as a complimentary inscription to a proconsul Sextus Pompeius has been discovered at Athens, it is probable that he was then praetorian proconsul of Achaia, which province was usually assigned to ex-praetors2. In 767/14, the year of the death of Augustus, he was consul with Sextus Appuleius throughout the whole year, and these two were the first to take the oath of allegiance to Tiberius3. He afterwards was appointed proconsul of Asia, and seems to have administered that province between 780/27 and 783/30Of his political life as a consular at Rome we know little ; in 773/20 he declined to defend L. Piso, who was accused of murdering Germanicus 5, and in 774/21 he made a violent attack in the Senate upon M. Lepidus, in the vain attempt to prevent his selection for the pro-consulship of Asia 6. His death probably occurred about 792/39.
In the last years of his life Ovid seems to have centred his hopes of restoration mainly on Pompeius; for, excepting one letter to Graecinus, none other of his patrons are addressed in the fourth book of the Pontic Epistles ; while to Pompeius, to whom hitherto he had not written at all7, four letters are inscribed, P. iv. 1, 4, 5, 15 8. In all these his attitude is one of great humility towards the condescending patron who had saved
Avyoiiarov ovTts -qpxov. See Graeber i. xxvii., and pedigree supr. p. xxxviii.
1	P. iv. 5. 33 ff.; 15. 3 ff.
2	C. I. A. iii. 1. n. 592, rj 0ov\fj ij 'Apuov irdyov Kal o Stj/jlos 2(£tov Ilofiirqiov avQvirarov apfrrjs (vtlcev.
3	Tac. A. i. 7.
4	See Graeber, i. xxviii. ; Fumeaux, /. c. p. 96.
5	Tac. A. iii. 11.	6 Tac. A. iii. 32.	7 P. iv. 1. 9.
8 Lorentz assigns T. i. 5 and v. 9 to Pompeius; but the latter poem is much better suited to Cotta Messallinus (see above), and the former is. from its tone, manifestly addressed not to a social superior, but to an equal (Celsus), to one who is ' post ullos numquam memorande sodales,' who is ' carissimus,' who belongs to the inner circle of loyal friends (1. 33) ; and the whole attitude is different from the humility adopted towards Pompeius.xlii
INTRODUCTION.
his life1, and assisted him from his own purse2, whose humble servant and chattel he asserts himself to be 3, and whom, next to the Caesars, he counts among earth's greatest4. It is interesting to notice that the eloquence of Pompeius is extolled both by Ovid and by Valerius Maximus, to whom also he acted as a munificent patron 6.
Ovid speaks of the great wealth of Pompeius, who, besides a mansion at Rome close to the Forum Augusti, possessed broad estates in Sicily, Macedonia, and Campania ; and Seneca cites him as a typical example of a rich man On the other hand, when in 775/22 the Theatre of Pompey was accidentally destroyed by fire, Tiberius undertook to restore it at his own cost, because, says Tacitus, there was none of the house of Pompey who could bear the expense, though the family was not extinct7. The only Pompeius then alive was Sextus. Hence there is a seeming contradiction, which must be reconciled by supposing either that Pompeius, though rich, was not rich enough for so enormous an outlay, which may well have overtasked the resources of any private individual ; or that, as this happened before his proconsulate in Asia, he may have vastly increased his wealth by the administration of that province.
One of the Pontic Epistles (ii. 1) is to Germanicus Caesar, to whom also the Fasti is dedicated ; and one is to the Thracian prince Cotys, who was murdered by Rhescuporis, and who, according to Ovid, had a cultivated taste for literature (ii. 9).
(ii.) It has been possible to identify from external sources those powerful friends of Ovid who belonged to the great families of Rome. On the other hand, as we should naturally expect, our knowledge of the acquaintances of the poet, who belonged to his own station, is confined almost entirely to what we learn from his works. These friends are divisible into two categories ; a distribution suggested by the poet himself. We must distinguish
1 P. iv. 5. 31.	2 P. iv. 1. 24.
' iv. 5. 40, ' iurat Se fore mancipii tempus in omne tui,' cp. iv. 15. 19
and 22.
4 iv. 15.4.	6 P. iv. 4. 37 ; Val. Max. ii. 6. 8.
6 P. iv. 15. 15 ff.; Sen. de Tranq. An. xi. § 11. 7 Tac. A. iii. 72.INTRODUCTION.
xliii
from the general body that small circle of nearer friends who stood by him in his disgrace, who were present on the sad night of his final departure from Rome, and who, by their consolations and material assistance, did their best to alleviate the miseries of his exile1. Only four can be included in this number—Celsus, Brutus, Atticus, and Carus.
Of these (i) Celsus, like Ovid himself, enjoyed the patronage and friendship of Cotta Messallinus2. His death is lamented in an affecting poem (P. i. 9), in which his integrity and lofty character are extolled. He was one of the few who remained faithful to the poet when most of his friends fled away at the time of his disgrace ; he restrained the frantic exile from laying violent hands upon himself; and such was his affection that he even offered to undertake the long journey to Pontus to visit his friend. It is possible that this Celsus is the Albinovanus Celsus of Horace, Epp. i. 8, who is mentioned in Epp. i. 3. 15 as one of the suite that accompanied Tiberius on his expedition into Armenia, and he seems to have been a minor poet3.
i. 5 and iii. 6 of the Tristia are to be assigned to Celsus *.
(2) That Atticus belonged to the little group of faithful friends is shown by P. ii. 7. 81 ff. He was a sodalis, on a social equality with the poet, and their intimacy had been very close ;
1	This narrower inner circle of friends is constantly mentioned as the 'vix duo tresve amici.' The chief passages are T. i. 3. 15 :
' adloquor extremum maestos abiturus amicos, qui modo de multis unus et alter erant.'
T. i. 5- 33 =
' vix duo tresve mihi de tot superestis amici: cetera Fortunae, non mea turba fuit. quo magis, o pauci, rebus succurrite laesis.'
T. iii. 5. 10 :
' idque recens praestas nec longo cognitus usu, quod veterum misero vix duo tresve mihi.'
T. v. 4. 35 :
' te sibi cum paucis meminit mansisse fidelem, si paucos aliquis tresve duosve vocat.' See also P. i. 9.15 ; ii. 3. 29.
2	P. i- 9- 35-
3	Hennig, p. 15.	4 Graeber, i. xxi.; ii. 4.xliv
INTRODUCTION.
in forum or colonnade or street or theatre they were always seen together1. About his personality nothing further is known ; for the conjectures which find in him the eques illustris Curtius Atticus of Tacitus, who formed one of the retinue of Tiberius in his latter daysa, or the grammarian Dionysius of Pergamon, who was made a Roman citizen by Agrippa, with the name of M. Vipsanius Atticus, do not correspond with the description of Ovid, who speaks of him as a bosom friend of equal station, not as a social superior or a professional grammarian 3.
Am. i. 9, P. ii. 4 and ii. 7 are addressed to this Atticus ; and T. v. 4 may with certainty be assigned to him 4.
(3) Brutus also must be counted in the number of the two or three faithful friends£. He is spoken of as one whose affection was intensified when adversity befel the poet6. About his personality too we are perfectly in the dark ; the language of Ovid, who addresses no requests to him for intercession on his behalf, shows that the two were of equal station, and that Brutus did not occupy any prominent position, either social or political, though he held some minor judicial post, probably as Ovid himself had done, in the centumviral court7. He acted as editor of P. i-iii., which he had the courage to publish, without waiting or hesitating during the life of Augustus ; and his literary taste is further attested by recommendation to his care of the poem which Ovid had made about Augustus.
P. i. 1 and iii. 9 are inscribed to Brutus in his capacity of editor, but in them his personality is kept entirely in the background; he is the vehicle through which the whole body of readers is addressed. Thus, for our knowledge of him we are thrown entirely on P. iv. 6, where his kindly heart, his sympathetic
1 P. ii. 4. 19.
3 Tac. A. ii. 58.
3	The former theory, that of Lorentz, p. 31, and the latter, that of Unger, are refuted by Graeber, ii. 4.
4	Graeber, ii. 12 ; Lorentz, p. 33. Lorentz also assigns iv. 7, v. 6, and v. 13 to Atticus upon very insufficient grounds.
5	P. iv. 6. 41 and 49.
6	P. iv. 6. 21 ff.
7	P. iv. 6. 33.INTRODUCTION.
xlv
nature, and loyal friendship are highly recommended. Of the Tristia i. 7 and iii. 4 are to be assigned to Brutus1.
(4)	The fourth and last member of this little circle of faithful friends is Carus, who in P. iv. 13, the only letter to him of the Pontic Epistles, is described as a dear and trusty companion. Carus was himself a literary man, and wrote a poem on the achievements of Hercules2, which Ovid considered very finished in style. He was appointed tutor to the children of Germanicus3, and is implored by the poet to use what influence he may have on his behalf4. It is not stated directly in P. iv. 13 that Carus belonged to the small number of faithful friends, but this is clearly established by T. iii. 5 (see especially 1. 7 ff.), which, since the time of Heinsius, has been generally admitted to be to Carus, as is proved by the allusion in it (1. 42) to his poem about Hercules s.
These are all that can be definitely referred to the narrower group of friends, but there are many others addressed in the Pontic Epistles with whom the poet enjoyed considerable familiarity.
(5)	Among these Macer stands out prominently, his'poet friend, the old companion of his student travels in Asia Minor, Sicily, and Greece ; with whom, over and above the common ties of friendship, he was connected in some way through his wife 8. It is not unlikely that the wife of Macer was sister to the third wife of Ovid ; and Macer would accordingly have enjoyed, like Ovid, the patronage of Fabius Maximus, and thus may have come under the notice of the Emperor, and may well be the Pompeius Macer who was appointed curator of the public
1 See intr. to i. 7. Both Schulz, p. 8, and Graeber, ii. 12, assign iii. 4 to Brutus; iii. 14 is also given to him by Lorentz, p. 42, but the
evidence is very uncertain : see Graeber, ii. 8.
a P. iv. 13. 11, 16. 7 ; Hennig, p. 26.	3 P. iv. 13. 47.
4	P. iv. 13. 50.
5	Graeber, ii. 11. Though Graeber argues against it I am convinced
with Lorentz, p. 47, and Hennig, p. 26, that i. 9 is also to Carus; but
Lorentz is wrong (p. 46) in assigning to him iii. 4, which is better given
to Brutus.	6 See intr. to el. viii.xlvi
INR TOD UCTION.
libraries1. He wrote an epic poem dealing with the story of the Trojan war prior to the point at which it is taken up in Iliad i 2.
Macer is addressed in Am. ii. 18 and P. ii. 10, and he appears to be the faithless friend of i. 8, who was linked to the poet by long familiarity, by potent ties, and by companionship in travel. Macer was one of those who did not come to bid farewell on the night of the departure from Rome, and apparently had not yet written to his unfortunate friend at Tomi, when P. ii. 10 was composed ; and we may well suppose that in the bitterness and first excitement of his exile Ovid may have judged his defaulting friend with such severity as is expressed in i. 8 3.
Of the remaining friends addressed by name in the Pontic Epistles there is none to whom we can with certainty ascribe any of the Tristia.
(6) Albinovanus Pedo—who must be distinguished from Albinovanus Celsus—was also a poet of some pretensions, who is described by Ovid as soaring in style4, by Martial as accomplished 6, and by the philosopher Seneca, who knew him personally, as a witty talker6. He was one of the officers of Germanicus in Germany, and was with him in the disastrous storm which overtook his fleet on the ocean when returning at the end of the campaign of 769/16 7. This calamity he described in a fragment of twenty-three hexameter lines preserved by M. Seneca, which formed part of a longer poem on the achievements of Germanicus 8. Consequently he was one of those who glorified in verse the nation's imperial grandeur ; but he did not confine himself to domestic subjects, for he wrote besides a heroic poem in the Greek manner upon the legend of Theseus and Pirithous9. Moreover, from references in Martial and
1	Suet. Caes. 56.
2	Hennig, pp. 32-23. That he also wrote a conclusion to the Iliad, as has been supposed by some critics, is shown by Hennig to be highly improbable. See Teuffel, R. L. 247. 3.
3	Merkel on i. 8. 33 ; Graeber, ii. 9.
4	' sidereus,' P. iv. 16. 6.	5 ' doctus,' Mart. ii. 77. 5.
6 Sen. Ep. 122. 15. Cp. M. Sen. Controv. ii. 10. 7 Tac. A. i. 60 ; ii. 23.
8	Sen. Suas. i. 14. The fragment is given in Fumeaux' Tacitus, p. 352.
9	P. iv. 10. 71.INTR OD UCTION.
xlvii
Quintilian he appears to have composed epigrams1. P. iv. 10, which is addressed to Albinovanus, is written in a cool tone, and leaves the impression that his friendship was not of a very intimate character.
(7)	To Gallio we have one epistle (P. iv. 11) which is warmer in expression. The poet with exquisite delicacy and feeling offers consolation to his friend on the loss of his wife. From the first line it appears that he had not hitherto written to Gallio.
(8)	Amongst those who were absent on the night of the departure from Rome must also be counted Rnfinus, to whom two of the Pontic Epistles (i. 3 and iii. 4) are inscribed. In the first of these Ovid tenders his thanks for a letter of sympathy. We gather that Rufinus was a man of somewhat austere nature, who had offered to the poet the cold comforts of philosophy, and of the consideration that many others in legend and history, whose cases he had cited, had suffered before him. And he seems to have rebuked him for effeminacy in giving vent too freely to his grief. To this Ovid hints in reply that he gets very little assistance for such consolations. In iii. 4 the writer's poem on the Triumph of Tiberius of Jan. 16, 766/13, is commended to Rufinus 2.
(9)	Salanus is addressed in P. ii. 5 as one who, though there had been little intercourse between them, had expressed great pain at the poet's exile, and had shown a kindly appreciation of his poetry, which, as he was a man of literary culture3 and an accomplished speaker4, was highly gratifying. He was, moreover, a man of good position and intimate with Germanicus5.
(10)	To the poet Cornelius Severus, who is affectionately apostrophised as 'iocunde sodalis '6, are addressed P.i. 8 and iv.2. He wrote an epic on a national theme, which, from the scanty references to it that we possess, seems to have celebrated in verse the story of the civil wars from the first intervention of
1 Mart, prooem. ad i.; ii. 77 ; v. 5; Quintil. vi. 3. 61.
a Koch, p. 9 ; Graeber, ii. 10.
3 ' doctissimus,' P. ii. 5. 15.	4 Ibid. 40.
5	We know too little of Salanus and his relations -with Ovid to admit as proved the theory of Schulz, p. 4, that T. i. 9 is addressed to him.
6	P. i. 8. 25.xlviii
INTRODUCTION.
Octavian to the final defeat of Antony. Of this poem, the description of an eruption of Aetna, mentioned by L. Seneca1; the celebrated fragment on the death of Cicero, preserved by M. Seneca2; and the account of the Sicilian war between Octavian and Sextus Pompeius referred to by Quintilian 3, all appear to have formed episodes4.
(n) To Tutieanus two letters (P. iv. 12 and 14) are inscribed, in which he is mentioned as a contemporary friend of Ovid 5 who had always given him the benefit of his friendly criticism and encouragement6, but from whom, as his equal, he did not look for much help in his trouble, and who cannot have been one of the few faithful friends, as must be inferred from Ovid's silence on this point7. Tutieanus also was a minor poet, who either translated or, as is more probable, freely adopted the Odyssey, whether the whole of it or only the part which narrates the stay of Ulysses in Phaeacia—as the language of Ovid would rather appear to indicate—is uncertain 8.
(12) Of Vestalis, the friend to whom P. iv. 7 is addressed, we know little. He was a soldier who held a commission in Moesia, near Tomi, and was probably engaged against Rhescu-
1	Ep. 79. 5. Some writers have from this wrongly supposed Severus to have been the author of the Aetna. See Munro's Aetna, pp. 32-33.
2	Suas. vi. 26.	3 x. 1. 89.
4	Certain discrepancies between P. i. 8 and iv. 2, which are not so
serious as to be conclusive, have induced Hennig, p. 6 ff., and Schulz, p. 31 ff., to propound and support with much ingenuity a theory that there were two Seven ; but I agree with Graeber, ii. io, in considering that the evidence is too slight to warrant our embracing this as proved.
5	P. iv. 12. 20:
'paene mihi puero cognite paene puer.'
6	Ibid. 23-30.	7 Graeber, ii. 10.	8 P. iv. 12. 27:
' dignam Maeoniis Phaeacida condere cartis cum te Pierides perdocuere tuae.'
His poem is mentioned again in 16. 27, • et qui Maeoniam Phaeacida vertit;' though there his name is avoided on account of the difficulty of adjusting its trochaic measure (Tutieanus) to the dactylic metre a difficulty which is alleged playfully by the poet in P. iv. 12. 1 ff. as a reason why he had not written to his friend before.INTRODUCTION.
xlix
poris He was the grandson of Donnus 2, and son of M. Iulius Cotta 3, and cannot be reckoned among the poet's more intimate friends.
Such forms the complete list of the friends known to have been addressed by Ovid in the poems of his exile. To them must be added the one anxious sodalis, who certainly had not the courage to show himself faithful at the time of the poet's banishment, since his timidity had impelled him to ask that his name should be concealed even in the Pontic Epistles *.
IV.
On the cause of Ovid's Banishment.
Two causes are assigned by Ovid for his banishment. The first was the immoral tendency of his Ars Amatoria; which was expelled by the Emperor from the public libraries. The licence of the civil wars had given a severe shock to morality; peace had been restored to the world by the victory of Augustus; but the universal weariness of warfare, the passing away of the old order, and the want of a field for free political activity, had contributed to centre men's interests mainly in material luxury and ease. The ancestral virtues of temperance and sobriety had given place to profligacy; and the patriotism and public spirit which had led the old Roman to put the good of the state before all other considerations existed no longer, but had given place to a growing disinclination for political or military services. This feeling finds expression in Ovid, who was essentially the creature of his age, T. iii. 4. 25 :—
' crede mihi, bene qui latuit, bene vixit, et intra fortunam debet quisque manere suam.' Augustus saw that such prevalent indifference was destined
1 Schulz, p. 36 ff, conjectures with much probability that he was the centurion sent by Tiberius to the quarrelling Thracian kings, Rhescuporis and his nephew Cotys, to prevent them from making war on one another. Tac. A. ii. 64. See Graeber ii. 10.
a P. iv. 7. 29. ' progenies alti fortissima Donni.'
3 Orelli, 626. C. I. L. 7231.	4 P. III. 6.
dI
INTRODUCTION.
to prove the ruin of the empire: and the remedy which he adopted was to attempt to restore the ancient simplicity of manners and religious faith. To this end was directed his legislation for the encouragement of marriage1; the fruitlessness of which was bitterly brought home to him by the discovery of the profligacy of his daughter, the elder Julia, who was exiled in consequence to the island of Pandataria in 752/2. By a remarkable coincidence the Ars Amatoria was published in this very year ; and its instantaneous success might well have seemed an additional outrage to the father's feelings, and a public danger in the sovereign's eyes. The publication of the book was hardly sufficient ground for punishing its author; but Augustus seems never to have forgotten it. The poet was henceforward a marked man ; and the Emperor only awaited a suitable opportunity for avenging the affront that had been put upon him. This was no doubt the original, and probably the principal reason, of the Emperor's anger against Ovid. But the second cause which led immediately to his banishment is involved in obscurity. The poet himself persistently refrains from disclosing it; and numerous attempts have been made to explain the riddle.
But though he does not openly name his offence, Ovid lets fall several hints as to its nature. And in order to arrive at a solution, such expressions must be collected and considered.
(1) There was no breach of law on Ovid's part; the original fault was a mere mistake (error), an act of folly, and unpremeditated. See T. i. 2. 97 ; 3. 37 ; 5. 41.
ii.	109:—
' me malus abstulit error.'
iii.	1. 51 :—
' in quo, poenarum, quas se meruisse fatetur, non facinus causam, sed suns error habet.'
iii. 6. 25 : —
' idque ita, si nullum scelus est in pectore nostro, principiumque mei criminis error habet'
Ibid. 35 :—
' stultitiamque meum crimen debere vocari, nomina si facto reddere vera velis.'
1 See Appendix, on EI. ii. io24INTRODUCTION.
li
P. i. 6. 19 :—
' quae (i. e. mea pectora) stulta magis dici quam scelerata decet.'
T. iv. 4. 43 :—
'ergo ut iure damus poenas, sic abfuit omne peccato facinus consiliumque meo.'
P. i. 7. 41 :-
' quod nisi delicti pars excusabilis esset, parva relegari poena futura fuit.'
ii.	9. 71:—
' nec quicquam, quod lege vetor committere, feci.'
See also T. iii. 11. 34; iv. 1. 23 ; 8. 40; 10. 89; v. 2. 17 ; 4.18511.17. P. i. 7. 43.
(2)	But he had been an unintentional witness of some crime committed by another or others :
T. ii. 103 :—
' cur aliquid vidi ? cur noxia lumina feci ? cur imprudenti cognita culpa mihi ? inscius Actaeon vidit sine veste Dianam: praeda fuit canibus non minus ille suis.'
iii.	5. 49 : —
' inscia quod crimen viderunt lumina, plector, peccatumque oculos est habuisse meum.'
Ibid. 6. 27 :—
' nec breve nec tutum quo sint mea dicere casu lumina funesti conscia facta mali.'
and it was something shameful,
T. v. 8. 23 :—
'vel quia peccavi citra scelus, utque pudore non caret, invidia sic mea culpa caret.'
(3)	It was something that nearly affected Augustus, and the mention of it was likely to prove very painful and offensive to him.
T. ii. 133:-
' tristibus invectus verbis—ita principe dignum— ultus es offensas, ut decet, ipse tuas.'
Ibid. 207:—
' perdiderint cum me duo crimina, carmen et error, alterius facti culpa silenda mihi:Iii
INTRODUCTION.
nam non sum tanti, renovem ut tua vulnera, Caesar, quem nimio plus est indoluisse semel.'
P. ii. 2. 59 :—
'vulneris id genus est, quod cum sanabile non sit,
non contrectari tutius esse puto. lingua sile: non est ultra narrabile quicquam; posse velim cineres obruere ipse meos.'
See T. i. 5. 52.
(4)	What it was, was a matter of general notoriety at Rome :
T. iv. 10. 99:—
4 causa meae cunctis nimium quoque nota ruinae. indicio non est testificanda meo.'
P- i. 7- 39:—
' et tamen ut cuperem culpam quoque posse negari, sic facinus nemo nescit abesse mihi.'
(5)	Though the original fault was a mere venial error, yet he neglected to atone for it by his subsequent conduct. Hence it was the first of a long series ; and for the rest he was responsible : since had he sought and taken the advice of friends he might have repaired the wrong he had done:
T. iv. 4. 37 :—
' hanc quoque, qua perii, culpam scelus esse negabis, si tanti series sit tibi nota mali.'
iii. 6. 11:—
'cuique ego narrabam secreti quicquid habebam,
excepto quod me perdidit, unus eras, id quoque si scisses, salva fruerere sodali, consilioque forem sospes, amice, tuo.' P. ii. 6. 7 :—
4 vera facis, sed sera, meae convicia culpae;
aspera confesso verba remitte reo. cum poteram recto transire Ceraunia velo, ut fera vitarem saxa, monendus eram.' See P. ii. 3. 91.
(6)	But his timidity prevented him from taking the right course,
T. iv. 4. 39 :—
4 aut timor aut error nobis, prius obfuit error.'
P. ii. 2. 17:—
'nil nisi non sapiens possum timidusque vocari: haec duo sunt animi nomina vera mei.'INTRODUCTION.
liii
(7) What he did arose from no hope of personal gain, and tended to ruin no one but himself:
P. ii. 2. 15 :—
' est mea culpa gravis, sed quae me perdere solum ausa sit, et nullum maius adorta nefas.'
T. iii. 6. 33:—
'nil igitur referam, nisi me peccasse: sed illo praemia peccato nulla petita mihi.'
What then was this offence against the Emperor, which so nearly affected the honour of his name ?
Following closely upon the exile of Ovid occurred the disgrace of the younger, daughter of the elder Julia, and granddaughter of Augustus. In spite of the example of her mother's fate the young princess followed the same evil courses, and was banished in 762/9 to the island Trimerus on the shore of Apulia. Her paramour, D. Silanus, was excluded from the friendship of the Emperor1, and voluntarily withdrew into exile. It seems impossible not to connect the two events. According to this theory we may suppose that Julia and Silanus attached to themselves the accomplished and fashionable poet of the Art of Love. They found in him a pleasant and amusing confidant. And he was not likely to trouble lovers with scruples ; to him the wish of the Emperor's granddaughter was equivalent to a command, or perhaps his vanity was stirred by the splendour of the connexion with the imperial house. Augustus had always regarded him with coldness; but now the opportunity seemed to have presented itself of attaining to what was the dearest wish of his heart, the position of the recognised poet of the court. When his own eyes told him the nature of the connexion 2, he would'be sure to think silence was the only discreet, if not the only fair, course to adopt; any act would involve persbnal danger, which he was too timid to risk3. Thus he became no doubt their confidant, though without gain to himself4. The affair was soon noised abroad and reached the Emperor's ears. The opportunity had come at last; the desired pretext was afforded
1 Tac. A. iii. 24. 3 See above (6).
3 See above (2). i See above (7).liv
INTRODUCTION.
against the author of the Art of Love. Ovid was the first of the three to suffer ; and upon him was laid the severest punishment \
V.
The Literary Value of the Tristia.
The Tristia of Ovid has been frequently disparaged on two accounts: (i) the matter of the poems, and (2) their form has been impugned. Let us inquire into the truth of these charges.
(1) It has often been alleged that the reader is wearied by the sameness of the subject matter. But if we consider that the five books of the Tristia are a collection of elegies professedly dealing with the exile's unhappy lot, we shall be astonished rather at the ingeniously diversified treatment with which what might well have become a monotonous theme has been handled 2. An examination, elegy by elegy, of the contents of the different books will make this apparent.
Let us begin with the first, with which we are more directly concerned. The prefatory El. i. is a highly ingenious apology for the shortcomings of the work. Ell. ii. and iv. contain two vigorous descriptions of a storm at sea. El. iii., one of the most beautiful of Ovid's poems, is an exquisitely touching.description of his last night at Rome, and sad departure into his hopeless exile. El. v. is a finished eulogium of loyal friendship. El. vi. contains the expression of his affection towards his loving wife.
1	The theory here adopted is that of Gaston Boissier, L'Opposition sous les Cesars, ch. 3. The paper by Thomas Dyer in the Classical Museum, vol. 4. pp. 229-247, on the cause of Ovid^s exile has also been of great use. The Essai sur l'exile d'Ovide (Paris, 1859) by A. Deville is a successful refutation of most of the solutions that have been proposed.
2	The same criticism has been made upon Tennyson's In Memoriam, and may be answered in thp same way.INTRODUCTION.
El. vii. is an apology for the Metamorphoses; El. viii. a vehement expostulation with a friend who had deserted him. El. ix. contrasts the success of one of his friends with his own ruin. El. x. is a topographical account of the route from Italy to Tomi. El. xi. forms the epilogue to the Book. The charge of monotony is still further refuted by the contents of Book ii., one of the most elaborate of all the works of Ovid, full of literary learning and taste, in which he seeks to justify the Ars Amatoria by showing that it is no worse than much existing literature that is received with general approval. The case is the same with the contents of the three remaining books, which embrace several narrative poems1; the charge of monotony must accordingly be abandoned, and we cannot refrain from the suspicion that those who make it have not read, or at any rate have read but superficially, the poems criticised.
Again, it is urged that the expression of the poet's sufferings is too unrestrained; that there is an excess of dolorous lamentation which betrays a want of manly endurance. This criticism is partially true, and is as old as the poet's own time. For in P. iii. 9 he shows in defence of the Pontic Epistles—and the defence is as applicable to the Tristia—that such frequent lamentations are what might be expected in dealing with so sad a subject (P. iii. 9. 35 If.), and that as the poems are addressed to different persons the same sentiments naturally recur. Would it be reasonable, he naively remarks, to force me to write always to the same person, that the reader may not be offended by the recurrence of the same ideas (P. iii. 9. 41) ?
Nor does the charge, brought by Macaulay, of' impatience and pusillanimity 2,' in enduring suffering appear well founded. One age differs from another, and one people from another, in no respect more than in this. The Greek hero or soldier might weep in the face of danger, but he was none the less brave. The Roman exile,
1	e.g. iii. 9. (on the origin of the name Tomi); iii. 11 (the story of Phalaris) ; iv. 2 (a description of the triumph of Tiberius) ; iv. 10 (the poet's autobiography).
2	Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, I. 470.Ivi
INTRODUCTION.
whether Cicero, or Ovid, or Seneca, might venture to express feelings which the long habit of self-restraint has taught the modem European to conceal, but it may well be doubted whether the virtue of patient endurance is really given to the one in any greater degree than it was to the other. Macaulay himself chafed bitterly under what he chose to call his banishment1.
Yet the circumstances of Ovid were far more melancholy than those of Macaulay. Macaulay went to India, for a limited period, with an established reputation, to discharge important legislative duties. Ovid went to Tomi as an exile who might scarcely hope for return. Ovid had fallen under the displeasure of the Emperor, the absolute master of the civilised world. And into this state of misery he was plunged from the most fortunate state. A happy father and a happy husband, an honoured member of the most brilliant literary society of the world, enjoying the favour of many of Rome's greatest nobles, a man of elegance and luxury, personally unaccustomed to hardship, he was banished suddenly to the inhospitable and barbaric Tomi, the Siberia of the ancient world 2.
It may rather be urged that this very exuberance and simplicity of feeling, this intense subjectivity, constitutes one of the chief excellences of these poems of exile. There is as much of sorrow as of happiness in the world ; and it is the function of the
1 Macaulay's Life, p. 423, 'I have no words to tell you how I pine for England, or how intensely bitter exile has been to me, though I hope that I have borne it well. I feel as if I had no other wish than to see my country again, and die. Let me assure you that banishment is no light matter. No person can judge of it who has not experienced it. A complete revolution in all the habits of life; an estrangement from almost every old friend and acquaintance ; fifteen hundred miles of ocean between the exile, and everything that he cares for ; all this is, to me at least, very trying. There is no temptation of wealth, or power, which would induce me to go through it again.'
a My father has pointed out to me the curiously analogous case of the poet Salman, who was imprisoned in the twelfth century by the Ghas-nivide sovereigns, Mas'ud Ibrahim and Bahram Shah, and whose poetry presents many illustrative analogies to that of Ovid. See Sir H. Elliot's History of India as told by its own historians, iv. p. 518 ff.INTRODUCTION.
Ivii
poet to sing of the sadder aspects of human life as well as the happier
' Weep not our poet's wrong, mourn not his mischances; sorrow is the source of song, and of gentle fanciesa.'
It is to this feature that the Tristia and Pontic Epistles owed the wide popularity which they very early enjoyed. It has been well remarked by Dean Merivale: ' In the course of time the empire teemed with a society of fellow-sufferers, who learnt perhaps, from their own woes, to sympathize with the lamentations of the first generation of exiles. The Tristia of Ovid became the common expression of the sentiments of a whole class of unfortunates 3.'
(2) The faults of form in the Tristia are more obvious, and are the result partly of the poet's acknowledged dislike of correcting and pruning his verses 4, partly of his rhetorical training, and partly of the admiration, which he in common with many writers of the day, entertained for the affected school of Alexandrine poetss.
Ovid's dislike of correcting gives rise to that excessive luxuriance of similes and images with which at times he overloads the subject and overburdens the reader6, and which led Quintilian to characterise him as ' nimium amator ingenii sui 7. His rhetorical training must answer for his great addiction to declamation,
1	Verg. Aen. i. 462 :—
' sunt lacrimae rerum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.' Keble has dwelt largely upon this aspect of poetry in his Praelectiones Academicae, the subject of which work is de poeticae vi medica.
2	James Hedderwick.
3	Merivale's History of the Romans under the Empire, iv. 607.
4	P. i. 5. 15; iii. 9. 7S.
5	The Alexandrians chiefly imitated by Ovid were, Callimachus (T. v. 5. 33 if.), Philetas (T. i. 6. 2), Lycophron (Ellis, Ibis p. xlii.); and Antimachus (T. i. 6. 1), though not an Alexandrine, who was another of his models, appears to have laboured under similar faults.
6	Cp. i. 5. 47, Lors.	7 x. 88.Iviii
INTRODUCTION.
and to the use of tropes and rhetorical figures. To his imitation of the Alexandrines we can trace the occasional affectation of his sentiments and ideas, and his love of conceits and playing upon words, and other such complications.
But when all these defects are considered and allowed for, it must be admitted that they are greatly counterbalanced by the merits of the work. And it would be surprising if this were not so. For in spite of his faults, which he carries on the surface, we shall not be far wrong in judging Ovid, with Niebuhr1, to be ' of all the Roman poets whose works have come down to us, by far the most poetical after Catullus.' He may want the gravity and variety of cadence of Vergil—but he has to a greater degree the crowning excellence of a poet, general simplicity and directness of expression. He may want the finished style of Horace, but he is free from his coldness and painful elaboration. His thought is as clear as water; and the thought instantly clothes itself in a suitable poetic form. He who alone of his contemporaries has, as far as we know, justly appreciated the greatness of' the majestic Lucretius2'; was too able a critic to fail to observe his own supremacy in this respect; T. iv. 10. 25 :—
' sponte sua carmen numeros veniebat ad aptos, et quod temptabam scribere, versus erat.'
The ease and apparent artlessness of his numbers has sometimes created an impression of negligence: and this opinion is unfortunately likely to attract many in the present age, when it seems to be the fashion to value poetry more highly in proportion to its obscurity, and to confuse simplicity of style with poverty of thought. The study of the works of Ovid cannot fail to serve as a potent antidote to such mistaken notions, for in him, above all other poets, is exemplified the truth of the maxim that the province of art is to conceal art.
Nor can we fail to admire his richness of imagination, which manifests itself in a never failing variety of expression, and in the marvellous wealth of his similes3; or the
1 Lectures, iii. 139 ; Bohn's edition.	3 Am. i. 15. 23.
3 A notable instance is the celebrated address of Polyphemus to Galatea, M. 13. 788fF. See T. i. 1. 75ff; iv. 1. 5fF; 6. iff.INTRODUCTION.
lix
easiness of his versification, which has caused the Ovidian distich, rather than that of Tibullus or Propertius, to be regarded as the standard of that class of Latin verse composition. Nor must it be forgotten that, though apparently so simple and straightforward, he was possessed of a store of erudition probably as great as any of the poets of Rome. The legendary lore, history, and literature of Greece and Rome, the field of geography, the manners and customs of different nations, the phaenomena of nature,—all are made to contribute towards the adornment of his verse. Yet richly stocked as was the poet's mind, he is never encumbered with his learning; he wields it with ease and elegance, and it adds only one more to the many charms of his poems
VI.
On the Text of the Tristia.
The criticism of the text of Ovid is beset with great difficulties; for while, on the one hand, our MSS. are for the most part not very ancient, on the other hand this author acquired very early such wide popularity that numberless corrections of whatever seemed obscure,, unusual, or corrupt crept very early into the MS. or MSS. from which our existing copies directly or indirectly drew their origin. Hence the editor of Ovid must search for a MS. which is as free as possible from such corrections. That MS. will be one which to an inexperienced reader would present the appearance of great corruption ; a MS. in which there is such an abundance of mistakes and monstrosities as to indicate that the scribe either of this MS. or of that from which it was
1 Contrast e.g. the admirable treatment of Roman legends in Ovid's Fasti with the meagreness of Tibullus, II. 5. The poems of Ovid's exile inspired that curious restoration drama, The Tragedy of Ovid, by Sir Aston Cokain.]x
INTRODUCTION.
copied, was fortunately ignorant of Latin, and therefore unable to amend the text according to his own conceptions; but was content to simply transcribe, often, it may be, incorrectly enough, what lay beforfe him. A MS. of this type is of the greatest possible value, and is called an uninterpolated MS. For the errors incidental to copying may be reduced to certain broad principles ; an acquaintance with which frequently enables the critic to detect the cause of a seemingly unintelligible reading, and to correct it. But the ingenious perversities of the educated scribe, with his dangerously slight apparatus of learning, and his love of altering, sometimes in order to excise whatever idioms are to him unfamiliar, sometimes from the pure love of alteration, lead to such a wide departure from the original text that it is often a fruitless task to attempt to distinguish from such data the authentic reading1.
A MS. of the latter type is called an interpolated MS., and most of the MSS. of the Tristia belong to this class. It is possible to arrange MSS. with more or less precision under certain groups, classes, or families, which exhibit such affinities and resemblances as to prove that each family can be traced to a common original now lost. The MSS. of the Tristia can be broadly distinguished into two such families, one of which represents the uninterpolated, the other the interpolated tradition2.
Merkel in his critical edition, and all preceding editors, regarded
1	A few examples of interpolation from Bk. i. may be not uninstructive. In i. 18, the genuine illi is supplanted by the easier exstat; i. 32, miseris by misero ; i. 124, viae by morae ; ii. 15, dicta by verba ; ii. 25, murmure by turbine ; ii. 41, di by 0 (this arises from misunderstanding the construction of di) ; ii. 92, volunt by vident; iii. 14, et by ut (interpolated from 1. 13) ; iii. 25, parvis by parvo; iii. 58, summa by multa. The apparatus criticus will furnish many other examples.
2	It is perhaps possible to subdivide the interpolated MSS. into two different classes, as has been attempted by Giithling, who distinguishes the family of Pal. I. from what he calls, with sufficient vagueness, the ' deteriores codices.' But as each group is equally worthless, no practical use results from such a distinction.INTRODUCTION.
Ixi
a MS. called the Palatinus I. as the best, and based the text on the MSS. of that family. But the discovery of the valuable Florence MS. L has established that the Palatine group of MSS. is worthless ; and the text now depends on the Florence MS. and those that are akin to it. The errors that separate L from Pal. I. are precisely those errors of mere carelessness or ignorance which are the sign of a good MS. Thus we find mere slips of the following nature :—
(a)	A word from one line is frequently transferred into the next, and supplants a word there. (See i. 6. 2.)
(b)	Lines are accidentally transposed, e.g. at vii. 14, the order is 14, 17, 18, 19, 16, 15, 20, etc. (Tank is in error here.)
{c) Words (v. 37. 83) or whole lines, in all about 30 (see i. 6. 34 ; viii. 33), are omitted.
Besides this, numerous passages show the scribe to have been ignorant of Latin.
Unfortunately the MS. is imperfect.
It originally consisted of two folio volumes, in the opinion of Mr. Anziani, bound separately. The first volume contained the Metamorphoses, Nux, and Medicamina Formae ; the second, which was much smaller, the Tristia. At some period the MS. appears to have suffered extensive mutilation; it was probably taken out of its binding, and suffered from the exposure so much that in many places the writing became almost or quite illegible. And worse than this, many whole pages were tom out. Later, at some time in the fifteenth century, an endeavour was made to rehabilitate the unfortunate MS. The faint writing was refreshed, numerous, chiefly worthless, corrections were made in the margin, and the lost passages were copied in a large hand totally different from that of the original MS., and were bound into the vacant spaces.
These supplied later portions are of a totally different family from the original MS. Their authority is worthless, for they belong to the interpolated group.
The older part of the MS. I call L, the recent X. Accordingly our MS. is of a very composite character, which, omitting theIxii
INTRODUCTION.
Metamorphoses, Nux, and M. F., is	exhibited in the following table:—
fol. 56r-57T. T. i. i. 1-5. 10	k
fol. 58r-63T. T. i. 5. 11-iii. 7. 1	L
(iii. 7. 2-iv. 1. 11 (in all 398 lines) which occupied two folios are entirely lost).
fol. 64r-65v. T. iv. 1. 12-iv. 7. 5	L
fol. 66r~7oT. T. iv. 7. 6 to the end	\
Thus for a large part of the first book, for part of the third and fourth, and the whole of the fifth, the best MS. L unfortunately fails us.
It is therefore necessary to supplement L by other MSS., if possible, of the same class. And although no MS. hitherto known approaches L in goodness, a few may be found which occupy this supplementary position, and stand in their reading and characteristics as boldly apart from the vast aggregate of (interpolated) MSS. as L itself.
Of these I have employed three. One of them has been already published; of the second, there is only a very fragmentary and inexact knowledge ; while the third has remained hitherto undiscovered. These MSS. are :—
G.	Guelferbytanus, Gudianus n. 192, at Wolfenbiittel, a vellum MS., sec. xiii. The original text has been corrected at different times by several different hands, which were not accurately distinguished by Schweiger, who collated the MS. for Merkel's critical edition of 1837. Subsequent collations have been made by Kiessling (used by Tank) and Schenkl (used by Giithling).
H.	Holkhamicus, sec. xiii1. — A vellum MS. at Holkham Hall, Norfolk, the property of the Earl of Leicester. Of this MS. I hope to speak at greater length on a further occasion. It is sufficient for the present purpose to say that a careful comparison of its readings with those of L shows that it belongs to the best group of MSS., and is inferior in value to none excepting L
1 This MS. was examined and assigned to the thirteenth century, by both Mr. Coxe, the late Bodleian Librarian, and Mr. West wood, each of them experts of acknowledged skill.INTRODUCTION.
Ixiii
itself. This MS. I have myself collated. (This MS. was used by Mr. Ellis for the Ibis.)
V. Vaticanus, n. 1606, is a vellum MS., sec. xiii., written in the Gothic character, containing the Tristia only. There are many corrections and erasures ; besides the original hand, two correcting hands, each of the same age as the original, have operated on the MS. Of this I am informed by Mr. Monaci, who has executed for me a careful collation of it.
The three MSS. G H V are, in my opinion, of equal value ; and thus afford, what has hitherto been wanting, a trustworthy group to supplement the deficiencies of L1.
Where they agree I have designated their consensus by the letter a>, partly for the sake of brevity and partly to enable the reader to distinguish at a glance the difference between this class and that of the interpolated MSS.
My text has been based where possible upon L ; where it failed I have had recourse to a, and I have endeavoured to preserve the reading of the MSS. wherever it yielded a tolerable sense 2.
A few words must be added with regard to L, which is a folio vellum MS. of the eleventh century, and formerly belonged to the library of San Marco (hence its name, Marcianus, n. 223). Some critics date it as early as the tenth, and others as late as the twelfth century, but both Mr. Anziani and Mr. Paoli, professor of Latin Palaeography at Florence, who most kindly favoured me with their opinion upon it, unite in assigning it to the eleventh centilry. The original writing is that of the same scribe throughout ; the differences of distinctness and form in the letters are
1 I have once or twice referred to two other MSS., which I have, myself collated, (1) a fifteenth century Bodleian MS., Auct. F. 1. 18 which appears to have been copied from a good original; (2) a thirteenth century MS. at Arras (codex Atrebaticus) ; these two are occasionally useful as confirming the authority of these MSS.
a The merit of first pointing out the supreme excellence of L, and the difference in value between L and which Riese treated as of equal authority, belongs to F. Tank, whose valuable monograph De Tristibus Ovidii recensendis, Stettin, 1879, been of great service to me.Ixiv
INTRODUCTION.
not due, as has been supposed by some, to the co-operation of two different hands, which, as such differences often occur in the same line, is highly improbable, but to a difference of ink or pen employed. Three correctors have worked upon the MS. : the first, L2, is a hand contemporary with the original, possibly the same. This corrector alone is quoted in this edition. The second and third belong to a later age.
The collation used of L was made by myself in December, 1884. That published by Riese is so full of errors both of omission and commission, as has been shown by Tank, that it is quite untrustworthy. A fresh collation was made for Giithling's text, but even this is not free from occasional mistakes, nor is it published in extenso. There is a careful description of the codex Marcianus in A. Kunz's valuable edition of the Medicamina formae, Vienna, 1881. Besides the signs already explained, the following are used in the apparatus criticus :—
r = the interpolated MSS., either all or the preponderance
of them ci. = coniecit. cdd. = codices.
dett. = deteriores. (det. = deterior.) cett. = ceteri. ras. = rasura.
The readings of the four principal editors of the text are given in brackets, thus :—
(Me.) or (Me. ed. mat.) = Merkel's critical Edition. Berlin, 1837.
(Me. ed. min.) --= Merkel's Teubner Text. Lips. 1850. (.Ri.) = Riese's Tauchnitz Text. Lips. 1874. (Eh.) = Ehwald's recension in Merkel's last published Teubner Text. 1884. (Unfortunately this is a mere text with no apparatus criticus of any kind.) (Gii) = Giithling's Text. Lips. ^Freytag. 1884.
1 Of such MSS. I have collated about a dozen, and many more will
be found in Merkel's critical edition.T R I STI VM
' LIBER PRIMVS. I.
Parve—nec invideo—sine me, liber, ibis in urbem :
ei mihi, quod domino non licet ire tuol vade, sed incultus, qualem decet exulis esse:
infelix habitum temporis huius habe. nec te purpureo velent vaccinia fuco :	5
non est conveniens luctibus ille color: nec titulus minio, nec cedro carta notetur, Candida nec nigTa cornua fronte geras. felices ornent haec instrumenta libellos :
fortunae memorem te decet esse meae.	10
nec fragili geminae poliantur pumice frontes,
hirsutus sparsis ut videare comis. neve liturarum pudeat. qui viderit illas,
de lacrimis factas sentiat esse meis. vade, liber, verbisque meis loca grata saluta: 15
contingam certe quo licet ilia pede. si quis, ut in populo, nostri non inmemor illi, si quis, qui, quid agam, forte requiret, erit:
2. quod] quo Atilius Fortunatianus VI. 291, 17 K. (Gil.). 12. sparsis Gr2H (Me.Ri. EJi.). passis G1V (Git.). 14. sentiat to (Gil.), sentiet ? (Me. Ri. Eh.). 17. illi GXV Bodl. auct. F. 1. 18. (Me. Eh. Gii.). illo H exstat G2 rX (Hi.). 18. requiret <0 (Gii.). requirat r (Me. Ri. Eh.).
E3
OVIDII TRISTIVM
vivere me dices, salvum tamen esse negabis:
id quoque, quod vivam, munus habere dei. 20 atque ita tu tacitus,—quaerenti plura legendum,—
ne, quae non opus est, forte loquare, cave, protinus admonitus repetet mea crimina lector,
et peragar populi publicus ore reus, tu cave defendas, quamvis mordebere dictis: 25
causa patrocinio non bona peior erit. invenies aliquem, qui me suspiret ademptum,
carmina nec siccis perlegat ista genis, et tacitus secum, ne quis malus audiat, optet,
sit mea lenito Caesare poena levis:	30
nos quoque, quisquis erit, ne sit miser ille, precamur,
placatos miseris qui volet esse deos. quaeque volet, rata sint, ablataque principis ira
sedibus in patriis det mihi posse mori. ut peragas mandata, liber, culpabere forsan	35
ingeniique minor laude ferere mei. iudicis officium est ut res, ita tempora rerum
quaerere: quaesito tempore tutus eris. carmina proveniunt animo deducta sereno:
nubila sunt subitis tempora nostra malis.	40
carmina secessum scribentis et otia quaerunt: me mare, me venti, me fera iactat hiemps. carminibus metus omnis abest: ego perditus ensem haesurum iugulo iam puto iamque meo.
21. atque ita te fiauci dett. (Me.), teque ita da ci. Gilthling. legendum cdd. (Me. Gii.). legendus ci. Riese. (Ri. Eh.) 22. ne r (Me. Ri. Eh.), et <0 (Gii.). quae HV (Eh.), quo G-1 (Gii.). quod r G3 (Me. Ri.). dabis r (Me.). 26. peior r. maiorco. 31. ille w. ipse r (Eh.).	32. miseris HV Bodl. auct. F. 1.18. miseri G-1.
misero r edd. omnes.	43. abest cdd. (Me. ed. mai.) obest ci.
Francius (Me. ed. min. Eh. Gii.).LIB. J, i. I9-70.
3
haec quoque quod facio, iudex mirabitur aequus 45
scriptaque cum venia qualiacumque leget. da mihi Maeoniden, et tot circumspice casus:
ingenium tantis excidet omne malis. denique securus famae, liber, ire memento,
nec tibi sit lecto displicuisse pudor.	50
non ita se praebet nobis fortuna secundam,
ut tibi sit ratio laudis habenda tuae. donee eram sospes, tituli tangebar amore quaerendique mihi nominis ardor erat. carmina nunc si non studiumque, quod obfuit, odi, 55
sit satis : ingenio sic fuga parta meo. tu tamen i pro me, tu, cui licet, adspice Romam:
di facerent, possem nunc meus esse liber! nec te, quod venias magnam peregrinus in urbem,
ignotum populo posse venire puta.	60
ut titulo careas, ipso noscere colore:
dissimulare velis, te liquet esse meum. clam tamen intrato, ne te mea carmina laedant:
non sunt ut quondam plena favoris erant. si quis erit, qui te, quia sis meus, esse legendum 65
non putet, e gremio reiciatque suo, 'inspice' die ' titulum. non sum praeceptor amoris;
quas meruit, poenas iam dedit illud opus.' forsitan exspectes, an in alta palatia missum
scandere te iubeam Caesareamque domum? 70
47. circumspice cdd. (Me.), circumice ci. Heinsius (Eh. Gii.). circum obice ci. Schroder (Ri.). 57. tu tamen i o> (Eh. Gil.). itamen et Xr (Me. Ri.). 58. possem nunc G2 X r. posses nunc V. posses non G'H. Bodl. auct. F. 1.18. 60. puta HVX (Me. Ri. Eh.), putes G (Gil.). 66. reiciatque w Bodl. auct. F. 1. 18. proiciatque X r (Ri.). 69. exspectes w. exspectas X r (Ri.).
B 24
OVIDII TRISTIVM
ignoscant augusta mihi loca dique locorum:
venit in hoc ilia fulmen ab arce caput, esse quidem memini mitissima sedibus illis
numina; sed timeo qui nocuere, deos. terretur minimo pennae stridore columba,	75
unguibus, accipiter, saucia facta tuis. nec procul a stabulis audet discedere, si qua
excussa est avidi dentibus agna lupi. vitaret caelum Phaethon, si viveret, et quos
optarat stulte, tangere nollet equos.	80
me quoque, quae sensi, fateor Iovis arma timere :
me reor infesto, cum tonat, igne peti. quicumque Argolica de classe Capherea fugit,
semper ab Euboicis vela retorquet aquis. et mea cumba semel vasta percussa procella 85
ilium, quo laesa est, horret adire locum, ergo cave, liber, et timida circumspice mente :
ut satis a media sit tibi plebe legi. dum petit infirmis nimium sublimia pennis
Icarus, aequoreis nomina fecit aquis.	90
difficile est tamen hinc, remis utaris an aura, dicere. consilium resque locusque dabunt. si poteris vacuo tradi, si cuncta videbis
mitia, si vires fregerit ira suas: si quis erit, qui te dubitantem et adire timentem 95
tradat, et ante tamen pauca loquatur, adi. luce bona dominoque tuo felicior ipso
79. caelum Phaethon <0. Phaethon caelum X r.	83. Ca-
pherea r {Eh. Gii.) cf. V. vii. 36. Capharea w. 88. ut co. et X r {Ri. Gii.). 90. icariis panci. Icarias X {Me.), aequoreis Goth-anus-{Eh. Gii.). Cf. Binsfeld, Q. 0. p. 29. aequoreas G^HV. nomina V r {Eh. Gii.). nomine GH. X {Me.), aquis r {Eh. Gii.). aquas X <0 {Me.).LIB. I, i. 71-124.
5
pervenias illuc et mala nostra leves.
namque ea vel nemo, vel qui mihi vulnera fecit
solus Achilleo tollere more potest.	100
tantum ne noceas, dum vis prodesse, videto.
nam spes est animi nostra timore minor.
quaeque quiescebat, ne mota resaeviat ira,
et poenae tu sis altera causa, cave.
cum tamen in nostrum fueris penetrale receptus 105
contigerisque tuam, scrinia curva, domum
adspicies illic positos ex ordine fratres,
quos studium cunctos evigilavit idem.
cetera turba palam titulos ostendet apertos,
et sua detecta nomina fronte geret.	no
tres procul obscura latitantes parte videbis,
ei, quia,—quod nemo nescit—amare docent.
hos tu vel fugias vel, si satis oris habebis,
Oedipodas facito Telegonosque voces.
deque tribus, moneo, si qua est tibi cura parentis, 115
ne quemquam, quamvis ipse docebit, ames.
sunt quoque mutatae, ter quinque volumina, formae,
nuper ab exsequiis carmina rapta meis.
his mando dicas inter mutata referri
fortunae vultum corpora posse meae.	120
namque ea dissimilis subito est effecta priori,
flendaque nunc, aliquo tempore laeta fuit.
plura quidem mandare tibi, si quaeris, habebam:
sed vereor tardae causa fujsse viae.
106. curva w. parva \ r.	112. ei quia ci. Schenkl. (Gii.).
hii qui G-'V. hi quoque cett. (Me.), sic quoque ci. Madvig. Adv. II. 96 (EA.). 116. docebit H. docebis G-VX. Vv. 115, 116 a Ph. Wakkero frustra damnatos defendit G. Thomas Observat. crit. societaiis Latinae Hauptianae Lips. 1839, p. 17. 124. viae GV. (Gii.). morae H \ r (Me. Ri. Eh.).6
OVIDII TRISTIVM
et si quae subeunt, tecum, liber, omnia ferres, 125
sarcina laturo magna futurus eras, longa via est, propera! nobis habitabitur orbis ultimus, a terra terra remota mea.
II.
Di maris et caeli—quid enim nisi vota supersunt?—
solvere quassatae parcite membra ratis, neve, precor, magni subscribite Caesaris irae!
saepe premente deo fert deus alter opem. Mulciber in Troiam, pro Troia stabat Apollo : 5
aequa Venus Teucris, Pallas iniqua fuit. oderat Aeneam propior Saturnia Turno: ille tamen Veneris numine tutus erat. saepe ferox cautum petiit Neptunus Vlixem,
eripuit patruo saepe Minerva suo.	10
et nobis aliquod, quamvis distamus ab illis,
quis vetat irato numen adesse deo? verba miser frustra non proficientia perdo.
ipsa graves spargunt ora loquentis aquae, terribilisque notus iactat mea dicta precesque, 15
ad quos mittuntur, non sinit ire deos. ergo idem venti, ne causa laedar in una,
velaque nescio quo votaque nostra ferunt. me miserum, quanti montes volvuntur aquarum!
iam iam tacturos sidera summa putes.	20
quantae diducto subsidunt aequore valles!
iam iam tacturas Tartara nigra putes. 126. latori HV.
II. 7. Aeneam G- {Git.). Aenean cett. (.Me. Ri. Eh.). 9. Vlixem GH. Vlixen V X. 12. quis «. quid X r. 15. dicta w. verba X s\ 21. diducto r. diducte to. deducto X.lib. 7, i. 125—ii. 49.
7
quocumque adspicio, nihil est, nisi pontus et aer,
fluctibus hie tumidus, nubibus ille minax. inter utrumque fremunt inmani murmure venti: 25
nescit, cui domino pareat, unda maris, nam modo purpureo vires capit eurus ab ortu,
nunc zephyrus sero vespere missus adest, nunc sicca gelidus boreas bacchatur ab arcto,
nunc notus adversa proelia fronte gerit.	30
rector in incerto est nec quid fugiatve petatve
invenit: ambiguis ars stupet ipsa malis. scilicet occidimus, nec spes est ulla salutis, dumque loquor, vultus obruit unda meos. opprimet hanc animam fluctus, frustraque precanti 35
ore necaturas accipiemus aquas, at pia nil aliud quam me dolet exule coniunx:
hoc unum nostri scitque gemitque mali. nescit in inmenso iactari corpora ponto,
nescit agi ventis, nescit adesse necem.	40
di bene, quod non sum mecum conscendere passus,
ne mihi mors misero bis patienda foret! at nunc ut peream, quoniam caret ilia periclo,
dimidia certe parte superstes ero. ei mihi, quam celeri micuerunt nubila flamma! 45
quantus ab aetherio personat axe fragor! nec levius tabulae laterum feriuntur ab undis,
quam grave ballistae moenia pulsat onus, qui venit hie fluctus, fluctus supereminet omnes: 25. murmure X w. turbine r {Me.).	29. sicca gelidus w.
gelidus sicca r (Ri.). 41. di w (Gu.). o X r {Ri. Eh.). 42. mors misero bis w {Eh. Gil.), bis misero mors X r (Ri.). 43. ilia o). ipsa X (Ri.). 47. levius tabulae laterum X cd. laterum levius tabulae. Riese qui una cum Gil. falsa de X rettulit. undis «o. unda X (Ri.). 48. balistae HV {Eh.).8
OVIDII TR1STIVM
posterior nono est undecimoque prior.	50
nee letum timeo: genus est miserabile leti.
demite naufragium, mors mihi munus erit. est aliquid, fatoque suo ferroque cadentem in solida moriens ponere corpus humo, et mandare suis aliqua, et sperare sepulcrum, 55
et non aequoreis piscibus esse cibum. fingite me dignum tali nece: non ego solus
hie vehor. inmeritos cur mea poena trahit? pro superi viridesque dei, quibus aequora curae,
utraque iam vestras sistite turba minas:	60
quamque dedit vitam mitissima Caesaris ira,
hanc sinite infelix in loca iussa feram. si quoque, quam merui, poenam me pendere vultis,
culpa mea est ipso iudice morte minor, mittere me Stygias si iam voluisset in undas 65
Caesar, in hoc vestra non eguisset ope. est illi nostri non invidiosa cruoris
copia: quodque dedit, cum volet, ipse feret. vos modo, quos certe nullo, puto, crimine laesi,
contenti nostris iam, precor, este malis!	70
nec tamen, ut cuncti miserum servare velitis, quod periit, salvum iam caput esse potest. 51. nec X o>. non r. 63. fatoque . . . ferroque cdd. (Loers). fatove . . . ferrove ci. Heinsius (Me. Ri. Eh. Gii.). cadentem Regius Parisiensis var. I. in viarg. Edd. cadendum cett. cdd.	54.
solida s\ solita X to. Cf. Verg. Aen. IX. 214. 55. aliqua et r {Eh.), aliquid et X to. aliqua aut ci. Schenkl.(Gu.). 68. quoque quam merui GH. quoque quia merui V. quam promerui pauci dett. quam commerui ci. Heinsius {Me. Ri. Git.), quantam merui ci. Rappold{Eh.), pendere G'H X. perdere V cctt. poena me perdere {Eh.). 65. in to X. ad r edd. omnes. 68. quodque G2H"V. quamque G1. 71. sed tamen {Me. ed. mm.). 72. iam GHV. nunc in G supr. iam m. tec. scriptum. non X {Me. ed. min.).LIB. 7, ii. 50-97.
9
ut mare considat ventisque ferentibus utar, ut mihi parcatis, num minus exul ero? non ego divitias avidus sine fine parandi	75
latum mutandis mercibus aequor aro: nec peto, quas quondam petii studiosus, Athenas,
oppida non Asiae, non loca visa prius, non ut Alexandri claram delatus ad urbem
delicias videam, Nile iocose, tuas.	80
quod faciles opto ventos, — quis credere possit ? —
Sarmatis est tellus, quam mea vela petunt. obligor, ut tangam laevi fera litora Ponti:
quodque sit a patria tam fuga tarda, queror. nescio quo videam positos ut in orbe Tomitas, 85
exilem facio per mea vota viam. seu me diligitis, tantos conpescite fluctus,
pronaque sint nostrae numina vestra rati: seu magis odistis, iussae me advertite terrae:
supplicii pars est in regione mei.	90
ferte—quid hie facio ?—rapidi mea corpora venti!
Ausonios fines cur mea. vela volunt ? noluit hoc Caesar, quid, quem fugat ille, tenetis ?
adspiciat vultus Pontica terra meos. et iubet, et merui. nec, quae damnaverit ille, 95
crimina defendi fasque piumque puto. si tameri acta deos numquam mortalia fallunt,
76. post htmc versurn 79, 80, 77, 78 inverso ordine Ehwald. 78. loca GV \ (Eh), mihi H r (Gii.) supr. mihi in H loca scrip-turn.	81. faciles ci. Heinsius. facile est cdd. possit HV1.
posset GV2 {Eh.).	84. tam siam A to.	90. mei ci.
Heinsius. mori cdd.	91. corpora cdd. carbasa unus det.
(Ri. Gii.). 92. volunt G'HV. vident G2 s* (Ri.). uidet X. 96. fasque piumque X w. fasve piumve r (Gii.).TO
OVIDII TRISTIVM
a culpa facinus scitis abesse mea. immo ita si scitis, si me meus abstulit error,
stultaque, non nobis mens scelerata fuit: i oo quod licet et minimis, domui si favimus illi,
si satis Augusti publica iussa mihi: hoc duce si dixi felicia saecula proque Caesare tura piis Caesaribusque dedi: si fuit hie animus nobis, ita parcite divi!	105
si minus, alta cadens obruat unda caput! fallor, an incipiunt gravidae vanescere nubes,
victaque mutati frangitur unda maris? non casu! vos sed sub condicione vocati,
fallere quos non est, hanc mihi fertis opem. no
III.
Cum subit illius tristissima noctis imago,
qua mihi supremum tempus in urbe fuit, cum repeto noctem, qua tot mihi cara reliqui,
labitur ex oculis nunc quoque gutta meis. iam prope lux aderat, qua me discedere Caesar 5
finibus extremae iusserat Ausoniae. nec spatium nec mens fuerat satis apta parandi:
99. immo ita si scitis GH X (om. me H). immo ita est scitis vos me "V. 100. non nobis mens to. mens nobis non X r edd. omnes. 101. quod licet et G- r (Gii. Eh.), quod licet e HV. quamlibet e pauci dett. (Heins. Me.). 103. proque r. pro quo X to et com-plures. 104. piis X co. {Eh.), pins complures {Me. Ri. Gii.). 107. vanescere X to. evanescere r. 108. undaco. ira X s" {Gii.). 109. casu vos sed to. casus sed vos r {Me. Ei.).
III. 4. nunc G3!!^ {Eh. Gii.). tunc G'H'X {Me. Ri.). 5. qua me X r edd. omnes. cum me to.	7. nec mens fuerat G- {notis
adpositis ut indicctur fuerat nec mens scribcndum) HV. fuerat nec mens r {Ri. Eh. Gii.). satis apta] aptata "V.lib. /, ii. 98—iii. 34.
torpuerant longa pectora nostra mora, non mihi servorum, comites non cura legendi,
non aptae profugo vestis opisve fuit.	10
non aliter stupui, quam qui Iovis ignibus ictus
vivit et est vitae nescius ipse suae, ut tamen hanc animi nubem dolor ipse removit,
et tandem sensus convaluere mei, adloquor extremum maestos abiturus amicos, 15
qui modo de multis unus et alter erant. uxor amans flentem flens acrius ipsa tenebat,
imbre per indignas usque cadente genas. nata procul Libycis aberat diversa sub oris
nec poterat fati certior esse mei.	20
quocumque adspiceres, luctus gemitusque sonabant
formaque non taciti funeris intus erat. femina virque meo, pueri quoque funere maerent:
inque domo lacrimas angulus omnis habet. si licet exemplis in parvis grandibus uti,	25
haec facies Troiae, cum caperetur, erat. iamque quiescebant voces hominumque canumque.
Lunaque nocturnos alta regebat equos. hanc ego suspiciens et ab hac Capitolia cernens,
quae nostro frustra iuncta fuere lari,	30
' numina vicinis habitantia sedibus/ inquam,
1 iamque oculis numquam templa videnda meis, dique relinquendi, quos urbs habet alta Quirini, este salutati tempus in omne mihi!
9. comites X to {Ri. Eh. Gii.). comitis pauci{Me). 14. et 01 (.Eh. Gii.). ut X r {Ri.).	16. erant X r {Eh. Gii. Ri. Me.).
erat u. 25. parvis O'HV {Eh.), parvo g2 X r {Gii. Me. Ri.). 29. ab hac cdd. plerique et edd. omnes. hac {omisso ab) V. ad hanc G-H.12
OVIDII TRISTIVM
et quamquam sero clipeum post vulnera sumo, 35
attamen hanc odiis exonerate fugam caelestique viro, quis me deceperit error, dicite, pro culpa ne scelus esse putet. ut quod vos scitis, poenae quoque sentiat auctor,
placato possum non miser esse deo.'	40
hac prece adoravi superos ego : pluribus uxor,
singultu medios impediente sonos. ilia etiam ante lares passis adstrata capillis
contigit exstinctos ore tremente focos, multaque in adversos efFudit verba penates	45
pro deplorato non valitura viro. iamque morae spatium nox praecipitata negabat,
versaque ab axe suo Parrhasis arctos erat. quid facerem ? blando patriae retinebar amore:
ultima sed iussae nox erat ilia fugae.	50
al quotiens aliquo dixi properante 'quid urgues?
vel quo festines ire, vel unde, vide !' a! quotiens certam me sum mentitus habere
horam, propositae quae foret apta viae, ter limen tetigi, ter sum revocatus, et ipse	55
indulgens animo pes mihi tardus erat. saepe ' vale' dicto rursus sum multa locutus,
et quasi discedens oscula summa dedi. saepe eadem mandata dedi meque ipse fefelli
respiciens oculis pignora cara meis.	60
denique ' quid propero ? Scythia est, quo mittimur,' inquam
43. lares] aras GV. passis G1 HV. sparsis Ga in litura. adstrata pauci dett. attacta V. atracta H. abstracta Ga (G1 dignosci non potest), prostrata r (Me.).	44. exstinctos X r Ha
edd. aeteraos GH'V. 58. summa co (Eh. Gii.). multa r X (Ri.).LIB. 7, iii. 35-87.
13
' Roma relinquenda est. utraque iusta mora est. uxor in aeternum vivo mihi viva negatur,
et domus-et fidae dulcia membra domus, quosque ego dilexi fraterno more sodales,	65
o mihi Thesea pectora iuncta fide! dum licet, amplectar: numquam fortasse licebit amplius. in lucro est quae datur hora mihi.' nec mora, sermonis verba inperfecta relinquo,
complectens animo proxima quaeque meo. 70 dum loquor et flemus, caelo nitidissimus alto,
Stella gravis nobis, Lucifer ortus erat. dividor haud aliter, quam si mea membra relinquam,
et pars abrumpi corpore visa suo est. sic doluit Mettus tunc, cum in contraria versos 75
ultores habuit proditionis equos. turn vero exoritur clamor gemitusque meorum,
et feriunt maestae pectora nuda manus. turn vero coniunx umeris abeuntis inhaerens
miscuit haec lacrimis tristia verba meis :	80
' non potes avelli. simul hinc, simul ibimus,' inquit :
'te sequar et coniunx exulis exul ero. et mihi facta via est, et me capit ultima tellus :
accedam profugae sarcina parva rati, te iubet e patria discedere Caesaris ira,	85
me pietas. pietas haec mihi Caesar erit.' talia temptabat, sicut temptaverat ante,
83. aeternum w (Eh. Gii.). extremum rX (Ri.). 68. lucro est w {Eh.), lucro Xpauci dett. (Git.).	75. Mettuspauci dett.
et edd. Priamus cdd. plerique. 77. turn Q-V (.Eh. Gii.). tunc H X $■ (Ri.). 79. turn co (Eh. Gii.). tunc X r (Ri.). 80. 'erba w X (Eh. Gii. Ri.). dicta r (Me.). 81. hinc G-'HV X (Eh. Ri.). a 1 r (Gii.). simul hinc] sine me Ga. 85. e w. a r edd.14
OVIDII TRISTIVM
vixque dedit victas utilitate manus. egredior—sive illud erat sine funere ferri—
squalidus, inmissis hirta per ora comis.	90
ilia dolore amens tenebris narratur obortis
semianimis media procubuisse domo: utque resurrexit foedatis pulvere turpi
crinibus et gelida membra levavit humo, se modo, desertos modo conplorasse penates, 95
nomen et erepti saepe vocasse viri, nec gemuisse minus, quam si nataeque virique
vidisset structos corpus habere rogos, et voluisse mori, moriendo ponere sensus,
respectuque tamen non periisse mei.	100
vivat! et absentem—quoniam sic fata tulerunt— vivat ut auxilio sublevet usque suo.
IV.
Tinguitur oceano custos Erymanthidos ursae,
aequoreasque suo sidere turbat aquas, nos tamen Ionium non nostra findi'mus aequor
sponte, sed audaces cogimur esse metu. me miserum! quantis increscunt aequora ventis, 5
erutaque ex imis fervet harena fretis. monte nec inferior prorae puppive recurvae
97. nataeque virique HV. nataeque meumque Q-\ {Eh. Ri.). nataeve meumve s" {Me. Gii.).	99. mori] mali ci. Madvig.
Adv. II 96.	100. periisse uX {falsa de X tradit Ri.). {Me.
Eh.), voluisse pauci dett. {Gii. Ri.).	102. ut ci. Salmasius
{Me. ed. viin. Ri. Eh.), et cdd. {Gii.).
IV. 3. findimus G (fin in ras. ma) H X. fundimus V. 5. increscunt co {Eh. Gii.). nigrescunt r X {Me. Ri.).	6. fretis GH X {Eh. Gii. Ri.). vadis V r {Me ). 7. puppive GH {Gii.). puppisve V. puppique X r {Eh. Me. Ri.).lib. i, iii. 88 —iv. 28.
15
insilit et pictos verberat unda deos. pinea texta sonant pulsu, stridore rudentes,
ingemit et nostris ipsa carina malis.	10
navita confessus gelidum pallore timorem
iam sequitur victus, non regit arte ratem. utque parum validus non proficientia rector
cervicis rigidae frena remittit equo, sic non quo voluit, sed quo rapit impetus undae, 15
aurigam video vela dedisse rati, quod nisi mutatas emiserit Aeolus auras, in loca iam nobis non adeunda ferar. nam procul Illyriis laeva de parte relictis
interdicta mihi cernitur Italia.	20
desinat in vetitas quaeso contendere terras,
et mecum magno pareat aura deo. dum loquor, et timeo pariter cupioque repelli,
increpuit quantis viribus unda latus! parcite caerulei, vos parcite, numina ponti,	25
infestumque mihi sit satis esse Iovem. vos animam saevae fessam subducite morti, si modo, qui periit, non periisse potest.
9. pulsu ci. Rothmaler (Eh. Gil. Ri.). pulsi cdd. (Me.). 10. ingemit Co (Eh. GiL). adgemit X r(Me. Ri.). 12. non u (Eh. Gil.). nec X r (Me. Ri.). 19. nam u (Me. Eh. Gu.). iam rX (Ri.). Illyriis ci. Tan. Faber (Eh. Gu. Me. Ri.). Illyricis cdd. Illiciis v. 22. aura o> (Eh. Gil.), unda X (Ri.).	23. timeo pariter
cupioque GH (Eh. Gil.), timeo cupio nimiumque v. cupio pariter timeoque r X (Me.Ri.). repelli co etplerique (Eh. GiL). revelli X etpauci dett. (Me. Ri. Gu.). 25. parcite u (Eh.), saltern rX (Me. Ri. Gu.).i6
OVIDII TRISTIVM
V.
O mihi post ullos numquam memorande sodales,
et cui praecipue sors mea visa sua est!
attonitum qui me, memini, carissime, primus
ausus es adloquio sustinuisse tuo,
qui mihi consilium vivendi mite dedisti,	5
cum foret in misero pectore mortis amor.
scis bene, cui dicam, positis pro nomine signis,
officium nec te fallit, amice, tuum.
haec mihi semper erunt imis infixa medullis,
perpetuusque animae debitor huius ero:	10
spiritus et vacuas prius hie tenuandus in auras
ibit et in tepido deseret ossa rogo,
quam subeant animo meritorum oblivia nostro,
et longa pietas excidat ista die.
di tibi sint faciles, tibi di nullius egentem	15
fortunam praestent dissimilemque meae.
si tamen haec navis vento ferretur amico,
ignoraretur forsitan ista fides.
Thesea Pirithous non tam sensisset amicum,
si non infemas vivus adisset aquas.	20
ut foret exemplum veri Phoceus amoris,
fecerunt furiae, tristis Oresta, tuae.
si non Euryalus Rutulos cecidisset in hostes,
Hyrtacidae Nisi gloria nulla foret.
scilicet ut fulvum spectatur in ignibus aurum, 25
V. 1. ullos numquam to etplerique cdd. {Me. Ri. Gu.). nullos um quampaucidett. {Eh..). 2. et cj. o X r edd. omnes. 9. infixa X r edd. confixa to. 11. et vacuas GL\ in vacuas HL2V (Jiic incipit L^). 15. tibi di Ehwald. sisui L. et opis co {Me. Ri. Gu.). 22. Oresta ci. Bersmann, edd. horesteHL. oreste cett. cdd. 25. ut fulvum (i> edd. et saluum L. unde solidum ci. Wilamoviitz-Moellendorf.LIB. 7, V. 1-52.
17
tempore sic duro est inspicienda fides, dum iuvat et vultu ridet Fortuna sereno,
indelibatas cuncta secuntur opes: at simul intonuit, fugiunt, nec noscitur ulli,
agminibus comitum qui modo cinctus erat. 30 atque haec, exemplis quopdam conlecta priorum,
nunc mihi sunt propriis cognita vera malis. vix duo tresve mihi de tot superestis amici:
cetera Fortunae, non mea turba fuit. quo magis, o pauci, rebus succurrite laesis,	35
et date naufragio litora tuta meo. neve metu falso nimium trepidate, timentes,
hac offendatur ne pietate deus. saepe fidem adversis etiam laudavit in armis,
inque suis amat hanc Caesar, in hoste probat. 40 causa mea est melior, qui non contraria fovi
arma, sed hanc merui simplicitate fugam. invigiles igitur nostris pro casibus, oro}
deminui si qua numinis ira potest, scire meos casus si quis desiderat omnes,	45
plus, quam quod fieri res sinit, ille petit, tot mala sum passus, quot in aethere sidera lucent,
parvaque quot siccus corpora pulvis habet: multaque credibili tulimus maiora ratamque,
quam vis acciderint, non habitura fidem.	50
.pars etiam quaedam mecum moriatur oportet, meque velim possit dissimulante tegi.
35. rebus succurrite laesis Ll to (Ri. Eh.~). labsis L2. lassis succurrite rebus r (Me. Gii.), ex V. ii. 41: P. II. ii. 49: Hi. 93 interpolation. 37. falso om. L1. faso add. L2. 42. fugit Ll. fugam L2 to.	44. deminui L et plerique. diminui HV. si
qua a et cett. cdd. |||] q |||| nunc L (an 'quia nunc'?).
Ci8
OVIDII TRISTIVM
si vox infragilis, pectus mihi firmius aere,
pluraque cum linguis pluribus ora forent: non tamen idcirco conplecterer omnia verbis, 55
materia vires exsuperante meas. pro duce Neritio docti mala nostra poetae
scribite: Neritio nam mala plura tuli. ille brevi spatio multis erravit in annis
inter Dulichias Iliacasque domos:	60
nos freta sideribus totis distantia mensos
sors tulit in Geticos Sarmaticosque sinus, ille habuit fidamque manum sociosque fideles:
me profugum comites deseruere mei. ille suam laetus patriam victorque petebat:	65
a patria fugi victus et exul ego. nec mihi Dulichium domus est Ithaceve Samosve,
poena quibus non est grandis abesse locis: sed quae de septem totum circumspicit orbem
montibus, inperii Roma deumque locus.	70
illi corpus erat durum patiensque laborum:
invalidae vires ingenuaeque mihi. ille erat adsidue saevis agitatus in armis:
adsuetus studiis mollibus ipse fui. me deus oppressit, nullo mala nostra levante : 7 5
bellatrix illi diva ferebat opem. cumque minor love sit tumidis qui regnat in undis, ilium Neptuni, me Iovis ira premit.
53. aere pauci cdd. edd. heret L. in fragili mihi pectore firmius esset "V. infragili mihi pectore firmior esset GH.	62. sors
tulit dett. pauci (Gii.). detulit cett. cdd. (.Me. Ri.). Sarmaticosque Ii (Eh. Gii.). sarmatis ora o>. Caesaris ira r (Me. Ri.). 66. fugi L et complures (Ri. Eh. Gil.), fugio co cett. (Me.). 67. Samosve GHL (Ri. Eh. Gu."). samove "V. sameve r (Me.).LIB. 7, V. 53—VI. 18.
19
adde, quod illius pars maxima ficta laborum,
ponitur in nostris fabula nulla malis.	80
denique quaesitos tetigit tamen ille penates, quaeque diu petiit, contigit arva tamen: at mihi perpetuo patria tellure carendum est, ni fuerit laesi mollior ira dei.
VI.
Nec tantum Clario est Lyde dilecta poetae,
nec tantum Coo Bittis amata suo est, pectoribus quantum tu nostris, uxor, inhaeres,
digna minus misero, non meliore viro. te mea supposita veluti trabe fulta ruina est:	5
si quid adhuc ego sum, muneris omne tui est. tu facis, ut spolium non sim, nec nuder ab illis,
naufragii tabulas qui petiere mei. utque rapax stimulante fame cupidusque cruoris
incustoditum captat ovile lupus,	10
aut ut edax vultur corpus circumspicit ecquod
sub nulla positum cernere possit humo, sic mea nescio quis, rebus male fidus acerbis,
in bona Venturas, si paterere, fuit. hunc tua per fortis virtus summovit amicos,	15
nulla quibus reddi gratia digna potest, ergo quam misero, tam vero teste probaris, hie aliquod pondus si modo testis habet.
83. est om. L.
VI. 1. est Lyde] est ide L unde est Lyde scripsi. Lyde {om. est) celt. cdd. et edd. 2. nec] nunc L. clario batis LV. clario coo r. babtis H. battis plerique cdd. (Me.Ri. Git.). Bittis {Eh.). 6. ego (sum add. L2) muneris esse tui {corr. L2 omne tui est) L.
C 220
OVID 11 TRISTIVM
nec probitate tua prior est aut Hectoris uxor,
aut comes exstincto Laodamia viro.	20
tu si Maeonium vatem sortita fuisses, Penelopes esset fama secunda tuae : sive tibi hoc debes, nulli pia facta magistro,
cumque nova mores sunt tibi luce dati, femina seu princeps omnes tibi culta per annos 25
te docet exemplum coniugis esse bonae, adsimilemque sui longa adsuetudine fecit,
grandia si parvis adsimilare licet, ei mihi, non magnas quod habent mea carmina vires, nostraque sunt meritis ora minora tuis !	30
si quid et in nobis vivi fuit ante vigoris, exstinctum longis occidit omne malis. prima locum sanctas heroidas inter haberes,
prima bonis animi conspicerere tui ; quantumcumque tamen praeconia nostra valebunt, 35 carminibus vives tempus in omne meis.
VII.
'Si quis habes nostris similes in imagine vultus,
deme meis hederas, Bacchica serta, comis. ista decent laetos felicia signa poetas:
temporibus non est apta corona meis.' hoc tibi dissimula, senti tamen, optime, dici,	5
20. Laudomia HV: et ita G in V. 5. 58. Laudamia (Gii.). 23. nulli Ll. nullo La « {Ri. Eh. Gii.). nulla . . magistra r {Me.).	32. occidit L w {Ri. Eh. Gil.), excidit r {Me.).
34. om. Ii.
VII. 2. Bacchica {Me. Eh.), bachica La to. bahciaL1. bacchia r {Ri. Gii.). 5. hoc L w {Ri. Eh. Gii.). haec r {Me.), senti L ». seutis r.LIB. 7, vi. 19—vii. 34.
21
in digito qui me fersque refersque tuo, effigiemque meam fulvo conplexus in auro
cara relegati, quae potes, ora vides. quae quotiens spectas, subeat tibi dicere forsan
' quam procul a nobis Naso sodalis abest!' 10 grata tua est pietas : sed carmina maior imago
sunt mea, quae mando qualiacumque legas, carmina mutatas hominum dicentia formas,
infelix domini quod fuga rupit opus, haec ego discedens, sicut bene multa meorum, 15
ipse mea posui maestus in igne manu. utque cremasse suum fertur sub stipite natum
Thestias et melior matre fuisse soror, sic ego non meritos mecum peritura libellos
inposui rapidis viscera nostra rogis:	20
vel quod eram musas, ut crimina nostra, perosus,
vel quod adhuc crescens et rude carmen erat. quae quoniam non sunt penitus sublata, sed exstant,—
pluribus exemplis scripta fuisse reor,— nunc precor, ut vivant et non ignava legentem 25
otia delectent admoneantque mei. nec tamen ilia legi poterunt patienter ab ullo, nesciet his summam si quis abesse manum. ablatum mediis opus est incudibus illud,
defuit et scriptis ultima lima meis.	30
et veniam pro laude peto, laudatus abunde,
non fastiditus si tibi, lector, ero. hos quoque sex versus, in prima fronte libelli si praeponendos esse putabis, habe:
28. nesciet GL. nesciat HV. 33. prima L « (Me. Ri. Gii.). primi ci. Heinsius {Eh.).22
OVIDII TRISTIVM
( orba parente suo quicumque volumina tangis, 35
his saltern vestra detur in urbe locus ! quoque magis faveas, haec non sunt edita ab ipso,
sed quasi de domini funere rapta sui. quicquid in his igitur vitii rude carmen habebit emendaturus, si licuisset, eram.'	40
VIII.
In caput alta suum labentur ab aequore retro
flumina, conversis Solque recurret equis: terra feret stellas, caelum findetur aratro,
unda dabit flammas, et dabit ignis aquas : omnia naturae praepostera legibus ibunt,	5
parsque suum mundi nulla tenebit iter : omnia iam fient, fieri quae posse negabant,
et nihil est, de quo non sit habenda fides, haec ego vaticinor, quia sum deceptus ab illo,
laturum misero quem mihi rebar opem.	10
tantane te, fallax, cepere oblivia nostri, adflictumque fuit tantus adire timor, ut neque respiceres nec solarere iacentem, dure, nec exsequias prosequerere meas ? illud amicitiae sanctum et venerabile nomen	15
re tibi pro vili est sub pedibusque iacet?
37. haec non sunt L (Ri. Eh. Gii.). non haec sunt to. non sunt haec r {Me.).	40. eram GHL edd. erat V r.
VIII. 7. fiant L. (fort. rede), fient cett cdd. et edd. negabant scripsi. negabat Ll. negabit L2 wide negavi coniecit Riese. ne-gabam cett. cdd. et edd. omnes.	15. et Q-LV {Eh. Gii.). om.
et H. ac r {Me. Ri.). nomen L o et cett. cdd. {Me. Ri. Eh.). numen cod. Moreti unns, ex P. II. Hi. 19 illatum {Gil.). 16. est om. cdd. ; supplevi ex Riesii coniectura.LIB. r, vii. 35—viii. 37.
23
quid fuit, ingenti prostratum mole sodalem
visere et adloquii parte levare tui, inque meos si non lacrimam demittere casus,
pauca tamen ficto verba dolore pati,	20
idque, quod ignoti faciunt, vel dicere saltern,
et vocem populi publicaque ora sequi ? denique lugubres vultus numquamque videndos
cernere supremo dum licuitque die, dicendumque semel toto non amplius aevo	25
accipere et parili reddere voce 'vale'? at fecere alii nullo mihi foedere iuncti,
et lacrimas animi signa dedere sui. quid, nisi convictu causisque valentibus essem
temporis et longi vinctus amore tibi?	30
quid, nisi tot lusus et tot mea seria nosses,
tot nossem lusus seriaque ipse tua ? quid, si duntaxat Romae mihi cognitus esses,
adscitus totiens in genus omne loci ? cunctane in aequoreos abierunt inrita ventos? 35
cunctane Lethaeis mersa feruntur aquis ? non ego te genitum placida reor urbe Quirini,
17- quid] qu^ L. an quod fuit? h. e. 'amicitiae nomen fuit visere cett.' prostratum] proraptum L.	18. tui] sui L (non
suis ut Ri. tradit, unde puto scripsit Eh. adloquiis . . . tuis). 19. lacrimam GHIj. lacrimas V. demittere L (Eh.), dimittere o> f (Ri. Gii.).	20. pati L (suprscr. loqui L2) (Eh.), loqui
to et cett. (Ri. Gii.). queri unus det. (Me.).	21. vel ci.
Merkel(Ri. Eh.), vale cdd. vv. 21-22 eiecerunt Schraderet Wakker; uncis inclusit Gii. 30. vinctus LH (Me. Ri. Gii.). iunctus GV etplerique (Eh.). 32. luctus HV. ipsa LV.	33. orn. L.
quid nisi G1"^". mihi cognitus esses co. tibi cognitus essem r (Me. Ri. Eh. Gii.). 37. genitum placida L a (Ri. Eh. Gii.). placida genitum r (Me.).24
OVIDII TRISTIVM
urbe mea, quae iam non adeunda mihi, sed scopulis, Ponti quos haec habet ora sinistri,
inque feris Scythiae Sarmaticisque iugis :	40
et tua sunt silicis circum praecordia venae,
et rigidum ferri semina pectus habet: quaeque tibi quondam tenero ducenda palato
plena dedit nutrix ubera, tigris erat: aut mala nostra minus quam nunc aliena putares, 45
duritiaeque mihi non agerere reus, sed quoniam accedit fatalibus hoc quoque damnis,
ut careant numeris tempora prima suis, effice, peccati ne sim memor huius, et illo
officium laudem, quo queror, ore tuum.	50
IX.
Detur inoffenso vitae tibi tangere metam, qui legis hoc nobis non inimicus opus, atque utinam pro te possent mea vota valere,
quae pro me duros non tetigere deos! donee eris sospes, multos numerabis amicos :	5
tempora si fuerint nubila, solus eris. adspicis, ut veniant ad Candida tecta columbae,
38. mea (Eh.). modo V. meo cett. cdd. (Me. Ri. Gii.). mihi Ll (Eh ), pede est L2 cett. (Me. Ri. Gu.). 41. silicis . . venae r edd. silices . . neue L. silices . . nati <0.	42. rigidum L.
rigidi u. semina cdd. (Me. Eh.), tegmina ci. Riese (Ri. Gu.). 45. haut G2L. aut cett. aut si nostra H. nunc V codex Atreba-ticus sec. XIII. (Ri. Eh. Gu.). nec L. non cett. (Me.), putares L et complures. putasses o>.
IX. 1. inoffenso L (Ri. Eh. Gii.). inoffensae o) s* (Me. ed. mot.). inoffensampauci dett. (Me. ed. min.). 3. possent L to (Me. Eh.). possint pauci (Ri. Gii.). 5. sospes L (Eh. Gii.). felix cett. (Me. Ri.).lib. i, viii. 38—ix. 31.
2 5
accipiat nullas sordida turris aves? horrea formicae tendunt ad inania numquam :
nullus ad amissas ibit amicus opes.	10
utque comes radios per solis euntibus umbra est,
cum latet hie pressus nubibus, ilia fugit: mobile sic sequitur fortunae lumina vulgus, quae simul inducta nocte teguntur, abit. haec precor, ut semper possint tibi falsa videri: 15
sunt tamen eventu vera fatenda meo. dum stetimus, turbae quantum satis esset, habebat
nota quidem, sed non ambitiosa domus. at simul inpulsa est, omnes timuere ruinam,
cautaque communi terga dedere fugae.	20
saeva neque admiror metuunt si fulmina, quorum
ignibus adflari proxima quaeque solent. sed tamen in duris remanentem rebus amicum
•quamlibet inviso Caesar in hoste probat, nec solet irasci,—neque enim moderatior alter— 25
cum quis in adversis, si quid amavit, amat. de comite Argolici postquam cognovit Orestae,
narratur Pyladen ipse probasse Thoas. quae fuit Actoridae cum magno semper Achille,
laudari solita est Hectoris ore fides.	30
quod pius ad manes Theseus comes iret amico,
14. simul] tamen V. nocte L ta (Gii.). nube r {Me. Ri. Eh.). 15. semper possint L. possint semper to. 17- habebat Hlr. edd. habebam Grl^V. 19. at GL edd. ut HV. 20. cautaque to edd. cunctaque L r.	24. quamlibet pauci dett. edd. qualibet G (sub ras.) L. quolibet HV r.	26. quis] quid L. 27. Argolici ci. Heinsius edd. Argolico edd. Orestae w {Me. Ri. Gii.). Orestes L unde Orestis Eh. 29. Actoridae (Hactoride G) V redd, hectoride HL. 31. iret GLV {Ri. Eh. Gii.). iuit H. sset r {Me.).2 6
OVIDII TRISTIVM
Tartareum dicunt indoluisse deum. Euryali Nisique fide tibi, Turne, relata
credibile est lacrimis inmaduisse genas. esto et iam miseris pietas; et in hoste probatur— 35
ei mihi, quam paucos haec mea dicta movent! is status, haec reram nunc est fortuna mearum,
debeat ut lacrimis nullus adesse modus, at mea sunt, proprio quamvis maestissima casu,
pectora processu facta serena tuo.	40
hoc ego venturum iam tunc, carissime, vidi, ferret adhuc ista cum minus aura ratem. sive aliquod morum, seu vitae labe carentis
est pretium, nemo pluris emendus erat: sive per ingenuas aliquis caput extulit artes,	45
quaelibet eloquio fit bona causa tuo. his ego conmotus dixi tibi protinus ipsi
'scaena manet dotes grandis, amice, tuas.' haec mihi non ovium fibrae tonitrusve sinistri,
linguave servatae pinnave dixit avis :	50
augurium ratio est et coniectura futuri: hac divinavi notitiamque tuli.
35. esto et iam scripsi. est etiam edd. (Me.), praestita nam ci. Riese (Ri. Eh. Gii.). praestita enim ci. Koch. symb. phil. Bonn. I. 346. 37. is status haec rerum nunc est co et complures (istatus hec (hec suprscr. L2) reru nuncet L) (Eh.), hie status pauci (Me.). is status est rerum nunc et r (Ri. Git.).	40. processu L edd.
prosensu co r. 41. ego venturum G'L (Ri. Eh. Git.), eventurum G3HV r (Me.). 42. ista L (Eh.), istam cett. (Me. Ri. Gu.). cum minus G'HV. comminus L. cum minor r G2 edd. omnes. 44. emendus L et complures: edd. habendus to. erat GHL (Me. Ri. Eh.), erit V et pauci (Gu.). 45. aliquid LV. 49. tonitrusve L r edd. sonitusue co.	51. et coniectura] ac coniectu-ramque V. et conuentura L. 52. hac pauci dett. edd. omnes. nec L1 et pauci. haec L* HV. hanc codex Atrebaticus. non G et pauci.LIB. 7, ix. 32—X. 6.
27
quae quoniam vera est, tota tibi mente mihique
gratulor, ingenium non latuisse tuum. at nostrum tenebris utinam latuisset in imis! 55
expediit studio lumen abesse meo. utque tibi prosunt artes, facunde, severae,
dissimiles illis sic nocuere mihi. vita tamen tibi nota mea est. scis artibus illis
auctoris mores abstinuisse sui:	60
scis vetus hoc iuveni lusum mihi carmen, et istos,
ut non laudandos, sic tamen esse iocos. ergo ut defendi nullo mea posse colore,
sic excusari crimina posse puto. qua potes, excusa nec amici desere causam! 65 quo bene coepisti, sic bene semper eas.
X.
Est mihi sitque, precor, flavae tutela Minervae, navis et a picta casside nomen habet.
sive opus est velis, minimam bene currit ad auram, sive opus est remo, remige carpit iter.
nec comites volucri contenta est vincere cursu, 5 occupat egressas quamlibet ante rates,
53. vera est L et eomplures (Ri. Eh. Gii.). rata GH (est add. G2). rata est aut rata sint r. rata sunt V in ras. a. m. eiusdem aetatis {Me.). 58. mihi] meae G (sub ras.) HV. 60. tui HLV. 66. quo cdd. (.Me. Ri. Gii.). qua (Eh.), bene semper L o> (Eh.). pede semper r (Me. Ri. Gii.).
X. 1. flavae cdd. ravae ci. Haupt, opuscula III. 345. 3. velis L et plerique cdd. edd. velo «.	6. quamlibet ante pauci ■.
edd. omnes. qualibet arte L w r.28
OVID 11 TRISTIVM
et pariter fluctus ferit atque silentia longe aequora, nec saevis victa madescit aquis. ilia, Corinthiacis primum mihi cognita Cenchreis,
fida manet trepidae duxque comesque fugae, 10 perque tot eventus et iniquis concita ventis
aequora Palladio numine tuta fuit. nunc quoque tuta, precor, vasti secet ostia Ponti,
quasque petit, Getici litoris intret aquas, quae simul Aeoliae mare me deduxit in Helles, 15
et longum tenui limite fecit iter, fleximus in laevum cursus, et ab Hectoris urbe
venimus ad portus, Imbria terra, tuos. inde levi vento Zerynthia litora nacta
Threi'ciam tetigit fessa carina Samon :—	20
saltus ab hac contra brevis est Tempyra petenti—
hac dominum tenus est ilia secuta suum. nam mihi Bistonios placuit pede carpere campos:
Hellespontiacas ilia reliquit aquas, quodque per angustas vectae male virginis undas 27 Seston Abydena separat urbe fretum,	28
7. pariter « {Me.), paritur L. patitur r (Ri. Eh. Git.). ferit HV quam lectionem revocavi. fler ||| it L. fert Q-. fertque r edd. omnes. atque silentia "V1 quam lectionem revocavi. atque silencia L. atque assilientia H r. assilientia (omisso atque) G edd. omnes. ' Legebatur antea in codice V " silentia" correctum deinde in " salientia " manu, ut videtur, eadem—A. Monaci. 8. victa madescit L2 w ( Gil.), uita m. L1. icta fatiscit r (Hi. Me. ed. mitt.). victa fatiscit unus det. (Me. ed. mai. Eh.).	12. numine G-H
et plerique: edd. omnes. nomine L. munere V et quidam dett. 19. Zerynthia plerique. serinthia L to, 'recte fortasse Serynthia.'— Gvethling. (in L ita scriptum uentos erinthia). nacti w. 21. contra Q-'HLV (Eh. Gu.). terra r (Me. Ri.). 24. reliquit^. lectionem revocavi(reliquid GH2Xi, reliquis H1). relegitcodexMedoni-anus edd. omnes. 25-26 post 27-28 constitui. 27. quodqueLIB. 7, X. 7-45.
29
Dardaniamque petit auctoris nomen habentem, 25 et te ruricola, Lampsace, tuta deo,	26
inque Propontiacis haerentem Cyzicon oris,
Cyzicon, Haemoniae nobile gentis opus,	30
quaeque tenent Ponti Byzantia litora fauces:
hie locus est gemini ianua vasta maris, haec, precor, evincat, propulsaque fortibus austris
transeat instabiles strenua Cyaneas Thyniacosque sinus, et ab his per Apollinis urbem 35
arta sub Anchiali moenia tendat iter, mde Mesembriacos portus et Odeson et arces
praetereat dictas nomine, Bacche, tuo, et quos Alcathoi memorant a moenibus ortos
sedibus his profugos constituisse larem.	40
a quibus adveniat Miletida sospes ad urbem,
offensi quo me detulit ira dei. haec si contigerint, meritae cadet agna Minervae:
non facit ad nostras hostia maior opes, vos quoque, Tyndaridae, quos haec colit insula, fratres, 45
mite, precor, duplici numen adeste viae ! altera namque parat Symplegadas ire per artas,
pauci dett. {Eh.), quidque L. quoque H2. quaque cett. {.Me. Ri. Gii.). 29, inque LV {Ri. Eh. Gii.). hincque plerique {Me.). inde ex duobus Heinsianis reposuit Haupt opusc. III. 510. 31. quaeque L o> {Ri. Eh.), quaque r {Me. Gil.). 33. fortibus austris HLV {Me. ed. mai. Ri. Eh. Git.), flatibus austri G r{Me. ed. min.).	35. Thyniacosque ci. Merkel: edd. thynantiosque L.
trinachiosque G. trimachiosque V. eniochiosque H. 36. arta unus {Eh.), alta G et complures {Me. Ri. Gii.). apta L. vecta HV. tendat L to {Ri. Eh. Gii.). findat <r {Me.). 37. Odeson et ci. Merkel: edd. opeson es L1. opesonis vel simile quid, cett. 40. larem GHLV3 {Ri. Eh. Gii.). lares V1 r {Me.). 42. detulit L1 {Ri. Eh. Gii.). contulit GL2V. compulit r {Me.), pertulit H.3°
OVIDII TRISTIVM
scindere Bistonias altera puppis aquas, vos facite, ut ventos, loca cum diversa petamus, ilia suos habeat, nec minus ilia suos.	50
XI.
Littera quaecumque est toto tibi lecta libello,
est mihi sollicito tempore facta viae, aut hanc me, gelido tremerem cum mense decembri,
scribentem mediis Hadria vidit aquis: aut, postquam bimarem cursu superavimus Isthmon, 5
alteraque est nostrae sumpta carina fugae, quod facerem versus inter fera murmura ponti,
Cycladas Aegaeas obstipuisse puto. ipse ego nunc miror tantis animique marisque
fluctibus ingenium non cecidisse meum.	10
seu stupor huic studio sive est insania nomen,
omnis ab hac cura mens relevata mea est. saepe ego nimbosis dubius iactabar ab Haedis,
saepe minax Steropes sidere pontus erat, fuscabatque diem custos Erymanthidos ursae, 15
aut Hyadas seris hauserat auster aquis: saepe maris pars intus erat: tamen ipse trementi
carmina ducebam qualiacumque manu. nunc quoque contenti stridunt aquilone rudentes,
inque modum tumuli concava surgit aqua. 20 ipse gubernator tollens ad sidera palmas exposcit votis, inmemor artis, opem.
XI. 2. sollicito L « (Ek.). sollicitae r (Me. Ri. Gu.). 3. de-cembris V. 14. steropis L to. sidera L. 15. Erymanthidos r. adlantidos L. arimantidos u.	16. seris Xi o> edd. saevis r
' quod malim' Riese.LIB. 7, x. 46—xi. 44.
quocumque adspexi, nihil est nisi mortis imago,
quam dubia timeo mente, timensque precor. attigero portum, portu terrebor ab ipso :	2 5
plus habet infesta terra timoris aqua, nam simul insidiis hominum pelagique laboro,
et faciunt geminos ensis et unda metus. ille meo vereor ne speret sanguine praedam,
haec titulum nostrae mortis habere velit.	30
barbara pars laeva est avidaeque adsueta rapinae, quam cruor et caedes bellaque semper habent: cumque sit hibernis agitatum fluctibus aequor,
pectora sunt ipso turbidiora mari. quo magis his debes ignoscere, candide lector, 35
si spe sunt, ut sunt, inferiora tua. non haec in nostris, ut quondam, scripsimus hortis,
nec, consuete, meum, lectule, corpus habes: iactor in indomito brumali luce profundo,
ipsaque caeruleis carta feritur aquis.	40
improba pugnat hiemps indignaturque, quod ausim
scribere se rigidas incutiente minas. vincat hiemps hominem! sed eodem tempore, quaeso, ipse modum statuam carminis, ilia sui.
31. avidaeque adsueta rapinae ci. Haupt opusc. III. 642. {Eh. Git.). auid^ ad ethera penne (corr. supr. substrata raping aut ab eadem aut ab eiusdem aetatis manu) L. auide substracta H. auide subtracta V. avidae substrata G1 r {Me. ed. mai.). rapinae co r. avidaeque addicta rapinae {Me. ed. min. Ri.~).	30. sunt G-HIi
{Eh.), sint r {Me. Ri. Gu.). si specie nunc sunt inferiora tua V. 37. scripsimus L to {Eh.), scribimus r {Me. Ri. Gil.).NOTES.
Ill the Notes the following abbreviations are used:—
R. = Roby's Latin Grammar for Schools.
R. L. Gr. = Roby's Grammar of the Latin Language from Plautus to Suetonius. (These two grammars are referred to by the sections.)
Rich = Rich's Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities, Fifth Edition.
L. and S. = Lewis and Short's Latin Dictionary.
El. I.
This poetn, and El. xi., were written after the greater part of Book I. was completed, the one as an introduction, the other as an epilogue, to Bookl. From 1.42, part, at any rate, of the poem would seem to have been written at sea; and from 1.128 (see on 126), the poet would seem to have put the finishing stroke to it, and despatched it on his arrival at Tomi (Graeber Q. O. i. vi). Hence it is reasonable to infer that the greater part of it was written during his voyage from Samothrace to Thrace, and the conclusion added on his arrival at Tomi; whence the book was probably sent to Rome by the ship which brought him to Samothrace, and carried his effects thence to Tomi (see Intr. to El. x).
Summary.—Go, little book, with my message of salutation to Rome, but go in sorry binding, as befits the volume of a poor exile (1-16). Say that, though sick at heart, I am still alive ; but attempt not the hopeless task of my defence (17-26). Perhaps one may be found who is sad with sympathy for me; if so, I wish him well. And if. any find fault with thee as being of inferior workmanship, let him not criticise too severely, for my sufferings and anxiety are such as to impede the free flow of inspiration. Even Homer himself, were he in such an evil plight as mine, would lose the power of song (27-48). Yet heed not popularity, I loved it once, but now it is enough that I do not hate the power of verse that has proved my ruin (49-56). Go thou to Rome in my stead ; since that is not forbidden: all will at once recognise thy master's hand (57-68). I hardly dare bid thee seek to gain entrance to the Emperor's
D34
OVIDII TRISTIA.
self; I who by my fault have provoked him am afraid lest once again I may draw down his wrath upon myself. Perhaps thou hadst best be content with a public of low degree (69-88). But in so difficult a matter I will not counsel thee; circumstances alone can direct thee aright (89-92). Perhaps some kind friend may introduce thee to the august presence; and then I wish thee all success, and pray that the imperial anger may be pacified (93-104). When thou art arrived at thy master's home, avoid those brothers of thine, the Art of Love, the murderers of their sire; say, too, that the story of my altered fortune may now be added to the changes of shape of which I have sung (105-122). This is my message; more were too great a burden for thee, for the road is long (123-128).
1. 1. nec invideo, 'I bear you no grudge for it.' Cic. Tusc. iv. 8. § 17,' invidentiam esse dicunt aegritudinem susceptam propter alterius res secundas, quae nihil noceant invidenti.'
1. 2. quod lioet. Indie., because the writer's opinion is directly stated : R. 741. The form of expression is common with Ov.; cp. infr. 112 ; 6. 29.
1 3. exulis, sc. librum.
I.4.	temporis huius,4 wear in thy woe the attire that befits this hour.'
II.	5-8. ' Be not thy wrapper of the bilberry's purple hue, that colour assorts not well with sorrow : let no vermeil stain thy letter-piece, thy page no cedar oil; bear thou no white bosses on thy sable edge.'
For a full account of the structure of the ancient book, and of the terms used in the present passage, see Appendix.
1. 5. vaccinium is probably the bilberry, the purple juice of whose berries was smeared upon the parchment. Vergil, Eel. ii. 18, speaks of ' vaccinia nigra' with reference to the dark external appearance of the berry; Ovid adds purpureo fuco because it is with the colouring matter that he is concerned.
1. 9. ' Let such equipments as these furnish forth the volumes of the fortunate.'
1. 12. Bparsis, applied to hair, means 'disordered,' 'dishevelled,' and is a stronger word than passis (pt. of pando), wrongly read here by Giithling, which means simply unloosened, and is applied to women only (see Forcell.); whereas in Ovid's imagery books are always males.
1. 14. Perhaps a reminiscence of Prop. iv. (v.) 3. 4, ' Haec erit e lacrimis facta litura meis.'
1. 16. 'At least I'll touch them with what foot I may.' There is a play on the double meaning of pes: though I may not touch Roman soil with the foot of my body, I may yet do so with the foot of myNOTES. I. i. I-24.
35
verse. Pes means the metre, not the foot in our sense; so in Ibis 45 he says of the elegiac metre:—
'Prima quidem coepto committam proelia versu, non soleant quamvis hoc pede bella gen.' For another play upon words see infr. 11. 16, and cp. iv. 5. 7, 'cuius eram censu non me sensurus egentem.'
1. 17. in populo, 'as may well be in the crowd,' a brachylogy common with Ovid: cp. ii. 158, 'cuius, ut in populo, pars ego nuper eram;' P. i. 7.16, ' in quibus, ut populo, pars ego parva fui;' iv. 5. 11,' siquis, ut in populo, qui sitis et unde, requiret.' See Verg. Aen. i. 148.
illi is the primitive form of illic (cp. isti), found again in ii. 373, 'quid prius est illi flamma Briseidos?' F. vi. 424, 'hocsuperest illi, Pallaeda Roma tenet:' frequent in Plaut. and Ter., and occurring also in Cic. Fam. viii. 15. 2 (Neue Formenlehre, ii. 629).
With illi supply est: the omission of the substantive verb is common with Ovid; see inf. 21. 56 ; 2. 102 ; 5. 53; 8. 38; iv. 4. 45, 53; v. 7.52 14. 31.
1. 18. requiret. The subj. would be more usual, cp. inf. 66, but the indie, is not uncommon in poets after such expressions as est {sunt) qui, used to define existing persons or classes R. 703, 707.
1. 19. salvum, 'well.' Cp. the ordinary salutation, 'satin salvus?'
1. 20. quod is the causal conjunction, which naturally takes an indie, in a subordinate clause like the present, denoting a fact in apposition to the object of the verb habere. (Professor Nettleship quotes Hor. c. iv. 3. 24, ' quod spiro ac placeo, si placeo, tuum est') ; here the subj. is used because these words are to be reported by the Book as the words of its master.
1. 21. 'And these injunctions given, then silent—he that asks more must read—beware lest thou chance to speak what thou shouldst not.' Ita is restrictive, qualifying tacitus: see L. and S. s. v. ita, 11. D. Ita tacitus=his dictis tacitus: silent, but only after having uttered the instructions I have just given. So inf. 56, sic = hoc studio. legendum, sc. est.
1. 22. Quae is acc., object to loqui, understood.
1. 23. repetet, sc. cogitando, ' will go back to' in his thoughts, i. e. will recall. Inf. 3. 3.
mea crimma, ' my offences.' The plural is either used loosely or may refer to the two offences he had committed against Augustus, (1) the writing of the Ars Amatoria, (2) the unknown offence. Cp. inf. 2. 96.
1. 24. Peragere reum is the legal phrase for to continue a prosecution till the defendant is condemned. Translate: ' I shall be bitterly arraigned as a state-offender in the people's mouth:' cp. P. 6. iv. 30, 'posse tuo peragi vix putet ore reos.' [Cael. ap. Cic. Fam. viii. 8. 1.—
D 23*
07IDII TRISTIA.
H. J. R.] The sense is, However much you hear me criticised you must not defend me. Agere reum, on the other hand (inf. 8. 46. P.
iv.	14. 38), is simply to accuse a man. For publicus, cp. Cic. ad Fam. vi. 6. 7, where augur publicus = ' a political prophet.'
1. 25. cav5. This word and vid$ are the only such imperatives whose final e is shortened in classical writers; though the scansion is common in Plaut. and Ter., and the licence is greatly enlarged by Christian writers (Lucian Miiller, De re Metr. p. 340).
defendas, jussive subj. in quasi-dependence on cave, quamvis mordebere. Quamvis with indie., common in Ovid, is post-Ciceronian : R. 677 d. Wilkins on Hor. Epp. i. 14. 6.
1. 26. patroeinio, instrum. abl., 'through advocacy.'
1. 27. actemptum, a word specially used of those taken away by death ; to which Ovid is fond of likening his banishment (inf. 113 n.). Cp. iv. 10. 79, ' non aliter flevi [sc. his dead brother] quam me fleturus ademptum Ille fuit.'
1. 28. ista, these verses on your pages. Contrast ille (31), ' that far friend of mine unknown.' Note the elegance with which the burden of
v.	30 is amplified and enforced in vv. 32-34.
1. 32. miseris, quite general,' the wretched,' with his own case specially in view.
1. 33. Priiiceps, not to be confounded withprinceps senatus,-vras the informal appellation which the acute moderation of Augustus led him to choose as his distinctive citizen-title. He was the foremost citizen of Rome, and so describes himself in the Mon. Anc. ii. 45; vi. 6. Thus Tacitus (A. 1. 1.) says of him, 'cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa nomine principis sub imperium accepit.'
1. 34. The ancients, like the modem Chinese, regarded it as ill-omened to die in a foreign land. See the touching prayer of Tibullus (i. 3) when sick at Corcyra, that he may not die away from home, det, with infin. as object, R. 534.
1. 35. ut, concessive, as inf. 61. ii. 43.
1. 36. ingenii, possessive gen., ' And you will be said to fall short of the fame won by my genius.' Ferere, sc. omnium sermonibus (L. and S. s.v. II. A. 7.), cp. v. 14. 3, ' Detrahat auctori multum fortuna, licebit: Tu tamen ingenio clara ferere meo.' He then proceeds to show cause why he may well fall short of his former excellence.
1. 37. iudiois, the judge, and so the critic. [With tempora rerum Prof. Nettleship compares Verg. Aen. vii. 36, ' quae tempora rerum.']
1. 39. dedueta, metaphor from drawing out the threads from the distaff. Hor. Epp. ii. 1. 225 ; Prop. i. 16. 41. For tempora cp. inf. 9. 6. Serenus=dry, and so cloudless, is contrasted with nubila.noTes. i. i. 25-56.
37
Translate : ' Verses are produced when drawn from an untroubled mind ; my days are clouded over with sudden misfortunes. Verses demand retirement and ease in their writer; I am tossed to and fro by sea and winds and the wild storm. Verses have no part in any kind of fear ; I, a ruined man, am every moment thinking that the sword will touch my throat.' Juvenal (7. 53-73) has finely enlarged upon the commonplace that the poet should be free from the fears and anxieties of the vulgar. The sentiment is repeated with mournful insistance, v. 12. 3, * carmina laetum Sunt opus et pacem mentis habere volunt.'
1. 47. da mihi, etc., * Give me a Homer's self—marking well my many sorrows—and all his powers will fail him in the presence of such heavy woes.' The sufferings I am exposed to are enough to have chilled the poetic fire of Homer himself (P. iv. 2. 21) :—
' Si quis in hac ipsum terra possuisset Homerum; esset, crede mihi, factus et ille Getes.'
The expression da mihi is a general formula, not addressed to the reader personally, equivalent to 'if I were to become Homer.' So P. iv. 1 17 :—
' Da mihi, si quid ea est, hebetantem pectora Lethen, oblitus potero non tamen esse tui.' Rem. 63,64. The imperative contains the protasis to a condit. sentence, which in its simple form would run • Si dabis mihi Maeoniden et tot casus circumspicies—excidet,' etc. Cp.Am. i. 10. 64, 'quod nego pos-centi, desine velle ( = si desines velle) dabo ;' Job i. 11, ' Put forth thine hand now, and touch all that he hath, and he will curse thee to thy face.'
Tantis malia, abl. of circumstance.
Maeoniden (Milton P. L. iii. 35), a name of Homer, either because Smyrna in Lydia, anciently called Maeonia, was one of the towns that claimed his birthplace ; or, more probably, because Maeon, a legendary king of Lydia, was his putative father (Aristotle ap. Pseudo-plutarch, de vita et poesi Homeri i. 3).
1. 49. famae securas = sine cura famae,' without a thought for fame.'
1. 50. [' nor be ashamed if you do not please when read.'—H. J. R.]
1. 53. The tituli were notice-boards attached to poles carried by the soldiers in triumphal processions, containing lists of the number and names of prisoners and other spoils taken, etc. Hence tituli came to mean the distinctions of a general, and in general, glory, renown. Contrast 1. 7 and 1. 67 where titulus= ' lettering piece.' See Appendix on 1. 5. Thus, here tituli	= laudis amor, v. 12. 38, and in inf. 11.
30, nostrae mortis titulus = ' the distinction of having slain me.' • 1. 56. sic fuga parta = hoc studio f.p. sup. 21, n. It is enough for me not to hate that very gift of poesy that brought about my banishment.3»
OVIDII TRISTIA.
1. 58. facerent, the optative use of the subj., R. 666, with a dependent jussive subj. (J>ossetn), expressing the wish, following it, R. 672. [Cp. M. viii. 72, 'di facerent, sine patre forem.'—H. J. R.] Both this construction with facere, and ut with a consecutive subj. are found; compare e. g. Catull. lxviii. 46, 'facite haec carta loquatur anus' with cix. 3, ' Di magni, facite ut vere promittere possit.'
The two optative expressions ' di faciant' (H. ii. 66 ; xiii. 94 ; Am. ii. 10. 30; Rem. 785 ; T. iv. 7. 9; v. 13. 17 ; P. i. 2. 97 ; 4. 48; iii. 1. 137 5 iv. 4. 47 ; 9. 3; lb. 351) and ' di facerent' (H. x. 133 ; xv. 157 ; T. v. 4. 13) are frequent in Ovid, the former denoting the wish as attainable, the latter as unattainable.
1. 61. ut, sup. 35, n.
1. 63. intrato, imperat.
carmina, the Ars Amatoria, which alone of his poems' prejudiced him in the eyes of Augustus.
1. 66. e gremio. The ancients usually reclined while reading, and rested the book upon the lap. Cp. 11. 38, n.
1. 69. exspectes, subj. of reported question after forsitan.
palatia. There is no reference here to the great Palatine library in the temple of Apollo, as in P. i. 1. 5 ; but the locality simply is meant, as in iv. 2.3,' altaque velentur fortasse Palatia sertis.' Augustus had a palace on the Palatine, near which, or in the adjacent Velia, also were temples of the tutelary gods of Rome—Juppiter Stator, Juppiter Victor, Juno Sospita,' Apollo, Vesta, the Lares and Penates. See Merivale, v. 24ff. Bum, Rome and the Campagna, ch. viii. Hence the words augusta loca dique locorum, though, of course, Augustus there is specially meant.
1. 72. fnlmen, his sentence of banishment.
arce, ' high place,' as in Verg. Geor. ii. 535 ; Aen. vii. 696. It is from the arx caeli that Juppiter,[from the arx Palati, that Augustus hurls his bolts. Cp. v. 3. 19, ' ipse quoque aetherias mentis invectus es arces, Quo non exiguo facta labore via est.' 1. 75 ff. Cp. M. vi. 527 ff.:—
' Ilia tremit, velut agna pavens, quae saucia cani ore excussa lupi nondum sibi tuta videtur, utque columba suo madefactis sanguine plumis horret adhuc avidosque timet, quibus haeserat, ungues.'
1. 75. The burnt child fears the fire.
1. 78. [excussa, not ' snatched from,' but ' dropped from,' in consequence of a blow or some surprise. Excutio properly means to strike or knock out.—H. Nettleship.] Cp. excidet, 1. 48, which is virtually the passive of ' excutio;' and to M. quoted above add Cic. p. Mur. § 30, ' omnia ista nobis studia de manibus excutiuntur.'NOTES. I. i. 58-90.
39
1. 79. vitaret,' would have ever avoided if he had continued to live.' [For the use of the imperf. subj. applied in a conditional sentence to times past and gone (a reference necessitated by the plup. optarat), comp. Cic. Cluent. § 61, ' quid enim tandem illi iudices responderent, si quis ab iis quaereret ? condemnastis,' etc. =' What could they have answered, had anyone asked them ?'—H. Nettleship.]
Phaethon gained permission from his father Phoebus to drive the chariot of the sun for a day, and being unable to control the horses lost his life. The legend is told in M. ii. 1 ff.
1. 80. optarat, 'he had once wished for,' i.e. at the time when he ascended his father's chariot. Ovid frequently uses the pluperfect to emphasise that the time spoken of is now past and done with ; thus it lays stress on the fact that the time spoken of was long ago. See iii. 11. 25 ; v. 5. 3 ; v. 13. 30.
1. 82. infesto igne, instrum. abl.
1. 83. Nauplius, the father of Palamedes, in revenge for the death of his son, hung out false lights on the promontory of Caphereus in Euboea, and thus caused the shipwreck of the Greek fleet on its return from Troy. Cp. v. 7.35, 'quaeque modo Euboicis lacerata est fluctibus, audet Ciraia Capheream currere puppis aquamProp. iii. (iv.) 7. 39:— 'Saxa triumphales fregere Capherea puppes, naufraga cum vasto Graecia tracta salo est.'
1. 85. vasta, ' desolating.' The word implies that in which nothing lives (Munro, Lucr. 1.722). Cp. Verg. Aen. vii. 302,' vasta Charybdis.'
1. 86. quo = in quo, poetic.
1. 87. ergo. See Appendix.
1. 88. ut ait. The consecutive subj. restricts the meaning of the previous words; though in such a case it is common for ita to precede ut, still, as in inf. 3.101, iv. 4. 4, ut frequently stands without ita (R. 714c.). We must not press the inconsistency of his saying here that he must be content with a humble public, as compared with 91, where he says that it is hard for him to advise whether his book shall seek to gain the Emperor's ear. A poet is not logical; his verse reflects the varying moods of his mind; and such an inconsistency is quite in keeping with his nature. (Cp. on 115 inf.). Translate: 'Be then so cautious and careful in thy timorous heart that to be read by those of low degree alone content thee.'
media plebs, in the sense of moderate, ordinary people, is frequent in Ovid. Cp. ii. 351, •' media de plebe maritus ;' v. 7. 54 ; F. v. 20; M. v. 207 ; xi. 283.
1. 90. Icarus was provided with wings by his father Daedalus to fly from Crete; but approaching too near the sun, the waxen fastenings of4°
OVIDII TRISTIA.
his wings were melted, and he fell down into the sea north of Crete, to which he gave his name. See M. viii. 183 ff.
1. 91. hinc, from this place far away from Rome. Cp. P. i. 5. 71, 'nec reor hinc istuc nostris iter esse libellis."
utaris, dependent interrogative, jussive subj., R. 674 b. As one not present could not advise the skipper of a ship whether on any particular occasion he should use oars or sails, so Ovid, far away in exile, cannot advise as to what it is best for his book to do at Rome.
1. 93. vacuo (' unoccupied'), i. e. Augustus, who has been mentioned as Jup piter in line 81. With auncta mitia cp. 73.
1. 96. tamen expresses a consolatory thought qualifying pauca, ' though it were but a few words.' Cp. inf. 8. 20. [Cic. Quinct. § 71, ' quia tamen aliquem . . . advocare poterat;' Rose. Am. § 8, ' quam ob rem videantur nonnihil tamen . . . secuti;' Cluent. § 22, 'tamen unum;' Cat. iii. § 10, ' Cethegus, qui paulo ante aliquid tamen de gladiis et sicis . . . respondisset;' Att. i. 19. 9, 'tu si tuis blanditiis tamen a Sicyoniis nummulorum aliquid expresseris.'—H. Nettleship.]
1. 100. Telephus, king of Mysia, was wounded by the spear of Achilles, in opposing the march of the Greeks to Troy. An oracle declared that the spear which gave the wound, alone could cure it; and in consequence of another oracle that without his aid the Greeks could not take Troy, Telephus was reconciled to Achilles, and was cured by a poultice made from the rust of the spear. Cp. ii. 19 :— ' Forsitan ut quondam Teuthrantia regna tenenti, sic mihi res eadem vulnus opemque feret.'
v. 2. 15 :—
' Telephus aeterna consumptus tabe perisset, si non quae nocuit dextra tulisset opem.'
1. 103. resaeviat, a word coined by Ovid and apparently an ana£ elprjfievov.
1. 104. sis cave. Cp. on 25.
1. 105. penetrale, poetical for cubiculum, the study or 'sanctum' in which Ovid wrote. See Rich. s. v. Cubiculum. Cp. iii. 12. 53 :— ' Di facite, ut Caesar non hie penetrale domumque, hospitium poenae sed velit esse meae.'
1. 106. scrinia curva. See supr. 5, n (in Appendix).
1. 107. fratres (thus personified in iii. 1. 65, ' Quaerebam firatres, exceptis scilicet illis, Quos suus optaret non genuisse pater;' cp. supr. 12, n.), his other published works. They were the Amores, Remedium Amoris, Medicamina formae, Heroides, Medea (a lost tragedy), Are Amatoria, and Metamorphoses (unfinished). The Fasti, Ibis, andNOTES. I. i. 9I-II9.
41
Epistulae ex Ponto had not appeared yet; and the fragment Halieuticon was published after his death.
1. 108. evigilavit, 'prepared with elaborate care,' lit. ' with midnight watchings (vigiliae).'
1. 109. titulos, supr. 5, n (in Appendix).
1. 110. 'And wear their names on their uncovered brows;' i. e. when their frons has been uncovered by the case (membrana) being opened.
1. 112. Supr. 2 n.
1.-113. As the poet is the parent of his poems (115), so those poems which procured his banishment are virtually parricides. For banishment is as bad as death to him (supr. 27, n; Ibis 16); and his last hours at Rome are described as his funeral, inf. 3. 22 and 89; so exsequiis, inf. 118.
Oedipus was exposed by his father Laius on account of an oracle which declared that he should kill his father. But he was saved, and when arrived at manhood he met Laius on the road between Delphi and Daulis, and killed him unknowingly. A similar fate befell Telegonus, a son of Ulysses by Circe. He was sent by his mother to find his father; and being driven by a storm to land at Ithaca, and compelled to support his followers by ravaging the country, he was attacked by Ulysses, whom he killed with a spear tipped with the bone of a seafish. Ibis 567. Thus Horace c. iii. 29. 8, speaks of' Telegoni iuga parricidae.'
oris, 'effrontery,' a meaning common in Cicero. The colloquialism ' to have the face to do a thing,' corresponds to the Latin metaphor, and was once admitted in standard English (Wilkins on Cic. de Or. 1.175). Cp. P. i. 1. 80, ' plus isto duri, si precer, oris ero.'
1.115. Here again the train of thought is that of a poet rather than a logician. The books of the Ars are to be called parricides (1T4), and are not to be loved by their brother for all that their subject is the Art of Love. A parricide would naturally not be loved, it is true; but the addition of the timid warning to resist the lessons of those who teach how to love, is a negligence of writing quite Ovidian; cp. on 88 supr.
1. 116. quamvis, with indie.; see supr. 25, n.
1. 117. mutatae formae, ' the changes of shape,' nom. in apposition to ter q. v. In El. vii. he says that in the first transport of his grief at the news of his banishment he burnt the Metamorphoses, but that his friends had preserved copies, which may thus be described as rescued from burning at his funeral. The fifteen books are written on fifteen different rolls, according to the usual practice (supr. 5, n. in Appendix).
1. 119. dicas, jussive subj. depending on mando. Cp. on 25. Translate : ' Them I bid thee tell that among the changes of bodies may be reckoned the now changed features of my Fortune.'42
OVIDII TRISTIA.
1. 123. mandare, infin., poetically used in imitation of the Greek idiom, R. 540. 3.
1. 125. Note the conditional sequence and force of the tenses. The fut. part, depending on the auxiliary verb, in the apodosis, expresses probability or possibility. 'If you were carrying with you all the thoughts that keep occurring to me, you would be likely to be a heavy burden.' For the form of conditional sentence see on 6. 14.
1. 126. laturo, probably the book was carried to Rome by one of the sailors of the ship that carried his goods to Tomi (he himself went from Tempyra in Thrace by land; inf. xi. introd.*), for the next couplet seems to imply that he had already arrived, hence habitabitur orbis ultimus will mean 'the world's end will now be my home,' not 'will soon be my home,1 as it is explained by those who consider that this book was written from Thrace before he arrived at Tomi.
eras, the indie, is used because not the occurrence of the act but its probability is stated, R. 643, c.
1. 127. nobis is dat. of agent.
El. II.
• Written during a storm on the Ionian sea. Sir Aston Cokain had this description in his mind; Tragedy of Ovid, Act ii. Sc. 1 :— Han. From Ostia we have had a voyage hither
so fraught with storms and tempests, that I wonder the sea-gods— Cac.	the sea-monsters call them rather—
Han. were not all tired with using so much rage on us, etc.
Summary.—Ye gods of sea and sky, spare me and save me from the storm. The divine Caesar, it is true, is angry; but it is the custom of the gods to support a stricken mortal against a fellow-god's wrath (1-12). Ah! poor wretch I my words fall unavailing: the tempest gathers force, and the wild winds whirl away my sails and supplications alike unheeding. The very pilot is distracted, and each wave that breaks seems destined to engulf us (13-36). My dear wife's sorrow is all for my exile ; little she knows that death by shipwreck is likely to be my portion. Still, if I die, half of myself survives in her (37-44). Thunder and lightning is added to the horrors of the hour. Death I do not dread, but only death by shipwreck. He that dies on land can cheer himself with the hope of burial: his body will not be food for the monsters of the deep. Save me, ye gods, and these that are my fellows, for they at least have not deserved such a death. Nay, my very judgeNOTES. I. i. 123—ii. 10.
43
did not condemn me to death, as he easily might have done, but only to exile. Exile is surely punishment enough (45-74). I am not sailing in search of wealth or pleasure; Tomi, on the shores of the Euxine, is my destination (75-86). Whether you hate or love me, you surely will bring me safe to the port that Caesar has ordained (87-94). ^ have deserved my sentence I know, yet my guilt was not wilful. If I have always been a humble supporter of the house of Caesar, then spare me, if not, whelm me in the deep. Lo ! I am not deceived; you have heard my prayer, and are vouchsafing to abate the storm (95-no).
1. 1. The di maris are invoked as controlling the seas, the di caeli as supreme over the wind; cp. 59, superi viridesque dei.
supersunt, iv. 10. 85, * si tamen exstinctis aliquid nisi nomina restant:' P. iv. 2. 45, 'Quid, nisi Pierides, solacia frigida, restant.' The pi. number is due to two considerations: (1) grammatical attraction to the nearest subst., and (2) to the'emphasis being on vota. Conversely, in M. xiv. 396, * nec quicquam antiquum Pico, nisi nomina, res tat? the verb is not attracted to the number of nomina because the stress is on quicquam antiquum,' nothing of his former self is left to Picus.' v 1. 2. membra, 'pieces.' Ibis 17 and 278.
1. 3. subscribite, 'give your support to.' Subscribere properly means to act as subscriptor, a subordinate advocate for the prosecution. Cic. div. in Caec. § 47, ' ipse nihil est, nihil potest: at venit paratus cum subscriptoribus exercitatis et disertis.'
1. 4. Caesar has already been mentioned as a god, 1. 71 and 81.
1. 5. The illustrations are taken from the Iliad (5-6), the Aeneid (7-8), and the Odyssey (9-10). Tumus, King of the Rutulians, was robbed of his bride Lavinia by Aeneas (who came to Latium after the sack of Troy), and led the Italians in the war against the invading Trojans. Milton, P. L. ix. 16,' rage Of Tumus for Lavinia disespoused; Or Neptune's ire, or Juno's, that so long Perplex'd the Greek, and Cytherea's son.' (Perhaps we should transpose 7-8, and 9-10, so that the instances from Homer may stand together.)
1. 8. numine, 'protection,' abl. instr. Inf. x. 12.
1. 9. eautum is meant to express the standing epithets of Ulysses, the shrewd and patient hero of the Odyssey, noXvrpovos, iroXv/jnjrts, who is always able by his cleverness to find an escape from the greatest perils. Neptune's anger against Ulysses was caused partly because he had killed his grandson Palamedes, and partly because he had blinded his son, the Cyclops Polyphemus. 1. 10. Cp. inf. 5. 76.44
OVIDII TR1STIA.
1. ii. quamvia, with indie, i. 25, n. ' Though I am of far humbler degree than they.'
1. 17. lie causa laedar in una, 'that I may not be injured in one respect alone;' i. e. that I may be injured not only by banishment, but also by storm. In =' in respect of." Cp. inf. 66, ' in hoc;' 5. 39, n.
1. 20. sidera summa, for the hyperbole cp. Verg. Aen. i. 102, ' pro-cella . . . fluctus ad sidera tollit.' This passage and M. xi. 497, 'Fluc-tibus erigitur caelumque aequare videtur Pontus et inductas adspergine tangere nubes,' are elaborations in Ovid's manner of Vergil's idea.
1. 21. ' How huge the valleys that sink down as the level of the sea is separated.'
1. 22. Again from Verg. Aen. iii. 564, 'Tollimur in caelum curvato gurgite, et idem Subducta ad Manis imos desedimus unda.'
1. 23. See Appendix.
1. 24. hie . . . ille, the sea, being nearer to the speaker than the clouds, is constructed, contrary to ordinary usage, with the nearer demonstrative: cp. inf. 9. 12; Cic. p. Sull. § 8; and for the ordinary use inf. 11. 29.
1. 28. sero vespere missus, 'sped from the twilight west.' Vesper opposed to ortus, is the west here, as in M. 1.63, 'Vesper et occiduo quae litora sole tepescunt Proxima sunt zephyro.' Cp. Verg. Aen. v. 19. It is called serus because the latest hours of day are spent there, and the day dies there. ' Serus vesper,' in the different sense of 'late evening,' is found in M. iv. 415 : so 'sera crepuscula,' M. i. 219. By a violation of the laws of nature, common in ancient poets, all the winds are represented here as raging simultaneously in order to intensify the picture of the violence of the storm. See Conington on Geor. i. 315; Aen. i. 85.
1. 29. sicca arcto, not 'the dry north,' becanse of the dryness of the north wind, but ' the bear that never dips in ocean,' because the northern constellation of the Bear never sets, or sinks beneath the horizon of the sea. iii. 10. 3, 'Suppositum stellis numquam tangentibus aequor Me sciat in media vivere barbaria.' iv. 3. 3,' Magna minorque ferae [the greater and lesser Bear]... omnia cum summo positae videatis in axe, Et maris occiduas non subeatis aquas.' Cp. II. xviii. 489; Verg. Georg. i. 246. (For the legend see inf. on 3. 48.)
1. 30. adversa fronte, ' with brow that meets his brother's,' i. e. face to face.
1. 31. fugat&Ve petatve, interrogative, jussive subjunctives depending on quid, 'what he is to avoid, what to make for,' R. 674b. So pareat supr. 1. 26.
1. 32. ambiguis, etc., 'his very skill is dazed before the distractingNOTES. I. ii. 11-50.
45
horrors.' Ambiguis malia is abl. of circumstance. [Or of instr. stupet being equivalent to a passive verb.—H. J. R.]
1. 34. unda, 'a wave,' as inf. 106.
1. 37. me dolet exule, 'is pained by my being an exile.' In prose we should have expected ' quam me exulem esse.' Inf. v. 41, n. Me exule is abl. of cause.
1. 39. corpora, ' my body,' rhetorical use of plural for sing., very common in Ovid. So ' corpora,' infra 91 ; ' vultus meos,' 94. Cp. 3. 8, and 29; 4. 8 ; 9. 35 ; v. 4. 21, and 29 ; 6. 21 ; 8. 35. This rhetorical use of the plural, though more common in poetry, is found also in prose ; see Halm on Cic. Rose. Am. § 96, and De imp. Pomp. § 33 (where liberos = one daughter). Tac. A. vi. 34. 3 (where liberos = one son, see Orelli).
1. 41. Di bene, sc. fecerunt, by a not uncommon ellipsis. So in Ibis 23, 4 di melius,' probably='di melius fecerunt,' i.e. 'the gods willed better.' See Ellis' n.
1. 43. ut, concessive, i. 35, n.
1. 44. dimidia parte, so he says of his brother's death, iv. 10. 32, ' coepi parte carere mei." P. i. 8. 1, ' salutem Accipe, pars animae magna, Severe, meae;' and Hor. Od. i. 3. 8, addressing the ship that is to carry Vergil, ' serves animae dimidium meae.'
1. 46. aethereo axe, heaven's zenith. Axis is the imaginary line drawn from one pole of heaven, passing through the earth, and meeting the other pole; and is often used, as here, for the pole itself, the zenith: hence the conventional translations 'cope,' 'canopy,' or 'firmament,' convey an incorrect idea. So in iv. 8. 41, ' axis boreus' =' the northern zenith of heaven,' and so perhaps v. 2. 64 (but see 3. 48, n.) Axis is also used for the ' axis' of the earth, or any other heavenly constellation, 3. 48, n. (Forcell. explains axis here as equivalent to totum caelum) as in Aen. iv. 482 ; Stat. Theb. v. 86 ; x. 758).
1. 48. The ballista (jttTp6t3o\os) was an engine used to shoot stones, while the catapulta {naravfXTTjs) shot darts. Diet. A. 1138B. Cp. M. xi. 507:—
' Saepe dat ingentem fluctu latus icta fragorem: nec levius pulsata sonat, quam ferreus olim cum laceras aries ballistave concutit arces.'
1. 50. Every tenth wave was supposed by the Romans to be the largest (and was called fluctus decumanus, Lpcil. 3. 28 M.), as by the Greeks every third (rpinvfua, Plat. Rep. 472 a; Aesch. Prom. 1015. Festus, p. 71. 5 M,' Uecumana ova dicuntur et decumani fluctus, quia sunt magna: nam et ovorum decumum maius nascitur, et fluctus decumus fieri maximus dicitur.' Cp. ibid. p. 4. 7 M. For the conceit of this line compare—46
OVIDII TRISTIA.
1 Of all the days that's in the week, I dearly love but one day— and that's the day that comes betwixt a Saturday and Monday.'
1. 51. miserabile leti genus est (id quod timeo).
I.	52. demite, imperat. in protasis of condit. sentence : 1. 47, n.
II.	53-56. ' It is somewhat when falling at the beck of fate and by the sword still to lay down one's dying frame on firm earth, and to give some last injunctions to one's kinsfolk, and to hope for burial, and not to be food for the fishes of the sea,'
est aliquid = it is something worth having; a common phrase with Ovid : cp. H. iii. 131 ; iv. 29 ; F. vi. 27 ; P. ii. 7. 65 ; 8, 9.
fato and ferro are instr. ablatives. For a fuller explanation see Appendix.
1. 55. aliqua, some kind of instructions however hasty and inadequate : Pont. i. 1.4,' dumque aliquo, quolibet abde loco ;' F. iii. 598, ' aliquant corpore pressit humum' (' dry land of some kind,' even though the grave). There is perhaps a specimen of such last instructions of a soldier in Prop. i. 21, where they are given by the dying Gallus, killed in the Perusine War, to a comrade to carry to his sister. There may be a reference to the testamentum in procinctu, a will made verbally by soldiers on the eve of battle in the presence of three or foUr witnesses, and which was legally valid.
1. 57. flngite = etiamsiJingitis: 1. 47, n.
1. 58. hie, here on the high seas.
For the idea of the punishment of a ship's crew for the guilt of one cp. Hor. Od. iii. 2. 26 ff.; Jonah i. 14.
1. 59. superi — di caeli, supr. 1. virides = di maris, the gods of the green sea ('caerulei numina ponti,' 4. 25) : H. 5. 57, 'virides Nereidas oro.' ' Viridis aqua ' (of the sea), is found in A. A. i. 402, iii. 130.
1. 62. iussa, emphatic, what Caesar has ordered you must not oppose: cp. inf. 89. See what St. Paul says, Acts xxvii. 24. feram, jussive subj. depending on smite.
1. 63. ' If too you are minded that I should suffer the punishment that I have deserved, still remember that, even though Caesar's self is my judge, my punishment is lighter than death.' quoque introduces a fresh thought.
1. 67. invidiosa; join with illi. the dat. of indirect object usual with invidere, standing here with the adjective, which is passive in meaning, 'the power of shedding my blood is not an object worth envying him.' Invidiosa = invidia digna, taking ' invidia' in a good sense, in M. vi. 275, 'Et mediam tulerat gressus resupiria per urbem Invidiosa suis, atNOTES. I. ii. 51-80.
47
nunc miseranda vel hosti;' Prop. ii. 1. 73, 'Maecenas nostrae pars in-vidiosa iuventae.' (It might be taken in the bad sense of 'worth grudging him.')
1. 69. puto, 1. 87, n., in Appendix.
The argument is, If Caesar, whom I did injure, did not kill me, you, whom I did not injure, should certainly be content with my present state of misfortune.
1. 71. ut, concessive, sup. 43, inf. 73, 74.
1. 72- See Appendix.
1. 73. ferentibus, 'favouring winds,' is after Verg. Geor. ii. 3x1 ; Aen. iii. 473.
1. 76. mutandis mereibus, dat. of the work contemplated: 'Mutare,' of a merchant bartering his wares, occurs in Verg. Eel. iv. 39, 'nee naut^a pinus Mutabit merces.'
1. peto, 1. 87, n., in Appendix, studiosus, sc. 'litterarum.'
Athens, the most famous seat of learning in the ancient world, was the fashionable educational resort of young Romans.
1. 78. Asia Minor was celebrated for its splendid cities (' claras Asiae urbes,' Catull. 46. 6), which Josephus reckoned at five hundred. These Ovid had already visited in company with his friend Macer, P. ii. xo. 21, ' te duce magnificas Asiae perspeximus urbes.' The construction is. ' Non (peto) oppida Asiae, non (peto) loca visa prius,' the second half of the line being added as a further explanation of the first.
(The reading miM for loca of many MSS., adopted by Merkel and
mihi
Giithling, no doubt originated in a gloss upon visa, thus,' non loca visa prius.' The sense is the same; though Merkel, by putting a colon at Asiae, tries to connect non mihi visa prius with the following line, in a most unovidian manner, so as to give the meaning,' I am not going to the towns of Asia: I am not going to places that I have seen before, or to Alexandria that I have not seen (videamy.)
The somewhat harsh repetition of negatives is intended to lay stress on the melancholy nature of his present journey, which has nothing of pleasure or interest for its object.
1. 79. The constr. is non (jtroficiscor) ut . . . vid^am ; the idea of ' going' being implied in peto. The ellipsis is rather harsh.
1. 80. delicias ['pleasures' or rather 'darlings,' 'pets' ['merry sights'?], cp. Quintil. i. 2. 7,'gaudemus si quid licentius (liberi nostri) dixerint: verba ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis risu et osculo excipi-mus.' For the rough and wild festivity of Alexandria and its neighbourhood see Mayor on Iuv. xv. 46.—H. J. R.] Cp. Mart. iv. 42. 3, ' Niliacis primum puer is nascatur in oris : Neqtiitias tellus scit dare nulla magis.'48
OVIDII TRISTIA.
iocose, 1 gay.' Alexandria was one of the most luxurious cities of the ancient world.
1. 8i. quod [' My reason for desiring favourable winds is—who could believe it ?—the Sarmatian land,' etc. Cp. Verg. Aen. ii. 664,' hoc erat quod.' Or quod opto may be referred to, R. 743—H. J. R.]
possit, hypothetical subj. with a suppressed condition: 'Who could believe it (if he were asked) ?'
(The MSS. reading facile est may be right: the meaning will then be, ' I am praying for winds (i.e. favourable winds), an easy thing (for you gods to grant);' and quis credere possit will be parenthetical, referring to what follows after: ' I am going to Sarmatia, who would believe it ?' but this is awkward).
1. 83. obligor, ' I am under an obligation to reach,' i. e. I am compelled to reach (cp. our colloquialism ' to be bound to do a thing'). Caesar's sentence had rendered the obligation of reaching Pontus imperative upon Ovid.
laevi, i. e. the west, which to one entering from the Propontis, and looking northward, is on the left: inf. 8. 39 ; 4. 18 n.
fera, inhospitable to mariners on account of its stormy nature and the savageness of its inhabitants; inf. 10. 41, n.
1. 84. quod sit, subj., because this is the burden of his complaint.
1. 85. nescio quo in orbe, ' in some obscure corner of the world.'
1. 86. exilem. ' I think means the same sort of thing as is exprest in 85 by nescio quo, " a trivial, insignificant journey," i. e. of no interest, and of little importance. "I pursue by the help of my prayers my un-momentous journey." '—R. Ellis. Thus the exilis via on which he is travelling is contrasted with a tour to Athens, Asia Minor, or Alexandria. [I suppose Ovid cannot be punning on exilium.—H. J. R.]
Other explanations are (1) 'short,' *I make my travel short by means of my prayers' (Heins.). Cp. Senec. N. Q. i. 1,' ignes tenuissimi iter exile designant;' (2) 'joyless,' cp. Hor. Od. i. 4. 17 (Merkel); (3) 'poor' [Cp. Hor. Epp. i. 6. 45.—H. J. R.], 'my ill-provided travel' (Merkel) ; the well-known lines of Ausonius rather favour the last; Epigr. viii. 7, ' Fortunam reverenter habe quicumque repente Dives ab exili progrediere loco but see Ibis 24.
1. 88. prona, 'favourable.'
1. 89. magis =' potius,' this alternative being substituted for the former. It is used so in Lucr. ii. 428, 869; Catull. lxviii. 30; Verg. Eel. i. 11.
iussae, 62.
1. 90. est in regione, ' the place is part of my punishment.'
1. 91. corpora, supr. 39, n.NOTES. I. ii. 81-IO4.
49
1. 92. Ausonia was originally the district round Beneventum and Cales, but later was used poetically as a general name of Italy.
1. 95. quae damnaverit, ' inasmuch as he has condemned them,' subj. of attendant circumstances, R. 718.
1. 96. crimina, 'misdeeds,' i. 23 11.
fas = what is right, in the sense of what complies with the divine laws; pium in the sense of what fulfils perfectly all the obligations of mankind, whether to relations, fellow-men, or the gods (see Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, p. 104). The words are similarly joined in M. xv. 867,' quosque alios vati fas appellare piumque est.'
1. 98. facixLus, 'wilful guilt;' his constant plea in self-defence is that his guilt was not wilful: cp. iii. 1. 52; iv. 4. 44; v. 2. 17; xi. 17; P. i. 7. 40.
1. 99. immo ita si scitis, i.e. 'immo si scitis ita (esse),' 'nay, if you know that this is so;' the apodosis of this long conditional sentence (99-104) is in the imperative, 105, introduced by ita, for which see
R. 655.
The usual explanation (to which Mr. Roby inclines, translating : ' Nay I will go so far as this = only {ita) if you do know it,' etc.), puts a comma at ita, which then refers forward to the ita of 105, the construction being 'immo ita parcite divi si scitis,' etc., but (1) this awkwardly splits up 99, and (2) ita is unnecessary on account of the ita in 105. [Such a repetition, however, is very usual and natural.—H. J. R.] error, 'my mistake.' See Introduction IV.
abstulit, carried me an unwilling agent to my ruin, repeated in ii. 109. The expression is borrowed from Verg. Eel. viii. 42. ' Vt vidi, ut perii, ut me malus abstulit error' (though there error=' madness,' a sense inappropriate in the passages in Ovid).
1. 101. ' If I supported that House, as even the humblest may do.'
1. 102. The order is Si publica iussa Augusti mihi satis (fuerunt), 'if the state legislation of Augustus contented me.' For the omission of fuerunt see 1. 17 n. See Appendix.
1. 103. dixi. 'If I have celebrated the happiness of the age beneath his rule.' He means in such passages as A. A. i. 177 ff.; cp. T. ii. 61-62, ' quid referam libros illos quoque, crimina nostra, Mille locis plenos nominis esse tui ?' For dico = l cano ' cp. inf. 7. 13 ; M. viii. 455.
1. 104. Caesaribus. Gaius and Llicius Caesar, sons of Julia, the daughter of Augustus, who died respectively in A. D. 4 and A. D. 2, and Tiberius, and his sons Germanicus and Drusus. Cp. ii. 229 ; iv. 2. 1.
-que, which properly should be attached to the first word in its clause, is often, as here, appended to the second (cp. F. iii. 16. 128. 348) or even third (T. iv. 1. 34. 40, 74; v. 10. 40) by the poets,
E5°
OVIDII TRIST1A.
especially in the pentameter after quadrisyllable words for metrical convenience.
1. 106. unda, supr. 34 n.
1. 109. casu is opposed to vos, which, to bring out the contrast forcibly, is put in the unusual position preceding sed. This is no chance work, it is you who are bringing aid. (This is better than to stop non casu vos, sed with Giithling, which (1) introduces an awkward metrical division, and (2) marks the contrast less emphatically.)
With casu supply ' effectum est.'
sub condioione, 'invoked on these terms,' on the condition that what I have said is true. Sub = 'subject to,' of an accompanying condition ; as in the phrases' sub pacto,' ' sub poena,' 'sub legibus' (Tac. A. i. 17). Cp. F. iv. 320, ' accipe sub certa condicione preces.' Liv. vi. 40. 8, 'sub condicione nos reficietis decumum tribunos ;' ibid. xxi. 12. 4.
El. III.
A description of his departure from Rome.
Summary.—I weep still when I think of my last night in Rome (1-4). The time was come for me to leave Italy ; I had made no preparations, but was as one thunderstruck (5-12). At length, however, I nerved myself to bid farewell to my friends and wife ; my daughter was absent in Africa. There was lamentation everywhere; the scene was like some tumultuous funeral, or the sack of Troy (13-26). Late at night I bade farewell to the Capitol and its gods, protesting that my guilt was not wilfully incurred, and begging that they would mitigate Caesar's hatred (27-40). The same piayer was repeated by my wife as she lay prostrate and sobbing before the gods of our hearth (41-46). Morning came and the time for departure; yet I exhausted every possible excuse to delay it (47-60). ' Why should I hurry,' I said, ' I who am leaving Rome for Scythia, and who shall never see again my wife, my household, and my friends?' (61-68). I gave one last embrace to all I loved, and as the morning star rose, I tore myself away with a pang as though I were being rent in pieces (69-76). Then my friends raised a wail, and my wife, clinging to me, protested that she would accompany me (77-86). But this might not be. She yielded, and I left (87-90). Of her heartbroken grief for me I have been told : I pray that she may live on to comfort and protect me, though so far away (91-102).
1. 3. repeto, supr. 1. 23 n.
1. 6. flnibus extremae A. =' extremis finibus A.' a hypallage. For Ausonia; see on ii. 92.notes, i. ii. 106—iii. 19.
5i
1. 7. satis apta = r<i a\is irpoffriKovra (the want of the definite article
Latin is clear here). ' I had neither the time nor the heart to get me uitable equipment.'
parandi is genitive of definition.
1. 8. pectora (poet. pi. 2. 39 n.), 'my faculties,' as in M. xiii. 368, ' pectora sunt potiora manu.'
1. 9. servorum (legendorum) . . . vestis opisve (legendae), the gerundives being supplied out of the gerund legendi. Both the genitive gerund and gerundive attraction are used indifferently. [But the gerundives are not necessary; cp. my Lat. Gr. ii. p. lxvii.—H. J. R.]
1. 13. 'Yet when my very grief dispelled this cloud upon my soul.' animi nubem, a bold expression (cp. P. ii. 1. 5, 'tandem aliquid pulsa curarum nube serenum Vidi'), rather different from 'nox animi,' M. vi. 652, which means the 'blinding darkness ' that has settled on the ignorant mind of Tereus ; whereas here the metaphor, if expanded, is of grief obscuring the mind as a cloud obscures the serenity of the sky. The idea that there is a point at which overmastering sorrow, which has paralysed the faculties, becomes so excessive that from its own intensity it sets them free, is found also in H. x. 33, 'nec languere diu patitur dolor;' M. v. 509. 'Mater ad auditas stupuit ceu saxea voces, Attonitae-que diu similis fuit. utque do/ore Pulsa gravi gravis est amentia.' The image of the cloud of sorrow is found also in v. 5. 22 ' pars vitae tristi cetera nube vacetcp. inf. 91 ; Verg. Aen. xii. 669.
1. 14. convaluere, ' recovered strength.'
1. 16. modo de multis =' de modo multis;' H. xiv. 1, ' mittit Hyper-mnestra de tot modo fratribus uni.'
unus et alter, ' one or two.' He constantly complains of his desertion by his friends : inf. 5. 33 ; 9. 5 ; iii. 5.10.
1. 17. flentem flens acrius ipsa. P. i. 4. 53, ' et narrare meos flenti flens ipse labores.' Verg. Aen. ii. 279, ' ultro flens ipse videbai Compellare virum.'
1. 18. usque, 'continually.'
indignas genas, 'those cheeks that never should have suffered so.' Ovid's metaphor has been amplified by Cokain into a simile with characteristic redundance (Tragedy of Ovid, Act v. Sc. 1), ' No April shower ever fell so sweetly As she doth weep over her sister.'
1. 19. nata. See Introduction I.
Libyeis, the province of Africa, was a senatorial province whither she had doubtless accompanied her husband (a not uncommon practice— Furneaux, Tac. A. iii. 33. 2), who, as a senator, had gone in an official capacity. Her husband is mentioned by Seneca, Dial. ii. 17, ' in senatu flentem vidimus Fidum Comelium, Nasonis Ovidii generum.'
E 2,OVIDII TRISTIA.
1. 19. diversa, in the opposite quarter of the world. Note the pilii up of words to express her absence, procul Libyois aberat diversa.
sub =' in the neighbourhood of,' a little less definite than in witl the ablative: cp. Verg. Aen. v. 323.
1. 21. quocumque adspiceres, 'look wherever one might.' This subjunctive is really hypothetical, and its subject is the condition understood; R. 646. See on 2. 23 in Appendix.
1. 22. ' There was within my house [funerals usually taking place out of doors] the semblance of no silent funeral.' A ' funus taciturn' was an ordinary funeral of the lower classes, without any pomp or show of mourners (Rich. s. v. funus 4). Cp. v. 1. 14, 'efficio taciturn ne mihi funus eat.'
1. 23. ' Wife and husband, and slaves too, are mourning at my own demise.' Vir, ' himself,' is used as more emphatic than ' ego,' in contrast with femina : also probably because the expression, like our ' man and wife,' was a trite one : cp. ii. 6. Ibis 118. For meo funere, causal abl., cp. Cic. Balb. 25. 56, 'homines alienis bonis maerentes.' pueri = ' slaves' (Catull. xxvii. 1), for Ovid had no sons.
1. 24. angulus, Cokain, Tragedy of Ovid, Act i. Sc. 1, ' she . . . glorifies This angle of the world.'
1. 25. Imitated from Verg. Eel. i. 23, * sic parvis componere magna solebam;' G. iv. 176, 'si parva licet componere magnis.'
parvis (against parvo) is supported by inf. 6. 28, A. A. iii. 525, ' quis vetat a magnis ad res exempla minores Sumere?' The horrors of a town under sack is a stock illustration (see Ellis, Catull. lxii. 24; Prop.iv. (v.) 8. 56, 'spectaclum capta nec minus urbefuit'): Ramsay aptly quotes Cic. 2 in Verr. iv. § 52,' quem concursum in oppido factum putatis ? quem clamorem ? quem porro fletum mulieram ? qui viderent, equum Troianum introductum, urbem captam esse dicerent.'
1. 26. cum caperetur, ' Troy being captured,' subj. of attendant circumstance, R. 722. Cp. xi. 3.
1. 27. Cp. H. xiv. 33, ' iamque cibo vinoque graves somnoque iace-bant, Securumque quies alta per Argos erat.'
1. 29. ab hac, ' close to her,' i. e. the towering Capitol was so high that it seemed next to the moon. This use of ' ab' is illustrated by Munro, Lucr. v. 1332: cp. M. ix. 33, ' tenuique a pectore (close to my breast) varas In statione manus.'
This interpretation is borne out by the imitation of this passage in Rutil. Itin. 50, ' non procul a caelo per tua templa sumus;' and Verg. Aen. v. 759, ' vicina astris Erycino in litore sedes Fundatur Veneri,' and Mart. x. 51. 14, Claud. De cons. Stil. iii. 134, show the idea to have been a common one.NOTES. I. iii. 19-44.
53
The explanation ' after her' (Heins. Ramsay), which Mr. Roby prefers, comparing M. iii. 273 'ab his' after these words, and which is much the same as 'turning away from her' (Pontan.), will not suit here, as this use of ' ab' is confined to passages where a picture of events taking place in order one after the other is intended; whereas here the picture is confined to a few moments, and is not a description of a successi on of events (Merkel); and ' by means of her' (Cookesl£y) is out of the question.
Capitolia, poetic pi. ii. 39 n.
1. 30. frustra, because they did not protect me, as neighbouring deities should have done. Cp. Cokain, Act ii. Sc. 1, ' Enjoy'd the generous Ovid his prime youth, And flourish'd again in his own house Adjoining unto our triumphant capital,' etc.
33- Quirini, F. ii. 475, ' Proxima lux vacua est: at tertia dicta Quirino. Qui tenet hoc nomen, Romulus ante fuit.'
1. 34. Allow me to have said farewell to you for ever.'
1. 35. And though I am wise too late in entreating now your guardianship (since had I done so before you would have saved me from this trouble). Our proverb is 'to shut the stable door after the horse is stolen.'
1. 36. ' Still free me in my exile from the hatreds of my fellows,' i. e. especially of Augustus, though he is also possibly thinking of his private enemy, the subject of the Ibis, to whom iii. x 1, iv. 9, and v. 8 are addressed.
1. 37. caelesti vixo ='deo' (40), Augustus.
1. 38. pro culpa, ' that he may not regard my crime as my own fault,' like ' pro explorato habere.'
1. 42. medios, ' in the middle,' when half uttered.
1. 43. The ' Lares' were the deified spirits of departed ancestors, who protected the whole abode, while the ' Penates' were the guardians of the ' penu' (store-room) and ' penetralia.' (See Kennedy's Vergil, pp. 606 and 616 ; Mommsen, R. H. 1. 173.) Thus the superi (41), the celestial gods addressed by Ovid himself, are contrasted with the Lares addressed by his wife, as the superi were contrasted with the virides dei, supr. ii. 59.
For passis see i. 12 n.
adstrata, a rare word, found also in M. ii. 243 (there followed by a dat.), ' nocte dieque vocant adstemunturque sepulcro.'
1. 44. exstinctos, in time of mourning the fire on the hearth was let out: F. ii. 564, ' ture vacent arae stentque sine igne foci.'
focos is either (1) poetic pi.=focum, the hearth situated in the atrium by the altar of the household gods (Rich. s. v. focus 1), or (2)54
OVIDII TRISTIA.
focos =' aras,' a sense common in the poets (see Nettleship on Verg. Aen. xii. 118; cp. F. vi. 301, 'at focus a flammis et quod fovet omnia dictus,' though etymologically the word is really connected with 'fax' and ' fades,' not with ' foveo'); then there would be more than one altar to the household gods.
I.45. adversos, 'which faced her.' Prop. iv. (v.) 11. 85, 'seu tamen adversum ftiutarit ianua lectum.' Supr. ii. 30.
1. 46. deplorato =' mortuo;' ' deplorare ' = ' to mourn for the dead.' Transl., ' lost,1 almost our ' lamented.'
1. 47. praecipitata, 'night in her hurrying course' down the sky: Verg. Aen. ii. 9, ' et iam nox umida caelo Praecipitat.' The word is middle in meaning, like ' dividor' infr. 73, ' avelli,' 81, and the pf. part, is here used for the present, there being no pres. part. pass, in Latin. See Madv. L. Gr. 431. 6; Conington on G. i. 293.
1. 48. ' The Arcadian Bear had been turned round from its centre,' i. e. on its own axis, had completed its revolution. The axis, the imaginary line from one pole to the other, around which a sphere moves (ii. 46 n.), is regarded as the basis from (ab) which the turning takes place. That axis is the axis of the Bear itself, and not, as some explain it, a fixed point in the heavens round which it appears to turn, is shown by ii. 190, 'Parrhasiae gelido virginis axepremor,' and iii. 2. 2,' quaeque Lycaonio terra sub axe iacet.' [Why should not the axis round which the Bear turns be called suus, etc. ? The axis of the Bear is in fact (nearly) the fixed point or pole round which it appears to turn.—H. J. R.]
Parrhasis = Arcadian, from mount Parrhasius in Arcadia.
The Arcadian bear is Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, king of Arcadia, who became one of the attendant nymphs of Artemis. Her beauty won the favour of Zeus, by whom she became the mother of Areas. In consequence of this violation of her vow of chastity she was driven from the company of Artemis, and was transformed into a bear by the jealous Hera. In this shape she wandered for a long period, until she was met by her son Areas, who not recognising her was about to kill her, when Zeus averted his spear, and planted them both as constellations in the sky. Areas became Bootes, Arcturus, or Arctophylax (the guardian of the bear, infr. 4.1 ; 11. 15). Hera, still raging with jealousy, induced Tethys, the goddess of Ocean, to grant that her rival should never be suffered to cool herself in the waters of the sea (supr. 2. 29 n.). The story, a favourite one with Ovid (cp. inf. 4. 1 ; 11. 15 ; ii. 190; iii. 2. 2 ; 4. 47 ; 10. 3 ; 11. 8; iv. 3. 1. ff.; v. 3. 7), is told in M. ii. 466 ff. The Greek sailors steered by the greater, the Phoenician by the lesser Bear (also called 'Cynosura'), iv. 3. i.ff.
1. 55. On leaving the house a Roman avoided touching the threshold,NOTES. I. iii. 45—71.
55
for to stumble there was a most unlucky omen; cp. H. xiii. 87 (Laodamia to Protesilaus) :—
' Cum foribus velles ad Troiam exire paternis, pes tuus offenso limine signa dedit. ut vidi, ingemui, tacitoque in pectore dixi: " Signa reversuri sint, precor, ista viri," ' where Laodamia tries to avert the omen by accepting it as a good sign. (Cp. the story of William the Conqueror's landing in England; Freeman, Old English History, p. 317). So Tibullus i. 3. 19 (describing his disinclination to leave home) :—
' O quotiens ingressus iter mihi tristia dixi offensum in porta signa dedisse pedem.'
M. x. 452 :—
'Ter pedis offensi signo est revocata.'
1. 57. vale, regarded as an indeclinable subst., as often in Ovid; cp. M. x. 62, ' Supremumque vale;' H. xiii. 14, ' illud ... vale.'
1. 58. aummus is less common than ' supremus' in the sense of 'last.'
1. 60. pignora cara, 'the pledges of affection,' commonly used of children, is here applied to his wife and friends in general.
1. 62. mora=reason for delay.
1. 64. membra domus, not my friends and servants (Minelli), but, as is seen by the separate mention of sodales in the next line, my near relatives, i. e. wife and daughter, and my slaves (pueri 33).
1. 65. fraterno more, as though you had been my brothers ; supr. I. 100.
sodales, properly the members of a ' collegium,' is constantly, as here, used metaphorically to indicate any close friendship (Reid on Pro Sulla, § 7) ; infr. 7. 10.
1. 66. The devoted friendship of Theseus, king of Athens, and Pirithous of Larissa was proverbial. When Pirithous went to the .infernal regions to carry off Proserpine, of whom he was enamoured, Theseus accompanied him ; and though Theseus was let go again, Pirithous was compelled by Pluto to remain there. Infr. 5. 19 ; v. 4. 26 ; Hor. Od. iii. 4. 80.
1. 68. in lucro est, 'is so much gain,' counts in the category of gain. Cp. Ter. Ph. ii. 3. 16, ' quidquid praeter spem eveniat, omne id deputare esse in lucro.'
1. 70. animo proxima quaeque meo, 'what is nearest and dearest to my heart.' See v. 2.39, 'me miserum, quid agam, si proxima quaeque relinquunt ?'
1. 71. The 'stella Veneris,' called Vesper as the evening, and Lucifer as the morning star, was the star which guided Aeneas to Italy (Con.56
OVIDII TRISTIA.
Aen. ii. 801) ; is it fanciful to suppose that Ovid, who is full of Vergilian reminiscences, is covertly contrasting its office here as ushering in his own departure?
1. 73. 'I separate myself from them even as though I were leaving my limbs, and it seemed as if a part were being sundered from its proper (suo) body; such was the anguish of Mettus when, as punishment for his treachery, he felt the horses driven this way and that.'
In 73, 74 he expresses his anguish at the separation from his ' domus et fidae dulcia membra domus' (he is fond of this image of the body, cp. iv. 10. 48,' 'dulcia convictus membra fuere mei') : this is like a part being torn from the whole body (in 2. 44 he speaks of his wife as his ' dimidia pars '). Thus there is a compressed simile, and relinquam is a conditional subj. whose apodosis—which would be ' dividar' if expressed—is suppressed in a sentence of comparison, R. 660. This idea once conceived, he goes on in his usual manner to amplify it, by adding a fresh simile, that of Mettus Suffetius (the name should be Mettus not Mettius, which would be the name of a tribe (Jahn), cp. liber de praen. Wordsworth, Fr. and Sp., p. 380), an Alban general in the time of Tullus Hostilius, who, for having treacherously broken a treaty with the Romans, was fastened to two chariots, which were then driven opposite ways, and was thus torn to pieces, Liv. i. 28. The fate of Mettus is alluded to in Ibis 279, 'Vel tua, ne poenae genus hoc cognoverit unus, Viscera diversis scissa ferantur equis.' See Verg. Aen. viii. 642 (a passage which Ovid had no doubt in his mind) :—
' Haud procul inde citae Mettum in diversa quadrigae distulerant—at tu dictis, Albane, maneres! raptabatque viri mendacis viscera Tullus per silvam, et sparsi rorabant sanguine vepres.'
1. 77. turn vero = rire 8)7.
1. 81. avelli, supr. 47 n.
1. 83. ' For me as well as thee the journey has been prepared, for me as well as thee the world's end has room.'
1. 84. sarcina is properly the soldier's pack, consisting of corn for a fortnight, tools, utensils, etc., which he carried with him on the march. Cp. i. 126.
1. 86. pietas, ' my love,' the dutiful affection of a wife for her husband.
1. 88. dare manus is the regular phrase of a conquered gladiator extending his hands towards his conqueror in confession of his defeat.
vietas utilitate is added in further explanation of the metaphor, which occurs again H. iv. 14. F. iii. 688,' Evictas precibus vix dedit ilia manus,' ibid. vi. 800.NOTES. I. iii. 73-102.
57
1. 89. sive (more often ' sive potius') is used to correct the previous assertion.
Translate: 'I pass out, or rather it was a being borne to burial, though no dead body was there.' For the oxymoron, by which sine funere ferri =' quamvis essem vivus efferri,' cp. Catull. lxiv. 83, 'funera Cecropiae nec funera.'
fuxLus, in the sense of a dead body, is common in poetry; see Prop. i. 17. 8, ' haecine parva meum funus harena teget ?' Verg. Aen. ix. 491; Mayor on Iuv. x. 259.
(Others understand sine funere, ' without a funeral.' Cp. supr. 22.)
1. 90. hirta,' unshaven.' The word means ' shaggy,' and is a favourite one with Ovid, who applies it to the shaggy hair on a man's body (M. xiii. 849), the shaggy hair of Fames (M. viii. 792), the stiff grey hair of an old woman (M. x. 425), the bristles of a wild boar (A. A. i. 762, Halieut. 60), and the hair of she-goats (M. xiii. 926).
1. 91. dolore, causal abl., with aniens.
At this point he departed; the rest of the scene he knows only from hearsay. Graeber (i. p. iv.), comparing with this 6. 7. ff.; 7.1. ff. and 23 ; 9. 65.fr., shows that he probably received more than one letter from home on the course of his journey, from which he would have leamt these particulars.
Translate : ' Distraught with grief, they tell me, and with darkness rising o'er her eyes, she fell headlong in a swoon in the midst of the house.'
' Tenebrae,' of the dimness which overspreads the eyes of one fainting, occurs also in M. ii. 181 ; H. xiii. 23, and seems meant to express the Homeric okotos 00at K&Xvxpev, though there the darkness is that of death.
1. 92. semianimis, synizesis, as inf. 10. 9, Cenchreis, R. 44.
1. 93. foedatis pulvere, cp. Verg. Aen. xii. 99, ' foedare in pulvere crinis.'
1. 97. natae, her daughter by her former husband, who married P. Suillius Rufus. See Introduction I.
1. 98. rogos is the subject of ' habere.'
1. 99. For the omission of ' et' before ' moriendo,' and the use of ' que' in the third member of the sentence, a not uncommon usage, see R. 864 c.
1. 101. tulerunt, 'have brought it about.' 'Ferre' is thus specially used of fate : Verg. Aen. 2. 34 ; 11. 232.
1. 102. vivat ut = 'vivat, et ita quidem vivat, ut absentem sublevet;' for the omission of' ita' with the restrictive subj. see on 1. 88. Notice the studied delicacy of the repetition of vivat; his first thought is for58
OVIDII TRISTIA.
his wife, that her life may be prolonged; his second only for himself, that it may be prolonged in order that she may protect his interests.
(The MS. reading et in both lines, retained by Giithling, is intolerable—(i) because of the repetition of vivat, a harshness of anaphora without parallel; (2) because of the awkward repetition of et, which is not supported by any of the passages quoted by Lors. Burma,nn, from v. 5. 23,' Vivat ametque virum, quoniam sic cogitur, absens,' supposed that the second vivat has displaced some word equivalent to ' amet,' and suggested • servet' in the second line.)
El. IV.
This poem describes a storm which Ovid encountered on the Ionian sea (cp. El. 2). He probably sailed from Brundisium (Masson, Vit. Ov. p. 105, ed. Fischer), and this storm took place on the sea between Brundisium and Illyricum (cp. 19). He left Rome at the end of a. d. 8 (Graeber, i. p. iv), probably at the beginning of November, as is seen from lines 1-2 of this poem, which speak of the (evening) setting of Arcturus, which took place at Rome about the fourth of November (Diet. A. 159 a).
Summary.—It is winter, but I am compelled to sail the seas. Alas! by what a storm is my vessel tossed ! the very ship seems to groan in sympathy with my woes (1-10). The steersman is powerless to direct, and is forced to let the vessel go her own wild way. I still see Italy on the left: oh, that the ship would cease from making for the land that is forbidden me! (11-22). As I speak the storm increases. Spare me, ye gods of the sea, and save me from death (23-28).
1. 1. custos E. ursae, 3. 48, n. Erymanthis = Arcadian, from Erymanthus, the name (1) of a range of mountains in the north of Arcadia, and (2) of a river which rises in them.
1. 3. The Ionian sea ('livios koKttos) is properly the sea between Epirus and Italy at the mouth of the Hadriatic, though it is used somewhat loosely sometimes so as to comprehend the Hadriatic itself: Serv. Verg. Aen. iii. 211,' sciendum Ionium sinum esse inmensum ab Ionia usque ad Siciliam, et huius partes esse Adriaticum Achaicum Epiroticum.'
1. 4. nostra sponte, modal abl.
audacea metu. (supr. 3. 89), oxymoron. Contrast the weakness of the imitation by Stat. Theb. i. 373, ' dat stimulos animo vis maesta timoris.'NOTES. I. iv. I-14.
59
1. 5. me miserum. The acc. of exclamation is really the object of some verb understood—me miserum (vides).
1. 6. And thrown up from the depths of the sea the sand is a seething mass,' a reminiscence of Verg. Geor. i. 327, ' fervetque fretis spirantibus aequor,' and Aen. i. 125,'imis Stagna refusa vadis,' to which latter passage thS reading vadis here is probably due.
1. 7. monte inferior, 2.19.
1. 8. pictos deos, i.e. the ' tutela' of the ship (cp. infr. 10. 1); which was a painting or image, on the poop (puppis), of some god or gods, hero or heroes, under whose special protection the ship was supposed to be, and to whom supplication was offered in storms, and expiation was made, if anything ill-omened was done. For more than one such tutelary god see Hor. Od. i. 14. 10, 'non tibi sunt integra lintea, Non di, quos iterum pressa voces malo.' Pers. vi. 29, where a man, shipwrecked on the Ionian sea, ' iacet ipse in litore et una Ingentes depuppe dei.' Here, however, the pi. is poetic (2. 39, n.), for the ' tutela' of Ovid's ship was one goddess only, Minerva, as we leam from 10.1. In Verg. Aen. x. 171, 'aurato fulgebat Apolline puppis,' Apollo is the ship's ' tutela.'
1. 9. pinea texta, cp. Catull. lxiv. 9, ' Ipsa levi fecit volitantem flamine currum Pinea coniungens inflexae texta carinae.' ' Texere' and ' intexere' are ship-building terms expressing the manner in which the pine-planking of a ship's sides is fitted compactly together, as the threads are woven by the loom. (The metaphor is as old as Homer; see Merry's Odyssey, Appendix I. pp. 536 and 538.) The texta here seem to include both the upright ribs of the ship's sides and the horizontal planks supported by them. It means the planking of the deck in F. i. 506,' Pinea non sano ter pede texta ferit.'
pulsu . . . stridore are modal ablatives used with poetic licence ; cp. Verg. Aen. viii. 215, 'Discessu mugire boves, atque omne querellis Inpleri nemus, et colles clamore relinqui.'—There is the noise of the beating of the breakers (pulsu) against the ship's sides, and the creaking (stridore) of the sheets.
1. 10. ingemit expressively describes the creaking of the timbers in a heavy sea.
jiostris malis is probably dat. of indirect object with ingemit, 'groans over my woes.'
1. 11. confessus, 'betraying,' like 'fassus,' ii. 525, ' utque sedet vultu fassus Telamonius iram.'
1. 13. rector, properly the helmsman of a ship is here used for the driver of a chariot, as auriga, 16, which properly means a driver, is used for the helmsman.
1.14. eervicis rigidae, gen. of quality with equo. We talk of a 'hard-6o
0VID1I TRISTIA.
mouthed' horse (Am. ii. 9. 30, ' durior oris equus'), but of a ' stiff-necked ' generation.
1. 16. auxigam, metaphorically for the helmsman of a ship, had been used already by an earlier poet, probably Varro Atacinus (in a line quoted by Charisius, Ins. Gr. iv. 4. 275 K ; Donatus Ars Gram. iii. 6. 399 K.; Pompeius Comm. 305 K.), as a stock example of the metaphorical application of the name of one animate thing to another:—
' Tiphyn aurigam celeris fecere carinae ;' with which the grammarians contrast another line, probably by Ennius, where, conversely, ' gubemator' is applied to a charioteer,
' Cumque gubemator magna contorsit equos vi.' In Ovid the metaphor is helped out by the simile of the driver. A ship is constantly compared by the poets to a chariot (Horn. Od. xiii. 81; Aesch. Prom. 468, Supp. 33; Soph. Trach. 656; Eur. Med. 1122); see e. g. the elaborate simile in Verg. Aen. v. 144, where a race of ships is compared to a chariot race.
1. 17. Aeolus, the king of the winds.
1. 19. Ulyriis, not from Illyrii but Illyriae, a pi. form of Illyria, found also in Prop. ii. 16 (iii. 7.) 10, 'die alias iterum naviget Illyrias.'
laevade parte. He was sailing southwards from Brundisium, thus Illyria would lie to the left; conversely, after passing the Bosporus, one sailed northwards to Tomi, hence he speaks of ' laevi fera litora Ponti,' 2. 83 ; see n. there.
1. 21. contendere, ' to set towards.'
1. 22. magno deo, Augustus : so Iovem, 26.
1. 23. repelli, I both desire and fear to be driven back to Italy.
I.24. increpuit is transitive, 'has caused to creak:' M. xii. 52, 'Iuppiter atras Increpuit nubes (has made to thunder).' H. iii. 118, ' Threiciam digitis increpuisse lyram.'
1. 25. caerulei; see on 2. 59.
1. 28. qui periit is better taken as he who has lost his 'caput,' a poetical exaggeration (see 2. 72, n., in Appendix) ; cp. P. iv. 12. 44, 'peream, nisi dicere vix est—Si modo, qui periit, ille perire potest;' than, with Lors, as simply a strong expression for one who has been ruined (cp. iii. 3. 53).
, El. V.
This is the first Epistle proper of the Tristia, and is addressed in the most affectionate terms to a friend for whose constancy the poet is warmly grateful. The friend's name is not mentioned, in accordance with what is said in P. i. 1. 17, ' Rebus idem [i. e. the Pontic EpistlesNOTES. I. iv. 16—V. I.
61
are the same as the Tristia], titulo differt; et epistula cui sit Non occultato nomine missa docet.' Who this friend was has been a matter of considerable controversy; but it has now been almost certainly established that he was the Albinovanus Celsus addressed also in iii. 6. See Introduction III.
With the sentiments of the epistle cp. Ar. Eth. N. ix. n.
Summary.—O dearest friend, whose name I may not mention, who wast the first to console me in my calamity, and who didst dissuade me from laying violent hands on myself, as was my first desperate intention, thy kindness will never be forgotten by me as long as I live (1-14). May the gods requite thee with all the happiness thou so well deservest (15-16). If I had not experienced misfortune perhaps I should never have discovered thy loyalty. For true friendship has ever shown itself most clearly in the hour of adversity : by adversity it is tested, as gold by fire (17-26). All are the friends of the fortunate, but let but his fortune desert him, and the throng of friends vanishes instantly away. This I have now learned by sad experience (27-32). But ye few friends that remain to me, continue, I pray, to help me in my shattered stale ; and fear not Caesar's wrath, if ye do so, for Caesar himself respects loyalty, even among his enemies. And I am no enemy, but was exiled merely for my folly. Therefore lend me your assistance (34-44). My sorrows are too numerous to recount; many must die with me untold, for had I a voice of iron, lungs of brass, and tongues innumerable, I could never hope to describe them all (45-56). Therefore, ye poets, if ye would sing of misfortune, take me for your theme, rather than Ulysses of ancient story, for my case is far harder than his
(57-84).
1. 1. ullos numquam. Madvig (Adv. Crit. ii. 96, followed by Ehwald,) prefers the reading of the inferior manuscripts nullos umquam, on the ground that ' quisquam' and ' ullus' never precede the negative, a rule laid down by him in preface to Livy i. p. 22, and L. Gr. 474 a, in which he is followed by Roby 898, L. Gr. 2278. But there is really no reason either here or in Cic. de Or. ii. § 229, 'his cum adrisisset ipse Crassus, • ac tamen' inquit Antonius ' cum artem esse facetiarum, Iuli, ullam negares,' etc. (where Madv. would read 'facetiarum, Iuli, ne-gares') to disturb the reading of the MSS. Probably ' ullus,' both in Ovid and Cicero, is placed first for the sake of emphasis (' after any single comrade never to be mentioned'), which would be the effect of the unusual position. (Instances of the usual order are v. 6. 34, xii. 63.)62
OVIDII TRISTIA.
[There is some infelicity in addressing his friend as one ' wever to be mentioned («umquam memorande).'—H. J. R.]
1. 3. attonitum, 'stupefied* at my exile : the word lit. means 'thunderstruck '; hence there is a special point in its use here, as he frequently compares Augustas to Juppiter, and his exile to a thunderbolt launched at him. Cp. i. 72, iii. 11.
1. 4. adloquio =■ irapanvOia, 'consolation.' Infr. 8. 18 ; iv. 5. 3
sustinuisse, the perf. inf. is used freely in the poets where we should have expected a present. Madvig (L. Gr. 407, obs. 2) gives the usage thus : ' In the poets the perf. infin. act. is sometimes used (like the Greek aorist) for the pres. infin., but only as a simple infinitive after a verb (especially after verba voluntatis et potestatis), not as a subject [this is a mistake; in ' quiesse erit melius' (quoted by Madvig himself) 'quiesse' is subject—H. J. R.], nor in the acc. with infin.' Conington (Aen. vi. 79) remarks that its greater frequency in the elegiac poets than in Vergil is due to the needs of the pentameter (see Kennedy, L. Gr. p. 425).
1. 5. ' Thou who didst offer to me the comforting advice to live, as my poor heart was filled with the love of death.'
The clause introduced by cum contains the reason why the ' consilium vivendi'was offered.
1. 7. Cp. iv. 4. 7, ' Qnod minime volui, positis pro nomine signis Dictus es : ignoscas laudibus ipse tuis.'
1. 8. te fftllit, al XavOavti. 'You well know the service that you rendered me.'
offlcium ( = opi-ficium) is properly a service done from motives of relationship or friendship.
1. 9. imis medullis, ' deep in my heart,' a common Latin expression and quite Ciceronian: Phil. i. § 36, ' o beatos illos, qui, cum adesse ipsis propter vim amorum non licebat, aderant tamen et in medullis populi Romani ac visceribus haerebant.'
1. 10. animae debitor hurus,' I shall always be indebted to thee for this life of mine.' Ovid's use of the word debitor is worth noticing: it is found in the sense of ' indebted to,' (1) with a gen. of the thing for which one is indebted, here and in P. iv. 8. 6, ' ut iam nil praestes, animi sum factus amici Debitor' (I am in your debt for your friendly intention): (2) with dat. of the person to whom the debt is incurred: P. iv. 1.2,' debitor est vitae qui tibi Sexte suae.' ' Officium' is put metaphorically in the same personal dat.: Am. i. 10. 45, ' Omnia conductor solvit, mercede soluta Non manet officio debitor ille tuo' (one who hires from you and pays the price is no longer under any obligation to (you for your) service. (This passage is wrongly explained in L. and S.).NOTES. I. V. 3-21.
63
1. 11. 'And this my breath shall pass from me to be dispersed into the viewless breezes, and shall leave my frame on the smouldering pyre, ere forgetfulness of thy services enter into my heart, and that affection of thine fall out of memory through lapse of time.'
With tenuandus cp. M. xv. 246, ' tenuatus in auras Aeraque umor abit' (moisture disappears evaporating into mind and air).
With vacuas auras cp. iii. 3. 61, ' nam si morte carens vacua volat altus in aura Spiritus.'
1. 12. in tepido rogo. The Romans believed that the spirit left the body at the actual moment of burning on the pyre : F. v. 463, ' Nunc elapsa rogi flammis et inanis imago Haec est ex illo forma relicta Remo.' Prop. iv. (v.) 7. 2, ' luridaque evictos effugit umbra rogos.'
1.13. subeant . . . excidat, a subj. is used with friusquam, where the prior occurrence of an expected event is prevented: cp. Verg. G. iv. 306; Caes. B. G. vi. 37, 'nec prius sunt visi . . . quam castris adpro-pinquarent,' though here the principal sentence being negative (nec visi), the prior occurrence is the reverse of prevented, but is secured.
1. 15. faciles, 'gracious': Verg. G. iv. 535, 'faciles venerare Na-paeas;' M. v. 559, 'facilesque deos habuistis;' Lucan. i. 505, ' o faciles dare summa deos, eademque tueri Difficiles.*
nullius, ' a lot such as to need the help of none.' Nullius is the classical form for ' neminis.'
1. 17. haec navis, 'the bark of my fortunes;' the metaphor of a ship applied to his own fortunes is a favourite one with Ovid : cp. infr. 36; 6. 8 n.; P. i. 2. 62 ; x. 39, 'vos estis fracto tellus non dura pha-selo;' ii. 3. 26, ' dum flavit velis aura secunda meis.' In infr. ix. 42 the same metaphor is used of the fortunes of his friend.
amico, ' kindly,' as in M. xiii. 439, ' dum ventus amicior esset.'
1. 18. ignoraretur, 'would have remained undiscovered by me.' He now proceeds in his usual manner to illustrate by well-known legendary instances the truth of his assertion that adversity is the true test of friendship.
1. 19. See on iii. 66.
1. 21. Phoceus. Pylades, son of Strophius, king of Phocis, was the devoted friend of Orestes, and accompanied him in all his wanderings, when driven by the Furies of his mother Clytemnestra, whom he had killed to avenge the murder of his father Agamemnon. By order of the Delphian Apollo they went to the Tauric Chersonnese, where they were ordered by Thoas the king to be sacrificed to Diana, whose priestess was Iphigeneia, the sister of Orestes. So much mercy was shown them that one was allowed to live, and the noble eagerness of each to die in place of the other was the crowning trait in their romantic64
OVIDIl TRISTIA.
friendship. Orestes was, however, recognised by his sister Iphigeneia, and the three escaped together. The story is told at some length in iv. 4. 63 ff. See also i. 9. 27 ; v. 4. 25 ; 6. 25 ; P. ii. 3. 45 ; Am. ii. 6. 15. (For the developments of the Greek myth see England's Iphigeneia in Tauris, Intr. p. vii. ff.)
1. 23. The story of the friendship ofNisus, son of Hyrtacus, and Eury-alus, son of Opheltes, of their vain attempt to carry news to Aeneas from the beleagured Trojan camp, and of the devotion with which Nisus sacrificed his life in the fruitless endeavour to save Euryalus, is told in Verg. Aen. ix. 176 ff. Cp. infr. 9. 33 ; v. 4. 26.
Madvig (Adv. ii. 96) needlessly objects to the phrase cadere in hostejn, which he says can mean neither ' incidere in hostem ' nor ' pug-nantem contra hostem cadere ;' and he conjectures ' Rutulo cecidisset in hoste.' But ' cadere in' is used metaphorically of falling into a trap ; Euryalus was entrapped by the Rutulian cavalry, whom he encountered unawares (Aen. ix. 372 ff.) ; and this usage is common, e.g. A. A. i. 646, ' in laqueos, quos posuere, cadant.'
1. 25. scilicet ( = scire licet), 'you see that,' introduces the conclusion drawn from the examples.
spectator, ' is proved.'
1. 27. vultu, looks. P. iv. 3. 7.' Nunc, quia contraxit vultum Fortuna, recedis.' Hor. Epp. i. ix. 20.
1. 28. ' The whole world follows at the beck of wealth unimpaired.' On indelibatas see Appendix.
1. 29. At the first distant peal of thunder they are off before the storm breaks.
ulli, R. 476. The dat. to express the agent is used regularly with the gerundive, and sometimes with passive participles and participial adjectives in -bilis, or even other parts of the passive verb ; all these uses except the first are mainly poetical. See Wilkins, Hor. Epp. i. 19. 3.
1. 30. The Roman nobles were accompanied by their clients on foot throughout the business of the day (Wilkins, Rom. Ant. p. 35) : thus comites here = ' clients,' as in Iuv. iii. 284, ' comitum longissimus ordo.' This sense is common in Juvenal; see Mayor's Index.
1. 31. conlecta, 'inferred.'
1. 32. vera is predicate, ' known to be true.'
1. 34. See on 3. 16.
1. 35. rebus laesis is supported by Silius xi. 6,' laesis diffidere rebus ;' probably an imitation of the Ovidian phrase.
1. 36. naufragio meo =' mihi naufrago.' The poets frequently use a subst. in this way where we should have expected a participle, and a thing where we should have expected a person : cp. inf. 43 ; 11. 6. Pro-NOTES. I. V. 23-53.
65
pertius is particularly daring in his use of such expressions: cp. ii. 20 (iii. 11) 31, 'atque inter Tityi volucres mea poena vagetur;' i. 20, 15, 'quae miser ignotis error perpessus in oris Herculis ( = miser errans Hercules) indomito fleverat Ascanio.' See Hertzberg, Q. P. 149; Reid on Pro Sulla, § 4.
1. 39. Cp. inf. 9. 24. in = in the case of, inf. 9. 24 and 35. P. i. 10. 21, 'Is quoque, qui gracili cibus est in corpore, somnus Non alit officio corpus inane suo.'
1. 41. qui, the masculine relative, stands as if the antecedent were not cansa mea, but ego (the idea of which is contained in it); cp. ii. 51, ' Causa mea est melior, qui nec contraria dicor Arma nec hostiles esse secutus opes;' v. 11. 4, 'Indolui, non tam mea quod fortuna male audit, Qui iam consuevi fortiter esse miser.' P. iii. 4.91,' Nec mea verba legis, qui sum summotus ad Histrum.' Cp. 2. 37 n. qui =' for I,' the indie, merely stating the fact, contraria fovi arma refers rather to support rendered to the opponents of Augustus in the civil wars, than to taking part in conspiracies against him, such as that of Varro Murena (which occurred B.C. 23.— Nettleship, Essays, p. xi.), or those enumerated by Suetonius Octav. 19. Cp. ii. 51.
I.42. simplicitate, 'artlessness,' not exactly 'stupidity,' as it is. usually explained, a meaning which the word will hardly bear; cp. iii.
35, ' Stultitiamque meum crimen debere vocari, Nomina si facto reddere vera velis.'
1. 43. invigiles is jussive depending on oro.
nostris pro casibus =' pro me misero,' supr. 36 n.
1. 48. corpora, ' grains.' M. xiv. 137, ' quot haberet corpora pulvis, Tot mihi natales contingere vana rogavitned.form. ed. Kunz 70, 'et simul inflantis corpora frige fabae.'
1. 49. credibUi maiora. See- Appendix.
1. 50. quamvis. This line shows clearly the true meaning of quamvis, and of the rhetorical command conveyed by the subj.: ' Let them have happened as much as ever you like, they will not gain credence.'
1. 51. 'Part too of my sorrows must needs die with me, and I could wish that since I avow them not they may be hidden from the world.' My sorrows are too numerous for me to sing them all, and I only hope that such as I allow to be forgotten may rest in that obscurity to which I have consigned them.
1. 53. A conscious imitation of what Homer says of the multitude of the Greek ships, II. ii. 488, HA.17Bvv d* ovk hv iyu /ivO-qaonai oufi* 6vofj.Tjvo), OvB' ft (jloi 84/ca filv y\Siaaat, seica err6/xar* elev, uvf) 8' apprjieros x^keop Be ftoi jjrop kve'irj; imitated also by Verg. Geor. ii. 43=Aen. vi. 625;
F66
OVIDII TRISTIA.
Pers. v. i. Cp. Reynard the Fox, tr. by T. J. Arnold, p. 4, ' Had I the tongues of angels, lungs of brass, whole days and weeks—nay, months and years would pass Ere I could mention all my injuries.' Tennyson, in Macmillan's Mag., Dec. 1884, p. 83, 'Men loud against all forms of power—Unfumish'd brows, tempestuous tongues—Expecting all things in an hour—Brass mouths and iron lungs'
mfragilis is Homer's apprjKTos, Vergil's ' ferrea.' pectus =' lungs.' For the omission of the substantive verb see 1. 17 n.
1. 57. pro duee N". is used compendiously for 'pro malis ducis Neritii:' cp. Prop. ii. 3. 21, 'sua cum antiquae committit scripta Corinnae' ( = matches her poetry with that of Corinna). Horn. II. xvii. 51, k6nai Xapireaaiv 6/xoTai, 'hair like (that of) the Graces.' Justin iv. 3, ' facinus nulli tyranno comparandum.'
The epithet Neritius applied to Ulysses here and in F. iv. 69, and used of him also in Rem. 264; M. xiii. 711 ; xiv. 563 ; cp. xiv. 159, refers probably not to the Homeric Neritos, a mountain of Ithaca, but to a small island of that name in the Ionian sea, one of the group of islands over which Ulysses ruled; and Ovid is probably following some later Greek writer whose works have perished. Otherwise M. xiii. 711, 'Et iam Dulichios portus Ithacamque Samenque Neritiasque domos, regnum fallacis Vlixis, Praeter erant vecti,' is hard to explain ; see Conington on Aen. iii. 271. In the rest of the poem he artfully contrasts his own sufferings with those of Ulysses on his return from Troy, which from the Odyssey had acquired a world-wide fame.
docti = ffocpoi,' accomplished.' The word does not imply learning in our sense, nor necessarily a knowledge of Greek, but only the possession of poetic taste and culture, and so often means simply poetical (Hertzberg on Prop. ii. 34. 89 ; Ellis on Catull. xxxv. 16 ; Sellar's Vergil, p. 53). Thus it applied to the following poets : Pacuvius (Hor. Epp. ii. 1. 56 ; Quintil. x. 97); Calvus (Prop.ii. 34. (iii. 26) 89) ; Catullus (Ovid, Am. iii. 9. 62) ; M. Brutus, an erotic poet (P. i. 1. 24) ; Albino-vanus Pedo (Mart. ii. 77. 5); and the poetess Perilla (T. iii. 7. 31). And in Ovid we find it used of 'poetae' (A. A. iii. 551); 'carmina' (T. iii. 7. 12); 'pectus,' the poet's soul (T. iii. 1. 63); 'libelli,' books of poetry (T. iii. 1. 71) ; the reader of poetry (v. 9. 9) ; the Muses (A. A. iii. 411 ; T. ii. 13 ; F. vi. 811 ; M. v. 255); his friend Salanus (P. ii. 5. 15); and of Germanicus in his capacity of ' vates' (P. iv. 8. 77 ; F. i. 19). The Muses and Apollo are called ' docta turba ' (T. iii. 2. 4) ; ' docti' and ' turba doctorum ' mean 'readers of poetry' (T. ii. 119; P. iii. 9. 45); 4 docti viri ' =' poets' (T. ii. 419; iii. 14. 1); and 'docta' means an accomplished singer (A. A. iii. 320). See Ellis, Comm. Catull. p. 26. Thus Horace's famous line (Epp. ii. 1. 117)NOTES. I. v. 57-76.
67
'Scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim,' means no more than ' we are all scribblers of verse whether real poets or not.'
Translate: ' Write, ye accomplished poets, the story of my sorrows in place of those of the chieftain of Neritns; for sorrows more have I borne than the chieftain of Neritus.'
1. 59. brevi spatio, abl. of place,' He wandered about in a confined space.'
in, ' in the course of.'
1. 60. Dulichium was an island south-east of Ithaca, which formed part of the kingdom of Ulysses.
1. 61. sideribus totis distantia, 'separated by entire constellations,' i. e. wholly visible at one place and not seen at the other (abl. of measure, R. 496); for Ovid seems to have looked upon Tomi as far north of Rome, whereas really the stars visible at Tomi would be very nearly the same as those at Rome, since the latitude of Rome is 410 53' N., that of Tomi about 430 46' N. Cp. iii. 10. 3, ' Suppositum stellis numquam tangentibus aequor Me sciat in media vivere barbaria.' P. ii. 7. 57, ' proiectus in aequor Arcturum subii Pleiadumque minas.'
(The usual explanation which makes sideribus totis =' toto caelo' rests on no support).
1. 62. Note (1) the antithesis between this line and 60; he came at last to his own country, I to a barbarous land; (2) the exact balancing of the words by which Dulichias Iliacasque corresponds to the pair of proper adjectives Geticos Sarmaticosque.
1. 63. socios fideles, Homer's tpiTjpts kraipoi.
1. 64. Cp. P. ii. 7.61, ' recta fides comitum poterat mala nostra levare : Ditata est spoliis perfida turba meis.'
1. 67. Samoa (a form found in II. ii. 634; M. xiii. 711). usually called Same, is the Homeric name for the large island Cephallenia near Ithaca. This line is a reminiscence ofOd. xvi. 123, AovX«x«V T€ 5afifl koI v\j]fVTi Za/cvvOcu.
1. 70. inperii deumque locus, a covert flattery of Augustus, who lived on the Palatine, amid the other gods of Rome (1. 69 n.).
1. 71. patiens laborum, Homer's iro\iJT\as.
1. 72. ingenuae, * weak is my strength and gentle as my birth.' The strength of an 'ingenuus' is contrasted with the robustness of a slave, as in Mart. x. 47. 6 (the happy man is he who has) 'vires ingenuae, salubre corpus, Prudens simplicitas, pares amici.' Cp. what he says of himself Am. ii. 10. 23 'graciles non sunt sine viribus artusP. i. 5. 52 'Mensque magis gracili corpore nostra valet.'
1. 75. deus, Augustus, 2. 3. So infr. Iovis 78 = Augusti.
1. 76. bellatrix, Pallas Athene, who sprang in full armour from the,
F 268
OVIDII TRISTIA.
brain of Zeus, and was the patron of warlike prowess as well as the arts. Cp. Verg. Aen. xi. 483, 'armipotens, belli praeses, Tritonia virgo.'
1. 77. cum, 'whereas.'
1. 79. illius pars maxima Acta laborum, the charge of fictitious invention against Homer is as old as Aristotle, Poet. 25, SediBaxe 5e ftaxiata'Ofirjpos teal to\>y aXXovs if/evBj) \eytiv ais Set. Cp. Hor. A. P.
151-
1. 82. tamen, 'and reached though late the land he had sought so long;' tamen is placed last for the sake of emphasis.
El. VI.
This is the first of the series of epistles, eight in number (T. i. 6; iii. 3; iv. 3; v. 2. 1-44; v. 11; v. 14; P. i. 4; iii. i), addressed to his wife (her birthday is celebrated in v. 5 : cp. also i. 3, supr.; iv. 10. 73; lb. 15), of whom he always speaks in the most affectionate terms. She was a Fabia by birth, a relative of P. Fabius Maximus, one of the poet's most intimate and most powerful friends. P. Fabius Maximus, through his wife Marcia, who was the daughter of L. Marcius Philippus and Atia the younger, was connected with the imperial family; for Atia the younger was the sister of Atia the elder, who by her first husband, C. Octavius, was the mother of Augustus the Emperor ; and the two Atiae were the daughters of M. Atius Balbus and Julia, sister of Caesar the Dictator. Consequently Ovid's third wife was one of the ladies about the court, and enjoyed the familiar friendship of Marcia, the two Atiae, and Livia, the Empress herself: see infr. 25 ; P. i. 2.139 ' Hanc (Ovid's wife) probat et primo dilectam semper ab aevo Est inter comites Marcia censa suas, Inque suis habuit matertera Caesaris (Augustus* aunt, the younger Atia) ante: Quarum iudicio siqua probata, proba est.' See Masson, Vit. Ov. p. 45, ed. Fischer; Graeber, i. ix; Lorentz, p. 24, ff.
Summary.—Wife, than whom was never one dearer, thou hast been my comfort in my trouble, and hast supported my interests at home, helped by a few firm friends, when a cruel and rapacious enemy, relying on my forlorn state, tried to despoil me of my property (1-16). Therefore I offer my poor tribute of thanks to thee, who wilt hold a place among leal wives higher than any of the heroines of old time (17-2?). Whether thy own high soul has prompted thee, or whether our great empress, whose society thou dost enjoy, has taught thee by her example how to play the part of a good wife, I know not (23-28). My powers are too weak and feeble rightly to sing thy praises; thou shouldst haveNOTES. I. V. 77—vi. IT.	69
held a foremost place among the great ladies of story. Still if my strains can give thee immortality, thou shalt enjoy it (29-34).
1. 1. Clario poetae. Antimachus of Claros, a small town near Colophon in Ionia (fl. circ. B. c. 405), wrote (1) a Thebais, an epic poem, on account of which he was ranked second among epic poets by Quintilian x. 1. 53; (2) Lyde, a long elegiac poem (AvSt) /cat iraxii ypi/ifta teal ov r6pov, Callim. fr. 441. Blomf.), composed to assuage his grief at the death of his loved wife or mistress Lyde (Plut. cons. Apoll. 106 b.). It contained an account of the misfortunes of all the mythical heroes who had been unfortunate in love, and was valuable as a storehouse of legend, and was probably one of the Greek models chiefly used by Ovid.
1. 2. Coo, Philetas (fl. circ. B.C. 300) of the island Cos, the tutor of Ptolemy Philadelphus II, was with Callimachus the joint inventor of the erotic elegy proper, and these two were the chief models of Proper! ius, and were much copied by Ovid. Philetas was probably less erudite than Callimachus, and wrote chiefly elegy and epigrams. Bittis (wrongly written Battis in the manuscripts, see Hertzberg, Q. P. p. 207) was the mistress celebrated by Philetas. Cp. P. iii. 1. 57 'nec te nesciri patitur mea pagina, qua non Inferius Coa Bittide nomen habes.' A. A. iii. 329, Rem. 760.
1. 4. non meliore. Ovid was both of a good equestrian family and a distinguished poet, and his wife was justly proud of him: cp. ii. 109. ff.; iv. 3. 55 'tempus ubi est, quo te—nisi non vis ilia referri—Et dici, memini, iuvit et esse-meam?'
1. 5. ruina, 'thou wert as the beam that propped my falling fortunes.' Mea ruina='ego in ruinoso statu' (supr. 5. 36n.). Cp. P. ii. 3. 59 ' Quaeque ita concussa est, ut iam casura putetur, Restat adhuc umeris fulta ruina tuis.'
1. 6. muneris omne tui est, possessive gen., ' all is the gift of thy liberality;' cp. Hor. Od. iv. 3. 21 'Totum muneris hoc tui est, Quod monstror digito praetereuntium Romanae fidicen lyrae.'
1. 8. See on 5. 17, and cp. Ibis 17, 'Cumque ego quassa meae com-plectar membra carinae Naufragii tabulas pugnat habere mei.'
1. 9. fame, as in Lucr. iii. 736 ; Verg. Aen. vi. 421 ; M. viii. 834, and often in Ovid ; and in subsequent poets, Lucan. x. 58; Iuv. xv. 102. This simile of the wolf, and that in P. i. 2. 20 ' eques. . . moenia lustrat More lupi clausas circueuntis oves,' are probably reminiscences of II. x. 485; xvi. 352 ; Verg. Aen. ix. 59.
1. 11. This comparison of his treacherous enemy, as also the somewhat7°
OVIDII TRISTIA.
similar one in v. 10.19, 'ut avis, densissimus hostis Advocat et praedam vix bene visus agit,' to a vulture watching for his prey, are probably suggested by the proverbial use of the vulture to describe the greedy parasite; see Plaut. True. ii. 3. 16; Trin. i. 2. 64; Most. iii. 12. 47 ; Catull. lxviii. 124.
On incustoditum see v. 28 n.
1. 12. corpus s. n. p. h. =' corpus inhumatum.*
1. 13. nescio quis. Probably the same as the 'ferns et nobis crude-lior omnibus hostis' of ii. 77, and the enemy attacked in the Ibis; and in iii. 11, iv. 9, v. 8, and perhaps in P. iv. 3, whom he accuses of having brought about his exile.
male, ' in malignant confidence in my piteous plight.'
1. 14. venturus fuit ... si paterere. As a general rule, subj. corresponds to subj., indie, to indie., in the protasis and apodosis of conditional sentences, but verbs expressing possibility, duty, a wish, necessity, fitness, and the periphrastic use of esse with the gerundive or fut. participle, are used regularly with a past tense of the indie., instead of subj., to express that such a thing was possible, right, etc. The indie, is used quite logically, because it states that the possibility, duty, etc., was the case, and has no reference to the acts themselves. Cp. 1. 126. (Instances from the Fasti are given on p. 332 of Mr. Hallam's edition.) Cp. 8. 1711.
1. 15. virtus. He speaks of both the 'courage' and 'honesty* (probitas) of his wife, also in P. iii. 1. 93, ' Nota tua est probitas testa-taque tempus in omne: Sit virtus etiam non probit ate minor.' Cp. what Cicero, also writing in exile, says to his wife Terentia: Fam. xiv. 1. 1, 'Ex litteris multorum et sermone omnium perfertur ad me incredi-bilem tuam virtutem et fortitudinem esse teque nec animi neque corporis laboribus defatigari.'
1. 17. probaxis =' proba iudicaris,' as in P. i. 2.142, quoted in introd. to this poem. 'And so thou art deemed faithful by a witness true as he is wretched, if so be that this witness carries aught of weight.' Teste, note the omission of ab, which would be required in prose. Hie is deictic, and means himself.
1. 19. prior, 'superior to' (a post-Ciceronian usage), corresponds to secunda, 'inferior to,' in 22. The faithful wife of Hector is Andromache : see II. vi. 429 ; T. iv. 3. 29.
1. 20. Laodamia was the wife of Protesilaus, king of Phylace and the neighbouring towns. Leaving his wife behind him, he went to the Trojan War, and was killed first of all the Greeks, on leaping from his ship to shore (2. 403, hence Ausonius, Epigr. 20. 5, derives his name from irpwTos + 6\iodai). H. xiii., of doubtful authenticity, is a letterNOTES. I. vi. 12-29.
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from Laodamia to Protesilaus; see also T. v. 5. 57. The legend is beautifully treated in Wordsworth's Laodamia.
1. 21. M. vatem, ' Homer for your bardsee on 1. 47.
1. 22. Penelope was the faithful wife of Ulysses, whose constancy to her husband during the ten years of the Trojan War, and the ensuing ten years of his wanderings, is celebrated in the Odyssey. Cp. 2. 375, ' Quid Odyssea est nisi femina propter amorem, Dum vir abest, multis una petita viris?' Cp. v. 5. 51. H. 1. is a letter from Penelope to Ulysses.
1. 23. 'Whether thou owest this to thyself, schooled in duteousness by no teacher, and thy disposition was assigned thee with thy life's fresh dawn, or whether it is the royal lady, attended by thee through all thy years, that teaches thee to be an example of a good wife.'
princeps (see on i. 33) is here applied with studied adulation to Livia, the wife of Augustus, nulli is dat. of agent.
I.	28. Cp. iii. 25 n.
II.	29 foil. The usual explanation of these lines is to connect 31, 32. with 29, 30 (making the construction * ei mihi quod non habent, etc., nostraque ora sunt minora et (quod) si quid fuit ante vigoris occidit'), and to make 33, 34 the apodosis to this protasis ( =' alioquin tu primum locum inter heroidas haberes5)—' Alas ! that I am too weak to sing you, else you would have held a foremost place.' But this necessitates
(1)	putting a comma at the end of 30, whereas in Ovid it is rare not to have a considerable break in the sense at the end of the pentameter;
(2)	supplying ' alioquin,' or some such word, the omission of which is very harsh.
This difficulty has led Riese and Ehwald to transpose 33, 34, making them follow 22, whilst Schenkl suggests that something has fallen out before 33. [I fancy a better order would be 20, 23-28, 21, 22, 33, 34, 29-32, 35. 36-—H. J. R.]
But it seems more natural, preserving the usual order, (1) not to connect 31, 32 with 29, 30 in construction; (2) not to connect 33, 34 with what precedes, but with what follows in sense. Translate: ' Ay me, that my verses have but puny strength, and my mouth (poet, pi.) is too weak to hymn thy praises J Whatever of vital power too I had erewhile has all been quenched and died away for length of sorrow. Thou wouldst have held a foremost place among the hallowed ladies of old story, thou wouldst have been admired above all for thy soul's graces; still, whatsoever my praises shall avail, thou shalt live for ever in my verse.'
Thus haberes will be apodosis to an easily understood protasis,' if72
OVIDII TRISTIA.
my vigour had remained,' or perhaps may be jussive = ' habere debebas,' like Vergil's ' at tu dictis Albane maneres;' Aen viii. 643. Inter, note the anastrophe of the prep., see inf. 9. 11 n.
1. 35. tamen is consolatory, as in 1. 96.
"With 1. 31 cp. v. 12. 31, 32; and for prima = 'primum,' 9. 20 n.
El. VII.
To a friend who had a portrait of the poet on a ring (p. 43). Lorentz (p. 43) suggests with much probability that the friend addressed in this poem was M. Iunius Brutus, to whom are inscribed P. i. 1, iii. 9, iv. 6. Of his affection to himself the poet speaks in strong terms in iv. 6. 23. To Brutus also T. iii. 14 seems to be addressed, where Ovid appeals to him, in consideration of his great love for poetry and poets, to assume the patronage and protection of all his works, the Ars Amandi alone excepted, and more especially of the Metamorphoses, just published, and the third book of the Tristia. Here it is on behalf of the Metamorphoses alone that he seeks his advocacy. This poem, in despair of completing it, he had burnt, on learning of his exile; but it had been preserved in copies possessed by friends, and he now asks to have it published for him.
Summary.—' Each one that possesses a copy of my features, take from my brow the poet's ivy crown.' Such is my message to thee, O friend, whose name I forbear to mention,—to thee who earnest always with thee my portrait on thy ring, to remind thee of thy lost friend (1-10). I thank thee for thy thoughtfulness, but a far better memorial of myself is my Metamorphoses. This poem, in my disgust, I burnt on leaving Rome, it may be because I hated poetry that had been my ruin, or it maybe because my work was incomplete (11-22). But since it still survives in copies preserved by my friends, let it live to remind men of me. Though the reader must judge it with all allowance, for it has never received the finishing touch from its author's hand (23-32). Six lines I enclose to introduce it to the world, telling how it is the un-revised poem of a poor exile, published by others for him in his absence (33-4°).
11. 1-4 is an address to anyone who happens to possess a copy of the poet's features, couched purposely in general terms, though having special reference to the friend addressed. Such busts (imagines) ofNOTES. I. vi. 35—vii. 5.
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poets were a common ornament of the libraries of literary men (Mayor, Iuv. vii. 29) ; and in asking that the ivy-crown may be removed, he is thinking of some such actual image; for the ivy-crown could hardly be removed from the small medallion on a ring. Having delivered his general message, he tells his friend (1. 5), who possesses a ring with a likeness of himself upon it, that he is here the subject of his address.
1. 1. si quia, like ooris in Greek, for which tins is often almost equivalent, has no conditional force (Reid on Pro Sulla, § 31) : so inf. 28 si quis = l whoever,' and 9. 26 si quid=t whatever.'
The message is put indefinitely, not because he is uncertain himself who the particular friend of whom he is now thinking is, but because, from motives of respect, he wishes to conceal his name ; cp. Vergil's use of ' quisquis,' and in addressing gods, whose personality is known to the speaker, from motives of reverence, e.g. Aen. ix. 22.
similes in imagine vultus,' a copy of my features on the image' on your ring. The engravings on rings were chiefly portraits of ancestors, or, as here, friends, and subjects connected with mythology, the worship of the gods, or mythical history of the family (Diet. A. 96 b).
1. 2. hederas. Ivy was associated with Bacchus, because the spike at the end of the thyrsus, which might be used as a weapon, was concealed with leaves of ivy (or in some accounts vine-leaves or fir-cones), which plant grew abundantly at Nysa, a village on Mount Helicon, fabled to have been the home of the boy Bacchus (Ellis, Catull. lxiv. 256; Mayor, Iuv. vii. 64). Another reason given is that the nymphs covered the cradle of the infant Bacchus with ivy (F. iii. 769,' Nysiadas nymphas puerum quaerente noverca Hanc frondem cunis opposuisse ferunt') 3 thus Bacchus is represented as crowned with ivy. He is constantly associated with Apollo and the Muses as the patron of poets (Prop. iii. (iv.) 2. 7 ; Hertzberg on ii. 30. 37) ; and the ivy-crown of poets is a commonplace, either, says Servius, because the poet's fine frenzy of inspiration resembles that of the frenzied Bacchant, or because poems are immortal and ever green, like the ivy-leaves (Serv. Ec. vii. 25 ; cp. Hor. Epp. i. 19. 4; Ovid, P. i. 5. 31, 'an populus vere sanos negat esse poetas?'). The more probable reason, ' who drinks most wine hath the most wit '(Cleveland), is assigned by Propertius iv. (v.) 6. 75, 'inge-nium potis irritat musa poetis : Bacche, soles Phoebo fertilis esse tuo.' In P. iv. 14. 55 we leam that Ovid was crowned publicly by the people of Tomi: ' Tempora sacrata mea sunt velata corona Publicus invito quam favor inposuit.'
I.4. temporibus, 'circumstances:' cp. iii. 1. 10, 'nihil hie nisi triste videbis, Carmine temporibus conveniente suis.'
1. 5. ' Pretend that this letter is not written to thee, yet, best of friends,74
OVIDII TRISTIA.
be sensible that it is so.' The imperative senti is a little harsh, as a command, though not sufficiently so to make it necessary to accept the sent is tamen of the inferior MSS.
1. 6. fersque refersque, ' earnest about,' i. e. hither and thither : cp. F. vi. 334, ' errantes fertque refertque pedes.'
1. 7. conplexus refers to a gem set in the ring; cp. v. 4. 6 (where he is speaking of his own signet ring), ' nec qua signabar, ad os est Ante, sed ad madidas gemma relata genas ;' ii. 451 =Tibull. i. 6. 25 ; Am. ii. 15. 15; P. ii. 10. 1, 'Ecquid ab impressae cognoscis imagine gemmae (al. cerae"), Haec tibi Nasonem scribere verba, Macer.' Roman rings at this period were usually made entirely of gold, and the work of art, which gave its chief value to the ring, was commonly engraved on the metal itself, the use of gems being confined to wealthy persons (Daremberg and Saglio, Diet. A. s. v. antilus).
1. 8. quae potes restricts the meaning of ora, ' and seest thy exiled friend's dear face in such fashion as thou canst.' This restricting use of the relative pron. is common in Ovid ; cp. supr. 1. 16; iii. 3. 57 ; iv. 3. 18 ; H. x. 53. (Quae in 9 also refers to ora).
1. 10. Nasd, always a trochee in Ovid. See 1. 87 n in Appendix. Bodalis, 3. 65 n.
1. 11. carmina, the Metamorphoses; see 1. 117 ; ii. 63,' Inspice maius opus, quod adhuc sine fine tenetur, In non credendos corpora versa modos.' Ibid. 555 ff. ; iii. 14. 19 ff.
1. 12. legas, jussive dependent on mando.
qualiacumque, depreciatory, ' my poems slight as they are ;' cp. infr. 11. 18.
1. 13. dicentia, 2. 103 n. The reference is to M. i. i, ' In nova fert animus mutatas dicere formas Corpora.'
1. 14. infelix, join with fuga.
1. 15. bene multa, • full many;' H.i. 44, 'bene cautus.' 'Bene' is thus used as an intensive adv. even in Cicero, see L. and S. s. v. bene, ii. 1.
1. 16. ipse. This redundant use of ipse to add emphasis is very common in Ovid. See ii. 2. 86, 368 ; iv. 3. 66 ; 4. 70; v. 1. 10 ; 4. 45 ; 12. 48.
1. 17. sub stipite. The life of Meleager is identified with the brand, and, so to speak, exists in and underneath it. Thus the mother is said to bum her son, ' inclosed in a brand '—' in the brand that inclosed his life' (R. Ellis).
1. 18. Thestias. Althaea, daughter of Thestius, king of Aetolia, was the wife of Oeneus, king of Calydon, and mother of Meleager. At his birth she received from the Fates a brand (stipes), on the preservation of which her son's life depended. The kingdom of Oeneus was devastated by a huge wild boar, sent by Diana in anger for his neglect of her; andNOTES. I. vii. 6-29.
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the monster was killed by Meleager, in a great hunt organized by Oeneus, to which all the chiefs of the country round were invited. Meleager presented the boar's head to his mistress Atalanta, and afterwards killed his two uncles, Plexippus and Toxeus, who wished to deprive her of it. Their sister Althaea (who was thus better sister than mother), learning this, burnt the fatal brand, which caused Meleager to die in great agony. The story is told in M. viii. 260-546. See Swinburne's Atalanta in Calydon.
1. 19. ' Even so I placed upon a ravening pyre my poor books that had done no wrong, my very flesh and blood doomed thus to die with me. Again he speaks of his exile metaphorically as his death ; and his books, being a part of himself, are his own flesh, as it were (viscera is properly whatever is beneath the skin, the flesh) ; for he is their parens (infr. 35 ; 1. 115 ; iii. 1. 66).
1. 20. rapidus {rapid), in its original sense nearly = 'rapax,' and so is constantly applied to heat, as devouring. Thus Ovid uses it of' flamma' (M. ii. 123 ; xii. 274; P. iv. 8. 29 ; Ibis 475); 'ignis* (M. vii. 326 ; T. ii. 425; iv. 8. 46; P. iii. 3. 60) ; the sun, in the sense of ' scorching* (Am. iii. 6. 106 ; M. viii. 225); and the fire on Mount Aetna (T. v. 2. 75).
1. 21. erimina nostra, 'the ground of my incrimination.' Nostra is used objectively instead of' nostri,' ' the charge against me;' the Ars Amatoria was the reason alleged for his banishment.
Two possible (not mutually exclusive, as is shown by the use of vel . . . vel) reasons are assigned why he burnt the Metamorphoses : (1) because his Ars Amatoria was the reason alleged for his exile; (2) because the work itself was unfinished, and, by implication, never would be so, in consequence of the trouble that had paralysed its writer's inspiration, and possibly also of his absence from Rome and its libraries, which would render the completion of such a learned poem impossible. He repeats the statement that the work never received his final revision,
555 ff- > M- 21 ff-
1. 23. quae, neut. pi. not agreeing with viscera (20), which the interposition of 21, 22 would make harsh,.but indef. neut. pi. 'this work.' So in ii. 2,39-242 he passes from speaking of his Ars Amatoria to the neut. pi. ' At si, quod mallem, vacuum fortasse fuisset, Nullum legisses crimen in Arte mea. Ilia quidem fateor frontis non esse severae Scripta, nec a tanto principe digna legi.'
1. 26. mei, objective gen. after verb of reminding.
1. 28. si quia. See on 1.
1. 29. mediis incudibus, from the middle of the anvil (abl. of separation), i. e. in the middle of the forging. Incus is thus metaphorically applied to verse-making in Hor. A. P. 441.7 6
OVIDII TRISTIA.
1. 30. lima, also a metaphor from the smithy, means properly ' a file,' and so ' polishing,' 'revision.' Cp. Hor. A. P. 291.
1. 32. tibi, dat. of agent: [shows the way in which the dat. is used for the agent with gerundive and pass, participles. ' I shall be to thee not disliked'=not disliked by thee.—H. J. R.]
1. 33. libelli, diminutive, used depreciatingly, 'my poor book,' as in
545 he says of the Ars Amandi, a long poem in three books, ' sera redundavit veteris vindicta libelli.' Thus there is no need with Heins. (followed by Ehwald) to read primi, though it is true that ' libellus' is generally used for a single book of a work, e. g. infra 11. 1.
1. 36. his saltern, to these poems at any rate if not to their writer.
1. 37. edere is especially used of publishing books, hence our 'edit,' • edition.'
ipso, the author himself, as distinguished from his friends: so Verg. Aen. viii. 304, ' ipse' distinguishes Cacus from his cave, ibid. i. 40, the crews from their ships. Thus 'ipse' and 'ipsa,' in the comic poets =' the master (or mistress) himself,' as distinguished from every one else.
1. 38. funere. 'Funus' is defined by Servius (Aen. ii. 539) to be 4 iam ardens cadaver.' The imagery is rather confused. His exile was his death; his day of departure was his funeral. In his disgust he burnt his copy of the Metamorphoses on that day; but other copies were saved. Hence it might be said to be snatched from the burning of its master's body. Cp. iii. 14. ao.
1. 40. eram, supported by the best MSS., involves' a change of person, which was no doubt less harsh to Roman than to our ears (see Conington on Aen. viii. 293). The individuality of the author triumphs, involving the abandonment of the third person, which might to us be illustrated by the difficulty of maintaining the third person throughout a letter. See Shakspeare, Hen. V, iv. 3. 35, where' Henry V begins by dictating a proclamation, but under the influence of indignation passes into the imperative of the proclamation itself.' (Abbott, Shakspearian Grammar, § 415.)
El. VIII.
Addressed to a friend who had deserted him, probably the Macer to whom Am. ii. 18, and P. ii. 10 are inscribed. It is conjectured that this was the Pompeius Macer, whom Augustus chose to superintend the arrangement of the public libraries of Rome (Suet. Caes. 56, ' cui ordinandas bybliothecas delegaverat'): at any rate he was a man of strong literary tastes, sympathy in which formed the salient feature of his friendship with Ovid. He wrote an epic poem (antehomerica) onNOTES. I. vii. 30—viii. 1.
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the affairs of the Trojan war previous to the quarrel of the chiefs in Iliad i. (Hennig, pp. 22, 23) ; and it was no doubt common interest in the scenes rendered famous by Homer, the great master, and the other poets of Greece, that led Macer and Ovid to travel in company together through Asia Minor and Sicily, as described in P. ii. 10. 21 if.: cp.infr. 33, 34. He was moreover connected through his wife with Ovid; possibly the wives of the two were sisters (Wolffel, Briefe aus dem Pontus, Stuttgart, p. 2207 : cp. P. ii. 10. 9, ' Quam tu vel longi debes convic-tibus aevi, Vel mea quod coniunx non aliena tibi,' with infra 29, ' Quid nisi convictu causisque valentibus essem Temporis et longi vinctus am ore tibi ?').
With the poem generally compare Catullus xxx.
Summary—All the laws of nature, I say to myself, will surely be reversed, now that my old friend, from whom I looked for help in my affliction, has deserted me (1-10). How couldst thou have the heart to leave me so, without one word of comfort, trampling on the sacred name of friendship ? It would not at any rate have cost thee much to simulate some decent sorrow at my plight, even if unfelt, and at least to bid me farewell. And now others, who were almost strangers to me, have been left to do this (11-28). Though our intimacy was of long standing, and we had travelled through the world together, yet all this is forgotten by thee (29-36). Surely the gentle city of Rome cannot have given thee birth, but rather some flinty crag of Scythia ; thy heart must be of iron, thy mother some tigress, else I should not have had to reproach thee for this unfeeling neglect (37-46). But redress, I pray, this wrong, and let not the end of thy friendship be so unworthy its beginning (47-50).	_
11. 1 foil. Ovid is fond of illustrating improbabilities by a string of impossibilities such as this: see v. 13. 21 ; M. xiii. 324-326 ; xiv. 37-39; P.^ ii. 4. 25-30; iv. 5. 41-44; vi. 45-50; Ibis 31-40. Cp. Hdt. v. 92, rj 5i) o Te ovpavbj earai tvepOe rijs yrjs, teal 7) 777 fiereaipos irnip tov ovpavov, feat ot avOpanroi vofibv iv 6a\aaar[ e£ovcri, leal ol IxOves rdv irp6-rtpov avOpamoi, ore ye vpeis, 2> Aa/teSatpiovioi, iaoxparias tcaraXvovTes, rvpavviSas is rasir6\is Kariytiv irapaakcvafca&e.
1. 1. caput is the source, as in P. iv. 6. 46, ' Hister In caput Euxino de mare vertet iter;' and alta increases the incredibility of the proposition. It would be harder for a deep than a shallow stream to flow backward to its source. This expression was proverbial among the Greeks for what seemed to violate the laws of nature (naturae prae-78
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postera legibus : cp. Hesych. eiri tuiv iv kvavria yevofitvwv); Eur. Med. 410 (a passage which Ovid may have had in his mind), avai irora/juuv Upwv xa>P°^ffl ira-you, Kai h'ma Kai ir&VTa ira\iv arpi<perai; H. v. 29, ' Xanthe, retro propera, versaeque recurrite lymphae !' Hor. Od. i. 29. 10; Prop. ii. 15. (iii. 6) 33; iii. 19. 16.
1. 2. Again modelled on the Greek ; Hdt. viii. 143, vvv Si dirayyeWe yiapSoviq) &is 'Adr/vatoi Xtyovai, ear' &v <5 tfkios tt)v avr^v dSdv it) rrjirep teal vvv tpxfTat, /lrjKOTt 6fw\oyf)<jciv T)pLeas Eep£y.
1. 3. terra feret stellas: it was believed that the stars were fixed into the sky; thus Atlas, * axem ( = the sky) umero torquet stellis arden-tibus aptnm,' Verg. Aen. iv. 482.
1. 4. dabit, repeated, by a mannerism common in Ovid: cp. iii. 1. 53, 'me miseruml vereorque locum vereorque potentem;' v. 4. 2, 'Na-sonis epistula veni Lassaque facta mari lassaque facta via;' 12. 17, ' ut veniant patriae, veniant oblivia vestri.
1. 7. negabant, ' men used to deny,' the subject being general, as in Cic. Rabir. Post. § 34, ' quia nunc aiunt, quod tunc negabant.'
1. 8. sit, consecutive subj. fides, 'belief.'
1. 11. cepere oblivia, from Lucr. vi. 1213, 'atque etiam quosdam cepere oblivia rerum.'
1. 12. adflictum, ' fallen from my high estate.'
1. 13. respiceres, 'regard the interests of.' ' It is not much stronger than our " respect," but has a different connotation, implying rather regard for one's wishes or interests. Cp. Ter. Haut. 70, nullum remittis tempus, neque le rcspicis, "you don't consider yourself." ' (Wilkins on Hor. Epp. i. 1. 105.)
iacentem, • prostrate' in misery, opposite to dum stetimus; infir.
9. 17.
1. 14. exsequias prosequerere meas, i. e. accompany me as I left Rome. Cp. supr. 3. 89 ; 7. 38 n.
1. 16. It seems very doubtful whether Ovid would have tolerated the expression, ' iacet tibi re pro vili,' for ' est tibi re pro vili;' P. i. ii. 15, ' hostibus in mediis interque pericula versor,' quoted by Lors, is not parallel; for both ' versor in mediis hostibus' and ' versor inter pericula' might be said indifferently. Accordingly, I have ventured to insert est after vili, a word which might easily drop out before sub.
1. 17. quid = 'how small a thing;' cp. Cic. Fam. iv. 14. 4, 'velim indices, me . . . quamquam videam, qui sine hoc tempore et quid (how little) possim . . . saluti tuae praesto futurum.' Compare the use of quantus for ' how little,' Hor. S. ii. 4. 81.
fuit ='fuisset.' 'Latin writers often use verbs and phrases ex-NOTES. I. viii. 2-29.
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pressing duty, necessity, propriety, possibility, etc., in the Past Indicative Tenses instead of the Conjunctive, to indicate that it was proper or possible at that time to do something which, however, was not done.' Kennedy, L. Gr. p. 336 : cp. on 6. 14; infr. 9. 56.
1. 19. lacrimam, the singular is intentionally used with a tinge of pathos,' one poor tear.' Gray's Elegy: ' He gave to Misery all he had, a tear?
1. 20. tamen [is applicable to the whole line, and fioto dolore is abl. of circumstance. ' If you could not drop a tear, still you might affect grief and bear with (uttering) a few words.'—H. J. R.] Forpati cp. M. 2. 86, where Phoebus says of the horses of the sun,' vix me . . patiuntur.'
1. 21. vel dicere saltern, 'And at least in speech only if you will to give me such comfort as strangers by their acts afford; and to follow the example set thee by a nation's words and a people's face.' He might, at any rate, have expressed such regret in word and look as the general public showed, even though he afforded no active consolation such as even strangers gave. The idea of dicere is expanded in 1. 22.
For vel = 'even, if you like.' Cp. v. 6. 27, 'nec procul a vero est, quin vel pulsarit amicum;' and for the expression sequi ora, ii. 88, ' quaque Debuit est vultus turba secuta tuos.'
(vale dicere, the reading of the MSS., cannot stand, as cave and vide (Phaedr. iii. 6.3; Pers*. i. 108) are the only such imperatives shortened in classical writers (see on 1. 25) ; and Verg. Eel. iii. 79,' vale, vale, inquit, Iolla,' is a mere Grecism.)
1. 23. ' Last of all to behold on that my last day (at Rome) and as long as thou couldst, those mournful looks of mine that thou shouldst never see again.' Notice the heavy rhythm of the line, expressive of the heaviness of his spirit. Licuit is perfect because of fuit, the tense in both clauses being generally (cp. 9. 17 n.) the same when dum = ' all the time that.'
numquam =' numquam amplius :' e de rebus non iterum agendis dicitur, ut sit nicht wieder.' Hand. Tursell. iv. 328, who quotes this passage, and H. ii. 99, ' qui me numquam visurus abisti.'
1. 26. vale is here treated as a substantive (agreeing with dicendum), as in supr. 3. 57; iii. 3. 88, ' quod, tibi qui mittit, non habet ipse, vale.'
1. 28. animi, ' their feelings.'
1. 29. quid is elliptical; the construction is ' quid (faceres' or 'fecissesl nisi vinctus essem ? quid (faceres' or'fecisses') nisi nosses . . . nossem ? and nisi =' si non.' Translate : ' What wouldst thou have done if I had not been bound to thee by intercourse and potent ties, and long enduring affection? What wouldst thou have done if thou8o
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hadst not known all my sports and all my serious moments, and if I had not known all thy sports and serious moments too ?' i. e. you could not have acted more cruelly if you had not known me intimately, if you had been a perfect stranger, whereas precisely the contrary is the case.
For the references in oausisque valentibus see introd. to this El. Cp. P. iv. 3. 13, 'Hie ego, qui primus tua seria nosse solebam Et tibi iucundis primus adesse iocis.'
1. 33. quid, again elliptical. The participle adscitus is equivalent to ' cum contra adscitus esses.' Translate: ' What wouldst thou have done if thou hadst been known to me at Rome merely, thou who wast so often summoned by me to every kind of resort,' i. e. you could not have acted more harshly, if I had been a mere casual acquaintance at Rome, whereas as a fact I continually travelled about with you from place to place.
1. 35. aequoreos. Is all our former affection cast to the winds of the ocean? Cp. Hor. Od. i. 26.1,' Musis amicus tristitiam et metus Tradam protervis in mare Creticum Portare ventis.' The adjective may be illustrated by Swinburne's' With stars and sea-winds for her raiment, Night sinks on the sea.'
1. 36. Lethaeis, cp. iv. 1. 47, 'Utque soporiferae biberem si pocula Lethes, Temporis adversi sic mihi sensus abest;' 9. 2, ' et tua Lethaeis acta dabuntur aquis.'
1. 37. placida, 'gentle,' as in iv. 5. 20, ' dum veniat placido mollior aura deo.' P. i. 2. 103; iii. 4. 9, where 'placido lectore' = 'gentle reader.'
1. 38. Notice the deep affection conveyed by the repetition of the pronouns mea—mihi. Mihi is dat. of agent; and ' est' is omitted, see 1. iSn.
1. 39. The common place that the hard-hearted must have been born among the hard rocks is found first in Homer II. xvi. 35; and is very common in Ovid, see iii. 11. 3; H. vii. 35; x. 132. sinistri, supr. 2. 83 n.
1. 41. siliois venae, from Verg. Geor. i. 135 ; Aen. vi. 7. Cp. Am. iii. 6. 59,' Ille habet et silices et vivum in pectore ferrum Qui tenero lacrimas lentus in ore videt;' H. x. 109, ' Illic tu silices, illic adamanta tulisti, Illic qui silices, Thesea, vincat, habes.' M. ix. 613, ' neque enim de tigride natus, Nec rigidas silices solidumve in pectore ferrum Aut adamanta gerit, nec lac bibit ille leaenae.'
1. 42. ferri semina, an imitation of the 'ignis semina' of Lucr. vi. 160, and 'semina flammae' of Verg. Aen. vi. 6. Cp. H. x. 107 'non poterantfigi praecordia ferrea cornu;' M. vii. 32'Hoc ego si patiar, turn me de tigride natam, Turn ferrum et scopulos gestare in corde fatebor.'NOTES. I. viii. 33-50.
1. 43. tenero ducenda palato, ' to be sucked by thy tender mouth.' Ducere =1 to suck,' with ubera, is found in F. ii. 419 ' Marte satos scires: timor afuit, ubera ducunt, Nec sibi promissi lactis aluntur ope.' M. ix. 358'materna rigescere sen tit Vbera, nec sequitur ducentem lacteus umor.'
I.45.	aut= 'alioquin,'' otherwise.' As in M. x. 50, 'Hanc [Eurydicen] simul et legem Rhodopeius accipit heros, Ne flectat retro sua lumina ... aut irrita dona futura ;' H. x. 112 ' aut semel aeterna nocte premenda fui' (< I should never have slept at all, or else I should have slept for ever;') Hor. A. P. 42, ' ordinis haec virtus erit et venus, aut ego fallor ;' Verg. Aen. x. 630, ' Nunc manet insontem gravis exitus, aut ego veri Vana feror.' This use is not confined to poetry, but is found even in Cicero : see deOr. ii. § 5, 'omnia . . . bene sunt ei dicenda, qui hoc se posse pro-fitetur, aut eloquentiae nomen relinquendum est;' Fin. iv. § 72, where Madvig says,' persaepe sic paulo laxius per aut declaratur, quid futurum sit, aut, ut hie, quid fieri debeat debueritve, si ab eo, quod ante dictum sit, discedatur.'
With quam nunc must be supplied 'aliena putas.' Translate: ' Else thou wouldst have thought my misfortunes less strange to thee than now thou dost;' i. e. you would have thought that they came home to you as much as to me. See Appendix.
putares . . . agerere, are hypothetical subjunctives, expressing a result not now possible; R. 642 : cp. 638 c. For the meaning of agerere see on 1. 24.
II.	47 foil. ' But since to the losses fate has brought upon me there is added this one more, that our past is robbed of its consummation, O let me but forget this fault of thine,' etc.
carere numeris = to be imperfect, to lack perfection, numeri being, in one of its meanings, the parts of which anything is made up; thus in Cic. N. D. ii. § 37 it is joined with partes, 'undique aptum atque perfectum omnibus suis numeris et partibus.' Cp. M. i. 427 'animalia . . . quaedam imperfecta suisque Trunca vident numeris ;' Cic. Fin. iii. § 24, ' quae autem nos aut recta aut recte facta dicamus, si placet — illi autem appellant KaropdaifiaTa — omnes numeros virtutis continent,' a translation of the Greek KaripOwna 5' ilvai \tyov<xi ko6i}kov nauras tiri\ov toiis apiOfiovis. Conversely, ' deesse suis numeris ' = to be imperfect; Am. iii. 7.18, ' cum desit numeris ipsa iuventa suis.'
1.48. tempora prima =' tempora prima nostrae amicitiae,' the beginning of our friendship lacks its remaining component parts, i. e. does not correspond to the end.
I. 50. laudem, supply ut from ne, 49. So in 9. 8 ut is understood from the preceding ut) and in 11 30 ne from the preceding ne.
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El. IX.
There is much probability that the Carus, to whom P. iv. 13 is inscribed, is addressed in this El. as well as in T. iii. 5. This Carus, himself a poet, who wrote an epic on the achievements of Hercules, was the tutor of the sons of Germanicus Caesar, adopted son of Tiberius (P. iv. 13. 47). This influential position is probably the success alluded to in the present poem ; for though we are forbidden by chronology from supposing that Caligula, bom a. d. 12, was under the supervision of Carus at this time, since he was not born when this poem was written, A.D. 9, yet Carus might possibly have been already entrusted with the charge of the child Nero, the first son of Germanicus and Agrippina, who was born a. d. 6, and was at this time about three years old, and possibly of Drusus, bom in the summer of a. d. 7 (Furneaux, Tacitus, p. 144 ; Lorentz, p. 48 ; Hennig, p. 26. I cannot regard the arguments of Graeber ii. p. 11 as conclusive).
Many inferior manuscripts begin a fresh elegy at 39, which has led Merkel to divide this elegy into two distinct poems, supposing each part to be addressed to a separate person, and making the second begin at 37. Besides the MSS. evidence, he argues that the subjects of the two parts are distinct: in 1-36 the poet deplores the desertion of his friends, in 37-66 he congratulates a friend on his success. But (1) the majority of MSS., including the best LGV.do not so divide the poem; and those which do so, divide it at 39 not at 37. Also this division proves little; for there are innumerable passages in the Tristia where the beginning of a fresh elegy is noted at quite impossible places in the inferior MSS., so as to destroy their authority in this respect. Thus in a thirteenth century MS. at Arras, examined by me, which marks a division in this El. at 39, a new poem is begun at ii. 27, His precor; and, conversely, two elegies, or even more, are constantly united into one, thus iv. 4, 5, 6 are written in the same MS. as one poem. (2) The argument of the poem, as analysed below, gives excellent sense, and shows a homogeneous whole. The description of the writer's own adversity in the first part leads him, by a natural contrast, to speak in the second of his friend's prosperity.
Summary.—Mayest thou, my friend, reach the limit of thy life without any accident such as has befallen me (1-4). But be not
1 In H. there is a mark in the margin at 39 denoting a fresh elegy, but apparently by another hand than that of the scribe who wrote the text.NOTES. I. ix. I-3.
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deceived by thy success; remember that though all are friends to the prosperous, when once the light of his fortune is obscured the troop of friends vanishes away like a shadow (5-14). I pray that this may not be true in thy case, which has been but too true in mine. When misfortune befel me, all turned their backs upon me, fearing to bring mischief on themselves if they stood by me (15-22). And yet they need not have feared ; for Caesar's great soul can appreciate constancy even in an enemy (23-26). , And examples of such appreciation abound in the storied legends of antiquity (27-34). And if kind feeling is exhibited towards enemies, my friends should surely show it to me. Alas I that my words can move so few, despite that my estate is so wretched as to deserve all commiseration (35-38). But sad though I am for myself, I am cheered by thy success, which I foresaw long ago. Thy character, thy blameless life, thy culture and address, all combined to make me predict it (30-52). Therefore I congratulate thee that thy genius has been discovered, though I wish that my own had remained in obscurity, and not brought about my ruin (53-58). Yet thou knowest that my Art of Love was but a youthful production; that it was not earnest, and that my character is pure. Therefore, though my conduct, I know, cannot be defended, it still may be excused; I pray thee find for it some excuse, and act as my defender (59-66).
1.1. ' May it be thy lot to reach life's goal without a stumble, thou who readest this work of mine in no unfriendly mood.'
The metaphor, which has passed into our own language, is from a chariot-race in the circus, in which there were two metae or turning-posts, one at each extremity of the course, the first (meta prima) from which the chariots started, the second (meta secunda) where the first turn was made. There were seven laps or circuits in a race, and skill in driving consisted in shaving so near the metae as neither to come into collision with them (inoffenso), nor to allow the antagonist to cut in between. The meta, from which the start was made, served also as the winning-post, hence the word is frequently used metaphorically for the goal of action or life (Rich. s. v. meta 1). We find it so used in the singular in A. A. ii. 727,' ad metam properate simul,' and in the plural T. iv. 8. 35, ' nec procul a metis, quas paene tenere videbar, Cumculo gravis est facta ruina meo.' [See my note on Hor. A. P. 412,—A. S. W.]
On inoffenso see v. 28 n, in Appendix.
1. 3. possent, optative use of the subj. In such cases the present and perfect subj . are used of wishes which are conceived of as possible, while the imperf. subj. is used of wishes which can no longer be fulfilled, the pluperf. when the wish could no longer have been fulfilled in the past.
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Thus utinam possivt, =' I wish I may be able;' utinam possem =' I wish I could,' but I cannot. In the present passage, though giving vent to a wish for his friend's lifelong prosperity, he expresses himself in a tone of despondency: I wish that my prayers, which have been of no avail in my own case, could have weight in yours, though I feel that my prayers are powerless. Thus there is no reason to read possint against the balance of MSS. authority.
1. 5. donee eris ... numerabis, the tenses correspond, as usual in such cases, in the two clauses ; R. 695. For the sentiment cp. supr. 5. 27.
1. 7. adspicis ut verdant. The subj. is used because of the indirect question depending on w^='how?' Cp. v. 14. 35, 'Adspicis, ut longo teneat laudabilis aevo Nomen inexstinctum Penelopea fides ?'
Translate: ' Dost thou see how doves come trooping to shelters that are white, while yon mouldering turret houses never a bird?' See Appendix.
1. 10. ad amissas opes = ' to one who has lost his wealth.'
1. 11. radios per solis. Notice the anastrophe of the preposition, which is not uncommon in Ovid, either (a) the substantive preceding and an adjective following, P. i. 1. 13, 'novitate sub ipsa ;' 2. 15, 'hostibus in mediis 35,' lignum in ullum ;' 5. 27, ' tempus ad hoc' (cp. Ibis 1) ; or (3), as here, between a substantive and dependent gen.; cp. infr. 10. 15, 'mare in Helles;'P. i. 2. 82, 'terga per amnis;' 8. 33, 'pulcrae loca ad urbis ;' F. iii. 733, ' nomine ab auctoris.' In 6. 33 both substantive and adjective precede the preposition.
1. 12. hie is used of the sun, though more remote in the sentence than umbra, because the disappearance of the sun precedes that of the shade in order of time : see on 2. 24.
1. 13. Note the ingenuity of the simile. Just as his shadow follows a man who walks in the sunlight, so the fickle crowd of parasites follows a man so long as he enjoys the sunlight of fortune ; but when fortune's sunlight is hidden, the parasites too vanish like shadows. An additional point is given to the simile by the allusion to parasites contained in the word umbra, which means in one of its senses an uninvited guest brought by an invited guest to a dinner. Washietl (p. 96) thinks that this is one of the passages in which Ovid shows his study of Lucretius ; cp. Lucr. iv. 364 ff. For the sentiment see supr. 5. 29 ; v. 8. 7 fF.
1. 14. nocte. The word is intended to suggest the gloom of misfortune, in which all the brightness of life is obscured, and is contrasted with lumina.
1. 15. 'I pray that thou mayest always have cause to think these tales unreal, though we needs must confess them real in consequence of what has befallen me.'NOTES. I. ix. 5~2I.
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1. 16. eventu meo, causal abl. Cp. ii. 125; Cic. pro Mur. § 55, * hums eventum fortunamque miserari.'
1. 17. dum stetimua . . . habebat is irregular, for where dum = ' so long as' is used, the tense is generally the same in both clauses (so the usage is given in Kiihner. ii. 907 ; R. 695 ; L. Gr. 1667 ; see Holtze, ii. 128; cp. 8. 23 n.). In Cic. where dum is used with the perfect, there is always a perf. in the principal clause, except in one doubtful instance of a future in Verr. iii. § 2 24 (see Merguet, Lex. Cic.). But with regard to other writers, the statement of the usage in the grammars requires to be modified. For besides this passage, dum with perf. is found with an imperf. in the main clause in iii. 7. 23, ' dum licuit, tua saepe mihi, tibi nostra legebam ;' Verg. Aen. i. 268, ' Ilus erat, dum res stetit Ilia regno ;' and in Tac. (whose style is somewhat poetical) A. iii. 21.6, dum ea ratio barbaro fuit. . . Romanum inpune ludificabatur;1 vi. 40. 4,' Lepida . . . impunita agebat, dum mperfuit pater Lepidus.' And conversely, dum, with the imperf. is found where there is a perf. in the main clause. T. v. 3. 5,' inter quos . . . dum me mea fata sine-bant . . . , pars fuiIn P. ii. 3. 26, dum with perf. stands in apposition to a perf. participle.
stare =' to stand unshaken in prosperity,' is the opposite of iacere, 8. 13. Cp. v. 14. 21, 'tua, dum stetimus, turpi sine crimine mansit , . . probitas ;' Verg. Aen. 1. 268 (quoted above), and ii. 88 ; and for the origin of the metaphor, M. iii. 131, ' iam stabant Thebae.' esset is consecutive subj., R. 704.
1. 18. ambitiosa, 'ambitiosus et qui ambit et qui ambitur,' Gellius, ix. 12. Here the word is usually construed as passive, 'a house well-known, yet not greatly courted.' But as in all other passages Ovid uses 'ambitiosus' actively, as 'honour-loving,' it is better to explain it so here: ' A house well-known, yet not eager to attract admirers.' For ambitiosus see iv. 3. 68; v. 7. 28 ; Am. i. 1. 14; ii. 4. 48; A. A. ii. 254; M. xiii. 289; F. v. 298; P. iii. 1. 84.
1. 19. inpulsa, ' inpellere' is 'to push from its balance :' Verg. Aen. ii. 465, 'turrim . . . convellimus altis Sedibus inpulimusque.'
omnes timuere ruinam, ' all feared its falling mass.' Cp. iii. 5. 5, ' ut cecidi, cunctique metu fugere ruinam, Versaque amicitiae terga dedere meae;' P. iii. 2. 7, ' ignoscimus illis, Qui cum fortuna terga dedere fugae.'
1. 20. cauta dedere fugae = 'cauti dedere fugae,' supr. 6. 33. Cp. P. iii; 2. 15, 'me quoque amicorum nimio terrore metuque, Non odio quidam destituere mei. Non illis pietas, non officiosa voluntas Defuit: adversos extimuere deos.'
1. 21. 'Nor do I wonder if they fear the cruel bolts by the breath of whose fire all the neighbourhood is wont to be blasted.' The thunder-86
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bolt is regarded as surrounded by an emanation of hot air, which breathes as it were upon whatever it comes in contact with ; the image is graphic enough, and will come home to anyone who has stood near a large fumace, and it is unnecessary to introduce the idea of ' the wind of the thunderbolt's motion' as is done by Conington on Aen. ii. 649.
1. 22. adflari does not imply total destruction; see P. iii. 6. 17, ' Fulminis adflatos interdum vivere telis Vidimus, et refici, non prohibente love;' Liv. xxviii. 23. 4, ' correpti alii flamma sunt, alii ambusti adflatu vaporis ;' xxx. 6. 7, ' magna pars saucii adflatique incendio effugerunt; * xxxix. 22. 3, 'ignesque caelestes multifariam orti adussisse complurium levi adflatu vestimenta maxime dicebantur ;' Serv. on Aen. ii. 649, ' tria sunt fulminum genera: est quod adflat, quod incendit, quod findit.*
1. 23. remanentem. ' Re-' gives the force of backward action : thus manere ='to stay;' remanere='to stay back,' 'to remain.* Kennedy, L. Gr. p. 265 ; Roby, L. Gr. 2101.
1. 24. quamlibet in vie o in hoste, ' in the cose of an enemy however detested,' ' m the case of the most detested enemy.'
For in cp. infr. 35, and see on 5. 39.
This use of quamlibet qualifying an adjective is particularly characteristic of Ovid. Cp. infr. 10. 6 ; H. vi. 7, 'quamlibet adverso signatur epistula vento;' 140, 'quamlibet infirmis ipse dat arma dolor;' xi. 124, ' urnaque nos habeat quamlibet arta duos ;' Am. i. 7.66,' quamlibet infirmas adiuvat ira manus;' A. A. iii. 312, 'Sirenes . . . quamlibet admissas detinuere rates ;' 597, ' quamlibet exstinctos iniuria suscitat ignes ;' 642, ' cedat lecto quamlibet Aegra suo ;' P. iii. 4. 10, ' quamlibet invitum difficilemque tenent (sc. magni poetae) ;' iv. 4. 45, ' quamlibet absentem, qua possum, mente videbo.' See Kennedy, L. Gr. p. 480. For the sentiment cp. supr. 5. 39.
1. 26. si quid, supr. 7. 1 n.
I.27. Orestae, poetic form of the usu. gen. ' Orestis.' For the legend see on 5. 21. Ovid here deals with the legends somewhat freely, as is his manner: for the ordinary versions say nothing of approval by Thoas of the conduct of Pylades, of Hector's praises of Patroclus, or Pluto's sorrow for Theseus ; and indeed that this is all his own fanciful addition, the poet hints by the use of the word credibile in 34.
1. 29. Actoridae. Patroclus, the grandson of Actor, and son of Menoe-tius (hence called Menoetiades, v. 4. 25), was the chosen comrade of Achilles, whom he accompanied to Troy. When the Trojans were bursting into the Greek camp he put on the armour of Achilles, who himself, in consequence of a quarrel, had retired from the fight, and when Apollo had first stripped him of his armour, and Euphorbus wounded him, wasNOTES. I. ix. 22-46.
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killed by Hector (II. xvi.) ; in vengeance for which Hector was himself slain by Achilles (II. xxii.).
1. 30. Aristotle, Rhet. i. 6. 24, remarks-on the importance of praises when coming from the mouth of an enemy, who is not likely easily to allow merit, wcrirep yaip iravres 77877 o/ioKoyovatv, tl ical ol kclkws irtirov-Oores, ' for this is as good as an universal admission, if even those who have suffered at our hands praise us.' Cope refers to Verg. Aen. xi. 282, where ' the prowess of Aeneas could not be more highly extolled than by the praises extorted from his enemy Diomede.'
1. 31. iret. Notice the force of the imperf., 'They say that Pluto grieved because Theseus was coming down to Hades to accompany his friend.'
1. 33. See on v. 23, supr.
1. 35. ' Let kindly feeling be shown now also to the wretched; it is approved even in dealing with an enemy.' See Appendix.
miseris (poetic pi. ii. 39 n.) is dative of the possessor, pietas is taken by Minelli to mean ' pity,' to which it is almost equivalent. .
et in hoste. • Et' =' quamvis :' cp. M. xiii. 498,' cecidisti et femina ferro.' For the asyndeton coupled with the imperative cp. A. A. ii. 119,' lam molire animum, qui duret, et astrue formae: Solus ad ex-tremos permanet ille rogos.' 'For in see on 5. 39.
1. 39. quamvis is used adverbially to qualify maestissima, without affecting the mood of the verb. Cp. n. on quamlibet, supr. 24.
I.40. processu, 'advancement:' cp. iv. 5. 25, 'sic tua processus habeat fortuna perennes,' and Mayor on Iuv. i. 39, ' in caelum quos evehit optima summi Nunc via processus.'
I.	41. iam tunc, 'even at that time long ago,' equivalent in meaning to iam ttim, which is the usual Augustan form. See L. and S. s. v. iam, B. 2 b.
II.	41-46 are closely connected together in sense. Translate : ' I saw, dearest friend, that this success would befall thee even at that time long ago when the breeze was less impetuously speeding the bark of thy fortunes along that course; if there be any value in character or a spotless life, then there was none whom we should have priced above thyself; or if any man has exalted his head above his fellows by gentle culture—then we see that thy eloquence lends justice to each and every cause.'
The two couplets 43-44, 45-46, give two reasons why Ovid formerly prophesied his friend's subsequent success; (1) his high character and stainless life, (2) his intellectual and oratorical ability. The sentence runs smoothly down to 45, erat and extulit being past tenses {est88
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is present because the truth applies equally to all time) : at 46 there is a slight anacoluthon or change of construction; we should have expected something like ' tu supra ceteros caput efferebas.' Instead of this, in his eagerness to do justice to his friend's later success at the bar, he presses on to the present time, and finishes by saying, ' we see that you are now a most capable pleader, the best possible practical proof of culture.'
ista is abl. of the road by which : for the metaphor of the ship see on 5. 17. [Or perhaps abl. of comparison, 'than the breeze which you now enjoy.'—A. S. W.]
pluxis is gen. of price, used by the false analogy of the locative tanti, quanti, etc.
extulit [c has ever raised,' hence proverbially a gnomic perfect. —A.S. W.]
eloquio is instrum. abl. The word is a poetical form for elo-quentia, used once by Verg. Aen. xi. 383, once by Hor. A. P. 217, and frequently by Ovid : see iv. 10. 17 ; Am. i. 8. 20 ; A. A. i. 462 ; M. xiii. 63 and 322 ; F. iv. 111 ; P. ii. 2. 51, and v. 40 and 56. It is found also in late prose.
1. 47. dixi tibi protinus ipsi, ' I told thee to thy face.'
I.	48. soaena. The comparison of the sphere of an orator to the stage is found in Cic. de Or. ii. § 338, ' maxima oratori quasi scaena videtur contio esse:' see also Lael. § 97, where many passages are collected by Seyffert. The metaphor of the stage applied to human action occurs in P. i. 5. 69, 'hoc mea contenta est infelix musa theatro;' iii. 1. 59, * quicquid ages igitur, scaena spectabere magna.' The reader will remember Shakspeare's, ' All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players; They have their exits and their entrances, And one man in his time plays many parts, His acts being seven ages.'
II.	49 foil. It is tempting to suppose that Ovid recollected Cic. Fam. vi. 6. 7, ' non igitur ex alitis involatu nec a cantu sinistro oscinis, ut in nostra disciplina est, nec ex tripudiis solistimis aut soniviis tibi auguror, sed habeo alia signa, quae observem,-'
11. 49-50. Three out of the five sorts of augury employed by the Romans are mentioned here—(1) ex quadrupedibus, here from the inspection of the entrails of sheep ; (2) ex caelo, here from the sound of thunder on the left; (3) ex avibus, those which gave auguries either (a) by their note (lingua), called oscines, or {b) by their flight (penna), called alites. See Diet. A. 175 b.
librae, ' filaments/ are the extremities of the liver, from the inspection of which auguries were taken: Tibull. ii. 1. 25, ' viden ut feli-«NOTES. I. ix. 47-6l.
89
cibus extis Significet placidos nuntia fibra deos.' See Verg. Geor. i. 484, Conington.
tonitrus sinistri: the left was the favourable quarter in Roman augury, just as the right was in Greek; Cic. de Div. ii. §11. The difference is to be accounted for by the fact that the augurs of the Greeks looked towards the north, those of the Romans towards the south; and the east was uniformly the quarter of good, and the west of evil omen. F. iv. 833, ' Ille precabatur, tonitru dedit omina laevo Iuppiter, et laevo fulmina missa polo. Augurio laeti iaciunt fundamina cives.'
With 50 cp. Verg. Aen. iii. 361, 'Et volucrum linguas et praepetis omina pennae.'
1. 51. The order is 'ratio (mihi) augurium (=pro augurio) et con-iectura (=pro coniectura) futuri est' (Lors), not ' ratio et coniectura est (mi/ii) augurium futuri' (Burm.), which would have required his not hac in 52. Translate : ' My augury and prophecy as to what is to be is based on reasoning.'
coniectura, here in the special sense of a conclusion drawn from omens (see L. and S. s. v. ii. a), is similarly used with a dependent objective gen. in Cic. de Div. ii. § 129, 'etiamsi fieri possit coniectura vera somniorum, tamen isti, qui profitentur, earn facere non possint;' Verr. iii. § 121, 'vos coniecturam totius provinciae (contrast 'coniec-turam de tota Sicilia facere,' § 106) nonne facietis?' [It seems to me that ratio is not strong enough to bear this, when separated from, and as it were opposed to coniectura, which means the same. I am inclined to take it, the augury in this case is based on rational inference of the future, ratio et coniectura futuri being as it were one notion.—H. J. R.]
1. 56. expediit =' it would have been best for me,' see on 8. 17.
1. 57. The serious profession of a barrister is contrasted with the light nature of the Ars Amatoria.
axtes has a different sense in 57 and 58 ; in 57 it means the craft, profession of a barrister, in 58 it means the art of love.
1. 59. Ovid frequently asserts that his life is pure, though his verse is not (ii. 349 ff. ; iii. 2. 5; iv. 10. 67); and the same defence is made by Catullus, Martial, and Pliny the younger. (Ellis, Comm. Catull. P- 47-)
1. 61. vetus hoc carmen. The Ars Amatoria was probably published in B. c. 2, when the poet, who was bom in B. c. 43, was 41 years old, and the work had probably occupied some years in writing before that date; so that though this book was written A. D. 9, when he was 51 years old, he may fairly speak of the Ars as vetus carmen, and of himself, when he composed it, as iuvenis, which roughly comprehends men9o
OVTDII TRISTIA.
between the ages of 20 and 40. Cp. ii. 339,' Ad leve rursns opus, iuvenalia carmina, veni, Et falso movi pectus amore meum.'
ludere is specially used of writing love-poetry; Am. iii. 1. 27, ' quod tenerae cantent, lusit tua musa, puellae.' In the active ludere would take a cognate acc. (ludere carmen), but when used as here in the passive, the cognate acc. becomes the subject; see Palmer on Hor. S. i. 6. 126.
1. 62. sio must be joined closely with ut, the order being istos, tamen esse iocos sic ut non laudandos, ' they are of such a sort as we cannot approve, but still they are persiflage,' [sic . . . ut quite parallel to 57, 58, * while ... yet;' cp. R. 715 a, and 63, 64. A mannerism of Ovid.— A. S. W.]
1. 63. color = 'artful palliation of a fault' (' in malam partem, ut pro subtiliter exquisita defensione, praetextu, excusatione,' Forcell.) ; the metaphor is drawn from the colouring put on pictures. Cp. Iuv. vi. 379, ' die aliquem, sodes, hie, Quintiliane, colorem;' Quintil. xi. 1. 81, 'quod si nulla contingit excusatio, sola colorem habet paenitentia.' [* Color' is a regular term in rhetoric and is frequent, e. g. in the elder Seneca; e.g. Contr. I. i. §§ 16, 17, 18, etc.—H.J. R.]
1. 66. The construction is ' Quo bene coepisti (ire), sic (eo) bene semper eas.'
El. X.
This elegy contains a description of the latter part of the poet's voyage to Tomi. He sailed, as we have seen (supr. iv. introd.), in the first instance probably from Brundisium, and, after encountering a violent storm on the Ionian sea, passed through the Corinthian gulf, and landed at Lechaeum, the western harbour of Corinth.
He then apparently purchased a fresh ship, which was small in size but a fast sailer (3-6), and a good sea-vessel (7-8). Embarking on this ship at Cenchreae, the harbour of Corinth on the Saronic gulf, he pursued his voyage straight across the Aegean into the entrance of the Hellespont. Arrived here, for some reason which he does not clearly state, he turned the ship about2, and sailed to the left (17), i.e. the
1	P. i. 4. 35,' nosfragili ligno vastumsulcavimusaequor:' Munro, Criticisms and Elucidations of Catullus, p. 13, conjectures that it would have been between 20 and 50 tons burden.
2	We may perhaps suppose that he suffered a storm which drove him from the open sea to seek shelter in the Hellespont; and that when it was over— which happened soon, simul, 15—he turned back to revisit interesting spots, and to stay himself for some time at Samothrace ; since he was not pressed for time, but was sailing in his own vessel. Munro's explanation, p. 12,NOTES. I. ix. 62-66.
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southern shore of the Hellespont, and after touching at Ophrynium, a town in the Troad between Dardania and Rhoeteum, where was a celebrated grove dedicated to Hector (hence Hectoris urbs, 17) in a conspicuous position, which may well have attracted Ovid's attention, and caused him to visit a place of such legendary interest1, he proceeded to the island of Imbros, off the western coast of the Thracian Chersonnese; and thence to the island of Samothrace ( Thrciciam Samon, 20). Here he landed (litora nacta) on the north coast of the island, near the famous Zerynthian cavern of Hecate (19), which was one of the most celebrated seats of the worship of that mysterious goddess 2.
At Samothrace he parted from his ship (21), and stayed some time
that he encountered contrary winds in the Hellespont, which obliged him to beat about, seems based on pressing too greatly the meaning of fessa carina, 20. [I think Munro is right; fessa, especially after ' levi vento,' must have some marked force.—A. S.W.] But fessa may well refer merely to the length of the voyage from Greece.
1	This explanation, first given by Verpoorten, and adopted by Merkel, is the most satisfactory of those offered. We can hardly, with Lors, consider either Ilium novum or Ilium vetus to be meant, which were neither on the sea-board.
2	SiaPorjTov fjv t6 Z-qpivOov avrpov, Schol. Ar. Pax 277. Masson first saw that the Zerynthus mentioned here must be on the island of Samothrace, and not the town on the mainland (Vit. Ovid, p. 107, ed. Fischer), and it is surprising that this, which is undoubtedly the true explanation, has not been generally adopted. The famous Zerynthian cave of Hecate, ZripvvOov avrpov TrjsKvvoa<f>ayov 0eas (Lycophr. 77, Suidas a\\' e't tis, s. v. 'Safj.oOpatqj, Schol. Ar. u. s., see Ellis on Ibis 379) is shown by Preller (Griechische Mythologie, ia. 246) to have been on the north coast of the island Samothrace, and it must not fee confounded with Zerynthus, on the Thracian coast near Aenos, where were the temples of the Zerynthian Apollo and Aphrodite.
It is to this latter Zerynthus that most commentators make the poet sail from Imbros, but this would have entailed a most unreasonably circuitous route: and if he had gone out of his way to land on the mainland before going to Samothrace, he would surely have expressed this more clearly. Nor is Merkel's hypothesis more satisfactory, that he did not actually land at Zerynthus, but merely saw it in the distance, as one might see England when sailing from London to France, through the Straits of Dover. For this involves the awkward supposition that he sailed from Imbros along near the Thracian coast; for which there would be no object if he was going to Samothrace, unless he had intended to touch at some place on the mainland. Besides, the word nacta must imply that he actually landed at Zerynthus.9»
OVIDII TRISTIA.
seeking rest and refreshment' in a cultivated place after the dangers and discomforts of the sea' (Munro, p. 13); and there he wrote the present poem (22 and 45)
The ship, which doubtless contained most of his effects, servants, etc. was sent on before him to Tomi, while he himself crossed over to Thrace in another vessel (48), landing near Tempyra (21), a town near the sea, and a military station on the Via Egnatia
Starting from Tempyra, he performed the rest of the journey by land; just as conversely, P. iv. 5. 5, his letter is sent from Tomi by land through Thrace, and thence by sea to Rome; cp. T. iv. 1. 51.
Lines 24-42 contain a minute description of the ship's voyage from Samothrace to Tomi.
At the time that he is writing she has already probably arrived as far as the Thracian Bosporus iyasti ostia ponti \_Euxini\, 13); hence the use of the perfect tenses in 24, 25. The course of the passage is as follows:— She has passed through the Hellespont (24), with its famous narrow strait between Sestos and Abydos (27, 28), and has reached in turn Dar-dania (25), Lampsacus (26), Cyzicus, one of the most celebrated and picturesque cities of the Propontis (29), and Byzantium (31), which stood on the Thracian side, at the entrance to the Bosporus. Thence through the Symplegades (34) she is to sail into the Euxine, keeping along its west coast, past Cape Thynias and Apollonia (35), to An-chialus, a small town {arta moenia) a little north of Apollonia, of which it was a subject state (36); thence on northwards to Mesembria (now Missiori), and Odesus (now Vama), and Dionysupolis (38), a, little town north-east of Odesus, called by the Greeks Cruni (Kpovvot = Wells; now Baltshik), and Bizone, between Tomi and Dionysupolis (39), and so finally to Tomi (41).
In lines 45-48 he offers a prayer to Castor and Pollux, the Twin Brethren, who were the special guardians of travellers by sea, to protect both himself on his short remaining voyage from Samothrace to Thrace (48), and his vessel on its journey to Tomi (47).
A careful comparison between Catullus iv. and this elegy, 'which Ovid has written with Catullus in his mind, probably in his hands,' has been instituted by Munro, Criticisms, etc., pp. 9-25. The poem of Catullus contains a description of a voyage taken by the poet in his
1 According to Strabo, vii. 48, Tempyra was a dependent town belonging to the Samothracians, which would explain why Ovid sailed thither from Samothrace, rb toiv 'SafioOpaicaiv iroXlyyiov Ttfj-nvpa /cat ak\o xapi/cwfja, ov irpoKurai t) Ha/todptfia] vrjaos Kai "Ififipos ov iroXv anoQw TavrTjs,NOTES. I. X. I-3.
93
yacht, conversely from Asia through the Aegean and Adriatic seas to the Po and his home on the Lake Benacus.
1. 1. tutela, see on 4. 8. Notice that the tutela, or image of the god under whose guardianship the vessel sailed,—which was always placed in the stem,—is distinguished here (as was usually the case, though we do find in Lucian, Navig. sen. vota, 5. p. 653, Didot, a ship whose ' insigne' and ' tutela' are both Isis) from the ' insigne' (napaffrjiiov), or figure-head, which, as with us, was carved or, as here, painted on the bows, and might be a god or hero, or animal, or some other object, as here, a helmet. ' Cassis' was peculiarly appropriate to Minerva, who (i.e. Athena) is almost always represented as wearing one. In Verg. Aen. v. 116 the names and ' insignia' of some ships are enumerated, pristis (shark), chimaera,centaurus,scylla\ ibid. x. 166,tigris\ 206,Minchis, ariver-god; 209, Triton, a sea-god. In Aen. x. 171 Apollo is the 'tutela' of a ship. See Seneca, Ep. 76,' navis bona dicitur non quae pretiosis coloribus picta est . . . nec cuius tutela ebore caelataHence we must not explain tutela here as either • a thing protected,' i. e. under the protection of (Amerpach, followed by Paley on Prop. v. 8. 3 and L. and S.), or ' the person which protects' (Scheller); though probably the latter notion was also in the poet's mind, and the line certainly contains a prayer for the continued protection of Minerva.
flavae, ' flavus,' is found as an epithet of Minerva in Am. i. 1.7; F. vi. 65 2 ; thus, though it is true that the epithet is more frequently applied to Ceres, there is no need of Haupt's most ingenious conjecture, ravae = y\avfcami5oi.
Translate: ' My guardian sign is yellow-haired Minerva, and long may it remain so, and my ship takes her name from a pictured casque.'
I.	2. et. The position of et as second word in the clause is very frequent with Ovid; instances in this book are 3. 96 ; 4. 10 ; 5. 11; 6. 31; 7. 30. Haupt (Opuscula, i. 125) collects, besides passages from the Pontic Epistles, 26 examples from the Tristia. After more than one word it is somewhat rarely found ; after two words, v. 7. 40; P. iv. 9. I3I > 16. 33 (though here the text is doubtful); after three words, v. 7. 24 ; after four words, P. i. 4. 20.
II.	3-6. Cp. Catull. iv. 3, ' Neqae ullius natantis impetum trabis Ne-quisse praeter ire, sive palmulis Opus foret volare sive linteo.' Apoll. R. iii. 345, Taov 8' avifioio Oeei Kal ot avepts avTOt NcuAe/teaw xe'P€<Taiv ImoiripxwaiV eper/JioTs.
1. 3. ad = 'at,' on the occurrence of.
1. 6. egressas quamlibet ante, ' those that have started ever so long before her.' See supr. 9. 24 n.94
0VID1I TRISTIA.
1. 7. 'She smites the billows or the far spaces of the noiseless sea with equal deftness, and is not overmastered and waterlogged by the relentless waters.' The ship being provided with oars as well as sails, could pursue her course in a calm just as well as in windy weather ; and was so tightly built that there was no fear of her being water-logged ; thus Catullus iv. 17 speaks of his yacht as having both ' imbuisse palmulas in aequore,' and ' tot per impotentia freta Erum tulisse.' The collocation pariter . . . atque (ac) is found in Cic. Paradox, vi. 46; Sail. lug. 113, and often in the comic poets: see Holtze, ii. 336.
There is a strong Vergilian flavour about the couplet as restored in the text: with ferit (the Homeric irokiijv a\a tvvtov cper/iois, Od. ix. 104) cp. Aen. iii. 290, ' Certatim socii feriunt mare et aeqiiora ver-runt;' with silentia longe cp. Aen. ix. 190, 'silent late loca;' with victa cp. Aen. i. 122, 'iam validam Ilionei navem . . . Vicit hiemps;' with madescit cp. Aen. v. 697, ' semiusta madescunt Robora.'
1. 9. Cenchreis. See 3. 92 n.
1. 12. numine, 'protection supr. 2. 8.
1. 15. mare Helles, "ewtjs tt6vtos. Helle was the daughter of Athamas, son of Aeolus (hence Aeoliae) and Nephele, and the sifter of Phrixus. She fled with her brother from the persecution of Ino, her stepmother, on the back of a ram, but fell off (veotae male Virginia, 27), and was drowned in the strait named after her. The story is told in F. iii. 849, ff.; and more recently by Sir George Cox, Tales from Greek Mythology, p. 25, fF. For the position of the preposition see on 9.11.
1. 16. tenui limite, abl. of road by which; 'along a narrow track.' The tenuis limes is the narrow track or furrow made by the ship as it passes through the sea; cp. H. xviii. 133, ' Iam patet attritus solitarum limes aquarum, Non aliter multa quam via pressa rota' (i. e. the track through the sea pursued each day by Leander). So v. 6. 39, ' Quam multae gracili terrena sub horrea ferre Limite formicae grana reperta solent,' where gracili limite = the narrow track pursued by the ants.
(Burmann's explanation, usually adopted, that the course possible to a ship in crossing the Aegean was narrow because there were so many islands, is hardly satisfactory.)
1. 21. saltus (salio), as we say, ' you can almost jump across to Tem-pyra.' Merkel compares P. i. 5. 75, 'Per tantum terrae, tot aquas vix credere possum Indicium studii transiluisse mei.'
Join Tempyra contra 'from this isle for one making across for Tempyra the passage is but a short one.' ' Contra' is an adverb.
petenti is a dat. of indirect object, and closely connected with saltus (sometimes called a dat. of reference).NOTES. I. X. 6-27.
95
1. 22. hac . . . tenus, separated by tmesis, as in M. v. 642, 'thus far, i. e. as far as Samothrace, infr. 45.
1. 23. Bistonios = Thracian, frequently so used in Ovid, see P. i. 3. 59; ii. 9. 54; iv. v. 35; Ibis 379. Properly the Bistones were a Thracian tribe south of Mount Rhodope, near Abdera. Ovid's journey on foot through Thrace is alluded to again in iv. 1. 49, ' lure deas igitur veneror mala nostra levantes, Sollicitae comites ex Helicone fugae; Et partim pelagopartim vestigia terra Vel rate dignatas velpede nostra sequi
1. 24. ilia reliquit; the ship has by the time he is writing left the Hellespont behind it, passing through the strait between Sestos and Abydos,— for it ought by that time to be already in the Euxine (13),—and has reached (petit) Dardania and Lampsacus and Cyzicus, and the narrow entrance of the Euxine, where is Byzantium.
It is quite unnecessary, with all the editors, to reject the MSS. reading reliquit, for relegit, a conjecture of Micyllus, reported by Heinsius to be found in one very suspicious MS., if we thus bear in mind the force of the perfect tenses, and by transposing 27-28, 25-26, understand the former couplet as a further description of the Hellespont, added to explain that in it is the strait between Sestos and Abydos. The mention of this strait may have been suggested to the poet by its famous legendary associations, through the story of Hero and Leander. We must not press too strictly the order in which the towns are named; first, in 24, 27, 28 the Hellespontinesea is generally described; then in 25, 26 two of the chief towns on it are mentioned, Dardania at the western end, introduced no doubt on account of the Homeric associations of its name, and Lampsacus at the eastern.
(From Dardania is derived the modern name Dardanelles.)
1. 25. petit, perf. contracted for petiit, as in F. i. 109, 'Flamma petit altum, propior locus aera cepit, Sederunt medio terra fretumque solo.' See Lucian Miiller De re Metr. p. 399; Munro and Lachmann on Lucr. iii. 1042 ; Conington on Aen. ix. 9.
1. 27. Lampsacus was the special seat of the worship of Priapus, the god of gardens, and, was renowned for its oysters (Verg. Geor. iv. x 11 ; Catull. frag. ii. Ellis.)
auctoris nomen habentem. Dardania (which is oftener the name of the whole region), more commonly called Dardanus, or Dar-danum (Diet. Geogr. i. 753 b), was a town in the Troad founded by (auctoris) Dardanus, the mythical ancestor of the Trojans. Dardanus went with his followers from his original home in Samothrace to Phrygia, where he was received hospitably by the king Teucer, who gave him his daughter, Bateia, in marriage and a part of his territory. Troy itself was founded by Tros, the grandson of Dardanus ; its walls96
OVIDII TRISTIA.
■were built by Laomedon, the grandson of Tros, with the help of Apollo and Poseidon. As the genealogy of the founders of the Trojan race (from whom the Romans through Aeneas professed to trace their origin) is very perplexing; it is worth while to exhibit it in a genealogical table, based on the account of Apollodorus, iii. 12. 3. Cp. Horn. II. xx. 215-240.
ZEUS=|=Electra (one of the Pleiades)
Dardanus
I
Iasion
Aetion
Haemonia
Ilus
I
Erichthonius
I
TROS=j=Callirrhoe
Ilus Laomedon
I
Assaracus
Ganymedes
Capys ^Themis (daughter of Ilus, son of Tros).
T
Anchises=|= Aphrodite Aeneas
I
Iulus (Ascanius) (Mythical ancestor of the gens lulia).
Tithonus Priam Lampon Clytion Hicetaon Hesione (also called	(or Clytius)
Podarkes)
Paris Hector, etc.
1. 29. Cyzicus is graphically described as clinging to the shore of the Propontis, for the city was situated on an island, and only connected with the mainland by two bridges: Strabo, xii. 8. 11, tan Si vrjcos \v Tj) YlpoirovTihi 7) Kv^ikos avvaitTopivq 7eipvpais Sval rrpos tt)v tjirtipov. Apoll. Rhod. i. 936 calls it an island, but speaks also of an isthmus : e<tti 6i tis alnua IIpoirovTiSos &8o9i vtjitos TvtQuv and Qpvy'njs . . . elsNOTES. I. X. 27-39.
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aXa KdcXifiifT], oaaov t kmnvpcrai ioBfibs Xepatv kmirprfv^s Karaetfiivos. Hence Prop. iii. (iv.) 22. 1, ' Frigid a tam multos placuit tibi Cyzicus annos, Tulle, Propontiaca qua fluit Isthmos aqua' (where Isthmos fluit=there is a bridge over the water).
1. 30. Haemoniae=Thessalian. Haemonia is a poetical name of Thessaly, frequent in Ovid, so called from Haemon, the mythical father of Thessalus, from whom it drew its name. Cyzicus was founded by Aeneus, a Thessalian, or, according to some accounts, by his son Cyzicus.
1. 31. 'And the shores of Byzantium that command the entrance of the Euxine.'
1. 32. gemini maris, the Propontis and the Euxine.
33- evincat. Though the ship ought to have passed these places by this time, he has not yet had tidings that it has done so : hence he utters a prayer that it may have had a safe passage, and may pass through the Symplegades, which, from the time of Homer and the Argonautic legend downwards, were proverbially dangerous to mariners. Hence the present is used. Evincere is a word specially applied to ships surmounting dangers: M. xiv. 76, 'avidamque Charybdim Evicere rates;' xv. 706, 4 evicitque fretum.'
fortibus, because it requires a strong breeze for the ship to pass briskly (strenua) through the Cyaneae.
1. 34. instabiles Cyaneas (note the quadrisyllable ending),the Kv&veai ('dark,' ' misty,' ' distant,' for they were the frontier of the known ancient world) vTjaot or nerpat, were two small rocky islands, mythically supposed to clash together (uvfiitK^ffaav, hence called Symplegades), and crush any ship that tried to pass through the narrow passage between them (Symplegades artas, 47). After this had been safely accomplished by the Argonauts, they were fixed open for ever, as had been decreed by the gods should happen, as soon as any ship got safely through; though Ovid, here speaking as a poet, prefers to regard them as still instabiles (Oa/xa £vviaoiv ivavria« aWijK-Qaiv, Apoll. Rhod. ii. 321). For the legend see Grote, Gk. Hist. pt. i. ch. 13, and W. Morris, Life and Death of Jason, book 6.
1. 38. arces . . . dictas nomine, Bacche, tuo, a circumlocution for Aiovvaov ir6\is.
1. 39. Alcathous was a son of Pelops, and son-in-law of Megareus, one of the early kings of Megara, whom he succeeded. He beautified Megara, and restored its walls, which had been destroyed by the Cretans.
The town referred to in this line is Bizone, which was on the coast of the Euxine between Dionysupolis and Tomi. It was a colony of
H98
OVIDII TRISTIA.
Mesembria, as Mesembria itself was of Megara. In M. viii. 8 Mesem-bria itself is called ' urbs Alcathoi.'
The order is : ' et (praetereat eos) quos, Alcathoi a moenibus ortos, memorant profugos sedibus his constituisse larem.'
1. 41. Miletida urbem. Tomi, near the modern Kustendsche, not far from the mouth of the Danube, was one of the numerous colonies of Miletus on the Euxine: iii. 9. 3, ' Hue quoque Mileto missi venere coloni, Inque Getis Graias constituere domos.' The Milesians first opened the Euxine for ordinary navigation and commerce, and changed its name from the inhospitable (a£eivor or agevos, ii. 83 n.) to the hospitable (evfeivoy) a£eivos or sea: iv. 4. 55, ' Frigida me cohibent Euxini litora ponti: Dictus ab antiquis Axenus ille fuit.' According to Pliny there were no less than 80 Milesian colonies on the Euxine. See Thirlwall, Gk. Hist. ii. 106; Grote, pt. ii. ch. 26 fin.; Bunbury, Hist. Geogr. i. 97 ff.
1. 43. contingere is generally used of good fortune, and then is the opposite of ' accidere,' which implies misfortune (Mayor on Iuv. viii. 28): thus Hor. Epp. i. 17. 36, 'non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum' = 'everyone is not so lucky as to go to the expensive and luxurious city of Corinth.' The word is sometimes used of bad fortune. See Reid on Lael. § 8.
1. 44. facere, meaning 'to suit,' is often used with ad (cp. our colloquial idiom ' to do for'): H. vi. 128, ' Medeae faciunt ad scelus omne manus ' (' Medea's hands are suited to every kind of crime') ; xiv. 56, ' non faciunt molles ad fera tela manus ;' xv. 8 ; xvi. 190; Am. i. 2.16, ' frena minus sentit, quisquis ad arma facit.' It is found less frequently in the same sense with a dat. : H. ii. 39,' per Venerem, nimiumque mihi facientia tela.' Occasionally it is used absolutely; A. A.iii. 57 ; T. iii. 8. 23, 'nec caelum nec aquae faciunt nec terra nec aurae (i. e. the climate here in Tomi does not suit me).
1. 45. Leda, the wife of Tyndareus, was the mother of Castor by her husband, and of Pollux (and Helen of Troy) by Zeus. They were called hence the AiSaicovpoi (sons of Zeus), and became a constellation (Gemini, the Twins), which was supposed, if seen in a storm, to bring safety—cp. the modem St. Elmo's fire,—hence they were regarded as the tutelary deities of sailors. Hor. Od. i. 3. 2 invokes them to protect Vergil on his voyage to Greece.
quos haec colit insula. The worship of the Dioscuri in Samo-thrace appears to have been confused with the .worship of the primitive Cabiri, and hence to have assumed large proportions: Lobeck, Aglao-phamus, p. 1229 ff.
1. 46. duplici viae, (1) the voyage of the ship to Tomi, and (2) of the second ship, which is to convey the poet to Thrace (Bistonias aquas).NOTtiS. I. x. 41—xi. 7.
99
1. 50. ille . . . ille are not unfrequently used for 'the former' ' the latter:' H. iii. 28, ' ille gradu propior sanguinis, ille comes.' See Mayor on Iuv. x. 91.
El. XL
This poem forms the Epilogue, as the first was the Prologue, of the book. It was written during the voyage from Samothrace to Thrace, when Ovid was on his route to Tempyra (31), at the close of the winter of a. d. 8 (33 and 39). The land journey through Thrace was performed in the spring of a. d. 9.
Summary.—All the epistles of this Book have been written during my voyage, either on the Hadriatic or Aegean seas ; for the power of song has not left me amid the perils of the deep, but has proved my sole consolation (1-12). I have encountered many storms, and now too a fearful tempest is raging, and shipwreck on the barbarous shore of Thrace has as many terrors as death by drowning itself (13-34). Therefore pardon, reader, the blemishes of my lines, for I am writing no longer at ease in my home, but amid the fury of the storm, which I pray may soon abate (35-44).
1. 1. littera=a letter of the alphabet. The pi. litterae (a collection of such letters) = a letter, in the sense of an epistle, tibi . . . mihi, dat. of agent, libello. See on 7. 33.
toto libello,' in the whole of my book,' abl. of place where.
1. 3. cum tremerem. See on 3. 26.
gelido mense deeembri as mensis december forms one notion, and is equivalent to one substantive, the second epithet (gelido) is quite regular: so ii. 491, 'fumoso mense deeembri.' See Munro, Lucr. i. 258 ; Conington, Aen. vi. 603; Kennedy, L. Gr. p. 278.
1. 4. Hadria appears to be used rather loosely for the Ionian Sea : see iv. 3 n.
1. 5. bimarem Isthmon, the Isthmus of Corinth ' on its two gulfs,' the Corinthian and Saronic.
bimaris = SiOaXaaaos, is an epithet constantly applied by Ovid, as by Horace, to Corinth and the Isthmus.
cursu,' at full speed,' adverbial use of the abl. of manner, which in such cases is used, contrary to ordinary rule, without an epithet, being regarded loosely as an instrument.
1. 6. nostrae fugae =' mihi fugienti:' see 5. 36 n.
1. 7. facerem. Subj. because of the reported reason; the Cyclades said to themselves, We are astonished that he is writing verse.
H 2IOO
OVIDII TRISTIA.
1. 8. Cyolades, the group of islands so called because they lie in a circle (/rfwcAos) round Delos.
1. 9. tantis fluctibus, abl. of circumstance [or may be instrumental, cecidisse being equivalent to ' beaten down.'—H. J. R.]
1. n. ' Call my devotion to poetry folly or madness as you will, my heart has been comforted in its troubles entirely by this occupation.'
For insania cp. ii. 15, 'At nunc—tanta meo comes est insania morbo—Saxa malum refero rursus ad icta pedem ;' Cic. de Or. ii. § 194, 'saepe enim audivi poetam bonum neminem . . . sine inflammatione animorum exsistere posse et sine quodam adflatu quasi furoris.'
1. 12. ab. This otiose use of ab,' in consequence of,' where we should have expected a simple instr. abl., is poetical, and especially common in Ovid: see ii. 28, 'fiat ab ingenio mollior ira meo;' 462,' docetque, Qua nuptae possint fallere ab arte viros ;' iv. 5. 3, ' cuius ab adloquiis anima haec moribunda revixit;' 10. 16, 'curaque parentis Imus ad insignes urbis ab arte viros;' Ibis 145,' consumptus ab annis' (see Ellis).
1. 13. The constellation of the Kids rises Sept. 25th-29th, and brings stormy weather (nimbosis='pluvialibus haedis,' Verg. Aen. ix. 668). Diet. A. 163 b.
1. 14. Sterope was one of the seven Pleiades (Lat. Vergiliae), the daughters of Atlas ; after their death they became a constellation whose rising and setting, in the first half of May and beginning of November, were the signals in early times for the Greek mariner to begin and discontinue his voyages. Diet. A. 150 a.
1. 15. oustos Erymanthidos ursae. See on 3. 47 and 4. 1.
1. 16. The seven Hyades were fabled to have been sisters of the Pleiades. The name is said to be derived airb rov Sttv (cp. F. v. 166, ' navita quas Hyadas Grains ab imbre vocat'), because the time of their morning setting is at the most rainy and stormy season of the year, the end of October and beginning of November (hence here seris aquis, because their setting is late in the year). Diet. A. 150 a, 163 a. The etymology which connects them with vs,' a pig,' because of their resemblance to a litter of pigs, is bome out by their Latin name Suculae, and possibly the Pleiades also may mean not ' the sailing stars,' i.e. stars by which mariners sail (ir\etv), but ' the pigeons' (jreKudSts). See Hallam on F. 1. c.; Merry on Od. v. 272.
hauserat =' exhauserat,' as in Verg. Geor. iii. 105, ' exsultantiaque haurit Corda pavor pulsans.'
seris aquis, abl. of part concerned.
Translate : ' Or the south wind had drained the Hyades of their latter rains.' [I should take it ' the south wind had swallowed (i. e. brought about the setting of) the Hyades in the waters of autumn.'—A. S. W.]NOTES. I. xi. 8-30
IOI
auster (Columella, xi. 2, notices that the total setting of the Suculae on Nov. 30 is accompanied by ' Favonius aut auster') and hauserat is an intentional play upon the words, for the Romans derived auster (which really is connected with avu, ' the hot, drying wind'), ' ab hauriendis aquis' (Isid. Orig. xiii. 11. 6, Carmen de ventis in ^aehrens, Poet. Min. v. p. 384, quoted by Heinsius, ' austrum rite vocant, quia nubila flatibus haurit'); an etymology which is more intelligible if we remember that until the time of the empire the sound h was in many words very weak : Quintil. i. 5. 20, 'parcissime ea veteres usi etiam in vocalibus, cum " aedos " " ircos "-que dicebant.'
To Stat. Theb. iv. 120, where a river, and, ix. 460, where a storm are said Pleiadas haurire in the same sense as here, passages quoted by Heinsius, add ix. 454, where the river Ismenos ' umentes nebulas exhaurit, et aera siccat.'
1. 18. duceb.am. The metaphor is from drawing out the threads in spinning (see note on deducta, i. 39): cp. iii. 14. 32, ' carmen mirabitur ullum Ducere me tristi sustinuisse manuv. 12. 63, ' cupio non ullos ducere versus ;' P. i. 5. 7, ' mihi si quis erat ducendi carminis usus;' Hor. S. i. 10. 44.
qualiaeumque, supr. 7. 12.
1. 19. Cp. supr. 4. 9. aquilone, instr. abl.
1. 20. concava refers to the overarching of the waves in a rough sea : Horn. Od. xi. 244, noptpvpeov 8' apa kv/m. nepiffraOi} ovpei Taov, KvpraiOev.
1. 23. adspexi, see 2. 23 n, in Appendix.
mortis imago, ' the sight of death,' is from Verg. Aen. ii. 369, and is found again in Am. ii. 9. 41, ' stulte, quid est somnus, gelidae nisi mortis imago,' where the meaning is ' the semblance of death.' In M. x. 726, 'repetitaque mortis imago Annua plangoris peraget simula-mina nostri,' it means ' a representation of the death of Adonis.'
1. 24. ' With what misgiving of heart I dread, yet pray for all my dread.'
1. 25. attigero, conditional use of indie, in protasis of conditional sentence, to which terrebor is the apodosis, R. 651.
1. 26 is explained by iv. 4. 59, ' Sunt circa gentes, quae praedam sanguine quaerunt; Nec minus infida terra tim"fetur aqua.'
1. 27. insidiis, causal abl. [laboro,' I am troubled,' has usually the construction of a passive verb.—A. S. W.]
1. 29. meo sanguine, instrum. abl., 'booty by means of, through my blood.'
1.30. titulum nostrae mortis =' titulum ex mea morte;' see on 1. 53. nostrae mortis is gen. of definition.
1. 31. laeva is nom., ' the district on the left,'viz. the coast of Thrace,102
OVIDII TRISTIA.
which lay on the left as he sailed from Samothrace to Tempyra. Cp. P. i. 3. 57, ' hostis adest dextra laevaque a parte timendus.'
1. 34. pectora, ' my heart;' usually of the emotional rather than intellectual nature (Wilkins on Hor. Epp. i. 4. 6).
1. 37. h.ortis. Ovid had a pleasure-garden, at the junction of the Clodian and Flaminian roads, about three miles from Rome : P. i. 8. 41, 'Non meus amissos animus desiderat agros, Ruraque Paeligno con-spicienda solo, Nec quos piniferis positos in collibus hortos Spectat Flaminiae Clodia iuncta viae, Quos ego nescio cui colui; quibus ipse solebam Ad sata fontanas, nec pudet, addere aquas: Sunt ubi, si vivunt, nostra quoque consita quaedam, Sed non et nostra poma legenda manu.' From T. iv. 8. 27 we learn that it was his custom alternately to enjoy the life and society of the city, and to retire (• vacuos secedere in hortos') to his pleasure-garden for study and composition ; to which purpose, as well as to the giving of entertainments, gardens were constantly put by the Romans (so Gibbon finished writing his history in a summer-house in his garden: Memoirs, ed. Smith, i. 117). Among wealthy literary Romans, besides Ovid, who owned horti, were Sallust, Lucan, and Seneca. On the whole subject see Mayor, Iuv. i. 75.
1. 38. lectule, a sofa used for reading and writing, the tablet being placed against the knee, which was raised for the purpose (Rich. 375, a.).
1. 39. brumali luce, abl. of time when.
I.41. improba, 'relentless,' persisting in its persecution of me. ' Improbus' frequently denotes the absence of moderation and self-control, ' and as such is applied to the wanton malice of a persecuting power' (Conington on Geor. i. 119).
ausim. Roby, 291; L. Gr. 619, 620, explains this as an archaic form of the future subjunctive, formed from the present stem, like the Greek fut. in -aw. (Others regard it as a subj. formed from the perfect stem : see Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, Introd. p. 149). Ausim is found also in Am. ii. 4. 1 ; 16. 21 ; Rem. 700 ; P. iv. 11.11; 12.15; 16. 41 : ausit in A. A. ii. 601.
1. 42. rigidas incutiente minas,' while it is hurling at me its fierce threats:' Am. i. 7. 45, Nonne satis fuerat timidae inclamasse puellae, Nec nimium rigidas intonuisse minas ? '
1. 43. ' Let the storm have its will of the man. I yield; but prythee let me put a limit to my poems, and the storm a limit to its violence at the same time.'
quaeso is parenthetical.APPENDIX.
I. 5 ff. This is one of the loci classici for ancient books. These were usually written on paper {carta) made from layers of the Egyptian papyrus, less commonly on parchment (membrana). The writing was on only one side; the blank back of the page was stained with cedrus (cedro carta notetur), the resinous exudation of the juniper tree, which produced a yellow colour (iii. 1.13, 'quod neque sum cedro flavus nec pumice levis'). The scroll when finished was rolled round a staff, and thus called volumen. It was usual to write only one book of a work on one such scroll, thus, infr. 117, Ovid speaks of the fifteen books of the Metamorphoses as mutatae, ter quinque volumina, formae. The ends of the staff (which ctyd not protrude beyond the ends of the scroll) were painted, and from their resemblance to the human navel were called umbilici; but where greater finish was desired, bosses or knobs were attached to the ends of the umbilici, which were called cornua. The frontes, or edges of the two extremities of the roll around the cornua, were cut and smoothed with pumice stone (pumex). The lettering-piece containing the title of the book (titulus or index), was written on a narrow strip of parchment of a deep red colour {minium), and fastened to the centre of the scroll, so as to hang down outside (Rich. s. v. index); though sometimes it was affixed to one of the umbilici, so as to hang from one of the frontes (infr. 109, Guhl and Koner, p. 531). Occasionally it was tied to the membrana, the exterior parchment case into which the roll was put to protect it from injury, and which was stained with a purple (1vaccinium, 1. 5), or sometimes yellow colour (lutum). Thus Martial, iii. 2. 10, says to his book ' et te purpura delicata velet;' cp. Lucian, De Merced, cond. 41, opioiot eiai tols KaWicrois tovtois @i@\iois, wv XpvaoT filv ol o/jupakot {umbilici), -nopcpvpa 8' iktoctocv ij R«p6fpa {membrana). The exact difference between the capsa and scrinium has not been ascertained; they were both circular {scrinia curva, 106 infr.) boxes for holding books, papers, etc.
I. 71. augusta perhaps means 'consecrated.'—H.Nettleship.104
OVIDII TR1ST1A.
I. 87. ergo. L. Miiller, De re Metrica, p. 337, shows that in the Augustan age there was an increasing tendency to shorten long final 0. Thus Verg. has Pollio, nuntio, audeo ; Hor. in the Odes, Pollio, in the Satires and Epistles, eo, rogo, veto, dixero, obsecro; quomodo, mentio, Pollio, scio ; Tibullns, desino ; Propertius, caedito, findo ; Ovid always Sulmo, Naso, and frequently amo, cano, nego, pelo, Togo, leo, confero, desino, odero, Curio, Gallio, Scipio, eslo, credo, tollo, rependo, nemo, ergo. To this list add the parenthetic puto (eg. P. i. 3. 47), and Semo (F. vi. 214). It is natural that in Ovid, the last of the Augustan poets, who forms a connecting link with the next generation, we should find an increase of such metrical latitude. See Munro in Kennedy, L. Gr., p. 518 n.
I.	88. Does media = 'moderate?' or is it equivalent to the /zetros of Theognis, ttoXXA fiiaoimv apiara ?— H. Nettleship.
II.23.	Notice the difference in meaning between, (1) quocumque adspicio here, (2) adspicias, conjectured by Heinsius here, and probably right in P. i- 3. 55, and (3) adspiceres, infr. 3. 21: (1) is used when, as here, the writer is describing himself, and vividly putting his condition before our eyes ; (2) if he turns from himself to someone else (indefinite, and therefore subj.), and vividly pictures that person as present; (3) if he imagines some person not present, but who, if he had been, would have seen, etc. Again, (4) in 11. 23, the perf. adspexi emphasises the certainty of the presence of death on all sides, wherever he has already looked.
II. 53 ff. The contrast is between a violent death by drowning, which would be death ' praeter naturam praeterque fatum' (Cic. Phil. i. § 10), and a soldier's death in battle, which would still be fato, as is seen from what Juppiter says about the slaying of Pallas by Tumus,-Aen. x. 467-472 ; see especially 471, 'etiam sua Turnum Fata vocant' (though Tumus himself was killed), ibid. 438, ' mox illos sua fata manent maiore sub hoste.' The conjecture of Heinsius fatorve ferrove, adopted by almost all editors, distinguishes two possible kinds of death on land, a natural and a violent. But this is unnecessary, and it is better to consider the passage as relating to a soldier's death on land only, for a man who falls in battle falls 'et fato suo et ferro' (Lors). Also there is more point in his preferring any death on land, however terrible, which still carries with it some faint hope of burial, to drowning (cp. F. iii. 598, quoted on 55), than in his contrasting with the latter, death by land either ordinary or violent. Special importance has in all ages been attached to burial;APPENDIX. I. i. 87—ii. 72.
and death by drowning was regarded with peculiar horror, on account of the idea prevalent among both Greeks and Romans that such a death was the punishment for guilt. Thus Dido says to Aeneas, H. vii. 57 :— 'Nec violasse fidem temptantibus aequora prodest: perfidiae poenas exigit ille locus.' (See Palmer's n.).
II. 72. Three things constituted Roman citizenship, freedom (libertas), civic rights (civitas), and membership in a family {Jamilia), Dig. iv. 5 11. The possession of these formed the citizen's status or legal personality, which was called ' caput.' The status could be impaired (called deminutio capitis) in three ways: either (1) it could be entirely lost ('cum aliquis civitatem et libertatem amittit'), which was the case with persons condemned to work in the mines, or to contend with wild beasts in the arena; this was called ' maxima deminutio: ' or (2) a change of status could be undergone, involving loss of ' civitas' though not of 'libertas,' in which case a man became 'peregrinus,' as happened to persons outlawed ('aqua et igni interdicti') or banished as state prisoners to an island (' deportati in insulam'); this was called 'minor' or 'media deminutio,' and constituted civic death, and so the ' caput' might be said ' perire :' or (3) the ' familia' only might be affected, 'civitas' and 'libertas' being retained, as occurred in adoptions (Gaius, i. 162); this was called 'minima deminutio,' and, unlike the other two, was not a state of punishment. In the present passage Ovid is speaking of himself in general terms as exsul; he has been banished to a particular place of residence—Tomi. As a fact his banishment was the mildest possible ('relegatio '), which was an exile within prescribed limits, not in any way affecting the status, involving no ' deminutio capitis/ but leaving the ' patria potestas' and all other rights unimpaired (Dig. xlviii. 22. 7 ; Ovid, T. v. 2. 55, ' vitamque dedisti, Nec mihi ins civis, nec mihi nomen abest;' ib. 4. 21, • Quod opes teneat patrias, quod nomina civis, Denique quod vivat, munus habere dei;' ib. 11. 9 ff.; ii. 137; iv. 4.46; Ibis 24). But in his bitterness he intentionally, here and in 4.28, confounds it with the severer form of exile ' deportatio in insulam,' which entailed a 'minor capitis deminutio;' though when speaking more exactly (v. 11. 21, 'ipse relegati, nan exsulis utitur in me Nomine') he denies the name of exile, i. e. exile involving ' deminutio capitis.' (See Ortolan, Inst. Just. ii. 149, ff. ; Demangeat, Droit Romain, i. 310, and for the places of banishment under the empire Mayor on Iuv. i. 73.io6
OVIDII TRISTIA.
II. 102. If we compare ii. 243, 244,' Non tamen idcirco legum con-traria iussis Sunt ea (his 'Ars') Romanas erudiuntque nuras,' where he defends his Ars Amatoria to Augustus as not being really hostile to the Emperor's legislation for the promotion of marriage (for the legislation on the subject see Furneaux, Annals of Tacitus, i-vi. p. 439 ff.; Meri-vale, iv. 87 ff.), it appears probable that here he is suggesting the same excuse on behalf of himself—the excuse that he had always been not only a private partizan of Augustus (101), but a supporter of his public policy (publico opposed to domus) in that respect. (Graeber, i. vii. supposes ii. 175, ' dimidioque tui praesens et respicis urbem,' to allude to the passing of the Lex Papia Poppaea de maritandis ordinibtis.) This artful suggestion becomes additionally pointed if we consider him to be covertly contrasting his own behaviour with that of others, who, like Horace and Propertius, both of whom were unmarried, were not favourably affected towards these laws (see Merivale, u. s. 88, note 2, and cp. especially Prop. ii. 7. 1 ff.; Hor. Od. iv. 5. 21; Carm. Saec. 17 ff.). And much the same may be said of Tibullus, whose poetry (see i. 6) and life were equally at variance with such legislation. The attitude of the whole equestrian order was one of extreme discontent: Dio, lvi. 1, initl fireiSrj r« ol linreii voXXfj iv aureus onovSfj rov vofiov, tov irepi twv /j.t) ■yafiovvrajv (J.fjre t(kvo{jvto)v, KaTaXvB?ivai Tjfciovv, ijdpotacv (sc. Augustus) er Tijv wyopciv x^P'5	ayvvatovs <7(pwv, x ^ tovs yf/afi^Kiras -tj
teat Tttcva exovtasi iSiuv irokii tovtovs (Ke'ivaiv (\&ttovs, r)\yqat r« teal 8it\4£aro avrois rotaSe (then follows the speech).
V. 28. indelibatas, prop. = ' untasted,' is a word introduced into use apparently by Ovid. A list of such adjectives compounded of in, with which Ovid enriched the language, illustrates admirably the inventive facility of the poet's genius (iv. 10. 25, ' sponte sua carmen numeros veniebat ad aptos') : of the following such adjectives, first used by Ovid, the majority are found also in subsequent writers : illabefactus (P. iv. 8. 10; 12. 30); illectus (A. A. i. 469); illimis (M. iii. 407); imman-suetus (M. iv. 237 ; xiv. 249; xv. 85); imperceptus (M. ix. 711); im-percussus (Am. iii. 1. 52) ; imperfossus (M. xii. 491) ; imperiuratus (lb. 78); imperturbatus (lb. 560); inambitiosus (M. xi. 765); inassuetus (F. iv. 450) ; inattenuatus (M. viii. 835) ; incommendatus (M. xi. 434); inconsumptus (M. iv. 17; vii. 592 ; P. i. 2. 41); inconsolabilis (M. v. 426) ; incruentatus (M. xii. 492) ; inculpatus (M. ix. 673) ; incustoditus (T. i. 6.10) ; indeclinatus (T. iv. 5.24; P. iv. 10. 83); indefletus (M. vii.APPENDIX. I. U. 102—viil. 45.
611) ; indeiectus (M. i. 289) ; indelebilis (M. xv. 876 ; P. ii. 8. 25) ; in-deploratus (T. iii. 3. 46) ; indesertus (Am. ii. 9. 52); indestrictus (M. xii. 92); indetonsus (M. iv. 13); indevitatus (M. ii. 605) ; ineditus (P. iv. 16. 39); inevitabilis (M. iii. 301); inexperrectus (M. xii. 317); in-extinctus (F. i. 413; vi. 297 ; T. v. 14. 36; lb. 426); infrons (P. iv. 10. 31) ;.innabilis (M. i. 16); innubus (M. x. 92, 567 ; xiv. 142) ; inob-rutus (M. vii. 356); inoffensus (T. i. 9. 1); insolidus (M. xv. 203); in-trepidus (M. ix. 107; xiii. 477); intumulatus (H. ii. 136); irreligatus (A. A. i. 530); irreprehensus (M. iii. 340 ; T. v. 14. 22) ; irrequietus (M. i. 578; xiii. 729); irresolutus (P. i. 2. 22).
V. 49. The use of the ablative case in comparisons is to be referred to the same general head as the ablative of place from which, and the real meaning is ' starting from' (Holtze, Synt. Prise. Lat. i. 116 ; Roby, L. Gr. 1266). Kennedy (L. Gr. p. 404) refers it to the idea of origin, which is the same notion. If one thing is compared with another, the speaker starts from the one in order to make the comparison : thus credibili maiora =' si a credibili proficiscor, si a credibili proficiscens rem specto, tulimus maiora.'
This ablative is explained with less probability by Kiihner, L. Gr. ed. 1878, ii. 299, and Draeger, Historische Syntax, i. 565, as an instrumental ablative. Thus, says KUhner, ' Lingua Graeca locupletior est Latina,' would mean that the quality of richness in Greek is only called out by means of comparing it with Latin; it is a latent quality, and Latin is the instrument of its being actualised. But this conception is far-fetched.
VIII. 45. The objections to the reading in the text are (1) that the ellipsis with quam nunc is rather awkward, (2) that nunc has little manuscript support. The latter objection has little weight; for non and nunc, from the similarity of their contractions, are words particularly liable to confusion in MSS. With regard to (1) it is scarcely credible that Ovid can have written what is found in most of the MSS., ' aut mala nostra minus quam non aliena putares,' which Merkel explains as = ' aut mala nostra non aliena putares,' the artificial periphrasis, ' minus quam non aliena' being, in Merkel's opinion, due partly to the poet's love of such artificialities, and partly to a desire to indicate what he would have wished as modestly as possible ; he would have liked in his friend an attitude of regard a little more distinctly marked than ('less than') 'non aliena.' But the passages quoted byio8
OVIDII TRISTIA.
Merkel in support of ' minus quam non' (M. viii. 600; ep. Sen. 20 and 49; Suet. Tib. 26; M. Sen. Controv. i. 3), are none of them so harsh as this ; and the intended meaning is too forced and obscure to be probable in Ovid.
IX. 7. This passage has been perplexed with needless difficulties ; of which we may pass by without comment the objection of Harles that birds, as a fact, haunt the 1 ivy-mantled tower.' The Romans seem to have believed that doves had a special fondness for white, as well as cleanliness : Columella, R. R. viii. 8,' totus autem locus et ipsae columbarum cellae poliri debent albo tcctorio, quoniam eo colore praecipue delectatur hoc genus avium . . . locus autem subinde converri et emundari debet, nam quanto est cultior, tanto laetior avis conspicitur, eaque tam fastidiosa est, ut saepe sedes suas perosa, si detur avolandi potestas, relinquat:' and Palladius, R. R. i. 24, says that the 'columbarium ' must be ' levigatis ac dealbatis parietibus.'
By turris is meant neither a ' dove-cot,' as it is usually explained, for which there is little authority, nor merely a lofty building or house (Lors), a meaning which the word certainly has occasionally, as in Hor. Od. ii. 10. 11; Tibull. i. 7. 9; but the turrets or pinnacles of the villas of wealthy men, which were appropriated to the occupation of doves, as is seen from Varro, R. R. iii. 7,' unum [genus] agreste, ut alii dicunt saxa-tile, quod habetur in turribus ac columinibus villae, a quo appellatae columbae, quae propter timorem naturalem summa loca in tectis captant: quo fit, ut agrestes maxime sequantur turres, in quas ex agro evolant suapte sponte ac remeant.' Columella, 1. c. 'vel summis turribus, vel editissimis aedificiis assignatae aedes frequentant patentibus fenestris, per quas ad requirendos cibos evolitant.'
turris is similarly used in connexion with doves in A. A. ii. 150, «quasque colat turres, Chaonis ales (= columba) habet;' M. iv. 48, where Dercetis, changed into a dove, 'extremos albis (so the Marcianus) in turribus egerit annos;' P. i. 6.51,' prius incipient turris vitare columbae.' There is no reason why Mart. xii. 31.6 (speaking of the appliances of his estate), ' quaeque gerit similes Candida turris aves,' should not be explained in the same way : and the words of Palladius (a late writer), i. 24, ' columbarium vero potest accipere sublimis una turricula in prae-torio [country seat] constituta,' only prove that dove-cots were sometimes erected in the form of' turres.'
IX. 35. The reading of the MSS. est etiam miserispietas,—the variantsNOTES. I. ix. 7-35.
upon which, in miseris and est etiam miserisque fides, are due to interpolation—cannot give the required meaning, ' kindly feeling exists even in the case of the wretched,' without the preposition in. Consequently Lors explains miseris as dat. of the possessor, ' kindly feeling is shown even to the wretched.' But this seems to mar the sense, which, as the use of the present est demands, ought to refer to the preceding illustrious instances, which could hardly be called generally miseri. What is rather required is that Ovid, after, in his usual manner, citing examples, should apply them to himself; and Merkel, by emending perstet iarn miseris pietas, has gained the required sense. Still, in spite of his ingenious arguments, I think his emendation too far away from the MSS. reading, and inelegant; and he does not himself introduce it into his small Teubner text. Nor can I consider that Riese's praestita nam miseris is palaeographically probable. The slight change which I have made yields the desired meaning; and etiam and et iam are naturally constantly confused in MSS. [I think the MSS. reading est etiam is quite defensible, taken as Lors does; and that it better accords with probatur, which following esto is a little too lively and jerky for Ovid, I think. ' The wretched do get kindly feeling: it is approved in the case even of an enemy,' etc. Cp. Verg. Aen. i. 462, ' Sunt lacrimae rerum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.' By the way, can Ovid have had this line of Vergil in mind? Cp. 37, 38 {rerum, lacrimis). I almost think so.—H. J. R.] I continue to think that the required sense is that at the end of the long list of precedents for commiseration Ovid should apply them to himself. 'Now, too, as on former occasions, kindly feeling should be shown to the wretched; why, we see from the preceding examples that even when extended to enemies it is approved. Alas! that my words have but little influence!' The passage being rather impassioned is naturally abrupt in style; thus the indie, probatur after the imperat. esto seems to me highly natural.INDEX.
ab (' close to'), iii. 29. — otiose, xi. 12. ablative:— in comparisons, p. 107. of manner, iv. 9; xi. 5. Actorides, ix. 29. adflo, ix! 22.
adjectives, compounds of in, coined
by Ovid, p. 106. adstemo, iii. 43. agere reum, i. 24. Albinovanus Pedo, p. xlvi. Alcathous, x. 39. Alexandria, ii. 80. aliquis, ii. 53, 55. Althaea, vii. 18. ambitiosus, ix. 18. anacoluthon, ix. 41. anastrophe of preposition, ix. 11. Antimachus, vi. 1. arctos, ii. 29. Ars Amatoria, ix. 61. Asia Minor, cities of, ii. 78. Atticus, p. xliii.
attraction of verb into plural, ii. 1. augury, ix. 49.
Augustus, deification of, p. xx;
iii- 37.; v. 75. ausim, xi. 41. Ausonia, ii. 92. auster, xi. 16. aut = alioquin, viii. 45. axis, ii. 46; iii. 48 ; viii. 3.
Bacchus, patron of poets, vii. 2.
ballista, ii. 48.
Bear, constellation of, ii.29 ; iii. 48.
bene, intensive, vii. 15.
Bistonius, x. 23.
Bizone, x. 39.
books, ancient, p. 103.
brachylogy, i. 17.
Brutus, p. xliv; p. 72.
cado (in), v. 23. Caesares, ii. 104. Callisto, iii. 48. Caphereus, i. 83. caput, legal, iv. 28 ; p. 105. Carus, p. xlv; p. 82. catapulta, ii. 48. Catullus, iv. 9; pp. 77, 92 ff. cave, i. 25. Celsus, p. xliii. color, in rhetoric, ix. 63. comites (' clients'), v. 30. compendious use; v. 57. conceit, ii. 50. conditional sentence :—
indie, (without si) in protasis,
indie, in apodosis, xi. 25. indie, in protasis, imperat. in
apodosis, ii. 99. imperat. in protasis, indie, (fut.)
in apodosis, i. 47; ii. 52, 57. subjunctive in protasis and apodosis, i. 79. subjunctive in protasis, fut. part, with auxiliary verb in apodosis, i. 125 ; vi. 14.112
INDEX.
coniectura, ix. 51. contingit, x. 43. contra, adverb, x. 21. corpora (' grains'), v. 48. Cyaneae, x. 34. Cyclades, xi. 8. Cyzicus, x. 29.
Dardanelles, x. 24. Dardania, x. 25. dative of agent, v. 29; vii. 32. death by drowning, p. 104. debitor, use of, v. 10. decumanus fluctus, ii. 50. deduco, i. 39.
deification of the emperor, see
Augustus, deliciae, ii. 80. deminutio capitis, p. 105. di bene. ii. 41.
—	faciant, i. 58.
—	facerent, i. 58. dico( = cano), ii. 103. Dioscuri, worship of, at Samo-
thrace, x. 45. doctus, v. 57. donee, ix. 5. doves, p. 108. duco, of verse, xi. 18.
—	('I suck'), viii. 43.
dum, with perf. indie., viii. 23.
—	with perf. indie, and imperf. in-
die. in corresponding clause, ix. 17.
ellipsis, ii. 41; viii. 29, 33. eloquium, ix. 46.
epithets, two with one subst., xi. 3. Erymanthis, iv. x. et, position, x. 2.
—	( = quamvis), ix. 35. Euryalus, v. 23. Euxinus, etymology, x. 41. evinco, x. 33.
excutio, i. 78. exilis, ii. 86.
Fabius Maximus, p. xxxvi; p. 68. facio, construction, i. 58.
—	('I suit'), x. 44. fame, vi. 9.
fas, ii. 96. fatum, p. 104. fero, of fate, iii. 101.
—	(' I say'), i. 36. fibrae, ix. 49. Flaccus, p. xxxix. focus ( = ara), iii. 43. forsitan with subj., i. 69. funus, iii. 22, 89 ; vii. 3S.
Gallio, p. xlvii.
genitive of gerund and gerundive,
iii. 9. Graecinus, p. xxxix.
h, sound weak, i. i5.
Haemonia, x. 30.
hederae, vii. 2.
Helle, x. 15.
hie, ix. 12.
hie . . . ille, ii. 24.
hirtus, iii. 90.
Homer imitated, v. 53, 67.
horti, xi. 37.
Hyades, xi. 16.
hypallage, iii. 6.
iaceo, viii. 13. iam tunc, ix. 41. Ibis, pp. xvi. xxvi; vi. 13. Icarus, i. 90. ille . . . hie, ii. 24. ille . . . ille, x. 50. illi, adverb, i. 17. imago, vii. 1. improbus, xi. 41. in (' in respect of'), ii. 17.
' in the case of'), v. 39 ; ix. 24. ' in the number of'), iii. 68. increpo, transitive, iv. 24. incustoditus, vi. 11. indicative, with quod, i. 2.
—	for subj., denoting possibility,
etc, viii. 17.INDEX.
indicative, pluperfect, i. 80. infinitive, after do, i. 34.
—	perfect for present, v. 4.
—	poetic use, i. 132. inoffensus, ix. 1. insigne of ship, x. 1. nvideo, i. 1. invidiosus, ii. 67. Ionian sea, iv. 3. ipse, vii. 16, 37.
laevus, ii. 83 ; iv. 19; xi. 31. Lampsacus, x. 27. Laodamia, vi. 20. Lares, iii. 43. lectulus, xi. 38. libellus, vii. 33.
Lucretius, reminiscence of, viii. 11,
42; ix. 13. ludo, of love poetry, ix. 61.
Macaulay, his criticism, p. Iv. Macer, Aemilius, p. xv. Macer, Pompeius, p. xlv. Madvig, v. 1, 4, 23. Maeonides, i. 47. magis ( = potius), ii. 89. marriage, legislation to promote,
p. 106. media plebs, i. 88. Meleager, vii. 18. Messalla, house of,
—	pedigree, p. xxxiii.
—	M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus,
p. xxx.
—	M. Valerius Corvinus, Messal-
linus, p. xxxi.
—	M. Aurelius Cotta Messallinus,
p. xxxiii. meta, ix. 1.
Metamorphoses, i. 117; p. 72;
vii. 13,19. metaphor, i. 39; iii. 13, 18, 88 ; iv. 13, 16; v. 3, 17; vii. 19, 29, 30; ix. 1, 41,48; xi. 18.
Mettus Suffetius, iii. 73. Milesian colonies on the Euxine, x. 41.
Minerva bellatrix, v. 76. — flava, x. 1.
Naso, vii. 10. navis, v. 17. Neritius, v. 57. Nisus, v. 23. numen, ii. 8. numeri, viii. 47. numquam, viii. 23.
Oedipus, i. 113.
omens, iii. 55 ; ix. 49.
omission of substantive verb, i.17.
Ophrynium, p. 91.
order of words, ii. 109 ; iii. 16.
Orestes, v. 21.
Ovid, life, p. xi ff.; his daughter, p.xvii; his third wife, pp. xvi, 68; vi. 15; her daughter, p. xvii; cause of his banishment, p. xlix ff.; his voyage to Tomi, pp. xix, 90; his defence of his life, ix. 59his works, p. xxiii ff.; his treatment of legends, ix. 27. Style — p. liv ff. coining of words, p. 106; conceits, ii. 50; repetitions (mannerism), viii. 4; use of strings of illustrations, viii. 1; variety of expression, p. 104
("• 23)-.
oxymoron, iii. 89; iv. 4.
Palatine hill, i. 69.
Parrhasis, iii. 48.
passi capilli, i. 12.
passive in middle sense, iii. 47,
Patroclus, ix. 29.
Penates, iii. 43.
Penelope, vi. 22.
penetrale, i. 105.
perago reum, i. 24.
1H4
pereo, iv. 28. Perilla, pp. xvii, xxix. person, change of, vii. 40. petit (perfect), x. 25. Philetas, vi. 2. Phoceus, v. 21. pius, ii. 96. play upon words, i. 16 ; ii. 86 (?) Pleiades, xi. 14, 16. plural (poetic), ii. 39. poetical inconsistency, i. 88, 115. Pompeius, Sextus, pp. xxxviii, xl. preposition, anastrophe of, vi. 29;
ix. 11. princeps, i. 33; vi. 23. prior ( = sicundus), vi. 19. prosody:—
long final vowels shortened, e, i. 25.
0, p. 104; ii. 69, 77 ; vii. 10. quadrisyllabic ending of pentameter, x. 34. synizesis, iii. 92. vale impossible in Ovid viii. 21. Protesilaus, vi. 20. proverbial expressions, iii. 35 ; viii. 1.
provincial governors, accompanied by their wives, iii. 19. Pylades, v. 21.
quamlibet, ix. 24.
quamvis, with indie., i. 25 ; ii. 11.
—	with subj., v. 50.
—	adverbial, ix. 39. qui, v. 41.
.quid ('how small'), viii. 17.
rapidus, use, vii. 20. relative, restrictive, vii. 8. respicio, viii. 13. rings, vii. 1. 7. Rufinus, p. xlvii. Rufus, p. xvi.
Salanus, p. xlvii.
Samos ( = Same), v. 67. Samothrace, x. 45. sarcina, iii. 84. Severus, p. xlvii. sic . . . ut, ix. 62. simile, vi. 11; ix. 13. -— compressed, iii. 73. si quis, vii. 1. sodales, iii. 65. sparsi capilli, i. 12. Sterope, xi. 14. sto, ix. 17. sub, ii. 109 ; iii. 19. subjunctive, consecutive (restrictive), i. 88; iii. 102.
—	hypothetical, iii. 21; vi. 29;
viii. 45.
—	jussive (interrogative), ii. 31.
—	optative, i. 58 ; ix. 3.
—	of attendant circumstance, ii.
95 ; iii. 26.
—	with priusquam, v. 13.
—	with quod, i. 20 ; ii. 84. subscribo, ii. 3. Symplegades, x. 34.
tamen, i. 96. Telegonus, i. 113. Telephus, i. 100. Tempyra, p. 92. texta, iv. 9. textual criticism:— gloss, ii. 78.
MSS. of Tristia, p. Ix ff. „ elegies wrongly divided
in, p. 82. „ lines transposed in,vi. 29. „ reading of, wTong, viii. 21; p.109.
„ reading of, perhaps right, ii. 81.
Theseus and Pirithous, iii. 66. thing for person, v. 36. titulus, i. 53. tmesis, x. 22.
Tomi, pp. xix; v. 61 • x. 41.INDEX.
Trojan race, founders of, x. 25
Tumus, ii. 5.
turns, p. 108.
tutela of ship, iv. 8; x. 1.
Tuticanus, p. xlviii.
Tyndaridae, x. 45.
vaccinium, i. 5.
vale, indeclinable substantive, iii.
57 ; viii. 26. vastus, i. 85.
vel, viii. 21.
Vergil, reminiscences of, ii. 99; iii- 25, 93 ; iv. 6;, viii. 41, 42; ix. 49 ; x. 7 ; xi. 23. Cp. p. 109 vesper, ii. 28. Vestalis, p. xlviii. ullus, with negatives, v. 1. Vlysses, i. 113 ; ii. 9; v. 57 ; vi. 22 ut in indirect questions, ix. 7.
Zerynthus, p. 91.
THE END.